Topic Overviews // 42nd NSC of EYP Greece by National Selection Conference Thessaloniki

Thessaloniki '21 // 42nd National Selection Conference of EYP Greece

Topic Overviews Thessaloniki, 17-20 December '21

CONTENTS Words from the President ………………………………………………………………………….. 1 Introduction to the European Union …………………………………………………………….... 2 Committee on Constitutional Affairs I (AFCO I) …………………………………………………... 8 Committee on Constitutional Affairs II (AFCO II) ……………………………………………….... 15 Committee on Human Rights I (DROI I) …………………………………………………………... 21 Committee on Human Rights II (DROI II) …………………………………………………………. 27 Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (EMPL) …………………………………………. 34 Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) ………………………………….. 39 Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE) ………………………………………….... 46 Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) ……………………………….... 54 Committee on Security and Defence I (SEDE I) ………………………………………………….. 60 Committee on Security and Defence II (SEDE II) ……………………………………………….... 68

WORDS FROM THE PRESIDENT Dear Delegates, Welcome to Thessaloniki 2021 - 42nd National Session of EYP Greece! I hope that you will enjoy reading this Academic Preparation Kit as much as the Academic Team of the Session enjoyed preparing it. The purpose of this Booklet is assisting you with your first steps of getting to know more about the issue you will be discussing during the Committee Work. I hope that it will only encourage your further curiosity as you, as an active citizen and representative of the youth network, have all the power for influencing the future. During the Session, you should never feel alone! You will be guided and supported by dedicated and knowledgeable individuals who worked very hard for creating every Topic Overview. Their unlimited curiosity and willingness to shape an engaging and informative environment have helped them prepare the document which you will be reading now. I would like to sincerely thank our Chairpersons - Enrico, Cayvenne Joseph, Ville, Essi, Sofia, George, Teodora, Elena, Frane, Kirsten, Dimitris, Froso, Kacper, Iva, Raphael, Frederik, and Yiannis for their great work with research and unlimited dedication during the writing process. Additionally, my words of appreciation go to Vice-Presidents of the Session - Maria, Emilia, and Vasilis (Bill) for all the support, motivation, and energy. I hope you will enjoy reading this booklet! Please take time and think about the questions formed by your Chairpersons. Further research will not only broaden your knowledge about the topic but will help you better contribute to the upcoming discussions and, as a result, shape a resolution which illustrates all your creativity, and well-informed opinions. Looking forward to meeting you soon! Best wishes, Lira Mikayelyan (AM) President of Thessaloniki 2021 - 42nd National Session of EYP Greece

INTRODUCTION TO THE EU STRUCTURE Welcome to the EU! The European Union (EU) constitutes a supranational organisation of 27 Member States. It is an economic and political union of unique organisation in terms of both structure and decision-making. It has gradually evolved, starting from the first European Communities established after the second world war to preserve peace on the European continent. Over the following decades, the jurisdictions of EU institutions grew as a step towards the closer economic and political integration of Member States, resulting in the still-evolving structure of the EU we know today. How does the EU pass laws? The European legislative process is far wider than that of the majority of Member States; it involves the European Commission, the Council of the EU, and the European Parliament, which comprise the Institutional Triangle of the EU. These determine whether a resolution will become a legitimate act, coming into effect after being integrated into national legislation by Member States. If you want a more detailed overview of how the EU passes legislation, you might be interested in this video: How does the EU pass new laws?

What are the ‘EU competences’? The EU can only pass legislation (i.e. has the competence to do so) in areas that fall under its legal jurisdiction. In Articles 2-6 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), these

areas are made explicit. In other words, it is clarified who can legislate in different areas: the EU, the national governments, or both. What are the types of EU competences? ● ●

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Exclusive competence: Only the EU can act in these cases, producing legally binding acts that Member States are responsible for applying. Shared competence: Both the Commission and national governments may legislate in these areas. However, national governments may only pass laws if the EU has not already done so (‘exclusive if EU has policy’) or if it has decided to not do so (‘non-exclusive’). Supporting competence: The EU aids Member States by coordinating or supporting their action, for example through setting up relevant programs and sharing best practices. However, the EU has no jurisdiction to create new laws in these areas or lead Member States to harmonise their national legislations.

If you want to learn about EU competences in greater detail, you might be interested in this video: Competences of the European Union. The policy areas on which the EU can legislate are organised by competences as follows: Shared Exclusive

Exclusive if EU has policy

Non-exclusive

Support, Coordinate, Complement Most Human Health Policies

Customs Union

Internal Market

Research and Development

Euro Monetary Policy

Some Social Policies

Outer Space Policies

Industry

Conservation of marine resources (fisheries)

Cohesion Policy

Development and Cooperation

Culture

Common Commercial Policy

Agriculture and Fisheries

Humanitarian Aid

Tourism

Environment Competition Rules for the functioning of the Internal Market

Consumer Protection

Education, Vocational Training, Youth, Sport

Transport and transEuropean networks

Civil protection, Disaster Prevention

Conclusion of International Agreements under certain conditions

Area of Freedom, Justice and Security

Administrative Cooperation

Energy

Coordination of social, economic, employment policies

Public Health Policies

In any area of legislation not covered by this table, Member States have exclusive competence, which means that the EU cannot make any legally binding proposals. What are the different types of European Union legislation? The EU has two roots of law in terms of legislation: primary and secondary. ● Primary: The treaties of the Union, the treaties of the accession of new Member States, and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights are the primary origins of EU law. ● Secondary: Directives, regulations, decisions, opinions, and recommendations are examples of secondary forms of EU law that must be aligned with the principles and guidance of primary EU legislation. - Regulations: legally binding documents that must be followed in their entirety in the European Union. - Directives: legal tools establishing certain aims that all Member States must fulfil through nationally-implemented legislative action. - Decisions: legally binding acts that only affect the public to whom it is directed, such as a single country or a single organization. - Recommendations and opinions make the proposing body’s views public, but they are not legally binding. If you want to know more about these secondary forms of EU law, this video will be of use to you: What is the difference between Directives, Regulations and Decisions? What are the EU’s institutions? 1. The European Commission (‘The Commission’) The Commission is the Union’s executive body. Each Member State nominates one Commissioner who is responsible for a specific policy area (e.g., agriculture, competition, foreign affairs). The Commission monitors the implementation of EU policy, has exclusive Right of Initiative to propose legislation to the European Parliament and Council of the EU, and represents the EU in foreign affairs through the High

Representative (HR/VP). The Commission is divided into various Directorates-General (DGs) or services, each responsible for a particular policy area. 2. The European Parliament (EP) The European Parliament is the EU's legislative body, composed of 705 Members of Parliament (MEPs) directly elected by all EU citizens every five years. Aside from having the role of co-decision on legislative and budgetary proposals together with the Council of the EU, the EP supervises the Commission and debates on international agreements. 3. The Council of the EU (‘The Council’) The Council co-decides on policies and legislation with the European Parliament, coordinates policies across Member States, and concludes on international agreements. It is organised through issue-specific groups (configurations) composed of the Ministers of Member States together with the President, whose term lasts six months. 4. The European Council (never abbreviated) The European Council is made up of the EU’s heads of state or government and the President of the Commission. It determines the EU’s strategies, policies, and goals, as well as the Union’s shared foreign and security policy. The European Council is a strategic body without legislative authority. 5. The Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) The CJEU oversees all aspects of the legal system, ensuring the lawful application of the EU Laws and Treaties. It also interprets EU law at the request of national courts. The CJEU consists of two major courts: the European Court of Justice (ECJ), the highest EU court; and the General Court. If you want a clearer picture of how the above-mentioned institutions work, be sure to check this useful diagram of the main EU stakeholders:

6. The European Central Bank The European Central Bank (ECB) is the central bank for the euro and administers the monetary policy of the euro area, which consists of 19 EU Member States and is one of the largest currency areas in the world. It is one of the world’s most important central banks. The bank was established by the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1998, and is headquartered in Frankfurt, Germany. The owners and shareholders of the European Central Bank are the central banks of the 27 Member States of the EU. Important non-EU institution 1. The Council of Europe The Council of Europe (CoE) is an international organisation promoting cooperation amongst all countries of Europe in the areas of legal standards, human rights, democratic development, the rule of law and cultural cooperation. It was founded in 1949, has 47 Member States with over 800 million citizens, and is an entirely separate body from the EU. The CoE cannot make binding laws. Its best known bodies are the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), which enforces the European Convention on Human Rights, and the European Pharmacopoeia Commission, which sets the quality standards for pharmaceutical products in Europe. The Council of Europe's work has resulted in standards, charters and conventions to facilitate cooperation between European countries. Its statutory institutions are the Committee of Ministers (comprising the foreign ministers of each of its 47 Member States), the Parliamentary Assembly (composed of MPs from the parliament of each Member State) and the Secretary General.

Who to call upon in a resolution?

1. If we want to implement something at an EU-level: the European Commission, through its Directorate Generals; never the European Parliament. We are the EYP after all, proposing our resolution! 2. Other EU-bodies or organisations connected to the topic! 3. More interested in implementation on the national level? Member States are the way to go! 4. Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) can be very influential as well! 5. Cannot find anyone in the EU? No problem, consider international organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and Council of Europe (CoE), or other topic-specific ones! 6. Cannot find anyone at all to call upon? Check again, ask your Chairs for some help! Finding the appropriate stakeholder can be a challenge, but they definitely exist, no need for creating new bodies to deal with the issue! Sources credited for the document: -

Introduction to the EU | Hamburg IS Introduction to the EU | Bois Colombes RS Introduction to the EU | Leinster RSS Introduction to the EU | Unite RSS The European Union | Functions, competencies, developments (2014) [A bit] About the EU - Thessaloniki 2018 | 38th NSC of EYP Greece The European Union (2014, European Commission) Introduction to the EU | Kuopio RSS Introduction to the EU | Kielce RSS

Committee on Constitutional Affairs I (AFCO I) BalkIn or BalkOut? With several Balkan countries being candidates and potential candidates for EU membership and benefiting from pre-accession funding, several accession criteria still need to be fulfilled, leaving negotiations stagnating. How, if at all, should the EU ensure a smooth accession process of Balkan countries, also in light of the potential setbacks that such enlargement could bring to the EU’s stability as a whole? by Enrico Zonta (IT)

1. Background and relevance “We want the Western Balkans in the European Union, there cannot be any doubt that our goal is enlargement.” Ursula Von der Leyen - 6th October 2021, Brdo, Slovenia. These are the words that the President of the European Commission Von der Leyen used on the 6th October, 2021 in the EU-Western Balkans summit in Brdo, Slovenia, conveying a clear message on the EU’s joint will to welcome the Balkan enlargement. However, the political turmoil over the topic among the EU leaders and the stagnating progress in the Balkan region might present a more complex and intricate perspective. In order for a country to join the European Union, it has to fulfill the accession criteria, also known as Copenhagen criteria, consisting of political criteria, such as democracy and the rule of law1, economic criteria, such as a functioning market economy, and administrative criteria, such as the capacity to effectively implement the acquis2. After having filed an application for the EU membership and being considered ready by the European Council, a country is granted a candidate status, meaning that accession negotiations between the country and the EU are opened. Since 2003 the Western Balkans are granted a favoured route for accession to the EU, due to their strategic importance for the Union in terms of trade, migration, stability, and geopolitical dominance of the region. The process is referred to as Stabilisation and Association Process (SPA) and involves favourable contractual and trade relationships, financial assistance, and political dialogue for the stability of the region. Currently, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo have been granted a Potential Candidate Status under the Stabilisation and Association Process, while Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia have been granted Candidate Country status and their accession talks with the EU have started. However, 1

The rule of law is the legal concept by which everyone in the country falls under the law and has to respect it, both the citizens and the government. 2 The Acquis communitaire is the body of common rights and duties pertaining to EU Member States, comprising all of its sources of law. 8

progress has been stagnating. While Albania and North Macedonia have opened accession talks in July 2021, negotiations with Serbia and Montenegro have started, respectively, in 2014 and 2012, with only two and three negotiation chapters already closed, out of more than 30 in total, some of which have yet to be opened. The main issues that revolve around the Western Balkans are the respect for the rule of law, judicial independence, the fight against corruption, freedom of expression, management of migration flows, and a competitive market economy. Such issues, especially the respect for fundamental EU values enshrined in art. 2 Treaty on the European Union (TEU), are a cause of great concern among the EU leaders, such as the President of France Macron, who advocates for an EU-wide reform before proceeding with further enlargement.

Image Source: Map of Europe according to the accession year

In fact, opponents of enlargement advocate that the EU is still coping with the issues brought about by the 2004-2007 enlargement, which created further economic and social divisions, while different Member States raise concerns on the capacity of new countries such as Romania, Bulgaria, and Croatia to integrate the acquis. Given the well-established issues with the rule of law in Member States such as Poland and Hungary, the main argument of opponents of the Balkan enlargement is: if the EU does not find a way to solve its internal problems, how can it even support external countries willing to join the Union?

2. Key stakeholders

Please consult the Stakeholders Map at this link

The European Commission, being the executive branch of the European Union and composed of one Commissioner per country, is responsible for recommending to the European Council the steps to take concerning an application to join the EU and to negotiate with the country. Once it is given a negotiating mandate by the Council, it can set benchmarks for candidate countries and formally negotiate the terms with them. Specifically, the Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and enlargement negotiations (DG NEAR) is the branch of the European Commission assisting candidates and potential candidates in meeting the requirements for accession. It develops and implements the stabilisation and association policy for the Western Balkans. The European Council, composed of the 27 Heads of States and being responsible for setting the priorities of the EU agenda, is granted by art. 49 Treaty on the European Union (TEU), the power to make decisions on the accession steps to take, which need to be agreed on unanimously. Unanimous voting implies that every Member State has veto power on the accession of other countries, in the specifics of the Western Balkans. The Balkan countries within the scope of the EU enlargement process are Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia; they all filed an application for EU membership and have been granted candidate or potential candidate status. The current negotiations with the Commission require their national governments to implement the measures needed to reach the benchmarks established and close the negotiations.

Additionally, National Parliaments play a role in the accession: in fact, when a country joins the EU, they sign an accession treaty with all Member States. Being such an international treaty, each National Parliament of each Member State will have to, according to their own constitutional requirements, ratify the agreement before it enters into force. Should a national parliament not support the accession of a country, despite their government supporting it in the European Council, they can halt them from entering the EU.

3. Challenges and measures in place Further enlargement vs. risk of further instability Article 1 of the Treaty on the European Union states that the Treaty marks a new stage in the process of creating an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe. An ever-closer Europe is often what the advocates for a stronger role of the EU or for a further enlargement call for. Though in the recent twenty years Europe has indeed come closer both in terms of governance, thanks to the 2009 Treaty of Lisbon, and in terms of different peoples, thanks to the 2004-2007 enlargement, significantly major issues have risen. Currently, the EU suffers from a wide economic, democratic and political divide between the Western and the Eastern countries, likely linked to the fact that the latter have joined the Union only in 2004, 2007, and 2013. In fact, new countries joining the internal single market and the monetary Union led to phenomena such as relocation of companies in Eastern Europe, where they enjoy a lower labour cost. The democratic divide lies in the issues with corruption and the rule of law in countries such as Romania, Bulgaria, Poland, and Hungary. The EU’s decision-making has also been hampered by the enlargement: in fact, certain decisions in the European Council, such as those concerning possible consequences on the breach of fundamental values, are taken unanimously, therefore all Member States hold veto power, regardless of the population size. Therefore, a further enlargement to other post-communist Eastern-European countries, some of which suffer from similar rule of law issues, scares Western European countries that call for a wide EU internal reform to improve its functioning and procedures before welcoming other countries. Hence, as long as some Member States oppose enlargement, Balkan accession will be realistically impossible to achieve. Struggle of the Western Balkans to fulfil the criteria As of February 2020, the EU has adopted a new approach to Western Balkan enlargement that goes beyond the aforementioned Stabilisation and Association Process. Such approach entails a stronger focus on fundamental reforms, an increase in high-level political dialogue, a reorganisation of the accession talks according to thematic clusters and a clearer and merit-based evaluation. In fact, as the acquis is in continuous evolution, the goal to reach by accessing countries seems to be always moving: with the new approach, the EU will establish specific benchmarks for every negotiation chapter that need to be achieved, both for the opening and the closing of the chapter. Additionally, the Commission established that the chapters on the rule of law and democracy will be the first to be

opened and the last ones to be closed: progress in such areas will determine the overall advancement of the talks. On October 19th, 2021, the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and the Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement presented the impact assessment on the progress of the Western Balkans. On one hand, the results present significant progress in certain areas, such as the opening of the chapters of competitiveness and green agenda for Serbia and the first municipal election in 12 years held in the city of Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the other hand, the Commission states that the progress of the talks has been proportional to the progress of reforms in the rule of law area of the candidates, thus still stagnating. It is worth mentioning that Serbia still struggles with judicial independence, fight against corruption, and media freedom, while Montenegro has issues with media freedom and fight against corruption, and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s divisive political environment keeps pushing back fundamental reforms in the fields of justice and administration. Not only does the EU provide intergovernmental dialogue and guidelines for reforms to the Western Balkans, but it also provides concrete financial support. The Instrument for Pre-Accession III (IPA III), successor of the precedent IPA II, provides an overall €14.2 billion of investments to the Western Balkans and Turkey for the 2021-2027 period to support fundamental reforms, economic growth, and competitiveness. While its contribution to the progress in candidate countries is evident, issues concerning the control over the usage of funds and the lack of visibility that the EU support has in the countries have risen. As a result, for IPA III, the EU has adopted a strategy that will connect strictly the fulfilment of the accession benchmarks, specific economic goals and the implementation of the acquis to the funding provided through IPA III; the efforts and progress of the benefiting countries will be subject to a recurring evaluation of performance. The EU has also supported Western Balkans with a specific COVID-19 package, including financial support and vaccine provisions, as well as with setting up the Western Balkans Investment Framework, a platform of civil society for the socio-economic development of the area. Political tensions in the Western Balkans With the effects of the 1990s Balkan War still visible in the region, several issues between the Western Balkan countries themselves, and between them and the EU are still unresolved. First among all, there is the Kosovo-Serbia long-standing issue: the stabilisation of the countries’ relationship is one of the fundamental tenets in the accession talks, with the EU acting as mediator among the two. Serbia is also a protagonist of political tensions with Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the long aftermath of the Srebrenica massacre, that Serbia still has to recognise, despite the ruling of the International Court of Justice. North Macedonia has recently solved a harsh diplomatic fight with Greece over the name of the country, changing its name from ‘Macedonia’ to ‘North Macedonia’, due the Greek region named Macedonia. Such progress led to Greece lifting the veto in the Council for accession talks with North Macedonia. The latter country has also unresolved issues with Bulgaria for several cultural and political disputes. These tensions that are present not only at a political level but also on asocietal

basis, hamper progress in the accession talks, due to the inconsistent international relations of the countries. Another element contributing to geopolitical instability is the economic investments of China in the region: the country has increasingly augmented its investment in connectivity, trade, and foreign direct investment3 on companies, becoming one of the most fundamental partners of the Western Balkans. Though China’s goals seem to be more related to the economic sphere, while the EU’s interest pertains more to the political and societal sphere, making the two ambitions possibly coexistent and beneficial, the attractiveness of the two different domains is call of a wide political debate, both in the Balkans and in the EU.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ●

Could the European Union at its current state resist a further enlargement without serious repercussions on its stability? How would you change the EU’s approach towards the accession dialogue with the Western Balkans? How can it be improved? What further methods should the EU implement for accelerating the negotiations? How can the Western Balkans collaborate in order to accelerate countries’ accession negotiations with the EU?

5. One for all, all for one The programme Interreg Italy-Albania-Montenegro is an instance of local initiative funded through the Instrument for Pre-Accession II, aimed at furthering cooperation between Member States and Candidate countries. Such local initiatives are paramount in fostering not only institutional cooperation, but also social exchange and interaction among peoples of EU countries and accessing countries, contributing to the sentiment of an ever-closer union of the peoples of Europe. The programme ran from 2014 to 2020 and was renewed for 2021-2027; it entails development of a cross-border market for Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), cooperation on cultural programmes and creativity, as well as common strategies for water landscaping, given the geographical proximity of the countries’ coasts. Some positive results are the knowledge sharing among private enterprises concerning storage of data, the promotion of high-quality production techniques of food and training for the youth.

Foreign Direct Investment is the purchase of an interest of a private company by a foreign company or investor. 3

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Read this factsheet by the EU on the current state of relations with Western Balkans - Read this article by Euronews concerning the political division over enlargement - Read this OpEd by the Clingdale Institute on the EU influence over the Western Balkans - Watch this video by DW News on the Brno Summit Additional Engagement - Read this article by Heinrich-Böll Siftung on the 2004-2007 EU enlargement - Read this article by Euronews on further cooperation between Western Balkans - Read this paper on the effectiveness of EU intervention in the Western Balkans - Watch this video by France 24English on a European perspective for the Balkans

Committee on Constitutional Affairs II (AFCO II) Europe 2.0: In the post-pandemic era, the discourse on the state of the EU is heavily focused on forming a European identity based on unity, political will, and common ideals. With the European Commission underlining the importance of reinforcing the "soul of the EU", and the need for self-reliant European institutions being more pressing than ever, how can the EU actualise the vision of a more united Europe whilst specifically focusing on strengthening and autonomising its economy, health and defence sectors? by Cayvenne Joseph Carag (GR) and Ville Valli (FI)

1. Background and relevance Since the year 2000 the motto of the EU has been: “Unity in diversity”. While the EU consists of numerous cultures and drastically different backgrounds of the Member States, the EU values, and the European identity, remain equally important as both the national and European levels of identification can provide European citizens with the best of both worlds: patriotic belonging alongside European collaboration and communality. With the COVID-19 pandemic being one of the biggest crises the EU has had to face in the 21st century, unity was urgently needed, not only within the EU but also worldwide. Through this crisis, unity proved to be the hero in many cases, as European solidarity was actively practiced and reinforced. Member States shared the resources they had at their disposal when needed, such as medical staff and supplies. Despite their own battles during the pandemic, that did not stop Austria, the Netherlands and Hungary from sending 295 ventilators in total to the Czech Republic. In addition, teams of doctors from Germany, Poland, and Romania have been dispatched to hospitals in the north and south of Italy to assist in the treatment of patients. More than a year after the start of the pandemic, Europeans have come to realise that they cannot rely on the support of non-EU countries like the United States, Russia, or China in the fields of economics, military and health, and that they must develop greater self-reliance4 either on a national or Union-wide level. A new generation of Europeans has produced a new set of ideals for the Union, considering the power of innovation and the will to create a better EU. On the other hand, based on a poll created by Erasmus, numerous young people are said to sense a gap between the EU and themselves, making the “soul of the EU” get lost through generations. With that in mind, a more united and self-reliant EU 4

The ability of a country, including the government, civil society, and the private sector, to plan, finance, and implement solutions to solve its own development challenges. 15

cannot be created when the next generation does not feel intertwined with the European spirit as there will not be any motivation to improve the EU. In the midst of the COVID-19 crisis, it is evident that young people can play a critical role in our society' recovery and development, provided they possess a sense of purpose and achievement and sense of community and belonging.

Image Source: Trust and image of the EU

2. Key stakeholders The leading European institution for solidarity is the European Commission, which supervises the implementation of EU law through its Directorates-General (DGs). The Directorate-General for Health and Food Safety (DG SANTE) is responsible for public health and, as such, directly related to the European COVID-19 response, providing guidance, best practices, and cross-border treatment for ill patients at the Member States’ request. Furthermore, the Directorate-General for Internal Market, industry, entrepreneurship and SMEs (DG GROW) is responsible for implementing the EU policy relating to industrial development, the transition to a sustainable economy and the interconnected internal market of the EU. As the European Union has supporting competence in the policy areas of education, industry, defence and administrative cooperation, the individual Member States have the first and final say in all solidarity measures in these fields whilst public health is a shared competence between the EU and its Member States, leaving the Commission’s Directorates-General (DGs) more say in the matters.

Furthermore, the EU cannot require any harmonisation efforts from the Member States in these policy fields. While not holding any legislative power, civil society and NGOs play a key role in the promotion of unity in the Union. Hospitals and industry leaders innovate to find the best possible practices for their goods and services, aspects of which could be utilised widely in different fields, while volunteering organisations such as the European Youth Forum provide a platform for thousands of active citizens to make a difference or influence decision-making. Initiatives like Civil Society Europe aims to rejuvenate the European values through strong civil society and active citizenry.

Click here to view this Stakeholder Map on Miro.

3. Challenges and measures in place Losing public faith Despite the highest turnout of voters that has taken place in the last 25 years during the last elections of 2019, Euroscepticism is still present in the current EU political scene. A definition of

Euroscepticism is given by Michael Ray: “European political doctrine that advocates disengagement from the European Union (EU)”. Euroscepticism is primarily motivated by two factors: economic and identity issues. Indeed, the EU is suffering from a lack of integration: Most European citizens regard the EU as an overwhelming authority that is consolidating its power at the expense of individual Member States. Some people believe that some countries take advantage of others, proving that they do not view the EU as the union it is supposed to represent. This apparent mismatch weakens the necessary framework for future reforms and fuels discontent among the Member States. The management of the COVID-19 pandemic and vaccine procurement has eroded public trust in EU institutions, reinforcing Euroscepticism once again. There is no denying that during the COVID-19 outbreak, EU institutions wasted an opportunity to prove their importance to the European people. Majorities everywhere, except for France and Germany, still say that COVID-19 shows the necessity of a better European collaboration. To counter eroding public trust, in October 2021, the European Commission proposed a joint recovery plan in Europe with the goal of recovering and revitalising the European economy after the COVID-19 pandemic whilst uniformly adhering to the EU’s climate targets and addressing Member State-specific challenges set into effect. As such, the programme called the Recovery and Resilience Facility puts forward EUR 549 billion to achieve the goals of the recovery plan. The money will be used to fund Horizon Europe and the Just Transition Fund, among others, to achieve a swift and efficient recovery. By the beginning of October, 19 Member States' recovery and resilience plans had been approved by the European Commission. If successful, the recovery plan may not only revitalise the European economy but people's faith in its institutions as well. Solidarity during the pandemic Public health is one of the shared competencies of the EU. Especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, the lack of harmonisation amongst the Member States was a clear demonstration of how public health is not only a national issue in the EU. The EU's common response has made a difference and assisted in the saving of lives. This should not be limited to COVID-19; comparable collaboration is required in the fight against future pandemics and epidemics as well as against diseases like cancer, cardiovascular disease, and a variety of other disorders. In addition, the EU has shown inability to control the private health sector. For example, the private health sector has severely harmed EU Member States' ability to cope effectively with COVID-19, resulting in the loss of additional lives. The COVID-19 pandemic has presented Europe with challenges unlike any in its history. Millions infected, lockdowns, and political turmoil. However, the EU has taken action to mitigate and avoid many of the direct impacts of the pandemic. In mid-2020, the European Commission presented the EU Vaccines strategy to ensure the widespread use, development, and manufacturing of the vaccine for COVID-19. In the EU’s Vaccines Strategy, the Commission stresses the importance of affordable and timely access to the vaccine for all Member States, by securing sufficient amounts of vaccines and

related supplies for its Member States through a common EU approach for which EUR 2.7 billion was allocated for the matter through the Emergency support instrument. In July 2021, the European Commission introduced the EU digital COVID Certificate to unify vaccine recognition and facilitate safe movement in the EU. The certificate is accepted in all the Member States and multiple non-EU countries as proof of vaccination for COVID-19. During the pandemic, the Member States have demonstrated the ''soul of the EU'' through solidarity. Actions ranging from sharing medical equipment, supplies, and entire medical teams to those in the Member States in need to rescEU aiding Greek firefighters to contain wildfires in 2021 have been applauded around Europe, all in accordance with the European solidarity action. Stronger Europe together In her annual State of the Union speech, the president of the European Commission Ursula Von Der Leyen urges greater military independence from the U.S., calling for “Europe to step up for the next level”. So far many have seen a collective European defence as redundant due to a similar framework already existing as 21 out of 27 EU Member States are part of NATO, resulting in significant U.S. influence in the region. In 2019 European countries spent a combined €186 billion for their defence, which would leave the combined continent as the third largest military force in the world. To discuss the future of European defence, the EU will convene a defence summit in 2022 to discuss European defence further.

4. Further questions ● What can be done to ensure Union-wide solidarity without interfering with the functions of each respective Member State? ● How can European identity be more actively promoted around Europe? ● How can the idea of a European identity actively evolve, whilst allowing EU citizens to maintain their national identities? ● What measures should be taken in order to shift from Euroscepticism to pro-Europeanism?

5. One for all, all for one As mentioned at the beginning, a catchphrase of the EU is “Unity in diversity”. In order to enhance the unity across the EU, several city initiatives have been launched. For example, the Living-in.EU movement which is a collaborative platform that allows towns and communities to expedite their

digital transformation into a uniquely and recognisably 'European-style' digital ecosystem. In addition, Erasmus+ programme has always promoted the EU spirit and supported unity among young Europeans through cultural exchanges in an effort to embrace multiculturalism. Considering NGOs, AEGEE is one of Europe's largest student organisations dedicated to promoting collaboration, communication, and integration among Europe's youth. It has over 13.000 members and is active in over 200 university cities across 40 European countries.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Read this article byJérôme Vignon regarding European solidarity, - Watch this video by “Then & Now” explaining European Identity & National Identity, - Read this composition by Rafael Bellón Gómez about European self-reliance. - Read this article from CNN why Unity is so important for Europe. - Read this article by Hannes Swoboda on why Europe needs unity and diversity. - Read this article by Stephen Kuper on European defence self-reliance. Additional Engagement - Here is a video by the LSE European Institute considering Euroscepticism. - Here is a press release by the European Commission analyzing statistics about trust in the EU. - Here is a video on history of the European union and strive for unity - Read this article by Johan Norberg on Disaster protectionism - Read up on the cooperation between the EU and NATO here - Here is an article by Reuters on European businesses reliance on China's manufacturing - Here is a nato publication on strengthening EU-NATO relations

Committee on Human Rights I (DROI I) Refugee crisis, human crisis: After the Taliban seized back control of Afghanistan, 3.5 million people were forced to flee their homes, with approximately 30,000 Afghans continuing to leave the country on a weekly basis. Considering the EU’s position as the world’s leading humanitarian aid donor, how should Member States work together to ensure a unified, integrated approach towards resolving this humanitarian crisis without disregarding the lessons learnt through the management of the 2015 migrant crisis? by Essi Lievetmursu (FI) and Sofia Zangana (GR)

1. Background and relevance “To be called a refugee is the opposite of an insult; it is a badge of strength, courage, and victory” - Tennessee Office for Refugees Over the past few years, the EU has experienced a massive influx of refugees5 from the Middle East due to phenomena of war, violence, and persecution. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), by the end of 2016, around 5.2 million refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq reached European shores, embarking on dangerous journeys with the hope of escaping conflict and pursuing a better future. Admittedly, the largest refugee crisis post-World War II found the EU unable to respond, resulting in great humanitarian and political upheaval, with the matter of the uneven accommodation of refugees across Member States leading the EU to a vicious circle of incessant negotiations and disagreements. When the Taliban6 took over Afghanistan, in August 2021, millions of citizens began to evacuate the country and therefore, seek pathways to safely migrate abroad. However, many of them were forced to stay behind due to political threats of the Taliban, financial difficulties impeding their leaving, or simply fear to flee their home. Although the EU has yet to make any commitments with regard to the resettlement7 of Afghan refugees, European leaders are opting to formulate an EU-wide management plan. This would incorporate the preparation of reception facilities, financial assistance for refugee-host countries, as well as the monitoring of migrant arrivals. French President Emmanuel Macron himself referred to ongoing discussions on the matter by vowing to work closely with the EU towards a ‘robust, coordinated and united response’. A refugee is a person who has fled their home country due to fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, or political opinion and has crossed international borders in search of safety. 6 The Taliban is an Islamic ultraconservative political movement and military organisation, which after the war of Afghanistan, has de facto control of the country. 7 Resettlement is the transfer of refugees from an asylum state to another, which has agreed to grant them residence. 5

Image Source: Number of people displaced due to conflict

Views on immigration and integration of the refugees are closely related. The more immigrant and host communities interact, the more positively integration is perceived. The integration of refugees is a multisectoral process which requires efforts by all parties concerned, including a preparedness on the part of refugees to adapt to the host society without having to forego their own cultural identity, and a corresponding readiness on the part of host communities and public institutions to welcome refugees and meet the needs of a diverse population. The active role of the youth sector in supporting refugees at arrival and throughout their route for a better life across Europe is noteworthy. On top of that, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have often been at the forefront of welcoming refugees to Europe.

2. Key stakeholders Through the Directorate-General on Migration and Home Affairs (DG HOME), the European Commission helps to construct a common EU migration and asylum policy, promoting dialogue and cooperation with non-EU countries, such as Afghanistan and its neighbours. Additionally, the Directorate-General on European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (DG ECHO) offers needs-based assistance to refugees who have already fled Afghanistan, advises the Commission on the creation of an action plan and shares best practices among Member States.

The European Parliament and the Council of the EU co-decide on the adoption of EU legislation, electing whether to support the European Commission’s initiatives on migration policies. In an effort to encourage the integration of Afghan refugees, the European Integration Network (EIN) and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) devise an advisory agenda on their inclusion and assimilation. Member States have shared competence with the EU on matters of migration, as they fall under the area of home affairs. Hence, they are obliged to exercise their policies and laws in compliance with the EU’s objectives and action plans. Ensuring the integration of Afghan refugees in everyday life, Member States carry out schemes such as practical training and workshops to empower them in the political, social, and financial life. The United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR) is mandated to protect the Afghan refugees and foster their resettlement or repatriation8. Simultaneously, it is monitoring the conflicts in Afghanistan, providing humanitarian aid to citizens who could not evacuate the country. Under the direction of the United Nations (UN), the UNHCR assists the EU in conducting negotiations and reaching bilateral agreements on the migration flow from Afghanistan with third countries. As NGOs play a crucial role in Afghan refugee crisis management and international coordination, the International Organisation on Migration (IOM) ensures their orderly and humane management. The European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE) advances the rights of Afghan refugees and asylum seekers9, as a pan-European alliance of 103 NGOs. EPAM is a meeting-place of European NGOs and networks seeking to contribute to the development of asylum and migration policy in the EU. Many EPAM members have large networks within Member States and beyond in regions of origin, working at national and local level with refugees, asylum seekers, and migrant communities.

Repatriation is the human right of a refugee to return to their country of nationality. The procedure of repatriation falls under international instruments and customary international law. 9 Asylum seeker is a person who is living in a country other than their own and awaits for a decision on their application for refugee status. 23

Click here to view this Stakeholder Map on Miro.

3. Challenges and measures in place Humanitarian crisis In August 2021, Europe had to prepare for a new wave of refugees when the United States removed all military forces from Afghanistan and the Taliban seized back control of the country. Several European countries announced that they would temporarily halt deportations to Afghanistan, a move welcomed by UNHCR. However, the vast majority of Afghans were not able to leave the country through regular channels, since the UNHCR noted that all individuals have to reach another country before they can apply for asylum and be considered for resettlement. At the same time, Kabul airport where emergency evacuations took place, faced attacks that further deepened the humanitarian crisis. Yet still, the millions of Afghans in need of help who remain inside the country, are dependent on a humanitarian response that is desperately underfunded, and especially now that temperatures begin to drop, many people are in danger of facing catastrophic levels of hunger and homelesness. Recently, the European Union announced a revamped humanitarian aid package worth €1 billion to deal with the aftermath of the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. The new package builds upon the €300 million which had been already agreed to support the country’s civilian population, protect human rights, and advance the coronavirus vaccination campaign. The European Commission will now add an extra €250 million for similar purposes. These €550 million in aid will be channeled through international organisations working inside Afghanistan. The remaining €450 million have not yet been earmarked for concrete objectives since it will depend on the evolution of the situation.

A unified EU immigration policy During the previous refugee crisis in Europe, asylum seekers were bounced from one country to another due to the inaction of the Dublin System10 which led to many refugees suffering from the consequences of not fully integrating to the host society. The Dublin System is an essential part of the legislation of the Common Asylum System (CAS) that the EU established in 1999 in order to ensure a fair and effective asylum seeking process. Many refugees also lost their lives when attempting dangerous sea crossings to seek asylum from countries such as Greece and Italy. Other countries, such as Hungary were more skeptical about providing aid and shelter which provoked division in Europe, mainly between east and west. There are multiple reasons why Eastern European countries are more hesitant towards immigration, one of them being economic reasons. However, a solution that pleases all parties has been proven to be very challenging to find. Already adopted by 2003, the Dublin System determines which Member State is responsible for examining an asylum application - normally the country where the asylum seeker first entered the EU. It operates on the assumption that, as the asylum laws and practices of Member States are based on the same common standards, they allow asylum seekers to enjoy similar levels of protection in all Member States. In reality, however, asylum legislation and practice still vary widely from country to country, causing asylum seekers to receive different treatment across Europe. Member States at the EU borders, such as Italy, Spain, and Greece have complained that the system puts all the burden of migrants on them since they are usually the first point of refugees fleeing to Europe. On the other hand, migrants tend to avoid countries such as Turkey, Bulgaria, and Serbia where police brutality and impunity are the norm.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ● ●

Bearing in mind the already high number of refugees in the region, should the EU reexamine its Common Asylum System? Why? How can the EU benefit from the construction of a common Action Plan in efficiently managing the prospective influx of Afghan refugees? What could some potential obstacles be? How could refugees be integrated in the European society in the most harmonious way possible - to all that is? Taking into consideration the high number of Afghans who could not flee the country, how could the EU provide humanitarian aid in collaboration with the UNHCR? Since Europe’s geographical position is a pole of attraction for refugees, in which ways should the implementation of a unified strategy best prepare Member States for future crises?

Regulation establishing the criteria and mechanisms for determining the Member State responsible for examining an asylum application lodged in one of the Member States by a third-country national. 25

5. One for all, all for one "Through my experience with refugees, I found the real meaning of my life" said UN volunteer Endah Yuliarso who perceives humanitarian work as an opportunity to generously offer help to vulnerable citizens. With 3.8 million refugees being hosted in Member States during 2021, EU-wide organisations decided to take initiative in order to facilitate their smooth and gradual integration. For example, Humanitarian Reception Programme in Spain, ACT IN TIME in Portugal, and NewBees Traineeships in the Netherlands are local initiatives which aim to integrate refugees in the labour market after equipping them with expertise. Under the umbrella theme: ‘From refugee to citizen’, the municipality of Altena, Germany, implemented an inclusion plan, enhancing social networks. Access to housing and health services, as well as integration in political life and education formed the first steps of Altena’s approach towards establishing a welcoming environment for refugees. Despite fear of xenophobia, it is evident there is determination on behalf of many Europeans to actively promote cooperation and mutual understanding in the spirit of ‘one for all, all for one’.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Read this article by Alexander Privitera about Europe facing a new migrant crisis. - Watch this video by Behind the News to get familiar with the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan. - Read this article by Khalid Koser and Keire Murphy which introduces possible solutions to solve the Afghan refugee crisis. Additional Engagement - Read this document to get familiar with the Common Asylum System in the EU. - Here is a YouTube playlist with a collection of videos about the prospective refugee crisis and the EU’s steps towards its management. - Read this article about the UN’s effort to resettle Afghan refugees in the EU. - Check out this infographic from the European Parliament on the evolution of asylum applications among Member States. - Listen to this article which reflects on a personal story of an Afghan refugee residing in the EU.

Committee on Human Rights II (DROI II) Sex Education: Despite significant EU efforts to advance LGBTQIA+ rights in the past decade, the inclusion of queer topics in sexuality education remains inadequate, further contributing to LGBTQIA+ stigmatisation and health disparities. Factoring in the youth's lack of access to reliable sources of information on the matter, how can the EU support Member States towards implementing comprehensive LGBTQIA+ positive sexuality education programs at schools? by Teodora Arsenović (RS) and George Vagias (GR)

1. Background and relevance Comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) educates people on consent, gender equality, sexual abuse, sexuality, and reproductive health, making it a crucial factor in protecting young people's health and well-being. In theory, sexuality education should be inclusive towards everyone, regardless of their sexuality, gender, or ethnic background. And while the EU has been a front-runner in the efforts towards societal acceptance and integration of queer individuals, young people are taught about LGBTQIA+11 issues in only 16 Member States. One of the main reasons behind this issue is the lack of standardisation of the sexuality education curricula amongst Member States, as content, aims, and focuses vary significantly from region to region. Thus, a significant number of LGBTQIA+ people report that they feel isolated, vulnerable or invisible in the education system. Sexuality education in which LGBTQIA+-related topics are properly addressed and discussed is of great importance, both to students that identify as members of the community and those who do not. Some of the main issues that queer individuals face, such as bullying, anti-LGBTQIA+ harassment, and hostile school environments, could potentially be traced to a lack of diversity in the sexuality education curricula. In addition, as their needs within sexuality education are being overlooked, LGBTQIA+ adolescents are left at an alarmingly high risk of substance abuse, Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs), gender dysphoria12, and teen pregnancies. Unsurprisingly, since schools fail to provide them with the necessary information regarding sexual health, LGBTQIA+ youth may resort to online resources. However, data related to sexuality, health, and STIs provided on the web are usually inaccurate and non-age-appropriate, thus potentially leading to misinformation or even harm. Given that Member States are primarily responsible for the content of sexuality education on a national level, all the aforementioned issues stemming from the lack of CSE are more common among 11

The LGBTQIA+ acronym stands for ‘lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and asexual, with the (+) sign representing anyone who may not be included’. 12 Gender Dysphoria is a term used to describe the feeling of discomfort or distress that results from the difference between one’s gender identity and their sex assigned at birth or sex-related physical characteristics. 27

students in countries where the anti-LGBTQIA+ sentiment is on the rise. In 2021, the Hungarian Parliament introduced a law banning LGBTQIA+-related information in schools. In a similar light, in Poland, CSE is often used as a political tool by politicians and their supporters, with the country’s new curriculum guidelines perpetuating discrimination, stereotypes, and misinformation. However, this is just the tip of the iceberg, as in most European countries sexuality education is inadequately inclusive, given that only a few Member States have established policies, collaborated with NGOs, introduced anti-discrimination laws, and provided training to teachers, towards truly inclusive national sexuality education curricula. In the words of Manos Antoninis, the Director of the Global Education Monitoring Report for UNESCO: “Schools have to be inclusive if we want society to be inclusive.” As the EU continues its efforts towards safeguarding LGBTQIA+ individuals’ rights, ensuring an accessible and equal sexuality education for every European citizen is of paramount importance.

2. Key stakeholders Given that the EU has a supporting competence on education, both the European Commission and its Directorate-General for Education, Youth, Sport and Culture (DG EAC) cannot directly draft and implement laws regarding sexuality education. Instead, their role is to support each Member State and potentially complement the steps they have already taken regarding this issue. More specifically, DG EAC is working towards an LGBTQIA+-friendly education through a variety of projects and programmes, with the most notable example being programmes funded by Erasmus+. In addition, the Commission’s Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion (DG EMPL) published a policy memo titled “Sexuality education across the European Union: an overview”, in an attempt to map out the tools and methods used in sex education in different Member States. Member States bear the exclusive responsibility of directly defining and structuring their respective educational curricula. As such, they are -perhaps- the most significant actors regarding the inclusion of LGBTQIA+-related content in sexuality education. The European Union’s Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) is an EU agency focused on providing independent support and advice to European bodies regarding the advancement of fundamental rights. It does so by collecting and analysing data, reviewing legislation, and fostering collaboration between important stakeholders, such as EU Institutions, Member States, and civil society organisations. In its report “A long way to go for LGBTI equality”, published in 2020, the FRA concludes that while queer topics are being addressed more and more frequently in schools in a positive manner, there are still a lot of steps to be taken in order to ensure an inclusive sexuality education for everyone.

Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) promoting equality for LGBTQIA+ individuals and raising awareness for the issues the community faces are key actors as well. The Global Alliance for LGBT Education (GALE) and the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer and Intersex Youth & Student Organisation (IGLYO) are driving forces in the efforts for LGBTQIA+ visibility in education, advocating for safe and inclusive educational environments for all LGBTQI young individuals. For instance, IGLYO launched its LGBTQI Inclusive Education Index and Report in 2019, with the aim of highlighting the progress each European country has made towards equality in education for LGBTQIA+ youth. Furthermore, GALE introduced the acronym DESPOGI13 as a more universal way of addressing individuals excluded from education for both educational and policy purposes, while it also created a 15-point checklist that can be used to assess an educational system’s inclusivity. Additionally, the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association Europe (ILGA-Europe) also strives for LGBTQIA+ equality in Europe, through its collaboration with various European Organisations.

Click here to view this Stakeholder Map on Miro.

DESPOGI stands for ‘Disadvantaged because of their Expression of Sexual Preference Or Gendered Identity’. 29

3. Challenges and measures in place Lack of standardisation Since the EU does not have the competence to propose education policies, both content and quality of sexuality education solely depend on the local authorities and schools’ determination in each Member State. This absence of standardisation leads to young people getting vastly different sexuality education depending on the Member State and area they live in. In Austria, sexuality education is mandatory, and parents are included in the whole process, while in Denmark, external experts such as sex workers, LGBTQIA+ or HIV-positive persons are invited to speak in schools about their experiences. On the other hand, Bulgaria incorporated sexuality education into the national curriculum just in 2018, while sexuality education is still optional in eight Member States. Certain Member States have initiated action plans and frameworks to systematise national curricula, such as Luxembourg’s 2019 Action plan, which aims to support young people’s emotional development and act against discrimination, gender-based violence, and sexual abuse. Additionally, in order to make the implementation of CSE easier, the World Health Organisation (WHO) has published various guidelines and information about sexuality education intended for young people, teachers, policymakers, and professionals. One of the most notable ones is “Standards for Sexuality Education in Europe” which provides practical support and identifies skills, concepts and content that should be emphasised in sexuality education in European countries. Finding a solution to this challenge, in order to align the sex education curricula of all Member States, and ensuring their inclusivity, is by no means going to be an easy task for the Union. In the case that countries fail to cooperate towards achieving this common goal, the European Commission could choose to directly intervene with the aim to resolve the issue. This could be achieved through the introduction of specific directives and measures urging Member States to fully uphold the Ministerial Call for Action and the EU’s LGBTIQ Equality Strategy 2020-2025 - both of which highlight the necessity of an LGBTQIA+-friendly education, among others - or even through the creation of a common European sexuality education curriculum. After all, the right to education should be safeguarded for every European citizen. However, such a decision could be met with backlash and resistance from governments, since they are the ones mainly tasked with shaping their national educational systems. Additionally, with education being “a sub-system of society”, such a straightforward intervention to a country’s education could bring long-standing societal issues to the forefront, or even be seen as a challenge to a state's values and tradition.

Moral conflicts regarding the importance and content of sex education A significant challenge in delivering comprehensive sexuality education is the abstinence14-only programs carried out by schools in some Member States, such as Ireland. Sexual health advocates and their opposers disagree on whether providing young people with full and accurate information makes them more or less likely to engage in sexual activity and whether that is healthy or not. Groups that criticise CSE argue that it encourages promiscuity, abortion, disrespect for parents, and undermines religious and cultural values. These groups often promote abstinence until marriage as the only right path for young people. However, research shows that abstinence-only programs are ineffective at delaying the initiation of sexual intercourse or reducing dangerous sexual behaviours. Furthermore, researchers from Columbia University explained that such programs frequently ignore the LGBTQIA+ students, leave young people unprepared, and are particularly harmful to young people who are sexually active, LGBTQIA+ or have experienced sexual abuse. Additionally, despite the notable progress many Member States have made in the past decade, there has been an uprising of various groups opposing mandatory sexuality education in schools. The resistance is even more apparent when it comes to the inclusion of LGBTQIA+ issues in the sexuality education curricula. In 2020, the current Polish president pledged to ban education on LGBTQIA+ topics in schools, while in Birmingham, religious communities and parents organised protests in front of schools that were teaching students about same-sex relationships and transgender issues in their sexuality education courses. There are several external organisations that could greatly enhance the content of sexuality education and ensure its fairness towards everyone, through their collaboration with schools and the provision of their expertise in the field. In Ireland, some schools cooperate with organisations that provide comprehensive sexual health information, such as the Irish Family Planning Association, inviting their representatives to deliver lectures or host workshops. In addition, a review of the current Irish sexuality education curricula led to the suggestion that the subject’s future should be more holistic and LGBTQIA+-friendly, among others, rather than promoting abstinence. Similarly, the European Youth Network on Sexual and Reproductive Rights - YouAct has brought together young Europeans from various Member States, aiming to raise awareness on the sexual rights of young individuals and ensure that they have adequate access to accurate and inclusive sexual information. An example of their advocacy is the creation of the webinar “Beyond blackboard & chalk: Innovative Knowledge Delivery & Advocacy”, which aims to address the lack of CSE in Poland and discuss ways to modernise the country’s sexuality education curricula. Inadequate sexuality education at home Another vital way young people get sexuality education, especially where there is none or insufficient Abstinence refers to a practice of consciously refraining from any kind of sexual intercourse or activities, for various purposes such as health or religious reasons. 14

sexuality education in schools, is through their parents. But, despite research and health professionals advocating for the importance of sexuality education at home, this topic remains a taboo subject in many households. Some of the main issues parents have with CSE are that it allegedly deprives children of their childhood innocence, challenges political, religious, cultural and ethnic values, and results in the early onset of sexual activity. Besides, parents often feel embarrassed, uncomfortable, or do not have the skills or knowledge needed for carrying such conversations with their children. All of the factors mentioned above can make parents opt their children out of sexuality education or provide them with factually inaccurate information that complies with their religious or cultural beliefs. As a result, this can affect young people’s access to comprehensive sexuality education, their relationship with sexuality in general, and their sexual development. Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) play a very important role in combatting misinformation and inadequate sexuality education of both children and parents, as they often assist schools in teaching sexuality education through seminars, workshops, and campaigns. Countdown 2030 Europe is an association of European NGOs working on ensuring that sexual and reproductive health is a funding and policy priority in Europe. Likewise, the School of Sexuality Education delivers age-appropriate and LGBTQIA inclusive sex education workshops to high schoolers along with school staff training.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ●

What are the benefits of comprehensive and inclusive sexuality education for all students, regardless of their gender and/or sexuality? What steps should the EU take, if any, to support its Member States towards a more standardised, LGBTQIA+-friendly sexuality education curriculum? How can a more holistic approach towards sexual education be promoted in schools that encourage abstinence? How can the EU cooperate effectively with and support the work of organisations and NGOs aiming to promote CSE across Europe?

5. One for all, all for one While sexuality education curricula can vary significantly depending on each Member State’s policies, some European countries have already taken actions towards an LGBTQIA+ inclusive sex education. In Germany, children as young as 5 years old may be attending CSE, with various discussions regarding queer topics or even STDs included. Additionally, Norway, Sweden, and the Netherlands are some of the countries that have established action plans, knowledge-bases, and/or projects aiming to raise LGBTQIA+ awareness among teachers. For instance, in Norway, actions have been taken aiming to educate citizens on the challenges that LGBTQIA+ individuals face since 2008, with its recently updated

form also including measures concerning Norwegian intersex citizens for the first time. Moreover, the country’s Ministry for Education actively supports a project called “Pink Competency” that educates teachers on gender identity and norms, sexual orientation, and varied types of families, always in accordance with the curriculum. It is worth mentioning that Norway’s government has expressed its willingness to expand the country’s LGBTQIA+-related actions to a European level as well, thus creating an opportunity for cooperation and practice-exchange between Member States. Furthermore, NGOs are playing a truly important role in promoting a fairer and more equitable sexuality education towards every European citizen. In Portugal, the EdSex project, which was created by an NGO named Casa Qui, emphasises on raising awareness and exchanging best practices regarding a more inclusive sex education towards LGBTQIA+ individuals. Another important initiative is that of the Onassis Foundation in Greece, a country in which sexuality education was not even compulsory until 2021. Through organising the “Onassis Sexuality Education Day” seminar, the foundation aimed to spark discussions concerning a potentially more comprehensive future for sexuality education in Greek schools.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Watch this video by CBS News regarding the benefits of an LGBTQIA+ inclusive sexuality education for all students - Read this article by Are We Europe about the future of LGBTQIA+ sex education in Europe - Watch this video by BBC Newsnight about parents opposing the inclusion of LGBTQIA+ topics in sexual education in the UK Additional Engagement - Read this article by Euronews about Hungary’s new anti-LGBTQIA+, notoriously homophobic law, from the viewpoint of the Hungarian Secretary of State for International Communication and Relations - Read this article by PinkNews on how an LGBTQIA+-inclusive sex education actually benefits children - Watch this video by BBC Newsnight about the clash between LGBTQIA+ and religious groups regarding sexual education

Committee on Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (EMPL) No more 9-to-5: With the gig economy and overall freelance work gaining popularity, platform workers are often called to face issues regarding the lack of rights and social protection. How can the EU and its Member States further promote innovation and growth while also protecting the rights of their citizens? by Elena Petsa (GR)

1. Background and relevance The decision of a Greek delivery platform to offer freelancer positions to 115 delivery-distribution workers whose three-month contracts were expiring was followed by great public outrage, as people took to social media to protest this approach towards labour rights. However, this is not the first example of a digital platform causing social unrest. As atypical work15 is becoming more popular, the rights of workers, and especially platform workers16, have been a topic of discussion, as the latter do not always enjoy the rights associated with traditional employment, such as social security and government pension plans. But why are non-traditional forms of employment becoming more popular? From growing consumerism causing the need for more and faster deliveries, to students and employees looking for additional income or a way to escape the typical 9-to-5 office job, the gig economy17 creates a whole new world of possibilities. On the one hand, it offers various opportunities of generating additional income for those that need it and on the other hand, it helps make the market more open, creative and competitive as projects open to contractors with varied skill sets across the world. As such, high-skilled workers enjoy the benefits from taking on well-paid projects, while, more often than not, the low-skilled get the short end of the stick through low pay for tenuous labour. With the International Labour Organisation (ILO) mentioning that “The labour market disruption in 2020 far exceeded the impact of the global financial crisis of 2009.”, there is growing discussion on the future of work. What can the EU and its Member States do to adapt atypical work into typical and expected standards?

Atypical work is any form of employment which does not fall under the standard of full-time, regular, open-ended employment with a single employer over a long time span. 16 Platform workers are people finding employment through online platforms which connect them with clients either for professional, micro or household tasks or even transport. 17 Gig economy refers to a form of economy which utilises digital technologies to assemble teams around a given project, connecting buyers with sellers oftentimes across borders. 15

2. Key stakeholders Digital Platforms as defined by the European Commission are software-based facilities offering two or more multi-sided markets where providers and users of content, goods and services can meet. Apart from typical employment positions (including open-ended, full-time and fixed-term employment), some digital platforms offer contractor positions in cases of riders for delivery or website designers. The employment types they choose to offer consequently affect the rights and responsibilities of their workers. Member States greatly affect the living and working conditions of platform workers through their labour laws. As of now, none have specific and clear regulations for platform workers allowing for them to fall back on existing frameworks. People working through platforms can in generalisation be both self-employed or employees with a clear distinction between these classifications. As they do not have their own unions, they depend on the Member States and Digital Platforms for their rights and working conditions.

Please consult the Stakeholders Map at this link.

3. Challenges and measures in place Digitalisation of Work With fast-paced technological advancements, it was only time until business ecosystems were affected and new business models flourished into existence. From the earliest examples of Amazon and

Skywise reshaping Business-to-Consumer18 (B2C) and Business-to-Business19 (B2B) practices, digital platforms are becoming all the more important in today’s economy. In addition to the aforementioned models growing further, the past decade was especially important for the development of the Consumer-to-Consumer20 (C2C) model through applications such as Airbnb, Taskrabbit, Uber and Deliveroo. With the EU trying to stay competitive in the Digital Age, the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act were introduced to reform and regulate the protection of all users within the single market and platform competition respectively, although they have yet to be officially adopted. However, one aspect which has been lacking action is the protection of workers. Essential workers lacking essential rights While platform workers are important for the EU economy, their existence is rather complex and poses challenges to policy-making. Improvements are needed in regards to their employment status, working conditions (including health and safety), access to social protection, and union support. With Member States having different legal frameworks, differences are visible in the classification of platform workers with most countries offering the options of the self-employed status21 or an employment contract. Nonetheless, being self-employed means lack of access to social protection, leaving platform workers exposed in cases of accidents or unemployment. Furthermore, the discussion on platform workers rights revolves not only around preventing the growth of labour market segmentation22, but also their lack of access to union support. In hopes of bettering working and living conditions, the European Parliament is moving forward to secure minimum rights not only for freelancers but also short-term employees. The European Pillar of Social Rights is an example of a reference document prompting Member States to ensure fair working conditions as well as social protection and inclusion for their citizens, and which was also supported by Council Recommendations in 2019. Across the globe, California regulated the classification of workers via the “ABC Test”, enabling freelancers to be reclassified as full or part-time employees. However, this decision did nοt have the desired result for some reclassified workers as they slowly started to lose gigs, especially in cross-state projects. This rather negative impact of the non-hire approach leads to the question of whether after all it is the status of workers that needs to change or the approach to workers’ rights in general.

The term B2C refers to businesses selling products and/or services directly to consumers, with the latter being an end-user. 19 The term B2B refers to forms of transaction between businesses, commonly found along the supply chain. 20 The term C2C refers to a business model which facilitates forms of transaction between consumers. 21 A self employed person is someone working in their own business or professional practice with the aim of generating income, in contrast to employees they are not subordinate to and dependent on an employer. 22 Labour market segmentation refers to lasting differences in the working conditions of individuals which cannot be linked to differences in productivity alone. 18

Transparency & Discrimination On the other side of the coin, one central characteristic of platform work that often raises questions is the algorithmic management23 of employees. Whereas companies like Deliveroo and Foodora employ dispatchers24, the assignment of work as well as its monitoring is created by algorithms and shared through the devices used by the workers, with the latter receiving notifications if they take extra time or stray from the proposed route. Employees’ evaluation is also done through algorithms, often depending on customer-generated ratings but also work acceptance rates. These performance metrics25, however, are not as transparent as workers would like them to be since they are lacking a “human-in-command” which could allow for workers to have someone to discuss arising issues with and that could reduce cases of discrimination. In order to address those concerns, the European Parliament is already pushing for more transparency as well as human oversight over the algorithms. This measure is meant to allow workers more freedom of choice of work alongside the ability to challenge an already made decision.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ● ● ●

What approach should Member States take towards the protection of workers? What will the future of platform work and the gig economy look like within the next decade? How can users of digital platforms (both companies and individuals) help combat the existing issues? What would a human-centred organisation of society look like? What should the classification of platform workers look like across the EU? How can the EU improve platform work?

5. One for all, all for one While the protection of workers could still benefit from proper adaptations, there are already some examples where platform workers managed to demand and ensure their rights. In Spain, an individual working for delivery firms such as Deliveroo is now considered to be a salaried worker and is enjoying all relative rights. Similar examples also exist in Italy and the Netherlands where legal action was eventually taken to protect the workers. 23

Algorithmic management has been defined in slightly different ways, however, for this overview it will be mainly confined to the reshaping of organisational control through the automation of direction; evaluation; and discipline as stated by Kellogg et al. (2020) 24 Dispatchers are people employed by digital platforms to monitor riders and orders in real time and help solve issues. 25 Performance metrics are figures and data used for the assessment of organisations, workers or more generally success. 37

In the former Member State, the UK, the Mayor of London expressed his desire for Uber to stop operating within the city, however, the British Supreme Court did allow for it to proceed, leaving the Mayor responsible for handling the number of drivers allowed to sign up.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - This podcast by the Digital Brief offers an overview of recent developments regarding platform workers in the EU including the European Commission’s future plans for their protection - This website by EURES (a European cooperation network of employment services) allows for further information and insight on the living and working conditions in different Member States and can be used to compare their respective labour laws. - This webpage by Your Europe is a good place to look into employment contracts as well as the rights and responsibilities of workers under them across Member States. - This publication by the International Labour Organization on Digital labour platforms and the future of work presents the results of a survey carried out across 75 countries on the working conditions of platform workers. Additional Engagement - Written by Clifford Chance - the first fully integrated global law firm, Employment and Benefits in the European Union gives a detailed - while slightly old- insight on employment trends and differences across Member States. - Written by Kate Minter, a researcher in Unions NSW, the Negotiating labour standards in the gig economy: Airtasker and Unions NSW explains some concepts of digital platform work and more generally the gig economy through studying the Airtasker business model.

Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) No Woman Alone: According to a 2021 report by the European Institute of Gender Equality, cases of domestic violence against women and girls have increased significantly since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic. With urgent action required to safeguard the rights of women and girls and protect them from domestic violence, what measures should the EU take to ensure the safety of its citizens? by Frane Skaro (DE) and Kirsten Young (DE)

1. Background and relevance After being declared a pandemic in early 2020, COVID-19 has had a significant impact on everyone. Across the EU and the rest of the world, many national governments placed their countries in a state of lockdown with the goal of preventing the spread of the virus. While lockdowns can be a useful tool to contain the virus, they have had some hidden effects. One of their most pressing side effects is the increase in domestic violence cases, particularly between intimate partners. While the data on this topic is still rather scarce, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO), some countries are reporting up to a 60% increase in cases of emergency calls placed by women experiencing intimate partner violence. While this is by no means only a European issue, several of the biggest increases in domestic violence cases since the beginning of the pandemic have been reported in the EU in Member States such as Belgium, France, Ireland, and Spain. The measures used to stop the transmission of COVID-19 have however challenged the ability to prevent and respond to gender-based violence26 and domestic violence. Not only is it harder to call for help if the perpetrator is always at home, with more people working from home, but there is also a lack of options for places to go to defuse tensions within the home, and resolve the conflict in a calm and non-violent manner. Many EU Member States have created national action plans to combat this issue, but comprehensive measures are still lacking and the pandemic has shown that there is still a lot to be done in this area, particularly to decrease strain on support providers and networks. The strain here is caused in particular by the increase in cases and the lack of increase in resources.

Gender-Based violence refers to harmful acts directed at an individual based on their gender 39

Image Source: European Institute for Gender Equality

2. Key stakeholders At the very centre of this topic are the people themselves, particularly women and girls who are subject to various forms of domestic violence. The map below shows the different actors who play a role in protecting the rights of these individuals, as well as the legislative aspect of the topic. As the executive arm of the EU, the European Commission is responsible for proposing legislation. The Commission has specialised departments that deal with particular areas, called

Directorate-Generals. Here, Directorate-General Justice and Consumers (DG JUST) is relevant, as it is the department responsible for gender equality, amongst other things. With regard to promoting gender equality and preventing domestic violence, DG JUST is responsible for the Commission’s policies in this area. As this is a matter of justice, the EU has shared competences, which essentially means both the EU and Member States can act. Here, it is important to note that the Council of Europe is not an EU instrument but an international human rights organisation of particular importance because it is the creator of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, better known as the Istanbul Convention. A further actor which is not directly connected to the EU, but nonetheless still of importance is UN Women. The task of UN Women is to support UN Member States in setting standards for achieving gender equality. It also works with national governments to design laws, policies, programmes and services that ensure that these standards are effectively implemented and benefit women and girls worldwide.

Click here to view this Stakeholder Map on Miro.

3. Challenges and measures in place In recent years, the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, has been the most prominent and influental legislation aiming to protect women from any kind of violence and harassment, including psychological violence, stalking, physical violence, sexual violence and sexual harassment, even beyond the borders of the EU. Under the Convention, gender-based violence is explicitly recognised as a human rights violation and a form of discrimination. A ratifying country, for instance, must ensure that hotlines, shelters, medical care, counseling, and legal aid are available to women. According to the European Commission, it remains a priority for the EU to finalise its accession to the Istanbul Convention, by encouraging all Member States to ratify and implement the Convention. Generally, the Convention is built upon the pillars of prevention, protection, and prosecution in regards to violence against women which have shaped the EU’s policy approach in the combat against gender-based violence eversince. It is important to note that there however, is

currently no universally recognised and utilised definition of gender-based violence. Moreover, some EU countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Bulgaria have not ratified the Convention yet due to concerns that it would propagate the idea of many non-binary gender identities. Prevention When it comes to the prevention of gender-based violence, the need for awareness-raising lies at the root of the problem in addition to the education on the equality of men and women in all areas of society. With the Mutual Learning Programme in Gender Equality, the EU has tried to educate its citizens on various aspects of ending domestic violence against women by offering different seminars on gender equality, sexism, stereotypes in media and sexual harassment among others. In addition to that, the EU Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025 includes a set of actions to achieve a gender-equal Europe by combating gender-based violence, sex discrimination, and structural inequality between men and women. On an international level, the EU and the UN in a common initiative have established the Generation Equality Forum which launched the Global Acceleration Plan for Gender Equality. However, the EU does not currently have a specific binding instrument designed to directly protect women from violence. Moreover, challenging deeply rooted stereotypes is a long term goal that requires further research on the issue. Protection In addition to the prevention of gender-based violence, the direct protection of women facing any kind of domestic violence is an equally important aspect. Therefore, in cases of domestic violence, the accessibility of support services, shelters, and reporting mechanisms play an important role. Through the Victims' Rights Directive the EU has tried to strengthen victims’ rights regardless of where an offence took place, their nationality or residence status. However, this directive does not specifically refer to victims of domestic violence. In addition, the European Parliament has found that the directive has not been fully implemented across the EU, in particular when it comes to the access to support services. With the European Protection Order (EPO) the EU aims to guarantee the protection of crime victims throughout the European Union by partially harmonising European crime law. In this case however, differences between judicial systems are obstructing the use of EPO. Stalking, for instance, is not considered a criminal offence in all EU countries. In addition to that, there is a lack of a common definition of gender-based violence across Member States. Prosecution As the last step, a serious prosecution of domestic violence against women is crucial. According to a report by the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), over two out of three women (68%) do not report incidents of violence to the police. Consequently, effective prosecution needs to be ensured while protecting victims' right to privacy. Victim blaming and a lack of empowerment often hinder women from standing up for their rights. Consequently, they tend not to report cases of domestic violence to 43

the authorities. This is related to the fact that in the European crime law the violence against women is not directly covered by any directive. In fact, Parliament called on the Council to add violence against women to the areas of particularly serious crime listed in Art. 83(1) in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, however, this has not been implemented yet. The Commission Work Programme 2022 only states that the EU intends to do so and to work on a new proposal to fight gender-based violence in the near future. Until then, the prosecution of domestic abuse is mostly covered by Directive 2012/29/EU on the rights and protection of victims of crime, which once again is only a general directive with no specific focus on gender-based or domestic violence. Consequently, the current state of the legislative system counteracts the idea of victim empowerment leading to victims of violence feeling less confident to open up about their experiences. Additionally, post-prosecution measures dealing with the recovery of victims are still insufficient.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ● ● ●

How do you think we, as individuals, can open dialogue surrounding this difficult topic and create a safe space to discuss? In what further way can women be encouraged to report cases of domestic violence to the authorities? What role do you think education plays in the matter? Why do you think this issue has been exacerbated during the pandemic? What legislative measures should the EU take to emphasise the importance of combating gender-based violence and thereby empowering victims to speak up? How can the accessibility of supporting services be further improved?

5. One for all, all for one Through school-based interventions, the project ‘Gender Equality Awareness-Raising against Intimate Partner Violence’ (GEAR against IPV) is designed to promote awareness among high school students and teachers about the harm caused by gender stereotypes and how this affects gender-based violence. Instead of being taught, adolescents are guided through experiential activities to examine their own personal gender stereotypes and the impact on their lives in order to develop and apply life skills. Ultimately, the goal is to promote healthy, equal relationships between the sexes and foster a zero-tolerance policy towards violence. The GEAR against IPV programme has been implemented in Greece, Spain, Croatia, and Cyprus among other Member States. The European Institute for the Mediterranean has selected GEAR against IPV as one of the twelve most effective advocacy practices to promote women's equality and rights. External evaluation of the programme shows that it has had a considerable effect on stopping gender-based

violence and allowing adolescents to understand, confirm and seek to exercise gender equality. The evaluations show that both teachers and students are highly satisfied with the project and that it has changed in big parts their thinking about gender equality and relationships.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement -

Watch this video by iSchoolAfrica about the different forms of gender-based violence Read this publication by the European Institute for Gender Equality giving comprehensive advice to policymakers on how to combat gender-based violence Read this EIGE report on The Covid-19 pandemic and intimate partner violence against women in the EU Take a look at this UN Women publication on violence against women during COVID-19

Additional Engagement: - Read this article by Sylwia Spurekt regarding the Istanbul Convention - Watch this TED Talk by medical doctor Alice Han framing gender based violence as a disease - Read this statement by the European Parliament related to the current lack of a comprehensive Directive regarding gender based violence - Read this publication by the European Council about gender based violence during the COVID-19 pandemic - Have a look at this webpage from the EWL on the Coordination of Greek Women’s NGOs for the EWL

Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE) Living smart: With the consistent population growth resulting in the scarcity of space and resources, as well as the increase of emissions, cities like London and Helsinki serve as great examples of implementing smart solutions. Given that by 2050 around two-thirds of the world’s population are expected to live in towns and cities, how can the EU assist Member States in integrating the innovative technology in the cities for combating current pressures and working towards sustainability? by Dimitris Dimoulios (GR) and Froso Dipla (GR)

1. Background and relevance At present time, 55% of the world’s population lives in urban areas, a percentage expected to rise to 68% by 2050, as said in a report of the United Nations. Subsequently, human activities will have a greater impact on the environment. Cities are responsible for 75% of the world’s carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, with transport and large city infrastructure, such as construction, being amongst the greater contributors. In Europe, air pollution is one of the biggest environmental health risks, according to the European Environment Agency. Overpopulation has resulted in the overconsumption of alimentation, and finite natural resources, such as water and fossil fuels, since every new person is a new consumer accreting the demand of goods, sometimes more than those that can be provided. According to Eurostat, roughly 75% of Europe’s population lives in cities. The idea of smart cities may be recent, but 240 European cities with populations over 100,000 have tried to adjust modern technology to achieve sustainability and economic growth. Smart cities use ICT27and data to upgrade the quality of human life and facilitate cities’ decisions and activities. For example, Helsinki uses electric transit and an app to reduce pollution and traffic. In addition, they have created an app that holds and calculates real-time energy related data based on city building stock, with the help of a 3D city model. The youth nowadays as well as next generations will face urban challenges, such as, sustainable energy supply, a healthy city climate and mobility concepts, all necessary to achieve prosperity. Young people are up-to-date with technology and open-minded enough to accept the necessary changes to reshape our cities and have a sustainable way of life. If young people are the future, how can they push for this in practice?

Information and Communication Technology (ICT) can be defined as an electronic medium for creating, storing, manipulating, receiving and sending information from one place to another. 46

Image Source: Smart City: Is it Necessary?

2. Key stakeholders The European Union considers smart cities as a way to drastically improve the quality of human life, in accordance with the Urban Agenda of the EU. Considering the aims of the Energy Union, which ensures that Europe has secure, affordable and sustainable energy, the EU endeavours to make European cities the most liveable places in the world. The Smart City Marketplace, the merger of two former European Commission’s projects, is an undertaking aiming to bring together cities, industries, SMEs, investors, researchers and other smart city actors in order to support smart solutions and thus help make cities more sustainable. The marketplace consists of 6 Action Clusters, an assembly of partners that works on a research project about smart cities that lead the Initiatives, which have a more practical role. In addition, the Directorate-General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology (CNECT) develops and implements Commission’s policies on digital economies and society, research and innovation, business and industry, culture and media. Furthermore, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are playing a leading role in the development of smart cities and some of them are part of the Smart City Marketplace. The NGOs are not specifically focused on the topic of smart cities, but rather target the sub-aims of them. For example, Green10 and

WWF work to ensure that the EU protects the environment and integrates the sustainable way of life to its citizens. The European Investment Bank, with the motto ‘‘We invest in a sustainable future for all’’, finances local investments towards the green and digital transition, and by extension smart cities. This is extremely significant, since the first obstacle that States face is the inability to adjust modern technologies, as the amount of money needed is huge. The European Committee of Regions, the voice of regions and cities in the EU, represents authorities across the EU and advises on new laws that have an impact on them. It has launched the Smart City Guidance Package in order to provide Member States with the necessary support for planning and managing smart city projects and, together with the European Commission, will host a seminar on building a coalition of smart cities and regions. As smart cities and their technology data are open to everyone, the European Union Agency for Cybersecurity (ENISA) has a significant role in achieving high-level cybersecurity across Member States. European cities, especially those that are not that technologically progressive, need the support of the EU and its projects for implementing smart transformation measures. . On an international level, the OECD Programme on Smart Cities and Inclusive Growth redefines the concept of smart cities, measures how smart cities perform and if they deliver better lives and guides local and national governments in efforts to reshape their cities. Last but not least, the UN-Habitat with the vision of a better urban life for all, works with partners to build safe, resilient and sustainable cities, more or less, smart cities.

Click here to view this Stakeholder Map on Miro.

3. Challenges and measures in place Numerous cities worldwide are aiming to be more connected, more innovative and are looking for citizen-centric, holistic, and multifaceted strategies. Technology plays a significant role, providing solutions to the challenges that citizens and governments face. When looking at developing a smart city, the current challenges that the city is facing, for example air pollution, lack of technological means, incompatible infrastructures, overpopulation and overconsumption of goods should be considered. At that point, we need to highlight the fact that finding the solution to those problems is crucial for maintaining the quality of our lives and the only way we can face that is through the conversion of our urban areas into smart cities.

Image Source: Smart City

Internet of things (IoT) Data transmission is a big part of the ICT network of connected objects and machines, also known as a digital city. As a result, cloud based IoT28 applications receive, analyse, and manage data in real-time to help municipalities, enterprises, and citizens make better decisions that improve quality of life. Simultaneously, citizens engage with these smart city ecosystems in various ways using smartphones and mobile devices connected to their cars and homes. Moreover, the communities have a significant role to play. For instance, they can improve energy distribution, streamline garbage collection, decrease traffic congestion, and improve air quality with help from the IoT. Upgraded quality of life Plenty of ideas have been set on track but only some of them are realistic. For example, the installation of a sensor network29 in several parts of the city will accurately monitor environmental conditions like pollution levels, wildlife counts, or even the water runoff. In addition to that, huge improvements will be noticed in the transportation sector. Through sensors once more embedded in roads and street lights real time transit and traffic can be managed for the purpose of reducing travel time and fuel inefficiencies. Finally, smart buildings utilise monitoring devices that track usage and empower users and service providers to better control and reduce electricity demands. Moreover, a smart utility grid30 will empower end users to be more aware of their energy uses and allow utility companies to deliver only as much energy and water as is required. Regulatory Concerns Privacy risks: while data offers a remarkable asset and opportunity for smart cities, it also entails both a weakness for those cities that have a weaker capacity to collect, store or use data, and a threat when considering privacy concerns related to the storage and use of personal data. Thus, a huge amount of data is in danger while the legislative and technological frame is still in an early stage in order for those results to be prevented. Rule of law: the advent of smart cities is disrupting established models of urban governance. Data-driven smart city initiatives may shake traditional notions of urban governance, notably in terms of fair competition, labour laws, government contracts, and regulation.

The Internet of Things (IoT) describes the network of physical objects that are embedded with sensors, software, and other technologies for the purpose of connecting and exchanging data with other devices and systems over the internet. 29 A sensor network is a group of sensors where each sensor monitors data in a different location and sends that data to a central location for storage, viewing, and analysis. 30 Smart grid is the electric grid, a network of transmission lines, substations, transformers and more that deliver electricity from the power plant to your home or business. 50

The wealth of data that could be collected in cities has the potential to help deliver services more efficiently, but only if the right policy frameworks and regulations are in place to harness benefits and avoid risks. The twin transition challenge: The European Commission states that “Europe must leverage the potential of digital transformation, which is a key enabler for reaching the Green Deal objectives.” There is a gap among the cities around the globe or even around a specific country. Quite often cities do not have the funds or the administrative capacities to invest towards smart city solutions. That, in combination with the digital transition goals, creates what we call the 'twin transition challenge' - the challenge of having to modernise and switch an organisation's working methods to be both greener and more digital. As a result, some cities achieve the transition but some others are shank into deeper challenges and the gap is widening. Widening inequalities: more fundamentally, if the needs of all population groups are not considered, smart city initiatives may deepen the digital divide between people who have access to technologies, digital skills and information – who can therefore reap the benefits brought by digitalisation – and people who lack the necessary access and find themselves left behind. Additionally, smart cities initiatives bring new challenges like those mentioned before and the existing legislation is for now limited. Apart from that, in recent years some local initiatives have been gaining ground by specific cities or municipalities such as London, Seoul, Tokyo, municipality of Barcelona or the municipality of Toronto. The existence of ‘‘city networks’’ such as the AESEAN network helps advanced smart cities share their knowledge into specific city think tanks in order to give their vision a worldwide character. Measures in place: The European Green Deal, a set of policy initiatives by the European Commission with an overarching aim of making Europe climate neutral by 2050, has set three sub-goals; no net emissions of greenhouse gases by 2050, economic growth dissociated from resource use, and no person and place left behind. These goals coordinate with the aims of smart cities. However there are no binding policies States should follow when considering smart city solutions, as there are other measures that indirectly lead to the same outcome. The EU should integrate the adjustment of smart solutions in its urban development policies, in order for all Member States to achieve sustainability, economic growth and provide a better way of life. Next Generation EU (NGEU): The NGEU fund is a European initiative to provide financial support to all Member States to recover from the adverse effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite all the negative aspects that the pandemic has brought, there is widespread optimism that the EU can emerge more robust than ever. For this reason, there are specific recognised EU priorities that the Next Generation EU will focus on.

The European Single Market – With a particular focus on the single market’s adaptation to the digital age, investments will be made in better connectivity like the 5G networks, cybersecurity, and new technologies. The fair and inclusive recovery for all – NGEU will provide funding to fight European unemployment by focusing on developing EU citizens’ digital skills to better adapt to the new digital landscape. The European Commission supported the European Innovation Partnership for Smart Cities and Communities (EIP-SCC), an initiative combining ICT, energy management and transport management to come up with innovative solutions to the major environmental, societal and health challenges facing European cities today. The aim of the initiative is producing scalable and transferable solutions to contribute to the EU’s climate action goals, and, as a result, reduce high energy consumption, green-house-gas emissions, bad air quality and congestion of roads. The Partnership seeks to establish strategic partnerships between industry and European cities to develop the urban systems and future infrastructures.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ●

How can the EU ensure the implementation of smart solutions to its Member States? What can civil society do to pressure Member States and the EU, in order to take serious action concerning modern problems? How can the EU be certain that each country adjusts the proper technologies to advance the cities and make them economically independent? What steps should the EU take to ensure that all citizens will have access to the amenities offered in a smart city?

5. One for all, all for one Smart cities require the cooperation of various stakeholders that are part of a city for accelerated and sustainable results. For example, the Replicate Project EU is an enterprise composed of public organisations, multisectoral companies and universities working together to deploy energy efficiency, mobility, and ICT solutions in cities. This project is led by three cities, which are also called ‘‘Lighthouse Cities’’, San Sebastian in Spain, Florence in Italy, and Bristol in Great Britain. Replicate is a great example of collaboration amongst multiple stakeholders that has an important outcome in the cities that are part of it, since there are environmental and economic benefits for users and the cities. The transformation of some cities into smart ones can be done with local-based initiatives, but with a greater worldwide outcome and it is what we should all be working for.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Read this conference paper by Russo F., Rindone C., Panuccio P. regarding smart cities on an EU level. - Watch this video by VINCI Energies about smart cities. - Read this article by Wilma Dragonetti about the use of data. - Watch this Ted video by Peter Calthorpe, about 7 principles on building better cities. Additional Engagement - Here is a youtube playlist with various videos about smart cities and what they look like. - Here is an article referring to the advantages and disadvantages of a smart city.

Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) Roof over one’s head: Despite the data showing that there are more than 11 million houses left empty throughout Europe, around 700,000 persons face homelessness each night in Europe, accounting for a 70% increase since 2010. How can the EU tackle the housing crisis and achieve its target of ending homelessness by 2030? by Kacper Lubiewski (PL) and Iva Petrešević (RS)

1. Background and relevance Over 700,000 individuals are sleeping on the streets of Europe every night, as over the past decade the number of rough sleepers has increased by 70%. As housing is considered a fundamental right31, homelessness is considered one of the most extreme showcases of poverty and hardships. However, homelessness is not only defined as sleeping rough, as it can also imply living in temporary, insecure, or poor-quality housings. In general, homelessness comes as a result of various issues, including unemployment, migration, finances, or criminal offences. Yet, it is often thought that rough sleepers are to blame for their situation, and are often seen as lazy and irresponsible, which is caused by the stigma that has been created around the topic. The biggest problems that occur as a consequence of sleeping rough are health and safety issues, decreased life expectancy, social isolation, as well as limited access to basic public services and benefits. These issues frequently lead to rough sleepers encountering abuse, kidnappings, and in some extreme cases, even modern slavery32. Additional aspects leaving rough sleepers extremely vulnerable are the extreme weather events caused by the changing climate. The global COVID-19 pandemic has not only contributed to the increase in the number of rough sleepers, but also caused a decrease in the support offered to these individuals. Ever since the breakout of the virus, a substantial number of job losses have been recorded in Europe, further burdening the issue of homelessness within the EU. Strict restrictions to healthcare access, as well as extensive financial difficulties, have negatively impacted fundings of support organisations, and shelters for homeless people.

Fundamental rights are rights granted by the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human rights, that require a high degree of protection from the governments. 32 Modern slavery is a severe exploitation of other people for personal or commercial gain. 54

The surge of this problem is followed by the increase in the number of migrants, minorities, families, women, young people, and children on the streets. Youth homelessness, also referred to as hidden homelessness, has likewise experienced a significant rise in the past decade. It is important to highlight the diversity of youth homelessness, as individuals between the ages of 13 to 26 fall under this group. For instance, young people who left the state care and members of the LGBTQIA+ are disproportionately at risk of experiencing homelessness.

Image Source: Alarming trend shows homelessness crisis across Europe

2. Key stakeholders The Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affair and Inclusion (DG-EMPL) is one of the executive agencies of the European Commission. DG-EMPL deals with and focuses on the set policies on homelessness, inclusion, and domestic affairs. There are numerous set-out policies regarding health, social inclusion, and human rights, as a way of addressing the causes of homelessness. By providing guidance on defying homelessness within the Social Investment Package, the Commission highlights the importance of the support role of the European Union, by exploring trends, good practices, and crucial elements on homelessness strategies across Member States. European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless (FEANTSA) is a non-governmental organisation (NGO) that consists of over 130 Member organisations from 27 Member States. It is also supported by the European Commission. FEANTSA is exclusively focusing on

the fight against homelessness, and their ultimate goal is to eradicate the issue by constantly being engaged in dialogues with different European institutions, as well as national and regional governments. Moreover, FEANTSA conducts research and provides the general public with crucial data, aiming to share a high level of understanding of issues surrounding homelessness. HOPE is an NGO uniting homeless individuals and those who are at immediate risk of becoming homeless. Their main purpose is spreading knowledge on how to protect and advance the rights of rough sleepers, and promoting the importance of practical and political troubles surrounding this issue. The United Nations (UN) is an international organisation, guided by the basis provided in their founding Charter. Through their 17 Sustainable Development Goals, notably 1 - no poverty, 8 - decent work and economic growth, 10 - reduced inequalities, and 11 - sustainable cities and communities, the UN is urging for action and implementation of adequate strategies regarding the aforementioned deprivations. Furthermore, the UN NGO Working Group to End Homelessness (WGEH) is an initiative created to battle the issue of homelessness on an international level. It is made up of numerous NGOs which are often cooperating with academic institutions, such as DePaul University. The initiative aims to mitigate and eventually eliminate homelessness on a global level.

Click here to view the Stakeholder Map on Miro.

3. Challenges and measures in place There are not many challenges as multifaceted, nuanced, and intersectional as the housing crisis. Despite the fact that the biggest international organisations, including the EU, have underlined homelessness as one of their top priorities, every day thousands of EU citizens are forced to sleep rough, waiting for their situation to get better. Experts point out the lack of affordable housing as the most significant cause of homelessness and emphasise the still-existing stigma around the crisis and those affected by it. It is important to highlight the intersectional nature of homelessness, and how it is connected to other modern-day critical dilemmas of food safety, access to healthcare, and ongoing gentrification33. It is obvious, that any person molested by low income, will have to choose between buying food, needed drugs, and rent. Finally, it is youth homelessness that we should pay extra attention to as its rates have been soaring in the past few years. Lack of affordable housing Lack of affordable housing is perhaps the most fundamental issue in relation to the housing crisis. From an initial point of view, it is also easy to understand - if there were plenty of affordable housing options for people of all backgrounds, there would be no need to sleep rough. The market would provide the citizens with various housing choices, even if they are young, dependent on government assistance, belong to the working class, or a minority group. However, that is not the case. Firstly, we should recognise the current clashing motivations of the clients and investors. The clients - those looking for housing - obviously need relatively cheap housing which will not be accounting for the significant majority of their expenses. With the present status quo, however, high-level investment focuses on more exclusive and more expensive options as they bring them higher profits. Furthermore, we have been observing steadily a rising cost of labour and building materials, as, for instance, the trade wars between the world’s biggest economies made lumber, which accounts for around 10% of a house’s value, ridiculously expensive. This is in addition to the constant overall cost of living getting higher across Member States. On a positive note, all EU Member States will invest at least 25% of their European Social Fund resources in social inclusion and at least 3% to address material deprivation, but the effects of this decision are yet to be seen. Intersectionality The housing crisis does not exist on its own - it is interconnected with many other challenges and thus must be treated holistically. If consumers are not protected from the rising prices of food, fuel, or overall cost of living, it puts additional pressure on their personal finances, forcing them to choose between everyday needs and long-term financial certainty. Unemployment can also not be overlooked in this matter - without stable, well-paid jobs, especially offered to young people, as they are often not insured and do not have savings, it is impossible to afford a basic-needs house without Gentrification is the process whereby the character of a poor urban area is changed by wealthier people moving in, improving housing, and attracting new businesses, often displacing current inhabitants in the process. 33

going into debt. Additionally, policies of the past that disproportionately affected the working class and racial minorities joined by investors' hunger for quick profits strongly contribute to gentrification, which empties entire districts of its inhabitants. The process simply makes the cost of living too high for locals, often forcing them to live on the streets. Last but not least, the developing climate catastrophe is putting rough sleepers at even greater risk of serious illnesses or death by exposing them to natural disasters, weather anomalies, and temperature deviations the number of which keeps increasing annually. Youth homelessness It is absolutely crucial to account for the youth when discussing the housing crisis. Each solution proposed to tackle it, must keep in mind that a significant part of homeless individuals is younger than 26 years old. In practice it means that they face additional challenges - firstly, young people are not overall financially independent and often must choose between studying and working. Moreover, queer youth is significantly more prone to becoming homeless, as LGBTQ+ individuals are 120% more likely to experience temporal homelessness in their lives compared to their straight counterparts. Young people are also just entering the market, meaning that they are significantly more often employed in low-wage jobs which do not require additional competencies. Good examples of already taken measures include opening free shelters for LGBTQ+ youth in tens of European cities and investing in youth employment and offering jobs that are possible to keep while studying for students. Stigma It is not controversial to say that the stigma surrounding homelessness and those affected by it is a direct consequence of a ‘homelessness as a choice’ stance, a popularly held opinion in Europe, stating that homelessness is an effect of laziness and unproductivity. It derives from a misunderstanding of the causes and nuances of the housing crisis. In fact, homelessness is a lack of choices - as pointed out earlier, people usually become homeless because of a lack of affordable housing options, prejudice, and unemployment - it is important to emphasise that endangering one’s life and health by sleeping rough is never a conscious choice, but rather a tragic consequence of being underprivileged. However, many Europeans are still unaware of this fact, resulting in promoting and engaging in the everyday discrimination, violence, and humiliation homeless individuals face. It is particularly important to the topic, as citizens indifferent to the situation of rough sleepers will not expect their representatives to advocate for the rights of the aforementioned. Significantly, however, numerous European NGOs, such as Polish Serce Miasta34 organise social campaigns aimed to humanise homeless individuals in the eyes of the broader public.

4. Further questions ● 34

Can access to public services and benefits be eased upon homeless individuals, and if so, how?

City’s Heart (eng.) 58

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Which groups of people are most common amongst the homeless population? What can be done to help minimise, if not eradicate, youth homelessness? How should the EU approach the problem of homelessness? What is the link between healthcare access and food safety crises, and housing crisis?

5. One for all, all for one It seems that when it comes to solving homelessness, local-based initiatives are the ones bringing a visible change. Finland, the only Member State where the level of homelessness is decreasing, adopted the Housing First policy in 2007, which assigns homeless individuals with rental homes first and then funds their mental health and substance abuse treatment. Since then, hostels have been converted into supported housing units with independent flats for the tenants and several social housing organisations have provided housing for the programme. The Government Programme states: ‘We will halve homelessness during the government term and eradicate homelessness within two government terms’, in other words, by 2027. Furthermore, No Fixed Abode has set up a night cafe in Helsinki, which operates as temporary housing for approximately 15 people each night with healthcare, food, and showers, where no questions are asked.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Read this report by the European Commission about the European housing crisis. - Watch this TedTalk by Juha Kaakinen on ways towards ending homelessness. - Check out this report by Robbie Stakelum and Miriam Matthiessen about Youth Homelessness during the COVID-19 pandemic. Additional Engagement - Watch this video by 1News about Finland solving the housing crisis. - Check out this article by Euronews about job cuts caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. - Read this report by FEANTSA on LGBTQIA + Youth Homelessness in Europe. - Listen to this TedTalk by Professor Jo Richardson on why we do not need innovation to end homelessness.

Committee on Security and Defence I (SEDE I) 2021: A Space Odyssey? Space exploration has been receiving increasing attention during the past few years from both private investors and state actors, with international powers such as the US and China expressing interest in its militarisation and its resources. Having designated 2021-2027 as an important timeframe for Europe’s activities in outer space, what strategy should the EU adopt towards space security and defence? by Raphael Tsiamis (GR)

1. Background and relevance In the past, outer space seemed faraway and unapproachable, ‘the final frontier,’ with public perception and government action focusing on pioneer exploration missions such as the Moon landing and the deployment of unmanned vehicles on Mars. However, the rapid technological advances of recent decades have made space increasingly important for human activity, as multiple key services that are essential in our daily lives such as telecommunication and weather forecasting rely on space-based systems and technologies, particularly satellites.35 Such tools are also considered critical for militaries worldwide, with advanced military satellites serving as tactical outposts while increasing the operational capabilities of armies through high-level communications and navigational systems. The importance of outer space is not only military: 2021 saw private actors and companies become active in space travel and build up infrastructure for space mining,36 eager to extract valuable resources from newly-discovered planets and asteroids. This increased activity is paving the way for the commercialisation of space,37 highlighting its importance as a steadily-emerging economic sector. Acknowledging the importance of space in all regards, the European Union (EU) considers it critical not only in terms of security and defence, but also in the context of the EU’s social, economic, and strategic needs. That said, the EU has historically sought limited military activity in space itself, seeking to establish its strategic autonomy38 over space through primarily peaceful means. However, lawmakers and experts have been calling for a shift towards a more active defensive stance as 35

A satellite is, in the general sense of celestial mechanics, an object orbiting a planet. In the context of space flight, this refers specifically to artificial satellites, i.e., objects intentionally placed in orbit, distinguishing them from natural satellites such as the Earth's Moon. 36 Space mining, also known as asteroid mining, refers to the exploitation of materials from asteroids and other minor planets, including near-Earth objects. 37 The commercialisation (or commercial use) of space is the extraction of value through providing goods and services related to outer space. These include, for example, the use of equipment in orbit, the privatisation of space travel, and the market utilisation of resources discovered during the exploration of space. 38 Strategic autonomy, in the context of EU Security and Defence, refers to the EU’s ability to respond to external threats without being dependent on NATO and, particularly, its largest and strongest military member, the US. 60

various international superpowers compete for an increasingly dominant position in space. Having designated 2021-2027 as a key period for Europe’s empowerment in outer space, how can the EU work actively towards sustained strategic autonomy in space?

Image Source: ‘The space shuttle Columbia lifts off on the first space shuttle mission ever,’ 1981.

Image Description: A space shuttle lifts off.

While the legislation and military activity surrounding space exploration may seem removed from our everyday lives, their widespread impact is only set to become increasingly relevant, thus affecting the young generation exceptionally. From the opportunity of space travel to the likely dependence on asteroid mining for rare resources, young people will experience first-hand many imminent implications of space travel that may currently be viewed as abstract, thus being directly impacted by space policy.

2. Key stakeholders The EU’s space policy is defined in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), a significant component of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which frames parallel competences39 outside of the main EU ones. Subject to intergovernmental decision-making, these enable the EU to pursue activities towards a common approach while allowing Member States to exercise their individual policy through complementary, reinforcing actions. 39

EU competences refer to the EU’s jurisdiction to pass legislation in a certain policy area; they are defined in Articles 2-6 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). 61

Member States retain a high degree of sovereignty in policy-making and funding decisions, especially those with strong national space programmes, for example, France, Germany, and Italy. On the other hand, the European Commission is responsible, through the Directorate-General for Defence Industry and Space (DG DEFIS), for space-related projects in defence and industry, for example, the Copernicus Programme.40 The European Space Agency (ESA) is an intergovernmental organisation dedicated to space exploration, affiliated but not operating under the EU,41 with 22 Member States as its members. It launches European space research missions through the European Spaceport in French Guyana. The EU High Representative (HR/VP) for the CFSP is responsible for the EU’s external action and defence policy with support from the European Defence Agency (EDA). The latter works to foster cooperation within the CSDP and collaborates with the ESA on improving European space defence capabilities through projects such as the ‘Space Situational Awareness (SSA) programme.’42

Copernicus, or Global Monitoring for Environment and Security (GMES), is the European Commission’s Earth Observation Programme in collaboration with the ESA, gathering information through space- and earth-based monitoring for environmental and security applications. 41 The ESA is affiliated with the EU under the 2004 EU–ESA Framework Agreement, a part of the European Space Policy, which establishes a mutual framework for the execution of missions and research activities. Following the 2021 EU Space Regulation, the ESA collaborates with the EU under a Financial Framework Partnership Agreement (FFPA) that defines their cooperation and pledges EUR 9 billion to ESA. 42 The Space Situational Awareness programme is an observation programme by the ESA that monitors space data such as space debris and weather aims to assess the potential risks associated to natural and human-made factors in outer space, as well as develop response mechanisms to protect in-space and on-earth lives, infrastructure, and equipment. 62

Click here to view this Stakeholder Map on Miro.

3. Challenges and measures in place European policy in this area originally took flight with the 2007 Space Policy, motivated by the EU’s fear of being outmatched by Russia and China and losing its technological lead in space to rapidly-developing countries. After building up and updating various space-related projects for over a decade, in April 2021 the European Parliament together with the Council of the EU adopted the EU Space Programme Regulation, which frames the EU space programme 2021-2027, with almost EUR 15 billion allocated to EU space activities, and creates the EU Agency for the Space Programme (EUSPA) responsible for their management. EUSPA will thus lead flagship EU space programmes Copernicus, Galileo,43 and European Geostationary Navigation Overlay Service (EGNOS),44 as well as the newly-created EU Governmental Satellite Communications (GOVSATCOM) programme that facilitates communications capabilities with a focus on security operations. Under EUSPA, these existing satellite systems are retooled towards higher military and security functionality. Militarisation of space and the EU’s position Historically, the EU has pursued a dual approach in space policy, structuring its strategy around the interconnected, dual use of key infrastructure, primarily satellites, for both military and civil purposes.45 However, the ESA’s mission is primarily peaceful, with a specific focus on civil society benefits and openly available data collection. Thus, the EU may be falling behind its competition as Russia and China are reportedly developing anti-satellite weapons, advanced jamming systems, and offensive military satellites with the intention of limiting or obstructing access to space. In response, Member States France, Germany, and Italy have established national military space commands, following the recent creation of the DG DEFIS to complement the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)46 in matters of European defence and, particularly, space security. The military integration of Member States in space matters is also advanced by the 2019 defence technology 43

Galileo is Europe’s Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS/EGNSS), providing accurate and reliable information on positioning and timing to an interconnected network of civil and government devices. 44 European Geostationary Navigation Overlay Service (EGNOS) is the first pan-European satellite navigation system, led jointly with the ESA, that augments the US General Positioning System (GPS) for navigation and tailoring it to civil and military needs such as aircraft navigation and missile aiming. 45 Military satellites are the main focus of military space activities, supporting activities related to security such as verifying compliance with arms control treaties. Moreover, many of their civil uses, such as imagery, navigation, and telecommunications can be used for early missile warning as well as for guiding missile strikes. 46 The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) is an intergovernmental military alliance, comprising 28 European countries, 21 of which are Member States, together with the United States (US) and Canada. It implements the North Atlantic Treaty that was signed in 1949, operating through joint security projects and mutual defensive support. 63

initiative of the EU’s Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO),47 which seeks to develop collaborative military space projects across Member States. Still, the EU remains dependent on outer space leader US for software, equipment, and security capabilities, which hampers its goal of strategic autonomy. Budget limitations for space policy Despite the EU’s mission of strategic autonomy and leadership in space, in practice many of its projects have been hindered by economic difficulties and misalignment of priorities across Member States, especially following the economic impact of COVID-19, with some Member States such as Poland and Hungary not considering space security a political or economic priority. At the same time, competitors the US and China are already investing over six times the EU space budget in both the government and the private sector. While Member States remain free to pursue individual projects, collective EU action on this area has also been hampered due to contrasting views on the EU’s strategic autonomy and the ESA’s increasing security involvement. For example, the approval of the current Space Programme was greatly delayed due to budget cut demands among Member States, with the final funding of EUR 14.88 billion for the EU Space Programme representing only a fraction of the original proposal. Still, European leaders hope to convince reluctant spenders to contribute more to the European space budget, expecting the Space Programme to holistically benefit the EU’s digital, economic, and security capabilities. For example, the new budget includes EUR 1 billion Space Investment Fund for start-ups and entrepreneurship,48 with which the EU hopes to generate employment in technological sectors and foster sustainable growth while making observational data from European satellite systems openly available for public use. The role of the private sector In line with the increased international interest in space, many private companies are eager to profit from the commercialisation of space through activities such as asteroid mining and commercial space travel, as well as from becoming specialised in the development of necessary equipment and software for space projects. In February 2021, the European Commission presented the Action Plan on Synergies between civil, defence, and space industries to promote collaboration in space-related projects and offer opportunities for technological research and innovation to the

The EU’s Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in the area of security and defence is a part of the CSDP facilitating the structural integration of Member States militaries, with operational support from the EDA. 48 The Space Investment Fund, also known as Space Entrepreneurship Initiative CASSINI, is a new Commission initiative aiming to support innovative entrepreneurs, start-ups, and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the space industry. 64

European industry. This action plan also facilitates the collaboration of Member States with space companies through Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs).49 Mirroring the EU action, in October 2021 the ESA established a Directorate of Commercialisation, Industry and Procurement aimed at fostering innovation, growth, and post-COVID economic recovery among European space companies towards competitiveness in global space exploration. Analysts consider this a natural step towards limiting expenses for conventional space projects, such as low-Earth orbits50 currently occupied by the International Space Station (ISS),51 by outsourcing them to private enterprises, thus freeing up budgetary capacities for more ambitious deep space missions, such as the exploration of Mars. Despite the EU’s expressed support for the commercialisation of space, economists worldwide are voicing growing concerns about the risk of domination of space by private companies, which could deepen social inequality while rendering the benefits of space resources inaccessible to the broader public. With the US already drafting legislative frameworks for economic activity in space, the EU has yet to take a stance that endorses its strategic autonomy while guaranteeing the effective allocation of space resources.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ●

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In light of the limited resources of many Member States, how can the EU further stimulate EU integration and international cooperation when implementing its Space Strategy? With the increased private-party activity in space complicating the politics of space exploration, how should the EU approach the private sector’s interest in space exploration? To what extent can the EU rely on collaboration with private actors in space projects to bypass the budgetary constraints of Member States and stimulate innovation in space technology? Considering the expressly peaceful mission of the European Space Agency, how would military aspects of the Space Policy fit into existing European frameworks in case the EU decides to expand its military presence in space? Given the multiple opportunities for economic and geostrategic development that outer space provides, which goals should the EU prioritise for its strategic autonomy over space in the short and in the long term?

A public–private partnership (PPP) is a long-term cooperative arrangement between stakeholders from the public and the private sector, involving governments and businesses working together on infrastructure projects and services that will benefit the general public. 50 A low-Earth orbit (LEO) is an Earth-centred orbit very near the planet, often specified numerically as having a period of rotation of 128 minutes, with altitude less than one-third of the Earth’s radius. Most artificial satellites are in LEO, as this requires the least amount of energy for satellite placement. 51 The International Space Station (ISS) is a habitable artificial satellite in LEO, established collaboratively by five space agencies: NASA (United States), Roscosmos (Russia), JAXA (Japan), ESA (Europe), and CSA (Canada). 65

5. One for all, all for one When one first conceives the subject of space exploration, it may likely appear inaccessible to local initiatives due to both its distant, futuristic nature as well as its grand, international scale. However, in practice, much of the action in terms of space exploration is still driven by national initiatives, in the case of the EU, and individual or local initiatives in the case of the private sector. The value of regional development contributing to space readiness as a whole is highlighted by the operation of the ISS, which boasts state-of-the-art space capabilities thanks to combining functional parts and software from a range of highly specialised, space-specific labs across the world. For the future development of the EU in space, this example can be particularly motivating considering the possibility of PPPs and collaborative projects that guarantee the continued functioning of European space operations while enabling the EU to further its strategic autonomy with more ambitious projects within the European vision of exploration.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Read this BBC article about the EU Space Programme, its comparison with the space programmes of international competitors, and potential future steps for the EU. - Watch this YouTube video that presents a brief but comprehensive overview of the state and future directions of European space exploration. - Explore this infographic by the European Commission that presents key data about the EU’s Space Programme and its activities of space exploration. - Read this press release by the Council of the EU regarding the adoption of the EU Space Programme, together with statements from relevant European Officials. - Consider the policy implications of this EurActiv article highlighting the budgetary challenges and internal opposition that the EU Space Programme has faced. Additional Engagement - Here is a curated YouTube Playlist with videos covering various aspects of European space exploration and security, coming from official sources as well as independent content creators. - Engage with this opinion piece by Senjuti Mallick about the ethical aspects of economic activity in outer space and about the legal frameworks accompanying it. - Consider this executive summary by the European Space Policy Institute explaining the European policy approach on space. - Read this summary by the European Commission presenting the legislative history leading up to the EU’s adoption of the current EU Space Programme 2021-2027. - Think about the policy implications of this opinion piece by the Harvard Business Review about the commercialisation of space and the upcoming economy sector.

Check out this brief presentation of Europe’s history of space exploration up until the new EU Space Policy of 2010. Consider this expert analysis by Space News discussing an early draft of the EU Space Policy.

Committee on Security and Defence ΙΙ (SEDE ΙΙ) Rough waters run deep as well: The EU’s recent strategy on the Indo-Pacific outlines the importance of the region for addressing global challenges and shaping the foreign policy agenda of the EU. With its significance and current geopolitical tensions in the region, how should the EU further shape its activities within and beyond the EU Strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific? By Yiannis Papadopoulos (GR) and Frederik Reiff (DE)

1. Background and relevance

The Indo-Pacific region is a geopolitical area that extends between two regions of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. Stretching from the west coast of the United States to the west coast of India, the Indo-Pacific is a 24 nations52 regional framework comprising the tropical waters of the Indian Ocean, the western and central Pacific Ocean, and the seas connecting the two in the general area of Indonesia. The EU is a power that sees big interest in the region, due to the fact that the Union and most of the Indo-Pacific countries are natural partners. This is evidenced by the fact that the EU is 52

Australia, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei, Cambodia, Fiji, India, Indonesia, Japan, Laos, Malaysia, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand, Timor Leste, United States, Vietnam. 68

interlinked due to not only economic but also territorial reasons (EU’s outermost regions and overseas territories -linked to its Member States- are a key part of the Union’s approach to the region). Speaking with data, trade exchanges between the EU and the Indo-Pacific region are bigger than with any other region in the world, with annual trade tax reaching 1.5 trillion EUR in 2019. In addition, the region is the second-largest destination of EU exports and home to four of the EU’s ten biggest trading partners. Furthermore, the Indo-Pacific is of extremely geopolitical interest as it hosts major waterways that are of vital importance to EU trade, such as the South China Sea and Malacca Straits. Given the facts that more than 4.3 billion people live in the area, its share of the world’s military expenditure (28% in 2019) as well as its importance in protecting the planet’s ecological balance, we can assume the crucial magnitude of interest that the region evokes. The balance of power in the region is also shifting as a result of this dynamic. China’s political and economic ascent poses a challenge to the established powers. The US is increasingly moving its strategic focus from the Atlantic to the Pacific region. Military expenditure in this region is rising continuously, and now makes up just under 30 percent of global spending. At the same time, the region lacks effective structures for cooperative security and mechanisms to contain conflict. Geopolitical rivalries, border disputes and simmering domestic and cross-border conflicts put the region at risk of instability. This is exacerbated by refugee flows and regional and international terrorist networks.

2. Key stakeholders The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP) is responsible for carrying out the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) including its component, the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the EU. The High Representative is assisted by the diplomatic service of the EU, the European External Action Service (EEAS). The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is an intergovernmental organisation and economic union in Southeast Asia. It is composed of ten member states, including Indonesia, the Philippines, and Singapore. Through cooperation and integration in the fields of trade, security, politics or education the organisation aims for stability and economic growth. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) is a strategic forum between Japan, the US, Australia, and India. QUAD members aim for a free, open, prosperous, and inclusive Indo-Pacific region. While the dialogue focuses on non-military initiatives, the members also cooperate on defence issues, like naval exercises.

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is the biggest power in the Indo-Pacific, with regards to population, economy, and military. Through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it aims to improve trade and interdependencies with other countries through massive infrastructure investments. With its aggressive approach and rising influence, many countries in the region see China both as a nuisance, as well as an important partner, considering their high dependence.

Click here to view this Stakeholder Map on Miro.

3. Challenges and measures in place Security The Indo-Pacific has seen a continuous rise in military spending during the last years, a trend that is not expected to stop, considering the geopolitical tensions in the region. Besides the interest in peace in the region, Member States also profit from this arms race, by selling weapons, evident at the failed submarine deal between Australia and France. The South China Sea is a part of the Indo-Pacific, spanning between China, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Vietnam (clockwise). The sea is rich in natural oil and gas as well as fishing grounds and, hence, it is an important passage for international trade, with a third of the global trade passing through the area, including high percentages of European trade. The EU and its Member States thus have an interest to keep the region safe and accessible. Parts of the South China Sea are claimed by several countries, including China, Taiwan, Malaysia, Vietnam, Brunei, and the Philippines, with China claiming as much as 80% of the area. In recent months, the old conflict about Taiwan has grown more and more intense. Taiwan, officially the Republic of China (ROC), is an island off the coast of mainland China (PRC). The essence of the conflict is the fact that both the ROC and the PRC claim to be the legitimate “China”. Whilst Taiwan 70

has softened its claims over mainland China and the South China Sea and would rather be independent, China wants to reunite with Taiwan and threatens with a war, should Taiwan seek official independence. Due to Chinese pressure, Taiwan is not recognised by most countries and is replaced by China in international organisations like the United Nations (UN) or the World Health Organisation (WHO). Most countries do not have formal relations with Taiwan, due to China's pressure, but still have strong ties through economic connections and arm deals. In the wake of China's recent aggressions towards Taiwan, the United States have reaffirmed their commitment to defend Taiwan in the case of a Chinese invasion. When Lithuania established closer ties to Taiwan in 2021, China cut off trade with Lithuania in what is considered a warning to the rest of Europe. In 1994, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) took effect. The Convention gives a framework on the governance and rules of the ocean, for example the freedom of navigation53, which is especially important in the Indo-Pacific as it hosts major waterways for international trade. Freedom of Navigation is absolutely crucial for exporting countries, like many in the EU are, as it ensures that the export goods can be shipped efficiently and securely. To enforce the freedom of passage in international water, states conduct Freedom of Navigation Operations to enforce UNCLOS. In these operations, (military) ships sail through contested areas and areas where the freedom of navigation is attempted to be limited, to denounce these claims and underscore their status as international waters. Even with the US not having signed UNCLOS, they conduct several Freedom of Navigation Patrols annually, most of them in the South China Sea. Other countries that conducted Freedom of Navigation Operations include France, the UK, and Japan. Even if not as firm as the Freedom of Navigation Patrols, naval presence in general can be a measure to pursue one's security interests. For instance, Germany sent a warship to the South China Sea to show presence and assert its Indo-Pacific strategy. Trade Angela Stanzel from the thinktank “European Council on Foreign Relations” suggests that the EU might be better at geo-economics than at geopolitics, and might profit from a paradigm shift in Asian politics away from classical security policy to using trade and economy as international policy tools. Even if the rising military spendings in the region might be an indicator for a different conclusion than a shift away from military competition, the EU has regularly used economic power for their geopolitical goals. With the Indo-Pacific being the second-largest importer of EU goods and the total trade between the two regions accounting for EUR 1.5 trillion, trade policy with regard to the Indo-Pacific is both a necessity as well as a powerful tool in the EU’s foreign policy. One of the most important tools in international trade policy are Free Trade Agreements (FTA). These trade pacts reduce trade barriers by reducing tariffs, quotas, etc. Currently the EU has trade 53

Freedom of Navigation is a concept of international law that grants all ships unrestricted passage in the high seas. 71

agreements in the region with Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, and Singapore as well as wants to further negotiate trade agreements with Australia, New Zealand, Indonesia, and India. With China, the EU negotiated a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) which aims to reduce and level the investment barriers between the two economic areas. The European Parliament, however, has not ratified the agreement yet and voiced concerns about doing so. Furthermore, the EU has introduced the Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP) which reduces or completely eliminates the tariffs for several countries in the Indo-Pacific. The EU also used the GSP to leverage countries to ratify 27 conventions on human rights, labour rights, protection of the environment, and good governance. Environment/Climate Through the years, the Indo-Pacific region has seen extreme pollution rise in various areas, whether it is air or water pollution. Given the fact that 4.3 billion people live in the area, there is no doubt why this happens. When it comes to gas and fossil-fuel subsidies emissions the region seems to be the gigantic domino of climate change with China, Japan, and India being the top three producers of Carbon Dioxide (CO2) emissions. According to the European Commission, the share of the region in global carbon dioxide emissions has grown from 37% to 57% since 2000, and the region will account for more than 70% of growth in global energy demand by 2030. As the region is home to a significant number of marine biodiversity hotspots such as the Coral Triangle, which accounts for 76% of the world’s coral species, or the South China Sea, which alone accounts for around 12% of the world’s fish catch, and hosts more than half of the world’s fishing vessels the problem of increased water pollution and the marine plastics crisis is crucial. Countries in East Asia and the Pacific are at the center of the marine plastics crisis - with some countries in the region representing the biggest contributors and others disproportionately affected by the impacts of marine plastic debris on their shores. Last but not least, according to the UN Environment Program, in 2015, the majority of global deaths from ambient (outdoor) air pollution - 35% - occurred in East Asia and the Pacific. About 33% occurred in South Asia. With a view to decrease both the environmental degradation caused by the emissions and the water pollution and the severe climate change effects, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) launched the ASEAN Regional Action Plan for Combating Marine Debris in the ASEAN Member States (2021 – 2025), which provides a scalable, solution-focused joint strategy to address marine plastic debris across the region, given the fact that plastic is estimated to account for 80% of all marine debris in the oceans. In six of the ten ASEAN Member States alone, over 31 million tons of plastic waste was generated in a year.

Additionally, the European Union aims to sign green partnerships with the biggest emitting countries (such as China, India and Japan, and urge them to move to a more circular economy54. When it comes to ocean governance, the EU will take action towards strengthening the enforcement of international environmental law in the Indo-Pacific, especially the UNCLOS, with the main objective to ensure the sustainable management of the ocean’s resources and safeguarding biodiversity.

4. Further questions ● ● ● ● ●

How do you envision the role of the EU in the Indo-Pacific, especially in comparison to the approaches of other superpowers like China and the US? How can the EU use its economic power to pursue its objectives in the region? What stance should the EU take with respect to military engagement in the region? What steps should the EU take to encourage international environmental law enforcement? How can the EU urge countries of the Indo-Pacific to move to a more “circular economy”?

5. One for all, all for one Among the Member States, France can be considered the biggest player in the Indo-Pacific. Through its several overseas territories in the region, France has a considerable presence given that 93% of its Exclusive Economic Area lies in the area. France was one of the first countries in the EU to adopt the notion of the Indo-Pacific as a geopolitical region. Because of its territories and ambitions, it established a considerable military presence in the region. The military presence has been regularly used for quick and comprehensive disaster relief after natural catastrophes in the region. Furthermore, the French Development Agency (AFD) is active in the region and its mandate includes support for the adaptation to climate change and projects in biodiversity. It also implements the KIWA initiative, a multi-donor initiative that is funded by France, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and the European Union. Over the course of five years, financial resources are used in Indo-Pacific states that are especially vulnerable to climate change, for climate change adaptation and biodiversity.

6. Material for further research Essential Engagement - Have a look at this factsheet by the European Commission on their Indo-Pacific Strategy - Read this article on the “Indo-Pacific Arms Race” by Der Spiegel 54

A circular economy is "a model of production and consumption, which involves sharing, leasing, reusing, repairing, refurbishing and recycling existing materials and products as long as possible" that aims at tackling global challenges like climate change, biodiversity loss, waste, and pollution. 73

Look at this this article by The Guardian Watch this very interesting video on the (digital) connectivity of Europe and the Indo-Pacific Have a read of this article on air pollution by The Diplomat

Additional Engagement - This article by the BBC gives a great summary of the Taiwan conflict - Here you can find the EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific - This video from DW about the conflicts in the Indo-Pacific

Topic Overviews // 42nd National Selection Conference of EYP Greece Thessaloniki, 17-20 December '21 | m: thessaloniki.nsc@eypgreece.org

Topic Overviews // 42nd NSC of EYP Greece

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