Edition Nº2, 2022-2023

Editor-In-Chief

AWordfromtheEditorinChief

Chers lecteurs et chères lectrices, Nous vous présentons le deuxième numéro de 2022-2023: hier, aujourd’hui et demain. Et en un clin d’oeil, dans quelques instants, on se trouve à la veille du nouvel an.

Now two editions behind us, take a peek into this edition’s exclusives, including an essay by Noa Brauwermann over a scandal detailed by Yifei Wang in his letter to the administration. As Wang details yesterday’s mistakes, Brauwermann takes a shot at looking towards a better tomorrow.

Si vous êtes dans un état d’esprit de réflexion, this issue is for you. From Tayga Karaz’s reflection on a certain campus visitor, to an anonymous poem reflecting on a costly summer, this edition is bound to fit into your new year’s reflective mood.

So take a sip of your glühwein, salep, vin chaud, , or whichever is your preferred winter drink, and prepare to enter 2022 reflecting on yesterday, today, and tomorrow.

Votre rédactrice en chef, Ayşe Lara

Head of Design Head of Communications

Table of Contents

Scorpionfish by Beatenberg

by Ioanna Christodoulides for the BDA

Sweet Hallucinations by Mahmud Annan

Désordres de Martin Ugalde

Lettre d’Amour à Dar El Beïda de Mahé Bincaz Art and Decolonization The Bengal School of Art by Arlene Acquaye Haiku by Mahmud Annan

L’Extrême Droite et les Médias de Ines Hanifi Les Prisons Françaises by Camille Lebègue

Le Tourment de la Place Beauvau au Cour Grandval de Francesca Maria Durazzo

IdiscoveredBeatenbergtowardstheendofthe rstquarantine of 2020. Made up of Ma Field, Robin Brink and Ross Dorkin,theyareaCapeTown-basedalternativefolkband. As a listener, I’ve always been equally a entive to the lyrics and the music. Beatenberg is equally enriching in both respects.

Artisagreatwaytohaveconversationswithstrangers.Quotes,dialogues and lyrics carry pearls of wisdom that can encapsulate, comfort, guide and challenge our own thoughts. Beatenberghasde nitelydonethatforme.

Islandshores Endlesswaves Seacucumbers,andenticingcaves

“Island shores / Endless waves / Sea cucumbers, and enticing caves.” ese are the opening lines of Beatenberg’s “Scorpion sh,”whichsituateusonacolourfulandlivelycoast.“Water,hundredsofcolours;”herethenarratorexplains that he’d be “be er off blind.” e song quickly introduces a feeling of bi erness and frustration,as the narrator rejects the nature surrounding him and fails to succumb to its healingpowers.Wequickly ndoutthataheartbreakiswhathas causedthenarrator’sbi erness.

Water,hundredsofcolours

ButI’dbebe eroffblind

Andyouhave severalintentions

Inyourlabyrinthmind

AndIhave manyimpressionsofyou,Scorpion sh Goon, comebackandhauntme,asyouwish

e song’s protagonist is the Scorpion sh, a type of marine sh that lives by the bo om of the sea and can be found in both tropical and temperate waters. e chorus describes theScorpion sh,whichsymbolises theromantic gure that hewasinvolvedwith.

e Scorpion sh is confusing in its intentions and in its actions towards the narrator. It represents the shapeshi ing nature of human beings, which may vary from stranger to friend, to lover, to liar, to traitor, and, at times, revert back to stranger. It represents the complications that arise when theserolesstarttogetblurry,likewhenafriendliesorwhen a lover betrays.Suddenlythemoments you sharedwiththis individualbecometaintedwiththeirfaultsandthebadoverpowersthegood.

Nothinghelps

Monthsandyears Nothingearthly Willallaymyfears

e word “haunt” hits the nail on the head, because people and the memories we make with them o en behave like ghosts, thatappear uninvited inplaces andin things thatwe shared with them. e Scorpion sh has ruined the natural landscape for the narrator and he stands helpless. Not even time,thebesthealer,can“allay[his]fears”. esongperfectlycapturesthiscon ictbetweenloveandmemory.

IOANNA CRISTODOULIDES GUEST COLUMNIST

ON BEHALF OF BUREAU DES ARTS

My hometownNicosiais probablymy favouriteplace inthe world,butit doesn’tceasetobea city fullofghosts.WhenI visitaspeci crestaurant,I’llalwaysrememberthatitwasthe last restaurant I visited with someone I was once very close to,withwhomIhaven’tspokeninoverayearandahalf. e corner of Vasileos Pavlou Street across an Italian restaurant will forever remind me of a date that marked a momentous turning point in my life. Happy memories are of course abundant, and when we zoom-out of our life we might notice that happy and bad memories alike have allowed us to becometheresilientcreaturesthatweare.

Scorpion sh exist in South Africa and they are “exceptional sit-and-wait predators.” ey have big mouths, which they usetosuckontheirpreyandinjecttheirvenominsidethem. eyareo encamou agedandsubsequentlytaketheirprey by surprise when they appear, and they are predominantly solitary sh,onlymeetingwithother shinordertomate.In short, Beatenberg couldn’t have chosen a be er protagonist for the song. I recently saw the band perform in Paris and hadthechancetobrie yspeaktoMa Field,theleadsinger. He said that he appreciated that I paid such close a ention to his lyrics and that “Scorpion sh” is one of his favourite songs. I’m grateful for this artistic quality that allows us to communicate with one another; when time is too slow at healingwounds,artcano enoffertemporaryrelief.•

PHOTOS BY OLIVIER DUGORNAY, DIEGO DELSO, RAWPIXELS.COM

Coffee grounds in broken hands, we’re Tracing roads through hallowed, fractured land, Whistling poetry on demand like Rapid thudding, pulsing heart and Soft smiles of light never found.

Bittersweet as chance, it’s Burnt beans that powder in my grasp, Leaves that wrinkle and rustle and Theeth which grit with bitter taste, in a Kitchen that’s more like a lab

Two hands

Chopping at candlewicks and wax, Boiling Arabica upon heaps and stacks of Worries that writhe before they combust. We make haste, do what we can, Slowly, slowly unwrap.

Grind the coffee into a paste, Let the elements disband, Random pinch of all that you have, Add sugar to taste, and the foam that lost you, In the lone weathered nights by the fan. Glance around the morning or night, Until the aroma spans, Present and past, And the days that we wish to forget; Moments that tremble the lips and the floor, In the wake of nerves that fret, And the words that we drink to soothe this agony, Bubble in froth, rocking forth and back, In simpler times of cards all stacked by the Television shelf, and our pretend vocations, Drowning in books and disapproval just to bring about some Sweet hallucinations •

MAHMOUD ANNAN GUEST COLUMNIST

MARTIN UGALDE CHRONIQUEUR

LETTRE D’AMOUR À DAR EL BEÏDA

MAHÉ BINCAZ CHRONIQUEUSE

Nous sommes à l’aéroport Mohammed V. L’arrivée à Casablanca,l’humiditédel’air,lesdamesenjellabaquipaniquent à l’a errissage, la douane interminable et en n, la ville. Impossible deraconterCasablancasansécrirel’atmosphèreindescriptible qui règne sur celieu, mêlant avec brio agitation et oisiveté et laissant planer l’odeur du printemps, bien que celui-ci dure toute l’année. Au centre-ville, un paysage singulier, la violence du boulevard Ziraoui, tout ce que j’en ai appris et tout ce qu’elle m’a donné. Les toits sales donnant sur la mer ou sur la ville. Casablanca et son haschich, Casablanca et ses villas, Casablanca et ses chauffeurs. La beauté de ce e ville ne réside pas tant dansl’esthétique que dans le chaossublimed’unlieuquiamillehistoires.

C’est le ls du patron qui, petit, jouait au foot avec le ls du gardien. C’est remplacer le mot Madame par le mot Tatie. C’est la résidence ambant neuve vue sur bidonville. C’est la discussion socio-politique en ammée avec un taxi rouge. La charmante absurdité de ce e ville qui fait que l’on se demandesouventquiprendlesdécisions.

Comment parler de Casablanca sans parler de ceux qui la créent. Héritage du protectorat, des familles françaises sur place depuis des décennies, familles milliardaires fassies nichées sur leur colline d’Anfa, expatriés qui cherchaient du soleil et ne resteront que 3 ans, juifs séfarades vivant entre eux,chauffeurs,femmesdeménages,épiciers,vendeursambulants,gardiensetsupportersduRajaetduWidadquis’entretuent à chaque match. C’est la passion et le désastre de ceuxquisonttousamoureuxdelamêmeville. Ce e cohabitation dans le cadre d’un vivre-ensemble accidentelestparfoisdouteusemaisfaitlanoblessedecelieu,où ilestdifficiled’êtreautrechosequecequel’onest.

En effet, il est commode, à Casablanca, de se sentir misérable. Sans célébrer la ségrégation socio-spatiale diffuse et inévitable,ilestégalementimpossibledelanier,dansuneville qui ne favorise pas vraiment la mobilité sociale et qui n’est pasfaitepourceuxquisontseuls.

Continuant notre visite, nous sommes maintenant dans les zones les plus défavorisées, et dans les bidonvilles, portraits vivants de la douleur qui plane sur ce e ville. La noirceur à laquelle elle se prête, le désespoir de certains quartiers, et le déchirement d’un pays qui peine à avoir classe moyenne. Commeprédisposéeauspleen,morosecertainssoirsdejanvier, humide et parfois très sale, Casablanca abrite malheur, prostitution, corruption et pauvreté. Remplie de vices qui fontsonmystère,Casablancaestl’antithèsed’elle-même.

Jamais je n’ai su à quel point j’amais Casablanca

jusqu’à ce que je la quitte

L’opulence et la pauvreté, la religion et les soirées mondaines, les hanouts et les grands restaurants, Casablanca, brillantparsondésaccord esttout à lafois et ne s’en excuse pas.

Aupôleopposé,danslesbeauxquartiersl’onrencontreune jeunesse dorée bien présente, qu’on l’adore ou qu’on la hait - pour mapart je dirais que c’est un peu des deux, car commentnepasseprendreaujeu? Issus des écoles françaises, américaines et espagnoles qui sont les dirigeants du Maroc de demain ? Vos futurs ministresboivent,fument–dansleseulbutd’honorerlesdenrées de leur pays – mais ne vous inquiétez pas, ils ne mangent pas deporc. Au premierabord sceptique,j’ai appris àaimer cetenvironnement,l’opulencenaïvedecesadolescents,blasésdecequ’ilspossèdentetassoiffésdecequ’ilspourraient avoir. Marocains, Français, élevés dansun entre-deux sublime,unebulledeconfortetd’enfermementoùtoutlemonde seconnaît,ilssontaussil’âmedeCasablancaetcontribuent à faire d’elle ce qu’elle est. Nous faisons vivre les couchers de soleil sur lacorniche, lespalmiers des grands boulevards et les trajets Casa-Marrakech. Le cousin d’un cousin, marié avec la belle-sœur du ls de son grand-oncle saura vous en direencoreplus sur l’insularité de cet environnement. Malgré toutes sestares,j’aime ce e jeunesseenivrante,prometteuseetengagéepourleMaroc,carelleestpropreàelleety retourneratoujours. Française,arrivée au Marocà l’âge de 6 ans, Casablancam’a forgée. Je n’avais jamais rien vu de tel. Laissant en moi un soupçon de superstition que j’ai dû absorber, un bruit de

klaxondanslesoreillesetungrandespoirpourleMaghreb, Casablanca m’a eue dans son piège. C’est l'arrière-goût que laisse une ville qui reste la même tout en changeant, l’impression que l’on ne sera pas mieux ailleurs, et la certitude que ce que l’on a partagé avec elle, tous ensemble, là-bas, Casablanca le gardera. Casablanca n’est pas un passage, elle est indélébile. Difficile en effet de se défaire de Casablanca lorsque l’on yva été, en témoignentle lmMarock de Laïla Marrakchi, le roman Aussi riche que le roi d’Abigail Assor ou Le spleen de Casablanca d’Abdellatif Laâbi, tous tentant àleurmanièredefaireunportrait dèledel’atmosphèreimplacable de Casa, lourde tâche qui fait que les casablancais decesserontjamaisd’écriresurleurville.

“ ”

au Maroc à l’age de

En n,Casablanca,jeteregardeavecmonprismemaisjesais que tu es plus que ça. Il est plus simple d’écrire sur ce que l’on connaît, alors mon Casa c’est mon enfance, c’est mon adolescence,c’estgrandirensemble,entrenous,danslevisà-vis, là où l’on ne grandit comme personne d’autre. Une harmonie créée par la promiscuité et la curiosité de ce qui n’est pas chez nous. J’aime Casablanca de tout mon cœur, villepassionnanteoùl’ons’ennuietousensemble.•

Francaise, arrivée

6 ans, Casablanca m’a forgée.

ARLENE ACQUAYE COLUMNIST

Decolonizationisn’taneasyconversation,andthat’sbecause itisanextremelylayeredandongoingprocessinmanyparts of our world today. In particular, cultural decolonization to reshape a cultural identity whose historical course has been abruptly deviated is a responsibility of the modern age, placed upon the very peoples who suffered oppression in duty to the generations of tomorrow. Certainly, signs of the intrusion of colonization will be shown and remembered; but how can such signs be carried with pride within a culture that is nally allowed to breathe freely yet still scarredbyahistoryofsuffocation?

To answer this question, peoples united by a parallel past of struggle against oppression have resorted to art possibly the most powerful and effective human tool to concretely shapetheinexplicable.

Resource extraction and exploitation require one condition aboveall:efficiency.ItwasfollowingthisprinciplethatBritish officials set colonial establishments in the largest commercialcenters,catalyzingaprocessofquickurbanizationin citieslikeCalcu a,MadrasandBombay.Here,smallgroups ofintellectualsdedicatedthemselvestoacademicart,which increasingly conformed to a purely Victorian style since the Queen was proclaimed empress of India in 1877. In all art schools, the syllabus was uniform to that of the School of IndustrialArtsatSouthKensington.Inacleara empttoforcibly westernize Indian culture, the elitist art established by theRaj becamea meansof control.Take “Evening,”painted by Bengali artist J.P. Gangooly, as an example of how works produced in colonies would re ect movements in the culture of the colonizing power, including the English Picturesquemovement.

Victorian values centered around materialism, however, were inherently different from indigenous traditions. Here is where Calcu a comes into play. e Raj’s capital was locatedinBengal,aregionofNorth-EasternIndiawithstrong spiritual ties to the three major Indian religions. It became the center of revolutionary action in the country, so when the region was divided in 1905, the Swadeshi movement arosewithrevoltsand boyco s of British productsin opposition to the typically colonial “divide and rule” policy. e boyco of British products extended to art as well: turning theirbackstoacademicstyletoproduceoriginalIndianArt, artists actively boyco ed the process of westernization of allaspectsofIndianculture. ereby,intheheartofthecity andalongsidepopularuprisings,anotherformofrevolution was born. e Bengal School symbolized a new type of art, but most importantly, it diffused the consciousness that Indianculturehadtherightandthepowertorewriteitshistory andbloomagain.

A erthepartitionofBengalin1905,AbanindranathTagore, an exponent of the movement, painted “Bharat Mata” (Mother Indiain Hindi) as a clear socio-political denunciation. She is depicted as a sadhvi, a holy personin Hinduism whohasdenouncedearthlylife.Wearingtraditionalochreor saffronandhavingmadeavowofpoverty,thesadhvicarries only what is strictly necessary to survive. What she’s holding isn’t casual: food as a sheave of rice, clothing as a white cloth,secularknowledgeasabook,andspiritual knowledge as a rosary. By pu ing these objects in Bharat Mata’s hands, Tagore claimed that they were truly essential elements for restoringindependentIndia.

In Tagore’s 1913 piece “Journey’s End,” a dromedary is shown in the moment of its fall over a group of rocks, exhausted by the weight of its load. It is an incredibly strong animal,andyet,inTagore’spainting,itisdefeatedbyitsburden. ispaintingisnotjustashi inartistictechniques.It’s a symbol of India’s struggle and how its journey of growth wasinterrupted–asthetitlesuggests–bytheoppressionof theRaj,whichsuffocatedthecountry’sintellectual,economic,spiritualandpoliticaldevelopment. eanimal’sgrieving expression, knees bent in surrender, may also portray the sense of resignation of Indians, who would have to ght for Independence for another thirty years. “Journey’s End” is also signi cant for the movement’s style: besides a point of academictechniquederivingfromTagore'seducation,there isaclearshi towardsexpressionism.

Probably the most important inspiration for the artist came from the School’s collectionofMughal art:a typeof ‘miniatures’withtypicallyIndiansubjectma ers,whichdeveloped inthecountrybetweentheXVIandXIIIcenturiesunderthe reign of the Mughal emperors. e strong colors, the sharp yet neoutlinesandtheprecisedetailinTagore’sworkcome from the Mughal tradition. Another fundamental in uence onTagore’sworkwasJapanesepainting.Asaresultofanencounter with pan-Asian art historian Kakuzo Okakura Tenshin,TagoreadoptedtheJapanesewashtechnique where a ne layer of watercolor is used to produce depth and volume of the subject while a thin black line de nes the edges whichcanbeobservedin“Journey'sEnd.”

Tagore’s work and, in general, paintings from the Bengal Schoolof Artwereessentially companionstotheforthcoming revolutionary uprising. It was the initial stage of Indian modernart,paradoxicallyaimingtoreviveancienttraditions andsubjectma erswhileintroducinginnovativeAsiantechniques.It was afresh wave, a merging ofdifferent styles and newmaterialsthatcouldtrulyrepresentIndia’sessence.

However,theoriginsoftheBengalSchoolappearsomewhat controversial, as the artistic movement was promoted by theefforts ofBritisharthistorianErnestBin eldHavelland advised by Irish scholar Sister Nivedita. In fact, their work incollectingpiecesthatdidn’tbelongtothem–namely,the earlier Indian art yet to be touched by Western in uences is in itself a purely imperialistic practice. However, this practice, together with their support of Bengal artists, was of crucial importance for the success of the School. It was a rststepaswellforlaterartistsandmovementswhofurther distancedthemselvesfromEuropeanartandmethods.

I believe this aspect of the history of the Bengal School of Art only begs a further question: what are the responsibilitiesoftheWestintheprocessofdecolonizationandcultural emancipation?Perhapsonelayeroftheanswerconcernsthe vastcollections ofcolonial artwork,whichdo notbelongto theWestyetare“heldcaptive”inourmuseums deprived oftheirpowerasbuildingblocksfortheremakingofcultural identitiesthathavebeenviolatedworldwide.•

MAHMOUD ANNAN CHRONIQUEUR

GenderedSocialMediaConsumption@SciencesPo ResearchFindings

ByAyseLaraSelcuker,EllieCarter,andAngelikiVytogianni GuestColumnists

https://immense-adaptable-skink.glitch.me

e top 5 most followed women on Instagram are: Kylie Jenner,SelenaGomez,ArianaGrande,KimKardashian,and Beyoncé. eir male counterparts? Cristiano Ronaldo, LionelMessi,DwayneJohnson,JustinBieber,andViratKohli.

Just as you might notice a trend distinguishing social media consumptionacrossgenderlines,sodidwe ourgroupfor a Digital Culture course research project with Ellie Carter, Lilith Springer,and AngelikiVytogianni.Weposedtwosets ofquestionsguidingourresearch:“Towhatextentdoesgender socialization impact social media consumption? Does socialmediareinforcegenderstereotypesalready a ributed tovariousprofessionsand/orinterests?”

In order to answer these questions, we followed a four-step research methodology, combining qualitative and quantitativeapproaches.TakingInstagramstatisticsasourdeparture pointforthestudy,webeganbyexploringexistingliterature ongenderedmediaconsumption.Butwhatprovesexplicitly consequential for the Sciences Po community are the third andfourthstepsofouranalysis,wherewestalked5701veried accountsfollowed by 36 femaleand36maleclassmates onInstagram,andinterviewedthosewhoprovedparticular-

ly helpful for our hypothesis (that social media reinforces gender stereotypes to the extent that users, and especially male users, will choose to engage more with content that aligns with traditional gender roles, emphasizing traits such asathleticisminmenandsexualityinwomen).

We’re at Sciences Po; we’re all politically inclined. Very few, if not none, of us question gender inequality as a fact. Yet our research revealed that social media dives deep into our subconscious, unraveling our internal sexist tendencies. Sciences Po students, regardless of how progressive their politicsmaybe,arenotimmunetotheseunconsciousbiases. We’ve wri en this article to highlight some of our ndings, butifyou’remoreinterested,feelfreetoheadtoh ps://immense-adaptable-skink.glitch.me/inquiry.html.

SciencesPistes’followings

e followings of the 72 students we studied were male dominated. 39.36% of veri ed accounts composed of men, 35.57%non-binaryornon-gendered,andonly25.07%were women. In terms of raw data, this amounted to a total ifferenceof729accounts,ormorethan10accountsperperson.

are,overall,maledominated

emostdrasticdifferencewasinsports,wherealmost 86% of followed veri ed accounts were male and under 7% of followed veri ed accountswerefemale. is difference supported the predictions based on our initial research, which showedthatathleticismtendedtoberewardedmoreinmen andthatfemaleathleteswereo enconsideredtobe“lesser” thantheirmalecounterparts.

Another large gap existed in the music realm, with close to 65% of followed veri ed accounts being male and just over 30% being female, which was more surprising considering thatthreeofthe vemostfollowedwomenonInstagramare musicartists.

eonlyfollowingcategorywhereveri edwomenoutnumbered veri edmen was in the Model, In uencer, or Personalitycategory, witharounda9%percentagegap,whichdenitelyplaysintothestereotypesintermsofwhatcontentwas mostrewardedforwomenversusmen.

More men follow women compared to theirwomencounterparts

It was interesting to note that overall, 25% of the men did not follow any veri ed women on Instagram. On the other

berofsportsaccountsfollowedbyeachgenderdiffered:the averagemanfollowedaround11maleathletesandfewer than 1 female athlete, while the average woman followed about3maleathletesandfewerthan1femaleathlete. erefore, there was a much more dramatic difference in the followingsofmen.

One consideration for why this gap persisted for both genders, however, could be that male sports leagues tend to

Bothmenandwomentendedtofollowmore maleathletesthanfemaleathletes

Overall,25%ofthemendidnotfollowanyverified womenonInstagram

receive more funding, publicity, and prestige compared to their women’s counterparts. For example, F1 accounts and drivers (all of whom are male) were heavily featured in the athleticfollowingsofbothgenders,whilefemaleracingdriversinW Seriesor othersimilarracingleagues werevirtually nonexistent; however, F1 receives much more media coverage and is regarded as signi cantly more elite compared to otherleaguesthathavefemalecompetitors.

Interviewswith“ExtremeCases”

Whilelookingatthisdataontheindividuallevel,wewanted to highlight some individual case studies that we saw as“extremes”ofeachtrendineachgender.

hand, under 6% of women did not follow any veri ed men on Instagram. In general, the veri ed followings of women tended to be much more gender-balanced than the veri ed followingsofmen.

ExcludingtheEducationalInstitutionsector(whichwasentirelynon-gendered),menfollowedmoreveri edmenthan women in all seven of the remaining categories, whereas women followed more veri ed women in four of these categoriesandmoreveri edmeninthreeofthosecategories.

Sportscontent particularlymale-dominated

Interestingly, the large gap in sports followings existed for both genders both women and men tended to follow moremaleathletesthanfemaleathletes.However,thenum-

In order to extract answers that would re ect our peers’ views on gender representation on social media, and to test our hypothesis for theimpact of gender socializationon social media consumption, we asked our peers the following questions:

1.Brie ydescribeyourself,yourhobbiesandyourinterests.

2. What do you think about the current representation of menversuswomeninsocialmedia?

3. Is there a gender disparity on engagement and a ention that veri ed Instagram accounts get? And if you think so, what type of male versus female accounts have you noticed tendtogetmorea entionandengagementonInstagram?

4. Do you think that the accounts you follow on Instagram accuratelyre ect: yourpersonalityandinterests? youropinionongenderroles?

Gendered_Social_Media_SP

Gendered_Social_Media_SP

fewwomen

M3, interested in sports, nancial markets, reading and socializing, mentioned that he thinks accounts of women on social media get more a ention for their physical appearance, while for men, the most popular content they can make revolves around freelance, and activities, less on their physical appearance. It is interesting to see how this person conformsexactlytoourhypothesis,ashefollowsmorethan 30 veri edaccounts of men in sports and only two women, one being under the category of Model/Personality/In uencer. However, M3 states that he nds Instagram is more of a product market for celebrities nowadays,and he argues thathisfollowingsdonotrepresenthisinterests.

F23:alsoacknowledgesbiasedcontent, yetfollowszeromaleaccounts

Inanexceptionalcase,F23,interestedinpainting,studying, cooking, reading, languages, and public health, follows zero maleveri edaccounts.Shesaysshechoosestofollowfemale accountsthatare“positive,relationshipgoals,”suchaswomenathletesandlesbiancouples.However,shealsostatedthat her Instagram followings do not represent her interests and personality, as she chooses not to follow accounts so that peopledon’tseewhoshefollows.

podcasts, EDM, a ending concerts, socializing and eating, thefemaleaccountsthatshefollowsare“mostlyaboutmakeup or about the female reproductive system and cooking or parentingcontent.”

M12: Sciences Po’s source of hope for achievinggenderequality?

M12, interested in politics, travel, languages and photography accomplished the unenvisionable: he followed 132 female and 132 male accounts perfect statistical equality. HesaidthattheaccountshefollowsonInstagramaremostly aligned with his interests and opinions. When asked about the representation and treatment of men versus women on platformslikeInstagram,hebelievesthatthereisanevident difference when it comes to male and female accounts. He ndsthatmen“arede nitelyoverrepresented”andthatthere arestrictexpectationsofthecontentthatisacceptable from menversusfromwomen.Hesays“mencan’tshowemotion” and women are expected to produce content that is “more sensitiveandshowstheircaring,emotionalnature.”

Mainconclusions

Our data proved our hypothesis, but more importantly, it changed our perspectives towards some of our peers. On a lighter note than just data analysis, our project altered the lens through which we judged many around us. Some were no longer distinguished in our brains through their nationality or which class we shared with them, but instead the peculiarity of the content they followed. One friend, for example, followed barely any veri ed accounts, but one of thosefewwasanaccountexclusivelypostingroadsignsthat were (sometimes aesthetically and other times comically) paintedover.Wecouldn’tstopthinkingaboutthe(forsome, exclusively)sexuallypromiscuouscontentsomeofourpeers followed,withoutregardtothefactthatalloftheirfollowing dataisavailableonline.

Beyond a project for our digital culture class, our research ran some sort of social experiment on us, testing our own assumptions about people and the extent to which our judgements would change based on the content our peers interactedwith.

F25, when asked whether her Instagram followings align with her view on gender roles, said “I didn’t make any effort to make it a good representation of what I think about gender roles,” further explaining that unless something isn’t alarming or extreme, she does not give negative reactions and will just skip what she is not interested in, so the algorithm never develops into a true representation of her and her opinions. What we found interesting in what she shares is the fact that despite her being mainly interested in

Finally, back to our hypothesis,our research proved our hypothesis and demonstrated that even at a university where liberal ideas predominate, there is still work that must be donetoimproveunconsciousgenderedbiases.•

M3:awareofgendered natureofsocialmedia, yetstillfollows

AlgorithmsforceF25toengage with content she is not interested in, particularlythroughfemaleaccounts

crime

Gendered_Social_Media_SP

Ourdataprovedourhypothesis,butmore importantlyitchangedoutperspectivetowards someofourpeers

A l’heure où les acquis de notre régime politique se fragilisent, le pluralisme des médias ainsi que leur indépendance semblent s’imposer comme une garantie dedémocratie,uncontre-pouvoir,unpilierindispensable de notre société. Néanmoins, pour beaucoup de médias remplir ce rôle est loin d’être un objectif, l’éthiquejournalistiquetellequ’énoncéedanslaCharte deMunichsembledeplusenpluslointaine.Onpense ainsi à Vincent Bolloré et aux dizaines de chaînes détenuesparlegroupeVivendi,auxpolémiquesrécentes et aux questions qui en découlent : que fait l’Arcom ? Dans la France de Cnews, de Boulevard Voltaire, de Breizh-Info, dans la France aux 89 députés RN, que faire face à cette offensive réactionnaire ? Retour sur le processus de banalisation de l’extrême-droitepar et pourlesmédias,delagénèsedeCnewsenpassantpar lerègnedutout-opinionetlaresponsabilitéduchamp médiatique.

Fondateur d’un réel empire médiatique, la gure de Bolloré pose aujourd’hui la question de la concentration des médias en France. La chaîne Cnews illustre son impact et son héritage, entre dépolitisation de la politique et banalisation de l’extrême-droite. Le tout grâce à une stratégie éditoriale simple : avancer des thèmes récurrents a n de tomber dans le scandale,en faisant parfois l’impasse sur les thèmes d’actualité (originalité dans le monde journalistique). L’objectif estégalementdeprésentercessujetsdemanièrenégative : ainsi, on n’abordera pas la « question de l’immigration » mais le « problème de l’immigration ». Parcetteapproche,cettecatégoriedechaînesprésente un danger puisqu’elle gagne l’intérêt d’une frange de la population confortablement affalée devant sa télé, délaissée par les services publics et relativement peu sensible au débat politique, jusqu’à en devenir réactionnaire. Or, changer la société nécessite de faire d’abordévoluerlesidéesdespersonnesquilafaçonne, d’oùl’importancedesmédias,delacultureengénéral. Maiscommentmenercettebatailleculturellefaceàun niveaude légitimationmédiatiquedel’extrême-droite quinefaitquecroître?

INES HANIFI CHRONIQUEUSE

En effet, en s’imposant dans les médias celle-ci s’inscrit dans un cadre légal au sein duquel ses propos sont relativement peu attaqués/attaquables en justice, face à une volonté de l’Arcom, ex-CSA, de maintenir lalibertéd’expressionnotammentenvertudelaloide 1986. Ainsi, bien que les médias ne soient pas le premier facteur de l’enracinement de l’extrême-droite en France (pensons aux crises politiques, économiques, sociales, au durcissementautoritaire del’État,au renforcement du nationalisme et du racisme ou encore au problème structurel de la gauche française), ils y contribuent par divers mécanismes. L’un d’entre eux s’apparente à une forme de dépolitisation de la politique, qui passe par le détournement des réels enjeux sociétaux en faisant primer la mise en scène sur l’information. Ce processus aboutit évidemment à une banalisation des discours racistes, xénophobes, fascistes ou encore homophobes et permet aujourd’hui auxauditeursd’entendredespropostelsqueceuxsortis tout droit de la bouche d’un professeur à Sciences Po : « Marine Le Pen n’a jamais vraiment eu de discoursradicaux(…)jen’aijamaisvudeproposracistes dansunmeeting»(DominiqueReyniésurFrance5le 29 septembre 2021). Preuve de la réussite des médias dans leur tentative de création d’un « Front National imaginaire » (Alexandre Dézé). Par dépolitisation, certains médias d’informations générale optent pour des sujets relativement peu politiques : au choix, les préférencesalimentairesdeJordanBardellaoularelation entretenue par Marine Le Pen avec ses chats sur RTL.

A noter que ce phénomène de dépolitisation est loin d’être récent et qu’il s’explique par différents mécanismes.Lamanièredetraiterl’informationaconsidérablement évolué, notamment à la télévision qui joue désormais beaucoup sur le spectacle, tandis que le champ médiatique fait la course aux revenus et donc, à l’audimat, comme l’analyse Pauline Perrenot au sein del’Acrimed(l’observatoiredusystèmemédiatique). Enparallèle,encasdedébordements,oùsituerlerôle del’Arcom?

L’AutoritédeRégulationdelaCommunicationAudiovisuelle et Numérique consiste d’abord à défendre la liberté d’expression, comme le rappelle Laurence Pécaut-Rivolier qui en est membre, puis à intervenir en casd’abus.PrenonslerécentcasHanouna.125plaintesontétédéposédanslecadredel’affaireLola,plusde 10000àlasuitedelapolémiqueconcernantledéputé insoumis Louis Boyard. A partir de ces plaintes, l’Arcom dispose de plusieurs modes d’action. Dans le premiercas,elledemandeune miseen demeurede la chaîne,soitl’étapelaplusimportanteavantdefaireintervenir un rapporteur indépendant. Dans le second, ellefaiteffectivementappelàcetacteur,provenantdu Conseild’Etat,quiinstruitl’affaire. Néanmoins, les sanctions imposées par l’autorité, notamment lorsqu’elles sont à caractère pécuniaire peuvent sembler dérisoires, frustrantes. Laurence Pécaut-Rivolier souligne que « la démocratie est une frustration », tout en rappelant que « la liberté d’expression reste notre ligne de suivi ». La recherche d’équilibre, voie de réponse face à cette liberté d’expression semble donc particulièrement complexe, bien que cruciale dans une temporalité où les médias s’écartentdeleursresponsabilités.•

CAMILLE LEBÈGUE CHRONIQUEUSE

Entantquebonsciencespiste,vousnemanquezpour rienaumondevosamphisdedroit constitutionnel...Certainsd’entrevoussedirigentpeut-êtreverslaprestigieuse Écolededroitde SciencesPo,quiafourniàlapromotion 2021del’ÉcoleNationaledelaMagistrature73alumnis, soit40%delapromotion.Quevoussoyezsouslecharme deGuillaumeTusseauouqueses costumessur-mesure vouslaissentinsensibles,ilparaîtimportantd’avoir idée,aussivaguesoit-elle,delamanièredontlesystème carcéralestadministréenFrance.Lajusticepénaleest directementreliéeauxenjeuxsociétauxauxquelslaFrance doitfaireface;savoircequ’ilsepassederrièrelesbarreaux estunatoutducitoyeninformé. Selon les chiffres officiels du ministère de la Justice datant de juin 2022, 241.361 personnessontprisesen charge par l’administrationpénitentiaire,soitenviron0,4%delapopulation totale. 71 678 personnes sont sous écrou, le reste est suivi en milieu ouvert. Parmi eux, on compte 20.000 prévenus, c’est-à-dire des personnes incarcérées en a ente de leur procès. Les personnes incarcérées sont réparties dans 187 établissements pénitentiaires surveillés par 30 500 fonctionnaires.Autotal,letauxdedétentionestd’environ 100 détenus pour 100.000 habitants, ce qui place la France dans la moyenne européenne. L’écrasante majorité des détenus (97 %) sont des hommes. La population

carcérale est en constante augmentation : au premier août 2012, la France comptait 66 748 détenus ; elle en compte aujourd’huiplusde71000.Leministèredéclarechaque annéeunehaussedelapopulationcarcéraled’environ7%.

Les chiffres d’occupation des prisons françaises sontglaçants : la surpopulation carcérale a eint 118% en moyenne sur l’ensemble du territoire, ce qui signi e que pour 100 places en cellule, 118 détenus sont emprisonnés. Ces chiffres sont disparates : en Ile de France, la population carcérale a eint 148%. La prison de Fresnes frôle actuellement les 200%, celle de Bordeaux-Gradignan a eint les 212%. La maison d’arrêt de Nice héberge au 1er janvier 2022 436 personnes pour une capacité d’accueil de 276 places, soit une densité carcérale de 146%. Seule la Belgique, où la surpopulation carcérale a eint les 127%, et la Hongrie de Viktor Orbàn (129%) font pire au sein de l’Union Européenne. La moyenne de l’UE s’élève à 94%. Tandis que ses voisins européens incarcèrent moins systématiquement, et pour de plus courtes peines, la France voit sa population carcérale croître. Comment expliquer ce e tendance à l’incarcération bien plus ne e en France qu’enAllemagne,parexemple?

La donnée qui devrait être corrélée à une croissance du tauxd’incarcérationestladélinquance. Sinousenfreignons deplusenpluslaloi,lalogiquevoudraitnousconduireplus massivement et plus fréquemment en prison. Seulement, le Service de Statistiques du Ministère de l’Intérieur enregistre depuis une dizaine d’années une baisse des agressions à mains armées. Les seules agressions qui semblent croître ne ement ces dernières années sont les agressions sexuelles. L’explicationquelesservicesduministèredel’Intérieur apporte est une libération – relative – de la parole des victimes, notamment depuis le #BalanceTonPorc. Les dépôts de plainte sont plus fréquents, faisant ainsi grimper leschiffres.Lasecondehausseenmatièrededélinquancese trouveducôté des “coupsetblessuresvolontaires”,que l’on peut expliquerpar unehaussedes violences intrafamiliales déclarées.Touteslesautrescourbes(volàmainsarmées,vol sansviolence,cambriolage)sontàlabaisse. L’explicationestdoncsansdouteàchercherailleurs.Lesen-

A la question “pourquoi la population carcérale continue t-elle de croître”, Marion Vannier, docteure en criminologie et spécialiste des questions de prison à perpétuité, chercheureàl’université d’Oxfordrépondqu’“enFrance,la surpopulation est notamment le résultat d’une multiplicationde loisrépressivesdepuis2002.Laprisonestdevenue, et ce d’autant plus dans un contexte de crise économique, unesolutionaudéfautd’insertionsocialeetprofessionnelle. On exclut ceux dont on ne sait que faire.” Pour résoudre le problème desurpopulation carcérale,il ya deux solutions: construireplusdeprisons,ouemprisonnermoinsetlibérer

timent d’insécurité des français demeure tout à fait stable, 8%déclarentsesentirendangerchezeuxen2010,pourexactementlemêmetauxen2020,contre11%dansleurquartier,tauxquidemeureluiaussiparfaitementstable. Aucune decesexplicationsnesemblesatisfaisantepourexpliquerla croissancedela populationcarcérale.Bienaucontraire,ces chiffresnefontqu’appuyerlefaitquelapopulationcarcérale devraitdécroître.

Uneautre explication estavancéepar certains observateurs de la question : les magistrats auraient plus recours à l’incarcération en raison du discours culpabilisateur dont ils seraientl’objet delapartdelaclassepolitique,quidépeindrait une “justice laxiste” dans les médias par souci démagogique. Si ce e hypothèse est véridique, ce qui est laissé à votre appréciation, une simple rhétorique politique condamnerait ceux que l’on met au ban de notre société dès le plus jeune âge à effectuer des séjours en milieux fermés dansdesconditionspeudignesd’unêtrehumain.

plus. La réforme pénale du président Macron,inclut d’une partlerecoursàdespeinesalternatives,commeladétention à domicile sous surveillance électronique, et le recours à destravauxd’intérêtgénéral.

En 2016, sur les quelque 550 000 délits sanctionnés, les tribunaux ont prononcé 52% de peines de prisons (dont 19% ferme) et 11% de peines alternatives dont moins de 3%detravauxd’intérêtgénéral.EmmanuelMacron prometdepuis2018l’ouverturede15000placesdeprisons,laréductiondesdélaisd’exécutionde peineetladiminutiondes peines courtes a n de privilégier des solutions alternatives telles que les TIG ou le bracelet électronique dans le cadre de son opération “refondation pénale”. Pourtant, les lois répressives continuent d’être promulguées, et si les peines étaient aménageables en dessous de 3 ans fermes jusqu’à récemment, elles ne sont désormais aménageables qu’en dessousde2ansfermes,cequiaugmenteencorelenombre dedétenus.

Certains de nos voisins européens mènent des politiques biendifférentessurlaquestion,à l’imagedel’Allemagneou desPays-Bas.

Les prisons néerlandaises ont vu leur population chuter de 45% en 10 ans, pour a eindre le taux d’incarcération le plus faible d’Europe, alors quele pays souffrait auparavant du même problème de surpopulation carcérale. En 4 ans, vingt-sept établissements pénitentiaires ont été fermés, et une vingtaine d’autres accueillent maintenant des détenus belges et norvégiensqui ne peuvent plus êtreaccueillispar les établissements pénitentiaires belges et norvégiens en raison d’une surpopulation chronique ; les prisons sont donc rentabilisées. Le pays enregistre non seulement une forte baisse du taux de criminalité, mais les magistrats y privilégient aussi des peines alternatives à la prison ferme, comme des bracelets électroniques, des travaux d’intérêts généraux,descentresspécialisés,etc.

inférieuresàsixmois,etsontincitésàprivilégierdespeines alternatives ne nécessitant pas un emprisonnement ferme. De plus, le nombre de détenus en détention provisoire, en a ente de condamnation, a diminué de 41% depuis 2000, ce qui contribue au désengorgement des structures carcérales.

En n, le Danemark offre un dernier exemple de modèle carcéral alternatif. En effet, la moitié des prisons y sont “ouvertes”, c’est-à-dire que les détenus possèdent la clé de leur chambre, et vivent dans une sorte de communauté auto-gérée. Les surveillants ne sont pas armés, et disposent seulement d’un boîtierd’alarme à la hancheen cas de problème. La circulation est libre, et les détenus apprennent à se préparer à manger, et à faire leur courses au sein du“magasin”delaprison.Cesdispositifsquisemblenttrès permissifs pour un étranger concernent exclusivement les peines inférieures à cinq ans et les ns de peine. Si une évasionestconstatéeetqueleprisonnierest ra rapé,ilest alors incarcéré dans une prison traditionnelle, qui est, précisons-le, deux fois plus onéreuse au regard des dépenses desécurité.

Cependant, ces chiffres ne doivent pas affoler les 8% des Français qui se sentent en danger chez eux, ou les politiciens qui surfent sur les “peurs paniques” pour renforcer leurélectorat; paradoxalement,lesPays-Basemprisonnent plus que la France, mais pour des peines beaucoup plus courtes,oubienpourdespeinesensemi-liberté.SilesPaysBas ont diminué drastiquement le taux d’incarcération, ce n’est pourtantpas lefruitd’une politiquevolontairemenée encesens,mais plutôtd’une“évolutiondesmentalitésdes fonctionnairesdejustice”.

En Allemagne, les fermetures de prisons deviennent de plus en plus courantes. Aujourd’hui, une place de prison sur cinq est vacante. Les conditions de détention y sont meilleures:cellules individuellesbientenuesdeprèsde10 mcarréchacune,toile esséparées,salubritécontrôléeetc...

De plus, l’objectif affiché par le personnel pénitentiaire et judiciaireestdetravaillersurlaréinsertiondescondamnés. Les détenus ont à leur disposition des travailleurs sociaux ennombre, des agences aident les prisonniersà se trouver unlogement,despsychologuesfontdes permanences,des formateurs professionnels interviennent. L’Allemagne, au contraire des Pays-Bas, essaie d’éviter àtout prix lespetites peinesdeprison;lesjugesnepeuventprononcerdepeines

Deplus,lesprisonniersdoiventtravaillerpouracheter leur nourriture,etilspeuventaussiseformeravecdesentreprises,oupasserdespermisspéciaux pourconduiredesengins de chantier. Descours,avecdes examens obligatoires,sont aussi imposés aux détenus. Il ne s’agit pas de tout permettre,oud’arrêterdepunirlesdélitsnuisiblesàlasociété,mais il s’agit aussi de perme re à ces marginaux de trouver une autre façon de vivre, de leur fournir toutes les clés pour s’insérerdanslasociété.Ensomme,deréparerlesfaillesdu système éducatif et d’offrir une deuxième chance aux condamnés.

“Lesdétenusconstituentunepopulationparticulièrement vulnérable:ellessontenmoinsbonnesantéquelapopulation générale, etce, dèsleur entréeen détention.”, annonce Santé Publique France. Un état de santé statistiquement moins bon, des conditions d’enfermement exécrables, une souffrance des surveillants… Le résultat de ce e addition estuneviolenceverbale,physiqueetmoraletrèsrépandue. Les actes de maltraitances, qu’ils soient commis par des surveillants ou par des codétenus, gangrènent le milieu carcéral. Les conditions rendent personnel et détenus irritables, angoissés, ou dépressifs, favorisant le dérapage de simples altercations. Le nombre de détenus contraints de dormir sur un matelas au sol, relevé la journée a n de perme reauxautresdétenusde descendredeslitssuperposés estenhaussede39%enunan.

Des conditions d’entassement dans les cellules sources de tensions entre détenus et surveillants. Car le personnel pénitentiaire ne progresse pas au même rythme. Les activitésscolaires,culturellesousportivesnonplus.Lessurveillants,ensous-effectifetpeuconsidérésparlasociété,protent parfois de leur position pour corriger eux-même un détenuquiauraitfaitpreuved’irrespectouquiauraitrefusé de s’exécuter.

Cessituations nefont pasexception,ainsi quelemontrent certaines affaires faisant régulièrement les titres des médias.Lajusticepeineàagirrapidement,notammentauvudu soutien massif dont les surveillants accusés ont fait l’objet parmi les syndicats de l’administration pénitentiaire. La CourdeCassationvientderendreunarrêtle15novembre 2022pourrejeterle pourvoienCassationde6surveillants qui avaient avaient a aché au scotch et rossé Bernard F. le 10 janvier 2014. Celui-ci, mécontent d’avoir été placé en quartier disciplinaire à la suite d’une altercation avec un surveillant, avait jeté de l’urine sur des surveillants, ce qui lui avait valu 21 jours d’incapacité temporaire de travail (I ), en raison de « traumatismes multiples », « fractures de trois côtes » et contusions du système digestif. Aussidéplacéquesoitlecomportementdudétenu,ilparaît difficile de justi er une telle vende a. Les six surveillants qui l’avaient pris àparti n’ontfait l’objet d’aucune sanction disciplinaire, notamment grâce au soutien massif des syndicats, qui avaient même bloqué la prison de Moulin-Yz-

eure après la décision de la Cour d’Appel du 15 septembre 2021, qui lescondamnait àdouzemois deprisonavec sursisettroisansd’interdictiond’exercer.Il afalluquelaCour de Cassation tranche et reje e le pourvoi des surveillants pourqu’ilssoient suspendus,septansaprèslesfaits. Ce e affairenousmontrequel’additiondesfacteursquifontdes prisonsunenferpousselessurveillantscommelesdétenus à des comportements que l’on jugerait inhumains, cruels, pour ne pas dire animaux, en dehors du système carcéral. Les surveillants sont aussi victimes du système carcéral français. Exposée à une population carcérale en surnombre, maltraitée, irritée, le taux de suicide de la profession est 31% supérieur à la moyenne française selon une étude de l’Inserm menée entre 2005 et 2010. La population carcérale n’ayant fait que croître, on peut supposer que ce taux n’a pas sensiblement baissé. L’environnement violent de la détention, le sous-effectif, l’enfermement ou encore la très faible reconnaissance du métier seraient en cause. L’usagecroissantdenouvellestechnologiespourréduirele nombredesurveillantsaccroîtraitlesentimentde solitude dont lessurveillants sont victimes. De plus, le sous-effectif dontsouffrelaprofessionen raisondumanqued’a ractivité du métier “peuvent conduire à recruter des personnes qui présentent des fragilités incompatibles avec l’exercice dumétierdesurveillant»selonleschercheursde l’Inserm quiontconduitl’enquête.•

CELLULE SURPEUPLÉE DU CENTRE PÉNITENCIAIRE DE FRESNES, QUIATTEINTUNTAUXD’OCCUPATION DE 200%

PHOTO PAR JC HANCHÉ POUR CGPL

FRANCESCA MARIA DURAZZO CHRONIQUEUSE

Le16mars2022,leministredel’intérieurGéraldDarmanin se rendait pour la première fois en Corse à la suite des manifestations de la jeunesse Corse à Corte, BastiaetAjaccio.Touslessyndicatsde jeunes,associations de défense des prisonniers et partis politiques s’étaientunis en un collectif citoyen en réaction àl’assassinat d’Yvan Colonna, autour de trois mots d’ordre : «Justice et Vérité », « Reconnaissance du Peuple Corse » et « Liberté pour les Patriotes ». L’autonomie nefaisaitpaspartiedesrevendicationspremières. Pourtant, ce que les Corses ont retenu de la visite de GéraldDarmanin, c’est surtoutson expression « nous sommesprêtsàallerjusqu’àl’autonomie».

L’île de beauté voyait une de ses revendications principales depuis le riacquistu des années 1970, se réaliser. Depuis la prise de la cave d’Aléria par Edmond Simeoni avec son fameux t-shirt « Autonomia », ce serait son ls qui serait chargé de donner l’autonomie deplein droitetdepleinexerciceauxcorses.

Pourautant,si lepèreavaitunevisiontrèsclairedela Corse autonome de l’État Français, le ls s'était certainement résigné à revendiquer un système institutionnel, dont il n’avait cependant pas d’idée concrète. Eneffet,lorsqueGéraldDarmaninestrentréàParis,il renvoya la majorité nationaliste en place depuis 2015 à son incapacité à produire un projet institutionnel solide.

Tous voulaient l’autonomie, mais personne n’y était préparé ; la question qui hante les corses depuis le moisdemars:quemettredanslemotautonomie?

Pour la majorité Femu a Corsica de Gilles Simeoni, il est question de co-officialité de la langue corse avec

une volonté nettement affichée dans le dernier rapport d’information d’enquête sociolinguistique sur la langue corse du Président du Conseil Exécutif, paru le 15 Novembre dernier, de favoriser l’enseignement scolaire, et « une irrigation linguistique de la société », a n de faire de la « langue corse le support de l’épanouissement culturel et économique de la Corse enMéditerranée».

Mais pour ce faire, la majorité est bien consciente qu’elle devra contourner l’article 2 de la Constitution : « la langue de la république est le Français ». D’où son souhait de « l’obtention d’un pouvoir législatif et réglementaire », à quoi s’ajoute un pouvoir scal. De quoi lutter contre la spéculation immobilière qui ravage la Corse depuis une vingtaine d’années, et dynamiser une croissance plus soutenable. Ainsi, pour la majorité autonomiste, l’accès au logement pour les insulaires devient bien trop difficile ; on observe une moyenne du prix du mètre carré de l’immobilier à Porto-Vecchioentre5000et6000€.

Et si Femu a Corsica se dit s’appuyer sur le rapport sur l’évolution institutionnelle de la Corse de la professeure agrégée de droit Wanda Mastor, proposant un exemple de socle institutionnel pour la Corse, les oppositions n’ont fait que remarquer que la majorité en place depuis 2015 n’avait rien à proposer Place Beauvau.

unie certes toute la classe politique, toutefois, pour certain elle doit être au fondement du processus de paix.

Deplus,le20novembre,l’ancienpartià laprésidence de l’assemblée de Corse, Corsica Libera, a semblé renaîtrede ses cendresenrajeunissantsonorganedécisionnel, revendiquant « la libération des prisonniers politiques, la reconnaissance des droits du peuple corse, la dévolution législative, la co-officilité de la langue, la citoyenneté corse, le statut scal et social, la justice sociale, l’urgence écologique, le droit à la santé, et l’abolition des lignes routes par l’abrogation du protocole du 17 Mars ». Corsica Libera a notamment réaffirmé sa solidarité « politique et patriotique »avecleFLNC.

La droite d’Un Souffle Nouveau regrette notamment que les problématiques quotidiennes soient oubliées au pro t de grandes idées parfois super cielles, avec une « absence de méthode et d’objectif ». Ceux-ci revendiquent notamment une décentralisation plus poussée,quirenforceraitlepouvoircommunal.

Or, si le Grand Palais Cour Grandval accueille des débatssurlaformequelesnégociationsdoiventprendre, on observe aussi des divisions profondes dans le campnationaliste. PourCoreinFronte,parti dumilitantindépendantistePaulFélixBenedetti,lesnégociations avec Paris ne pouvaientse poursuivre sans que leprocessusdepaixsoitentièremententamé.Eneffet, le 29 Septembre dernier Core in Fronte a décidé de se retirer du processus entamé avec Paris, à la suite du rejet de la demande d’aménagement de peine de Pierre Alessandri par la Cour d’Appel antiterroriste de Paris, arguant « C’est blanc ou noir, nous on ne marchepasdanslegris."Eneffet,PierreAlessandriet AlainFerrandidemeurentenprisondepuismai1999, alors même qu’ils sont conditionnables depuis 2017. Laquestiondelalibérationdesprisonnierspolitiques,

On voit là que l’autonomie si souhaitée renvoie la classe politique corse à ses divisions traditionnelles. Suite à l’arrestation de militants pour non-respect du FIJAIT ou encore de Pierre Paoli soupçonné d’être l’ancienchefduFrontde LibérationNational, Gérald Darmanina niparannulersavenue.•

GERALD DARMANIN, QUIADÉCLARÉ ÊTRE PRÊTÀ “ALLER JUSQU’À L’INDÉPENDENCE”

SARA DELL’ACQUA COLUMNIST

On 24 November, e French National Assembly passed a motion making abortion a constitutional right. e bill, proposed byMathildePanot ofLa France Insoumise (France Unbowed), would ensure “the effectiveness and equal access to the right to voluntary abortion” by modifying Article 66 of the French Constitution. Prior to the amendment,thearticleensuredthatno oneisarbitrarilydetainedorsentenced to death. Panot quoted Simone De Beauvoir during the discussion, reiterating, “Never forget that it only takes onepolitical,economicorreligiouscrisisforwomen’srightstobeputinjeopardy. oserightsarenevertobetaken for granted, you must remain vigilant throughoutyourlife.” Similar laws had been proposed both in 2016 and 2019, but were never ratied.Withasharpincreaseinthreatsto the right to abortion in both the United States and across Europe, namely in Hungary and Poland, it may be evident why France has felt the need to reinforcetheit. MinisterofJusticeÉric Dupond-More i cited the Hungarian case, where women now have to listen to the heartbeat of the fetus before aborting, saying that he “would never allow French women to bear such violence.”

When far-right Italian politician Giorgia Meloni was elected as Prime Minister, French Prime Minister Élisabeth Borne expressed her continued support for “the respect of human rights andoftherighttoabortioninItaly.”

Francehasoverallappearedunitedand vigilant on the ma er of abortion in Europe. In March, French lawmakers passed a law widening the time span for abortion from 12 to 14 weeks. It was supported by a majority of the assembly; however, a second part guaranteeingtherighttocontraceptionwas removed in order to gain right-wing support.

Moreover, deputy Aurore Bergé has withdrawn a law proposal very similar to the one that passed, saying that the “rights of women are not a ma er of politicalparties.”

RESULTS OFTHE NATIONALASSEMBLY VOTE, WITH 337 FORAND 32AGAINST

e last article of the French constitution tackles how and when the Constitution can be amended or modi ed.

If a bill to modify the Constitution is presented by the Government, the law can only be approved by being rati ed,withoutanyamendments,by both the National Assembly and the Senate. If it is proposed by a “Private Member” a deputy, for example then it has to be approved by the Senate and National Assembly without amendments and voted on in a referendum. Since the bill was proposedbyadeputy,MathildePanot,it stillhastogothroughtheSenateand aReferendum. eSenatehasarightwingmajority,meaningthatthereisa riskthat thelawwill not be passed in thesecondstepoftheprocess. In the National Assembly, the law was passed with 337 favorable votes and32against;18deputiesabstained from voting. Most of the deputies from the two major right-wing par-

ties, Rassemblent Nationale and Les Republicans, also voted in favor of the law. From Rassemblement Nationale(NationalAssembly),38deputies have voted in favor, 23 against and13abstaining.DeputiesfromLes Republicans ( e Republicans) voted similarly, with 13 in favor, seven againstandtwoabstaining.

Mathilde Panot has also urged the Government to present its own bill, so that the law would not have to passthroughareferendum. iswish could be linked to the will to avoid a public debate on the topic that could bring back reactionary ideas. Indeed, the twenty-two Constitutional amendmentsrati edfrom1958

Marine Le-Pen, leader of Rassemblement Nationale, proposed a modication of the text to reiterate the recently-extended abortion period of 14 weeks. Le Pen does not seem opposed to the law. In July, when asked about it she answered: “Why not?” Atthesametime,she“doesn’tunderstand all this fuss about it,” as France “is not the United States” and the rightofwomentoabortisnotatrisk.

until now have all been proposed by the Government. Regarding the hypothetical results of the referendum, however, the Institut Français d’Opinion Publique (IFOP) has gathered data showing that 81% of the French population is nevertheless favorable to the right to abort, demonstrating that the bill may have just as good of a chance at a public vote as it would through legislative channels.■

e current protests in Iran have been going on since Mid-September and were triggered by the death of a young woman named Masha Amini. She was arrested by Iran’s “Guidance Patrol,” more commonly referred to as the “morality police,” which is tasked with enforcing the Republic’s Islamicdresscode.“Improperdress”laidthegroundsforher arrest andsubsequentkilling;however,other reasonsfor arrests by the vice squad include the consumption of alcohol and gatherings where men and women with no family relationsspendtimetogether. emoralitypolicearethuso en regarded as a method for the oppressive Iranian regime to exert control over its population. Amini’s sudden death under police custody fueled signi cant mistrust in the police system, even though official records state that she died as a resultofahearta ack.

Consequently, the young woman’s death has resulted in protests that have since spread throughout the country. e Iranian regime is infamous for repressing protests that occur within the state. For instance, it is common for internet access for Iranians to be severely restricted at times of civil unrest. isisinordertolimitthein owofnewsfromother parts of the world, as well as minimizing the out ow of informationregardingthesituationinthecountry. isround of protests which are described as the most serious ones to take place in the country since the gasoline-price protests of 2019, have shown similar pa erns, are being placed on internet access and the police are ghting back hard on the protesters. Reports suggest that as many as 14 000 people, includingchildren,havebeenarrestedfortheirparticipation inthesenationwideprotests.

HANNA BROWN GUEST COLUMNIST ON BEHALF OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL SP

PHOTO OF IRANIAN PROTESTERS TAKEN EARLIER THISYEAR

PHOTO BY: CHRISTOPHER ROSE

Further, hundreds of people have been sentenced to death bytheregime,withseveralexecutionsallegedlyhavingbeen carriedoutalready.Despitetheviolentcrackdownssofarin theuprising,theprotestsarecontinuingasthepeopleofIran expresstheirdistressfortheoppressiveregimeandtheharsh interpretation of Islamic law that guides the actions of the Iranianpolice.

Since the death of Amini, countless women in Iran have removedtheirheadscarves,ignoringtheriskthatthisimposes on their safety. Many Iranian women have also cut off their hair. is is an action deemed especially powerful because doing so was historically seen as a way of expressing grief. Eventoday,awoman’sbeautyiso enlargelyassociatedwith her hair. us,signi cantsymbolismistiedtotheactofIranian women cu ing their hair. ese actions have gained worldwide momentum with countless women, including celebrities, posting videos of themselves cu ing off parts of theirhairontheinternet. eperceptionofthesevideoshas been somewhat mixed.Some see thisas acourageous actof support for the Iranian women whileothers see it asmerely symbolicandthereforeofnoactualbene ttotheoppressed peopleofthecountry.

the arrested protesters are underage has been another vital cause of concern for various human rights actors. A recent developmentthathasoccurredintheinternationalresponse to the situation in Iran is e Human Rights Council’s vote to establish a fact- nding mission that will investigate the suspectedhumanrightsviolationsoccurringinIran.Itisnot unlikely that international reactions will be triggered if this leads to signi cant ndings. However, it is hard to predict thescope ofanypotential reactionsand whetherthis would inspireachangeinIran’sresponsetointernaluprisings.

International human rights organizations have strongly critiqued the Iranian regime’s crackdown on the current protests, especially due to the widespread use of physical violenceagainsttheprotesters.Moreover,thefact that manyof

Up until now certain Iranian officials have claimed that western enemies stand behind the ongoing protests. Additionally, they have expressed the opinion that the condemnation by outside states of Iran’s handling of the protests is hypocritical.Iranianofficialshavealsoaccusedsomeforeign governments,morespeci callyIsrael and e UnitedStates ofAmerica,ofspreadingmisinformationabouttheprotests. Even though these protests are typically seen as an a empt to bring down the current regime, it is debatable how successful these outcries can be expected to be in achieving thisultimategoal.Animportantreasonwhytheseroundsof protestmay,despitetheirbroadoutreach,beunsuccessfulis the fact that Iranian security forces still remain loyal to the regime. islikelymeansthatthelargelyviolentrepressions of the protesters will continue for as long as the protests, eventuallyresultingintheprotestersbeingforcedtogiveup. It is also notable that this movement has, at least as of now, noprominentleader.Whilethiscancausethemovementto beunderstoodasapowerfulactofcollectiveeffortstooverthrowaregimethatfailstoserveitscitizens,italsofacesthe risk of becoming too disorganized to have the potential to makeasigni cantimpact.■

CANADIAN DEMONSTRATION IN SOLIDARITY WITH IRANIAN PROTESTERS

PHOTO BY: TAYMAZ VALLEY

Asylumseekers,evenwhentheirclaims have been substantiated, have no right to work, pathway to residency or resettlement, pu ing them in a permanent legallyquestionablestate.

As the headline on Hong Kong quite rightly focuses on the human right violation on Hong Kong pro-democracy protesters following the imposition of theNationalSecurityLaw,a entionhas also begun to shi on one of the most marginalized demographics in Hong Kong involuntarymigrants.

Tounderstandthedynamicsofthecurrent refugee issue in Hong Kong, we must rstgettechnical. etwointerna-

tional covenantswhichunderpinsmost states’ refugee systems are the United Nations Convention Against Torture (commonly known as CAT) and the 1951 Refugee Convention. While both Britain and China, the states which it formerly and currently belongs to, have signed and rati ed both treaties, the Refugee Convention has never applied to Hong Kong for reasons owing to its colonial and post-colonial legal status.

WILL CHAN GUEST COLUMNIST

ON BEHALF OF AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL SP

Withthisinmind,HongKonghaslong maintained its policy of not accepting refugees, providing recognition to such status or allowing migrants the right to rese le, according to itsofficial page on “Making a Claim for Non-refoulement Protection in Hong Kong.” It remains, however, a signatory of the CAT and provides ‘non-refoulement’ status to those‘atriskoftorture’.

Non-refoulement status does not confer any legal residency status. It merely means one cannot be deported. ey remain categorized as ‘illegal immigrants’ (enforced illegality as it’s called within the human right spheres) and haveno automaticrightto access subsidized healthcare, education, legal right toworkoraccesswelfare.Migrantsalso do nothavean automatic rightto resettlement unless they can prove themselves to be ‘at risk of persecution’ to the UNHCR, which while may sound synonymous to the abovementioned criteria to non-refoulement, involves another layer of interviews, paperwork and thewaiting time to be rese ledcan sometimestakedecades.

One can imagine, even when everything goes smoothly, the process to be distressing and disorientating. But things do not usually go smoothly. e Hong Kong Free Press reported that a claimant of Egyptian origin, Mohamed (not his real name), being of gay and Christian background, was denied his non-refoulement status on the ground of persecution. In his claim, he alleged being raped by his chief. On this basis, the adjudicator questioned the veracity of his claim by claiming he ‘would have enjoyed being raped’ if he were an homosexual and that he had not been ‘diagnosed’ as gay and did not ‘wear high-heels’ or ‘sounded like gay’. is mind-boggling degree of unprofessionalismandcynicismisunfortunatelynot an exception. Out of all the decisions

made in rst-level adjudication that were subsequently appealed, over 50 percent were overturned in favor of the claimants. Sadly, not all migrants have access to legal support and, crucially, funding needed to be able to take their casetocourts.

problem to our human right protection framework in the world. Despite decades of supposed progress, vulnerable and marginalized groups continue to facesystemicinjusticeinthedailyquest for survival. AmnestyInternational and other NGOs alike strive to put a spotlightonthis.

Once a claimant jumps through all the barriers and receives their status, which is only 0.5 percent of those who have lodged a claim, they continue to face systemicproblemsrelatingtotheirability to rebuild their lives. Remember, they are not allowed to work and receive a mere 150 EUR (1200 HKD) a monthofsupermarketvoucherand180 EUR (1500 HKD) a month of rental subsidyinacitywithoneofthehighest cost of living in the world, according to gures from the South China Morning Post. iseffectivelyputsclaimantsina position vulnerable to crime syndicates or forces to take up non-regularised work where they can be easily exploited while having to fear every day of being caught by the police who regularly raidsshopsinsearchforundocumented workers. As argued by the Hong Kong FreePress, thecycle ofenforcedillegality also feeds into the rhetoric of local politics, with politicians advocating for a complete withdrawal from the CAT and repurposing quarantine camps to be internment camps for migrants wheretheywouldnotbeabletoexitthe premisesfreely.

All this exempli es a fundamental

HONG KONG’S IMMIGRATIONTOWER, HOUSINGTHE OFFICES OF THE IMMIGRATION DEPARTMENT

W E S T E R N S A H A R A

The Dangers of One-Sided Debate

MAURICIO DURÀN KADDATZ GUEST COLUMNIST

[North Korea, East Germany, South Sudan. When we hear a toponym together with a cardinal direction, we tend to associate this with something inhistoryhavinggonewrong something that ought to be together but is tragically separated. But in the case of WesternSahara,thereisnosomething.

e name “Western Sahara” carries little meaning besides being an accurate description of its geographic location. And honestly, besides a listening comprehension exercise in eighth grade, I had not heard much more about it before coming to Menton, as is the case with many friends with whom I discussedthis.

is would change soon a er my arrival at Sciences Po last year. With the creationoftheAssociationSciencesPo Pour le Sahara Marocain (Sciences Po Association for Moroccan Sahara),the

unfamiliar concept of “Western Sahara” was soon lled with meaning. Sorry, not Western Sahara Moroccan Sahara. is association would quickly gain a ention on campus. However, campus opinion was divided, as most peopleeithertookitasalegitimatepolitical association or did not take it seriouslyatall. And to befair, wouldyou mistrust an association led and promoted by so many of your Moroccan peers, who are bound to know more than you about the topic? e answer isprobably no,butthisishowonenarrative surroundingthis pieceof land in the western part of the Sahara would becometheonly.

Initsvery rstconference,Association Sciences Po pour le Sahara Marocain (ASPSM) presented the Ummah with the case of Ali Najab, a former MoroccanAirForceofficerwhospent10years in captivity of the Polisario, where he

suffered “inhumane treatment and violations of the Geneva Conventions,” according to the promotional post on the association’s Instagram page. What sounds like the tragic story of a famed Moroccan freedom ghter ridding his nationof tyranny, is, however, quite an incompletepicture.

Let us take a look at history. e territory of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, as the locals call their nation, has historically been the land of the Sahrawis. is culturally and linguistically diverse group, with a mix of Arab, African, and Berber in uences, hasalonghistoryintheregion.During pre-colonial times it was known as the “landofdissidents”bythosewhotried to control it, including the Deys of Algiers, but also the Sultan of Morocco.

e Sahrawis follow a traditional lifestyle, with a strong focus on their ex-

tended family and community that is adverse to colonial rule. It was conquered fully for the rst timeby the Spanish who ruled it under the name Spanish Sahara until 1976, when they abandoned one of their last colonies on the African continent. Morocco has long had the disputed territory on its mind, rst ling claims on Spanish controlled territories in northwest Africa to the United Nations in 1957. e United Nations would remain further involved in the Spanish decolonization process, advocating for a referendum on self-determination among the Spanish Sahara’s indigenous population that ultimately never occurred, which still hangs suspended to this day for several reasons.

Inthe1974leaduptowardsformalized colonial surrender, Morocco once again took action in front of the United Nations regarding the territory, this time in the InternationalCourtofJustice.KingHassan II and the Moroccan state under him alluded to a clear historical belonging of this part of the Sahara to Morocco that was grounded on the apparent loyalty of local leaders to the monarchy. e court, however, did not affirm these claims, stating that “neither the internal nor the international acts relied upon by Morocco indicate the existence at the relevant period of either the existenceortheinternational recognition of legal ties of territorial sovereigntybetweenWesternSaharaand the Moroccan State.” Relations be-

tween Morocco and the population of the formerlySpanishSaharawerenotextremelyvisible,astiesofallegiancearea estedto by the ICJ between “some, but only some” Sahrawi tribes and the Sultan of Morocco. ough odds looked favorable for Sahrawi self-determination following the decision and the planned referendum, King Hassan II took action soon a er. In November 1995,hecalledforthe“GreenMarch.”

In a unique act of civilian-led invasion on 6 November 1975, 350.000 unarmed Moroccans convergedonthecityof Tarfaya in southernMorocco. eywaitedforasignal fromKingHassanIItocrossintotheregion ofSaguiaElHamra,thenorthernmostpart of the Spanish Sahara. ey brandished Moroccan ags,and bannerscallingforthe “return of the Moroccan Sahara” among photographs of the King, and carrying the Qur’an. e color green for the march’s name was intended to symbolize Islam. As themarchersreachedtheborder,theSpanish Armed Forces were ordered not to re to avoid bloodshed. Morocco successfully pressuredSpainintonegotiationsincluding Mauritania over the disputed territories, producingtheMadridAccords.

Notably missing from these negotiations, however, was any form of representation for the Sahrawis or the Polisario Front. When Spain nally withdrew in 1976, what followed was a twenty-year-long armed con ict that saw the Polisario rst successfully pressuring Mauritania into withdrawing and a continued struggle against Morocco’s control over the region. Directly a er the Mauritanian withdrawal, Morocco began constructing a 2700 km “berm” (sand wall) forti ed by landmines and thousands of soldiers that divides theterritorytothisday.

iswarforindependencesawthe capturing of prisoners of war on both sides, many of whom have stories similar to that of Ali Najab. But the war involves many more atrocities than those of the Polisario Front. e state of Morocco

commi ed numerous war crimes during the war, which are generally omi ed in these conversations on campus. Starting in 1976, the government used napalm (yes, the same substance the United States used in Vietnam) and white phosphorus, a deadly neurotoxin, against the Sahrawis, including civilians and refugee camps. Furthermore, the fate of the thousands of “disappeared” Sahrawis sequestered by Moroccan police andmilitaryisunclear.Interestingly, Morocco refused to recognize prisoners of war captured by the Polisario until 1996. e Polisario rst offered to unconditionally release prisoners of war in 1984 and 1989.

Evena erthe1991cease re,most Sahrawis live displaced from their native lands in refugee camps in neighboring Algeria. Meanwhile, Morocco continues to se le its

citizens in the occupied territories without concerns of violating international law. Sahrawis in the nowdefactoMoroccan-controlled areas, encompassing 75 percent of Western Saharan territory, live under harshrepressionby the government and secret services. It is not rare that journalists and activists get aggressed by security forces. One such case is Rachid Sghir, who, a er giving an interview for theBBConthesituationinhisnative country, was brutally beaten byMoroccanpolice.

But ASPSMwas notcreatedtotell youallofthis.A erall,theassociation’s interests are everso explicitly declaredinitsname.

As tragic and considerable as the case of Ali Najab is, his story is nowhere to be found outside Mo-

roccannewspapers.Myintenthere is thus not to delegitimize the suffering of Mr. Najab, nor to paint the Polisario Front as an innocent actor. Instead, it is a ma er of fundamental objectivity we should expect from a Sciences Po association to at least partly portray the other side of a con ict such as the one at hand. Nonetheless, the ASPSMseemstohaverealizedthat the monothematic of “Moroccan Sahara”hasli lefuture.With their rebranding to “Sciences Maroc” and the widened access to their board to include non-Moroccans, they seem to be diversifying their intentions. Rebranding with the name “Sciences Maroc” shows a move in the right direction, focusingonembracingthecultureofthe beautiful North African country.

SAHRAWIFLAG

is is what national associations should beabout.

Yet the origins of the association are still visible. e rstInstagrampostunderthe new name was dedicated to the Green March, or, as it is described in the post, the “recovery of Oued Eddahab.” Even though it employs the same unfounded historical arguments used by Hassan II in 1975, there are 0 comments. is renders their new strategy perhaps even more concerning, as “Sciences Maroc” is blending this narrative into a mix of cultural and academic events promoting the “history and culture” of Morocco. All the while, open discussions about Western Saharainthecampuscommunityarerare, further reinforcing the existing narrative ofanundisputedlyMoroccanSahara. isisnotaphenomenonexclusivetoour campus, however. Moroccan diplomats worldwidehavebeenleadingacrusadefor the recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Sahrawi lands. Internationally, the situationisstillunclear. eUNstillconsiders the Moroccan presence a military occupation until the promised referendum is conducted. Nonetheless, the longertheoverduereferendumisstalled,the more the possibility of an internationally recognizedandsovereignWesternSahara seemsimplausible.In2020,UnitedStates President Donald Trump recognized the entirety of Western Sahara as part of the Kingdom of Morocco in exchange for its normalizing ties with Israel. e UNbacked right to self-determination of the Sahrawi people is increasingly becoming abargaining tool ininternational politics.

e Spanish-Moroccan and, by default, EU-Moroccan, relationship suffers periodically from this. Polisario leader Brahim Ghali was hospitalized in Spain in 2021, as medical facilities in the Algerian refugee camps are heavily underdeveloped. e Spanish ambassador in Rabat was then rapidly summoned to Morocco, claiming that the “premeditated act” would have repercussions. Morocco reg-

ularly threatens and acts on opening theborderstotheSpanishenclavesof Ceuta and Melilla to pressure Spain, and it seems to be working. More and morecountriesareopening consulates in Laayoune, the “capital” of “ e Moroccan Sahara,” and fewer countries recognize the Sahrawi Arab Republic. Commenting on an upcoming visit of French President Emmanuel Macron in the context of the strained relations between the two countries, King Mohammed VI stated: “I, therefore, expect certain states among Morocco’s traditional partners as well as new ones, whose stances concerning the Morocccanness of the Sahara are ambiguous, to clarify their positions and reconsider theminamannerthatleavesnoroom

fordoubt.”

International recognition and student associations aside, it is safe to say that the past, present, and future of Western Sahara are by no means a one-sided ma er. Unfortunately, the Sahrawi right to self-determination has been ignored and undermined for almost 50 years while the international community’s a ention has gradually dri ed to other issues. Meanwhile,weoncampushavebeen complicit in perpetuating a one-dimensional debate. Sciences Maroc has plenty to offer on campus, but acknowledging the multiplicity of perspectives and historical facts is necessaryfordoingso.■

ONE OF THE FIRST POSTS OF THEASSOCIATION UNDER THE NEW NAME “SCIENCES MAROC”, DEDICATEDTOTHE1975 “GREEN MARCH”

TAYGA KARAZ COLUMNIST

A er having said goodbye to a friend on a windy ursday evening, I decided to take a walk towards the brightly lit interior ofCarrefour,where manySciencesPistestendto nd themselvesdespiteitbeingoneoftheleastaffordableoptions inthearea.While thinkingofwhichkindofyogurttobuy,a gentleman with brightly polished leather shoes approached me, asking me for something in French, the language that, for now, I have still not been able to make amends with.After an embarrassing “Je ne parle pas français,” I was asked in Englishwheretheoatmilkwas.OnceIbroughtthemtothe plant-basedmilksectionofthesupermarket,Isuddenlyrealized why this man seemedsofamiliar tome;Ihad seen him inaposterhangingoncampus!

e next day, Dr Hicham Alaoui was not talking about oat milk, but instead about his new book, Pacted Democracy in the Middle East: Tunisia and Egypt in Comparative Perspective. Dr Alaoui’s presentation gave much food for thought and was also relatable for me on a personal level. e “Islam-Democracy Debate” introduced a diverse range of opinions on the concepts of secularism and democracy intheMiddleEastwhilealsonotle ingtheaudience forget abouttheignorantneo-Orientalistideasof“civilizing”Islam and their negative effect on societies. While thinking about this,Icouldn’thelpbutre ectupondifferentculturalnorms in MENA countries with some sort of secular history today which either seem to chastise individuals for their rm beliefsabout religionandsocietyorshamethemforlivinga life where traditional values are ignored and everything imported from the West is automatically viewed in a positive manner. If someone were to ask me which side is right, my immediateanswerwouldbethatbotharewrong. However, the question worth asking should not be about which side is in the wrong but about what religion and democracy truly mean for the majority of the ever-changing andrapidlygrowingpopulationoftheMENAregion.

While trying to fully answer this question in a newspaper article would be foolish of me, I must say that Dr Alaoui’s researchon how both secularists and Islamists in theregion are able to tolerate each other by creating democratic pacts provided me with quite good insight. Not on the existing differencesinideologythatbothsideshave,butonthecommon ground that they are willing to recognize towards one another.

So,attheendofthe day, onemustask: howmuch common ground will it take untilboth sides areable to have a similar visionofwhatafunctioningdemocracylookslikewhilestill maintainingtheirownuniquepoliticalagenda?•

YIFEI WANG

DearMadamYasminaandtowhomthismayconcern,

MynameisYifeiWang,I’manexchangestudentatSciencesPoMentonfromLSE(LondonSchoolofEconomicsand Political Science). I’m writing to you regarding a shocking and unfortunate racial discrimination incident which occurredduringmyFrenchB2classwithMrPascalTeisseire. I address this plea to both Madam Yasmina and whoever mightbeconcernedatSciencesPo.

Firstly,allowmetobrie y provide youwith some contexts oftheincident.

e rst occasion to which the incident occurred was during our regular French class on Tuesday the 18th of October. I was personally not present when the incident occurred due to lateness, however, from my classmates, I have indeed gathered a brief picture of what happened. As far as I’m aware, Mr Teisseire was handing out the result of an exam from the previous week, when he handed the paper to Hanlin, he asked her if she is from Hong Kong, to which she responded with a negative answer, that she is Singaporean.MrTeisseirethenexplainedthatheranswers on the paper “re ected a pa ern” he observed from all his Hong Kongese students, that all students from the region perceive the France nation as a “declining one”. Hanlin, and I believe the majority of the class,was shocked by this highly racialised andnationalistic comment. en,hecontinued to propagate his opinion that all Hong Kongnese andSingaporeanstudentsare“brainwashed”intothinking ofthe Frenchnation this way by using “WashingtonStreet Journal” to underpin. We were baffled by this completely irrelevant comment to Hanlin’s nationality as the test was about the perfume industry which has no political connotationatall.

esecondoccasion,whichIwaspresent,occurredaweek later on Tuesday the 25th of October. Hanlin was absent from this class due to, I assume, the highly racialised and offensive comment Mr Teisseire made regarding her. Mr Teisseireenquired,totherestoftheclass,thereasonforher absence, which no one had the answer for. us, he went on commenting on Hanlin’s behaviour the previous week, described her as ‘aggressive’. is is followed by him reiterating his claim that people from Hong Kong and Singapore are “brainwashed” into thinking western nations are declining.

I was again, in awe, by his audacity to even bring this subject ma er up again. Clearly, he did not realise the racially discriminatoryandnationallydiscriminatorynatureofhis speech at all. He then proceeded into a half-hour-long soliloquy about fake news, the history of European nations, WWIIandHitlerwhichisagain,irrelevanttothenatureof theFrenchclass.

HereIa achanautomatedtranscriptofhisstatements:

e third occasion occurred on the 28th of October. Mr Teisseiresentan‘apology’emailtotheclass,however,inthe email there was no real sign of self re ection and contemplation. In particular, he described his severe racist words as“I’m probably toopassionate in myteaching”. erewas noregret,apologyorsincerityinhisemail.AllIcouldseeis moredenial,blandishmentsandarrogance.

With the context of the incidents clearly laid out, I would liketohenceforthexplainmyconcerns.

First and foremost, the reason why I feel these incidents areproblematiccorrelatestothefactthathisoriginalclaim wasintrinsicallyracist,orientalistandoffensive.Ioffertwo reasoningstosupportthis.

Firstly,hisideology isexplicitlyorientalist.Hegeneralised ALL students from Hong Kong, or Singapore, as he later added, to have the same ideology –– thinking developed European nations as “in decline”. is is not only untrue but also demonstrated his internalised prejudice against students from these regions. As the Sciences Po Menton campus is Mediterranean specialised, I’m sure you are familiarwithoneofthemajorcanonsofsocialscience––Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism.Mr Teisseire’s thinking hereperfectlyexempli essuchtheorem.IbelieveMrTeisseirehasthepreconceptionthatallpeoplefromthe‘orient’ are ‘brainwashed’ by mass nationalistic ideas, as opposed to the ‘liberal’ ideologies in the ‘west’. I back up this claim by pointing out that, his assumption of Hanlin’s nationality was originally Hong Kong, yet as soon as he found out Hanlin is actually Singaporean, he immediately added Singapore tohis“brainwashed”country list. isre ected that heperceives all ‘oriental’ peopleas anentity, that they areindifferentandhenceinterchangeabletohislist.What’s morealarmingisthatheproudlyexpressedsuchhighlyorientalistideaovertly,asifthisisapedagogicalbreakthrough inwhichhehaddeducedfromhispastexperienceteaching ‘oriental’students;thathesuccessfullyidenti eda‘pa ern’ of the ‘oriental’ way of thinking. e fact that he proudly reiterates this point again in the consecutive week, further testi edthathetakestheutmostprideinhis‘empiricalpayff’ of studyingandobserving his‘oriental’ students. is is

bothworrisomeandformidable.

Secondly, I believe his racism stems from his intrinsic orientalistbeliefs.Here,Iofferyouanempiricalexamplefrom my own observation. On the 18th of October, we had an oral speaking exam. I was si ing in the back of the classroom, working on my wri en exam due to my absence in the previous week when the rest of the class completed theirs’. us,Icouldoverheartheoralexamofallmyclassmates. I couldn’t help but noticed an interesting pa ern: MrTeisseirepersistedtouseFrenchasthesolemediumto conduct the exam despite how hard the student was strugglingtounderstand.However,heimmediatelyswitchedto English as soon as I, Qiuyi and Hanlin –– the only three eastAsian-lookingstudents,showeventheslightestsignof confusion.Forexample,whenHanlinwashavingdifficulty understanding the word ‘quotidien’, he immediately translated the word into English, while with another student, heusedFrenchtoexplainthemeaningofthewordbysubstituting the word with something like “ce que vous faites chaque jour”. is exempli ed that he internally perceives Asian-lookingstudentswillstrugglemorewithaEuropean language like French –– another classical orientalist idea. Backgrounding from LSE, an institution that withholds thesameprestigepositioninsocialsciencesasSciencesPo; I, Qiuyi and Hanlin are indeed as capable as the other studentsintermsofourlearningabilities.Frenchisthe3rdor 4thlanguageforthethreeofus,thisprovesweareperfectly competentinforeignlanguagelearning. erefore,Ibelieve wedeserveno‘specialtreatment’duringtheoralexam.Mr Teisseire’s gesture to aid students in need is indeed out of good heart, which I have nothing against; however, ‘oriental’appearanceisnotavalidcriteriontoidentifysuch.

Furthermore,whatreallyurgesmetocomposethisemailis due to the fact that I, and I believe also the majority of the class, see NO regret in him a er the original incident had occurred.

Allowmetostartbyremindingyouinthesecondincident, hescolded totheclassthatabout hisopinion against Hanlin, claiming she was “aggressive” and “brainwashed”. I could barely believe my ears when those words came out of his mouth again, for the second time. I was impressed, shocked and intimidated by his raging ignorance and arrogance to even dare to elaborate on his racist comment onceagain.Clearly,hedidnotconductanythorough––or anyatall,internalre ectionagainsthisactionoftheprevious week. I sit in my seat, hands against the piercing-cold table, le ing his prejudiced words slide into my ear at my discretion.I wasnumbed,allIfeltwashollow,sadnessand doubtfulness. Growing up, I was always instilled that I should take my teachers’ words seriously, that their words are always insightful and enriching. Yet during his solilo-

quy, that idea sha ered piece by piece in my mind. I questionedtheauthorityofSciencesPo,inwhichateacherwith such twisted ideology is allowed to instruct; I questioned myself, whether I had made a false decision of opting for Sciences Po as my exchange institution; I questioned my ideology, re ecting whether there is something I can do to alleviate his racism. Yet there seemed to be none. Racist ideology stems so very deep in his mind that I do not believe there is a way to completely eradicate from him. is overwhelmedmewithadeepsenseofdespair,hopelessness and pessimism in which I felt the institution might just be intrinsicallyracist,thatthereareevenmoreprofessorswho are as racist as him, lecturing hundreds and thousands of students, inculcating them with prejudicial opinions against other races, nationalities and cultures. I felt hopeless, I felt despair, I felt sorrow, for him, for the institution, forthenumerousBAMEcommunitymembersundergoing racismbyprofessorslikeMrTeisseire.

However, during that week, I was approached by Qiuyi, who joined me to talk to Mrs Yasmina and Mrs Asma regardingthesituation. atbriefchatreassuredmeSciences Poisactivelyworkingonthissituationwhichreallyenabled my hopefulness towards the be erment of the institution, towards changes in structural racism, towards changes in Mr Teisseire. Yet not long a er this hyper-reassuring conversation, Mr Teisseire’s apology email once again zapped me to the trough of hopefulness. In his email, which is utterly concise and brief, he did not offer any sincere apology to Hanlin while merely regarding his racist act as being “too passionate” as quoted above. e vortex of hopelessnessdraggedmebacktothatclassroomwherehereiterated the racist comment against Hanlin, against the countries in the Asian continent, against every single member of the Asiancommunity. I ba ed myeyelids over and over again, hopingit would be somethingImisreador misinterpreted, butIdidnot. econversationbetweentheschoolandhim either has been ineffective, or has not been perceived correctly on his end. A sense of helplessness arises, I did not know what to do against his overt racism and his unapologetica itude.Hislighttoneintheemailinfactirritatedme slightly, I felt he was bragging about nothing concrete occurredtohispositionatSciencesPo,abouthowli leeffect this incident had on his pedagogical trajectory, about how the institution also deemed his action as insigni cant. My handstrembledforhisarrogance,myheartquiveredforthe soon-to-be discriminated Asian students, my mind shudderedforthefutureoftheSciencesPoinstitution.

Lastly, and please excuse me for not stressing this earlier; theclassMrTeisseireinstructsisaLANGUAGEclass,not Politics,HistorynorGeography. Astheexamples clearlyindicate,Mr Teisseirehasbrought upcompletelyunrelatedcontentstotheclass.Idonothave any interest, nor any willingnessto learn his prejudice eloquent against world nations, the history of WWII or any-

thingunrelatedtothecontentofmyFrenchlanguageclass. Neither do I feel listening to his half-an-hour long speech during a2 hours perweekclass would in anyway,shape or formassistmyFrenchLanguage learning.Idonotconsent to any ofhis opinions as well,thefact that he deploys a US news agency to underpin his opinions on Hong Kong and Singaporeispurelunacytome.AsaChinesestudent,asan Asian student, as a member of the racial minority community,Ifeeloffended,lookeddownuponandirritated.Itwas excruciatingly uncomfortable enough to witness his rsthandracismagainstmyclassmate,tohearmoreofhisrabid opinion for half an hour the following week just made me wanttodartmyearsoutoftheclassroomasitwasmuchtoo painful,hurtful,andupse ingtohear.

I distinctively remembered that when I was deciding on my exchange institution, I did not hold a second thought but opted for Sciences Po for its academic excellence, yet I’m now regre ing this decision having experienced such ridiculously overt racism. Exchanging from London, a large metropolitan city, racial discrimination is seldom overt.Duringmy 2years’studyatLSE,asamemberof the BAME community; I, myself have witnessed, experienced and dealt with numerous covert discriminations against myrace.

However, to witness such overt, explicit and apparent racial discrimination against my classmates in-person still hitsmehard.WhathurtsmemoreisMrTeisseire’scareless a itude towards his behaviours, that he perceives this as a completely unmarked act, in which he does not realise his speech is discriminatory, ignorant and racist at all. White supremacy has been inculcated as a root-deep unmarked ideainhismindtoenablehisaudacitytoproudlyelaborate and reiterate his racist ideas on multiple occasions. I believe this is something SciencesPo, as aninstitution, ought to dwell more effort on when recruiting and training your academic faculties. In addition, I hope Sciences Po would improveyourprotocolstocopewithsuchscenarios.Iadvocate you to construct a standard protocol to officialise the process of dealing with these. From the experience we had post-incident with the school management, the process is stillawork-in-progressinwhichthe schoolmanagementis slightlyoverwhelmed.

I hope this email reaches the Sciences Po administration team and I expect and strongly advise the school to take further action against Mr Pascal Teisseire. Racism should not be tolerated at Sciences Po, its eradication is not an overnight process indeed, yet it’s not totally unrealistic to take one step at a time. Taking actions against Mr Pascal Teisseire could be a wonderful anchor to launch such process.

YoursFaithfully, YifeiWang

A REFLECTION ON HOW BEST TO ADDRESS DISCRIMINATION ONCAMPUS

NOA BRAWERMANN COLUMNIST

Recent events on campus, namely the suspension of French teacher Pascal Teissiere, have prompted me to re ecton how SciencesPo and academic institutions in general respondto acts of discriminationon campus. According to my interview with Yasmina Touaibia, Pascal was placed on leave due to repeated incidentsofracialdiscriminationagainst Asian students in his classes. While actions have since been taken, as of the beginning of December, very littlehadbeencommunicatedwiththe student body, other than a message posted on general Whatsapp/ Facebook groups rather than in an official manner indicating that the teacher was under investigation due to “suspicion of racist remarks.”

Inlightof this,I decidedto look further into the mechanisms and processes in place to address reports of discrimination.

Because of the lack of clear communication on the side of the Sciences Po administration, the ring of Mr Teissiere was followed by an eruption of gossip around Menton. Greater emphasis was then placed onreassuringstudentsthattheiracademic course would not be affected, and that a new replacement teacher was being recruited. Friends discussed possible events and speculatedonhowMrTeissiererespondedto these claims. In contrast to how SciencesPo responded to this incident, Iwouldproposefurtherengagement to be based on two valuable principles:transparencyanddialogue.

First, transparency allows everyone to remain informed and prevent speculations or gossip.For any fruitfuldiscussion tobe possible,we rst need to establish a consensus on the facts of the ma er. What actually happened with Mr Teissiere; what did he say; what did he do? Yifei Wang’s le er, in which he urges Sci-

ences Po to take action, was instrumental in precipitating this investigation. e le er helped me gain valuableinsightsabout the issueand has been published in Le Zadig for readers to hear his opinion. Considering that no formal explanation has been offered by SciencesPo, I hope thispersonalre ectionmaysensitize readerstothegravityoftheissueand the need to discuss discrimination oncampus.

Personally, I do not see it fair to thosediscriminatedagainsttogossip about events and propose different actsofracism,discussingwhatmight be harsh enough to result in an investigation. On the contrary, I think transparency is also important while respecting the con dentiality of those involved could help us create a moreinclusive and welcomingspacethroughaprocessofrecognitionandsolidarity.

Second, I think it is imperative to engage in critical dialogue and re ect on one’s potential prejudices. While planning this article, I had numerous interesting discussions with colleagues about this event and the role of academic institutions. At Sciences Po, we areluckytohavestudentsfromallover the world, which also means we can representdifferentperspectives.Istress that this article is a personal re ection, and also an invitation to have conversations with fellow Sciences Pistes and to challenge our own perspectives. Certain actions or comments which I deem normal may seem harmful toanother. It is imperative that we sensitize ourselvestothesubjectivityoffeelings, andtoactivelytakestepstounderstand other perspectives. We need to stand in solidarity as a student body to do this, we need to be open to listening and supporting others. Ignorance is not bliss. I believe that many of us, especially students from the Global North,have aresponsibility toeducate oneself and sensitize oneself to how to actively enable a more inclusive environment.

When it comes to the case of Mr Teissiere,Ithinkitisalsocriticaltoconsid-

erhisroleasaneducatoratSciencesPo. A classroom should be a safe environmentforstudents,suchthatitwillhelp them learn and engage in the course. us, I do not believe it acceptable to target students and their culture, in a way that makes students uncomfortable and alienated. e intention of one’s actions may not always equate to the impact of one’s actions. ere is a balance between respecting one’s freedom of speech, and acting responsibly when taking a position of power. Discussingthebalancebetweenrespecting the right to freedom of speech and to freedom from offense is as important asitiscontentious,andIhopethatthis articlesparksfurtherengagement.

to recognise these impacts and hence change our behavior to be less offensive in contrast with the growth of’ cancel culture’, which merely rejects a person following an act of discrimination and prevents dialogue. is, I believe,iscounterproductiveandwillnot helpusachieveaninclusive,welcoming environment.

For the moment, the response procedure for Menton appears to be a case bycasescenario,whereexecutivesconsider reports and, when deemed necessary, open an investigation regarding the incident. As of yet, there is not an established procedure with measures to both prevent and respond to discrimination. However, the administrationhasindicatedthataworkinggroup is currently working on this topic. During my discussion with them, they emphasized their interest in engaging with students and have thus invited representatives to join the task force and contribute to shaping future policies.

Regardless of what is done (or not done) by Sciences Po, I encourage studentstoengageindialogueonthefundamental ideas at play freedom of speech, wokism, the role of educators.

While I think all of this is important to create an inclusive community, the question remains what is to be done? How do we respond to instances of racism without perpetuating an unhealthycancel-culture?Hereliesthe greatest scope for disagreement. An interesting podcast episode called “le Wokism” by Le Précepteur which discusses the growth of a “Woke” culture. Inanutshell,tobe‘woke’istobeaware ofstructuraldiscriminationsandinjustices against minorities and to actively denounce such institutional oppression. I see this phenomenon as a furthermotivetoengageindialogue.Constructive conversations could allow us

is is not an isolated case. Let this incident be a reminder of the severity of the issue, and an opportunity to establish a systematic procedure for the future. e important point remains that, regardless of the details, students felt targeted and discriminated against. What measures can we take to prevent that from happening again, and what canwe,asastudentbody,showinsolidaritytotheseissues?■