OPUS Vol. X Issue I

The Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies was initiated in 2010 by undergraduate students in the Department of Applied Psychology, NYU Steinhardt. The ideas and opinions contained in this publication solely reflect those of the authors and not New York University. All work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial No Derivative Works License.

To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org 2

OPUS

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies Volume X Issue I | Spring 2019 Editors-in-Chief Rachel Lim Alexa Montemayor Khirad Siddiqui Layout & Design Directors Sydney Liang Grace Park Programming & Communications Directors Freya Chen Staff Writers Andrew Han Michelle Hansen Anastasia Knight

Faculty Mentor Dr. Adina R. Schick Special Thanks NYU Steinhardt Department of Applied Psychology Dr. Gigliana Melzi Judson Simmons YiLin Lee

Contributing Writers Francesca Bottazzi Alain Goulbourne Brianda Hickey YiLin Lee Alexa Montemayor Khirad Siddiqui

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Contents 05 05 Letters From the Editors 06 Letters From the Founding Members

08 Literature Reviews 09 Brianda Hickey Sexual Experiences in the Autism Spectrum Disorder Community 13 Alain Goulbourne Acculturative Stress and Hispanic Immigrant Adolescent Identity 17 YiLin Lee Groupthink as a System of the Decision Making Process

20 Research Studies and Briefs 21 Anastasia Knight Racial Biases Towards Homeless Individuals and the Propensity to Help 25 Alexa Montemayor and Khirad Siddiqui The Effects of Familial and Community Factors on System-Involved Adolescent Girls 33 Francesca Bottazzi Self-Disclosure In Preschoolers Within Classroom Settings: Teachers and Peers

38 Film and Book Reviews 39 Michelle Hansen Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close: Personal- and National-Level Trauma in Children 44 Andrew Han The Depiction of Attachment Theory and SES in Lady Bird

48 Biographies

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Letter From the Editors

New York University’s Applied Psychology Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies, also known as OPUS, was established in 2009. OPUS provides Applied Psychology undergraduate students with a forum for sharing their independent work. This publication is entirely written, edited, and designed by Applied Psychology undergraduates, and is one of the only undergraduate psychology journals in the United States.

We are thrilled to present our Spring 2019 issue this year. 2019 marks the 10-year anniversary of OPUS. To celebrate, we reached out to the founding members of OPUS, and as a special addition to this issue, we have included a letter by them, recounting the inception of OPUS and tracking their journeys post-graduation.

The themes of the Spring 2019 issue reflect the diverse clinical and research interests of our contributing writers and senior staff writers, and demonstrate a desire to understand the nuances of psychological phenomena in order to improve the lives of a range of groups, thus embodying the ethos of Applied Psychology.

Our issue this semester contains more explorations of psychological theories in real-world settings, such as YiLin Lee’s literature review exploring how the phenomenon of groupthink occurs in the United States Congress, and the implications this has for the decisions made by this governing body. On the other hand, this issue also has literature reviews that more closely examine single populations, such as Alain Goulbourne’s work on acculturative stress and Hispanic adolescent identity, and Brianda Hickey’s piece on the sexual experiences of individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD).

We are also pleased to be publishing original studies conducted by Applied Psychology students, including Francesca Bottazzi’s piece examining the self-disclosure patterns of preschoolers and the implications of these behaviors for future research. Additionally, a piece by two of the editors, Alexa Montemayor and Khirad Siddiqui, examines the familial and social factors that influence the motivation of adolescents in a community-based intervention, tying this back into future research on motivation more broadly. Additionally, Anastasia Knight’s independent study examines how implicit biases influence charitable behaviors towards individuals experiencing homelessness, with implications for future policy and awareness towards this epidemic.

This issue also contains more creative pieces to reflect the applications of psychology in both films and novels. Andrew Han’s review of the film Lady Bird explores how the mother-daughter relationship in the film is impacted by the attachment styles and ecological factors of its titular character. Finally, Michelle Hansen explores representations of trauma and coping in her review of the novel Extremely Loud and Incredibly Close through a case study of its protagonist. These two reviews showcase the work of Applied Psychology students in finding examples in the media of well-known psychological phenomenon and theories.

Thank you so much to our enthusiastic and talented writers for their scholarly contributions, as well as Sydney Liang, Grace Park, and Freya Chen, the OPUS administrative staff, for their hard work and commitment to the journal. We are also grateful to Dr. Gigliana Melzi, the Director of Undergraduate Studies in Applied Psychology, and Judson Simmons, the OPUS advisor, for their continuous support of OPUS. Finally, we would like to thank Dr. Adina Schick, our faculty mentor, for her guidance and dedication to OPUS, without which this issue would not be possible.

Best, OPUS Editors

Rachel Lim

Alexa Montemayor

Khirad Siddiqui 5

Celebrating 10 Years of OPUS: A Letter From the Founding Members

As the founding Editors of OPUS, we are so pleased to see the exceptional efforts of the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Program continue to prosper. When the inaugural team came together in 2009 we aimed to foster student collaboration and create an enriching community of scholarly pursuits. We hoped to make psychology accessible to a wide range of audiences, to amplify undergraduate student perspectives in their training in the practice and application of psychology, and to bolster professional collaboration between undergraduate students and faculty mentors. These aims, of course, are continuous.

Our hope for OPUS is that it will continue to represent increasingly intersectional, diverse, and global perspectives on the applications of psychology in the service of social change, to deepen friendship and fellowship amongst students, and to bolster professional development and creativity. We are proud of the OPUS team at-large for investing in this endeavor, and grateful to the faculty mentors for their steadfast support and guidance.

As the British psychoanalyst, D.W. Winnicott (1990) said, “Home is where we start from.” Indeed, APUG provided OPUS—and us—a home from which we started. We have since made our way across the globe, carrying our passion for applied psychology in tow. We are certain the OPUS staff and readership for years to come will carry on in our footsteps and create new pathways for others to follow. Read on for an update on our journeys over the past decade.

After graduation, Vanessa attended the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where she received her Ph.D. in Developmental Psychology in 2016. She is an applied developmental health psychologist with a focus on the reduction of racial/ethnic health disparities through critical psychological and social justice lenses. She is currently an Assistant Professor of Psychology at Ursinus College. In August 2019, she will begin an Assistant Professorship at North Carolina State University as a member of their Applied Social and Community Psychology program.

Following completing the APUG Honors program, Jackson went on tocomplete a PhD in Clinical Psychology at the Derner Institute, Adelphi University in 2016. As a first-year doctoral student, he was selected for the Health Professions Scholarship Program and commissioned as an officer in the US Navy. He is currently stationed at the US Naval Academy in Annapolis, MD where he serves as a staff psychologist at the Midshipmen Development Center. He also instructs a graduate course in the Department of Organizational Leadership and Learning at George Washington University, and serves as a consultant for Little Bee Books, a children’s book company based in NYC.

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After APUG, Sibyl went on to pursue a graduate degree in Guidance Counseling and

remained in the NYU Applied Psychology Department. During her graduate program, she

worked as guidance counseling intern with high school students in the South Bronx and at an

Alternate Learning Center for middle school students in East Harlem. At the same time, she

worked on several research projects, both in the Applied Psychology department and at the

NYU Child Study Center. After completing her graduate degree, Sibyl moved to Boston to

work on research projects at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. She has had the

pleasure and privilege of contributing to multiple longitudinal studies that have looked at

multi-tiered reading interventions for students in elementary and middle school (Catalyzing Comprehension through Discussion and Debate) as well as uderstanding the long-term benefits of pre-k in BPS students (Expanding Children’s Early Learning).

OPUS founding editors at NYU Steinhardt graduation, May 2011.

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1

Sexuality and Autism Spectrum Disorders

Sexual Experiences in the Autism Spectrum Disorder Community Brianda Hickey

Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is a neurodevelopmental condition involving persistent challenges in social communication, as well as restricted, repetitive patterns of behavior (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).

As ASD is a spectrum, individuals diagnosed may experience a wide range of symptoms, and are characterized as “requiring support,” “requiring substantial support,” or “requiring very substantial support,” based on the severity of symptoms (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Since individuals with ASD often have difficulty with interpersonal skills and communication, they are regularly mischaracterized as having a lowered libido, a disinterest in intimate relationships, or being incapable of forming romantic relationships (Byers, Nichols, & Voyer, 2013; Rosqvist, 2014). Yet, research has shown that individuals with ASD develop the same levels of sexual interest as their typically developing (TD) peers (i.e., those without developmental disabilities; Dewinter, Vermeiren, Vanwesenbeeck, & Van Nieuwenhuizen, 2016; May, Pang, Williams, 2017; Pecora, Mesibov, & Stokes, 2016). Nevertheless, the experience of sexuality (i.e., sexual identity, courting, and sexual interactions) greatly differs for a person with ASD (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Pecora et al., 2016).

These discrepancies in experience are informed in part by the symptoms associated with their ASD diagnosis, the high prevalence of non-heterosexual identities within this community, as well as the sex education that individuals with ASD receive (Gilmour, Schalomon, & Smith, 2012; Holmes et al., 2014; Rosqvist, 2014). Understanding how individuals with ASD engage in sexual interactions and the factors influencing their sexual engagement is important, since research indicates that participating in intimate relationships is a strong predictor for developing feelings of independence and empowerment, as well as social skills, for individuals with ASD in particular (Byers, Nichols, & Voyer, 2013; Pearlman-Avnion, Cohen, & Eldan, 2017). Given the broad spectrum of ASD, this review focused primarily on individuals with ASD who “require support” (i.e., those needing minimal assistance with social interactions and daily behaviors; Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Mintah & Parlow, 2018). Thus, this review focused primarily on individuals with autism who “require support”, and sought to answer the research question: How do individuals with autism spectrum disorder experience sexuality?

Sexual Experiences

Individuals with ASD often cite social cues, sensory

dysregulation, and restricted, repetitive behaviors as significantly affecting their sexual experiences (Aston, 2012; Byers et al., 2013; Rosqvist, 2014). These factors not only influence the interactions involved in a sexual experience, but can vary depending on the preferences and challenges of the specific individual, since even within the ASD community, individuals experience a range of different symptoms at varying degrees (Barnett & MatickaTyndale, 2015; Hannah & Stagg, 2016; Rosqvist, 2014). Social communication, a key component of ASD, may complicate the interactions involved with flirting, which is one of the key components in expressing sexual interest (Barnett & MatickaTyndale, 2015). Flirting is a social process rife with nonverbal and purposefully indirect (e.g., euphemism- or innuendo-based) methods of communication, and it requires the understanding of both verbal and non-verbal social cues, such as pitch, tone, and facial expression (Moore, 1985; Wade & Feldman, 2016).

As such, difficulty ascertaining these social cues can result in an increased misunderstanding of the nature of flirtatious advances (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Mintah & Parlow, 2018).

Individuals with ASD have reported misinterpreting flirtatious interactions as strictly friendly, as well as misperceiving nonverbal social cues of disinterest as flirtatious (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Mintah & Parlow, 2018). Consequently, individuals with autism may also have difficulty recognizing subtle cues that indicate if a person is taking advantage of them, as well as whether or not the person has ill intentions (Rosqvist, 2014). Research further indicates that an impairment in interpreting non-verbal cues in ASD may also hinder some individuals’ ability to communicate or interpret feelings, intentions, and agreements in sexual interactions (Holmes et al., 2014). This impairment, in turn, may lead to situations where individuals with ASD are unable to communicate or revoke consent, which may place them at risk for sexual abuse (Hannah & Stagg, 2016).

In addition to a decreased ability to interpret nonverbal social cues, individuals with ASD often have difficulty with sensory dysregulation (i.e., an increased or decreased sensitivity to outside stimuli) when engaging in sexual activity (Rogers & Ozonoff, 2005; Rosqvist, 2014). For some individuals, this can lead to extreme pain, while for others it may present itself as an absence of sensation (Aston, 2012; Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015). Both of these experiences can consequently prevent a person with autism from engaging in or enjoying sexual acts either with or without a partner (Aston, 2012; Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015).

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1

Nevertheless, research has shown that individuals with autism can use physical and verbal strategies to combat sensory dysregulation (Aston, 2012; Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015).

Painful sensory dysregulation may be regulated by using blankets or latex gloves as physical barriers to avoid skin contact (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015). Individuals with ASD may also manage their level of over stimulation by directing their attention to the sensations they are experiencing (e.g., focusing on where their partners are touching them and the amount of pressure applied by their partners; Barnett & MatickaTyndale, 2015). Additionally, in place of non-verbal forms of communication, many individuals with ASD choose to utilize a literal declaration (i.e., explicitly stating their sensations) to indicate to their partner when they are experiencing pain or discomfort (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015). Conversely, an absence, or decrease, in sensation to physical contact can make reaching an orgasmic state challenging for individuals with ASD (Aston, 2012). Thus, to achieve this important part of a sexual experience, individuals with ASD may communicate their need for increased pressure to their partners (Aston, 2012; Brody & Weiss, 2011).

While communicating these needs explicitly can help mitigate some of the obstacles that individuals with ASD face, their restrictive and repetitive patterns of behavior may still present a challenge for their engagement in a positive sex life with their partners (Aston, 2012). Research suggests that the rigidity associated with the restricted behaviors of individuals with ASD may adversely affect sexual interactions by decreasing their partner’s sexual satisfaction (Byers & Nichols, 2014).

However, for some people with autism, restricted, repetitive behavior can promote regular sexual contact with their partner (Aston, 2012), such as helping them and their partner form a sexual routine (e.g., time of day, sexual position, activities before and after) which helps regulates their sensory dysregulation (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Urbano, Hartmann, Deutsch, Polychronopoulos, & Dorbin, 2013).

Thus, as existing research shows, while some individuals with ASD may experience a host of challenges in their unique sexual experiences, there are also individualized techniques they can employ to engage in safe and enjoyable sexual experiences.

Factors Influencing Sexual Experiences In addition to their unique sexual experiences, there are also several factors that may influence the sexual experiences of individuals with ASD. The sexual identity one holds can dramatically shift an individual’s sexual experience, since identifying as non-heterosexual influences not only sexual interactions, but also access to education and availability and safety of partner-seeking environments (George & Stokes, 2018; Tullis & Zangrillo, 2013). Within the ASD community, there is a higher prevalence of individuals who identify as nonheterosexual than in the TD community (George & Stokes, 2018; Gilmour et al., 2012; Rosqvist, 2014). In fact, individuals with ASD are more likely to report that they do not identify 10 | Literature Reviews

Sexuality and Autism Spectrum Disorders

with terms such as heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual, and instead identify with minority sexual identities (e.g., bicurious, sapiosexual, asexual) and minority relationship styles (e.g., pansexual, polyamorous, heteroromantic; Barnett & MatickaTyndale, 2015; Rudolph, Lundin, Åhs, Dalman, & Kosidou, 2018). The combination of both a non-heterosexual identity and an autism diagnosis can result in increased difficulty for individuals to find communities and resources that are accepting of their intersectional identity (Urbano et al., 2013). As such, individuals with ASD often report feeling isolated both in their non-heterosexual identity and their ASD identity (Urbano et al., 2013).

Additionally, while many individuals within the ASD community identify as non-heterosexual, there is a persistent lack of inclusive sexual education specific to non-heterosexual identities, as well as for individuals with ASD (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Byers et al., 2013; Rosqvist, 2014). This is of particular importance when considering that a well-informed sexual education can potentially reduce feelings of isolation and common challenges that individuals with ASD may experience when engaging in sexual interactions or experiences (Hannah & Stagg, 2016). Yet, individuals with ASD have fewer opportunities to receive sexual education than their TD peers (Holmes et al., 2014; Gougeon, 2009).

When individuals with ASD do receive sexual education (i.e., through parent interventions, school curriculums, or pediatric provider visits; Holmes et al., 2014), however, they typically receive sex education focusing on the biological aspect of sexual intercourse (i.e., the function of sexual organs) and pregnancy (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015). This type of sex education makes no mention of sexual interactions that do not serve a reproductive purpose, and thus may also exclude many sexual experiences, especially for those who identify as non-heterosexual (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Rosqvist, 2014). Additionally, the use of metaphors (e.g., “birds and bees”) or euphemisms for sexual organs (e.g., “privates”) is common in sex education, and these teaching techniques can be confusing for individuals with ASD, as they may have difficulty understanding these metaphors and euphemisms (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Roqvist, 2014). Furthermore, research has also shown that TD individuals regularly form in peer groups to discuss the topics learned in sex education to assist in the application of knowledge; individuals with ASD, however, are often excluded from these groups (Hannah & Stagg, 2016).

As a result, individuals with ASD receiving sexual education do not always know how to apply what they learn in their sexual encounters (Hannah & Stagg, 2016).

For these reasons, individuals with ASD often report a lack of knowledge surrounding their sexual identities, identifying healthy and unhealthy relationships, nonverbal social interactions, sensory needs, as well as how to manage their restricted, repetitive behaviors during sexual activities (Ballan & Freyer, 2017; Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015; Hannah & Stagg, 2016). As there is a lack of sexual education that accommodates

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 the specific needs of individuals with ASD (Rosqvist, 2014), this gap in knowledge negatively influences a person with autism’s sexual experience and engagement in sexual activities (e.g., unnecessary physical pain in sexual interactions; Aston, 2012; Tullis & Zangrillo, 2013; Urbano et al., 2013).

Conclusion

The sexual experiences of individuals with ASD are often guided by mischaracterizations of what sexual activity looks like for someone with autism (Barnett & Maticka-Tyndale, 2015). When engaging in sexual behaviors and activities, people with autism often experience sensory dysregulation and difficulty interpreting social cues, which may negatively influence their sexual experiences (Byers et al., 2013; Rosqvist, 2014). Additionally, an individual with autism’s engagement in sexual activities is influenced by their sexual identity and the sex education received (Ballan & Freyer, 2017). The unique qualities and challenges of an individual with autism warrants a sex education that targets the specific educational needs of ASD individuals (May et al., 2017). The current research on the sexual experiences and sex education of individuals with ASD is limited and has been primarily conducted on people with ASD who require limited support, and excludes those who require very substantial support. Therefore, future research should include individuals with autism who require substantial, or very substantial support and explore how individuals with both an ASD diagnosis and a non-heterosexual identity engages in sexual experiences. With more research on this topic, comprehensive sexual education programs can be developed for people on the spectrum, in turn promoting a safer and higher quality of life for individuals with ASD.

Sexuality and Autism Spectrum Disorders

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and Relationship Therapy, 27(1), 73-79.

Ballan, M. S., & Freyer, M. B. (2017). Autism spectrum

disorder, adolescence, and sexuality education:

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Barnett, J. P., & Maticka-Tyndale, E. (2015). Qualitative

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Brody, S., & Weiss, P. (2011). Simultaneous penile–vaginal

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Byers, E., & Nichols, S. (2014). Sexual satisfaction of high functioning adults with autism spectrum disorder.

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Byers, E., Nichols, S., & Voyer, S. (2013). Challenging

stereotypes: Sexual functioning of single adults with

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Dewinter, J., Vermeiren, R., Vanwesenbeeck, I., & Van

Nieuwenhuizen, C. (2016). Adolescent boys with

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Adolescent Psychiatry, 25(9), 969-978.

Gilmour, L., Schalomon, P. M., & Smith, V. (2012). Sexuality

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George, R., & Stokes, M. A. (2018). Sexual orientation in

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Gougeon, N. A. (2009). Sexuality education for students with

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S., Strassberg, D. S., & Murphy, N. A. (2014).

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May, T., Pang, K. C., & Williams, K. (2017). Brief report: Sexual

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 Mintah, K., & Parlow, S. E. (2018). Are you flirting with me?

Autistic traits, theory of mind, and inappropriate courtship. Personality and Individual Differences, 128(1), 100-106.

Moore, M. M. (1985). Nonverbal courtship patterns in women:

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Pearlman-Avnion, S., Cohen, N., & Eldan, A. (2017). Sexual

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Pecora, L., Mesibov, G., & Stokes, M. (2016). Sexuality in high functioning autism: A systematic review and meta analysis. Journal of Autism and Developmental

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Rosqvist, H. B. (2014). Becoming an ‘autistic couple’: Narratives

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Rudolph, C. E. S., Lundin, A., Åhs, J. W., Dalman, C., &

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Tullis, C. A., & Zangrillo, A. N. (2013). Sexuality education

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Sexuality and Autism Spectrum Disorders

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1

Acculturation and Immigrant Identity

Acculturative Stress and Hispanic Immigrant Adolescent Identity Alain Goulbourne

With global immigration rates on the rise, the immigrant population in the United States has increased by over 40 million people, accounting for 13% of the total American population (Lo, Hopson, Simpson, & Cheng, 2017; Oshri et al., 2014). In particular, there has been a substantial increase in both documented and undocumented Hispanic immigrants, making them the fastest growing minority group in the U.S. (Oshri et al., 2014; Sirin 2013). This increase in Hispanic immigrants has been perceived by some Americans as a threat to the dominance of the Caucasian cultural group in the U.S. (Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Zamboanga et al., 2015). This growth has also coincided with an increase in anti-immigrant rhetoric, which has fostered an unwelcoming social atmosphere for Hispanic immigrants (Oshri et al., 2014; Sirin, Ryce et al., 2013).

Due to this unwelcoming climate and discrimination across everyday contexts, Hispanic immigrants are especially at risk of developing acculturative stress, defined as the psychological tension and emotional strain of navigating between one’s home and host culture (Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Grigsby et al., 2018; Lo et al., 2017; Sirin, Ryce et al., 2013).

As such, immigration to the U.S. can be especially difficult for Hispanic adolescents, who must adjust to a new and often hostile environment while they go through the normative developmental stage of identity formation (Gonzales-Backen et al., 2018; Miller, 2013). Identity formation is characterized as the developmental stage in which adolescents develop a personal identity (i.e., a set of internalized beliefs and goals) and cultural identity (i.e., association to one’s cultural, ethnic, and racial group; Meca et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014). Healthy identity formation results in a coherent identity, or a meaningful conceptualization of the self that is stable across contexts (Erikson, 1968; Mercer, Crocetti, Branje, van Lier, & Meeus, 2017). Without the formation of a coherent identity, adolescents become uncertain of their role as individuals in social contexts, resulting in role confusion, defined as an uncertain sense of purpose and self (Erikson, 1968; Kroger, 2013; Meca et al., 2017; Mercer et al., 2017; Ragelienė, 2016). This confusion can lead to psychological maladjustment, which persists throughout adulthood unless identity formation is resolved (Erikson, 1968; Kroger, 2013; Mercer et al., 2017; Schwartz, Unger, BaezcondeGarbanati, Zamboanga, et al., 2015).

To promote optimal identity formation and mental health in Hispanic immigrant adolescents, researchers have sought to understand the influence of acculturative stress on Hispanic immigrant adolescents (Gonzales-Backen et al., 2018;

Koneru, Weisman de Mamani, Flynn, & Betancourt, 2007; Szabo & Ward, 2015). For Hispanic immigrant adolescents, their personal and cultural identity is created using the home and host culture, but non-immigrant adolescents develop their identity within their home culture, and thus do not bear the stress of acculturation (Gonzales-Backen et al., 2018; Meca et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014). Consequently, this literature review explored the following research question: How does acculturative stress impact the identity formation of Hispanic immigrant adolescents in the United States?

Hispanic Culture and Acculturative Stress

As Hispanic immigrant adolescents are raised in predominantly interdependent cultures, they often face difficulties or acculturative stressors when immersing themselves in an unfamiliar, individualistic American culture (Miller, 2013; Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Benet, et al., 2015). While American culture places a high value on independence and individual desires, Hispanic culture emphasizes interdependence and the needs of the family unit over the individual (i.e., ‘familismo,’ or the strong affiliation to family; Crockett et al., 2007; Miller, 2013; Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Benet, et al., 2015). These cultural differences surrounding American and Hispanic parenting values can create both familial and internal conflict for the Hispanic immigrant adolescent (Koneru et al., 2007; Miller, 2013). Sources of cultural differences include the limited allocation of autonomy to Hispanic children, use of corporal punishment in Hispanic contexts, as well as traditional attachment and deference to family and elders (Miller, 2013).

For the Hispanic immigrant adolescent, familial and internal conflict around identity arises when the adolescent behaves in accordance with American cultural values (e.g., demanding greater autonomy) while their parents seek to enforce Hispanic cultural values (e.g., imposing behavioral restrictions; Koneru et al., 2007; Miller, 2013). Difficulties with internalizing these differing values can complicate the identity formation of Hispanic immigrant adolescents, due to the risk of isolation and alienation from the cultural group with which the adolescent identifies (Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Grigsby et al., 2018; Meca et al., 2017; Miller, 2013; Sirin, Ryce, et al., 2013).

In addition, another significant acculturative stressor is a lack of intercultural competence, or the effective use of language and cultural knowledge that enables communication between individuals with different cultural backgrounds Literature Review | 13

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 between individuals with different cultural backgrounds (Crockett et al., 2007; Lo et al., 2017). When Hispanic immigrant adolescents have difficulty with intercultural competence (e.g., their lack of English language skills), this can negatively affect self-esteem, and subsequently their identity formation (Crockett et al., 2007; Lo et al., 2017). Hispanic immigrant parents are also often equally unfamiliar with American culture, and therefore, are unable to act as skilled cultural socializers (Crockett et al., 2007; Sirin, Gupta, et al., 2013). The lack of strong parental intercultural support can create additional psychological distress for Hispanic immigrant adolescents, who must navigate American cultural norms and values independently (Crockett et al., 2007; Sirin, Gupta, et al., 2013). Moreover, since the concept of familismo is salient in collectivist Hispanic culture, psychological distress is often exacerbated when the process of immigrating results in less salient support from a now-distant extended family (Crockett et al., 2007; Sirin, Gupta, et al., 2013). This physical relocation disrupts the family dynamic, and reduces the direct, physical access to family as a method of coping and maintaining ties to internalized Hispanic cultural values (Crockett et al., 2007; Miller, 2013; Sirin, Gupta, et al., 2013). In summary, these stressors affect immigrant adolescent’s identity formation through the perceived social pressure to assimilate or integrate with mainstream American culture and separate from or reject Hispanic culture (Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Lo et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014; Schwartz, Unger, BaezcondeGarbanati, Benet, et al., 2015).

Impact of Acculturative Stress on Hispanic Immigrant Adolescents to the U.S.

Due to cultural elements and acculturative stressors unique to interdependent cultures, the post-immigration experiences of Hispanic immigrant adolescents can disrupt the formation of their personal and inter-cultural identity (i.e., their sense of self, and membership within both Hispanic and American culture; Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Meca et al., 2017; Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Benet, et al., 2015).

Daily contact with and residence within another cultural context creates two concerns for Hispanic immigrant adolescents: the extent to which the original cultural identity will be preserved, and the extent to which characteristics of the host culture are adopted into one’s identity (Cohen & Kassan, 2018). To avoid prolonged identity confusion, immigrant individuals typically choose between four acculturation choices: (1) assimilation to the host culture, (2) integration of norms and values from both the home and host culture, (3) conscious separation from the identifying characteristics of the host culture, or (4) marginalization and rejection of both American and their home cultural values (Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Koneru et al., 2007).

Whereas marginalization is the most strongly associated with psychologically maladaptive outcomes, integration of cultural values is the most strongly associated with psychologically adaptive outcomes (Koneru et al., 2007; Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Benet, et al., 2015). In general, 14 | Literature Reviews

Acculturation and Immigrant Identity

grappling with these acculturation choices can create identity confusion for the Hispanic immigrant adolescent because their personal and cultural identities are challenged beyond what is normally expected during adolescent development (Meca et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014; Szabo & Ward, 2015). Therefore, acculturative stress impacts the identity formation of Hispanic immigrant adolescents through the introduction of personal and cultural identity concerns, which if unaddressed, can lead to psychological distress that manifests in anxiety, feelings of alienation, aggression, and increased suicidality (Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Lo et al., 2017; Meca et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014; Ragelienė, 2016; Sirin, Ryce, et al., 2013).

By increasing the likelihood of these psychological vulnerabilities and negative behavioral outcomes through the process of migration, acculturative stress may impede healthy identity formation for Hispanic immigrant adolescents (Grigsby et al., 2018; Meca et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014; Sirin, Ryce, et al., 2013). For this population in particular, an increase in acculturative stress is related to an increase in internalizing symptoms of depression and anxiety, as well as externalizing behaviors, such as delinquency, aggression, and substance abuse (Grigsby et al., 2018; Meca et al., 2017; Mercer et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014; Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Zamboanga, et al., 2015; Sirin, Gupta, et al., 2013). These adverse mental health outcomes can not only disrupt identity formation of the Hispanic immigrant adolescent but can also affect their identity in adulthood by prolonging feelings of aimlessness (Erikson, 1968; Kroger, 2013; Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Zamboanga, et al., 2015). Further repercussions of unresolved identity formation include difficulties expressing intimacy in relationships, as well as a tendency to be more oppositional (Kroger, 2013). Acculturative stress can therefore create chronic behavioral and psychological issues if the impact on the initial stages of identity formation remains unresolved (Erikson, 1968; Grigsby et al., 2018; Koneru et al., 2007; Kroger 2013; Ragelienė, 2016).

Conclusion

The impact of acculturative stress on the identity formation of Hispanic immigrant adolescents creates challenges in the formation of both their personal and cultural identities, which may result in psychological and social vulnerabilities (Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Koneru et al., 2007; Lo et al., 2017; Meca et al., 2017; Oshri et al., 2014; Sirin, Ryce, et al., 2013). However, existing research has focused on the general identity formation of Hispanic immigrant adolescents, without the consideration of different countries of origin (Meca et al., 2017). As a result, a major limitation in current research is the tendency to generalize Hispanic populations, and thus, specific studies focusing on the impact of country of origin and immigration status is a potential direction for future research (Gonzales-Backen et al., 2018; Lo et al., 2017). Future investigation would also benefit from mixed methods and longitudinal research to fully identify and understand the influence of acculturative stress on the identity

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 development trajectory of Hispanic immigrant adolescents (Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Benet, et al., 2015; Sirin, Ryce, et al., 2013; Szabo & Ward, 2015).

Overall, the implications of this research include a greater understanding of acculturative stress, which enables educators, social workers, researchers, and counselors to be more cognizant of its effects on Hispanic immigrant adolescent identity (Cohen & Kassan, 2018; Sirin, Gupta, et al., 2013; Sirin, Ryce, et al., 2013). As such, these professionals can be more adequately prepared to assist Hispanic immigrant adolescents with their cultural and developmental needs. Where possible, community tolerance-building and family-based intercultural competence interventions could also be implemented between Hispanic and American cultural groups to increase personal and societal supports within the U.S. (Grigsby et al., 2018; Lo et al., 2017; Schwartz, Unger, Baezconde-Garbanati, Zamboanga, et al., 2015). In turn, this may help to foster a healthy, coherent sense of self for Hispanic immigrant adolescents, and allow for optimal their psychosocial functioning throughout their adolescence and beyond.

Acculturation and Immigrant Identity

References Cohen, J. A., & Kassan, A. (2018). Being in-between: A model

of cultural identity negotiation for emerging adult immigrants. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(2), 133–154.

Crockett, L. J., Iturbide, M. I., McGinley, M., Carlo, G., Torres

Stone, R. A., & Raffaelli, M. (2007). Acculturative

stress, social support, and coping: Relations to

psychological adjustment among Mexican American

college students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic

Minority Psychology, 13(4), 347–355.

Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity, youth and crisis. New York, NY:

W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. Gonzales-Backen, M. A., Meca, A., Lorenzo-Blanco,

E. I., Des Rosiers, S. E., Córdova, D., Soto, D. W., …

Unger, J. B. (2018). Examining the temporal order of

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Hispanic immigrant adolescents. Developmental

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Grigsby, T. J., Forster, M., Meca, A., Zamboanga, B. L.,

Schwartz, S. J., & Unger, J. B. (2018). Cultural

stressors, identity development, and substance use

attitudes among Hispanic immigrant adolescents.

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Koneru, V. K., Weisman de Mamani, A. G., Flynn, P. M., &

Betancourt, H. (2007). Acculturation and mental

health: Current findings and recommendations for

future research. Applied and Preventive Psychology, 12(2), 76–96.

Kroger, J. (2013). Personal identity, development of. In H.

Pashler (Ed.), Encyclopedia of the mind. Thousand

Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Lo, C., Hopson, L., Simpson, G., & Cheng, T. (2017). Racial/

ethnic differences in emotional health: A longitudinal

study of immigrants’ adolescent children. Community

Mental Health Journal, 53(1), 92–101.

Meca, A., Sabet, R. F., Farrelly, C. M., Benitez, C. G., Schwartz,

S. J., Gonzales-Backen, M., … Lizzi, K. M. (2017).

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immigrated Hispanic adolescents: Links with

psychosocial functioning. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic

Minority Psychology, 23(3), 348–361.

Mercer, N., Crocetti, E., Branje, S., van Lier, P., & Meeus, W.

(2017). Linking delinquency and personal identity

formation across adolescence: Examining between and within-person associations. Developmental

Psychology, 53(11), 2182–2194.

Miller, L. (2013). “I am not who I thought I was”: Use of grief

work to address disrupted identity among Hispanic

adolescent immigrants. Clinical Social Work Journal, 41(4), 316–323.

Oshri, A., Schwartz, S., Unger, J., Kwon, J., Des Rosiers, S.,

Baezconde-Garbanati, L., … Szapocznik, J. (2014).

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expectancies and misuse in Hispanic adolescents:

A developmental approach. Journal of Youth &

Adolescence, 43(12), 2054–2068.

Ragelienė, T. (2016). Links of adolescents identity development

and relationship with peers: A systematic literature review. Journal of the Canadian Academy of Child &

Adolescent Psychiatry, 25(2), 97–105.

Schwartz, S. J., Unger, J. B., Baezconde-Garbanati, L., Benet,

M. V., Meca, A., Zamboanga, B. L., … Szapocznik,

J. (2015). Longitudinal trajectories of bicultural

identity integration in recently immigrated Hispanic

adolescents: Links with mental health and family functioning. International Journal of Psychology, 50(6), 440–450.

Schwartz, S. J., Unger, J. B., Baezconde-Garbanati, L.,

Zamboanga, B. L., Lorenzo-Blanco, E. I., Rosiers,

S. E. D., … Szapocznik, J. (2015). Trajectories of

cultural stressors and effects on mental health and

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Sirin, S. R., Gupta, T., Ryce, P., Katsiaficas, D., Suárez-Orozco,

C., & Rogers-Sirin, L. (2013). Understanding the role

of social support in trajectories of mental health

symptoms for immigrant adolescents. Journal of

Applied Developmental Psychology, 34(5), 199-207.

Sirin, S. R., Ryce, P., Gupta, T., & Rogers-Sirin, L. (2013).

The role of acculturative stress on mental health

symptoms for immigrant adolescents: A longitudinal

investigation. Developmental Psychology, 49(4), 736 748.

Szabo, A., & Ward, C. (2015). Identity development during

cultural transition: The role of social-cognitive

identity processes. International Journal of

Intercultural Relations, 46(2015), 13–25.

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Acculturation and Immigrant Identity

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1

Groupthink

Groupthink and the Decision Making Process YiLin Lee

In 1972, Irving Janis, a research psychologist, coined the term “groupthink” to refer to a phenomenon that occurs when members of a group prioritize unanimity over a realistic appraisal of the situation at hand. Since then, this theory has been frequently applied to other poor group decisions, including political incidents like the Bay of Pigs and scientific mistakes like the Challenger (Aldag & Fuller, 1993; Hogg & Hain, 2000).

In modern society, a majority of decisions are highly dependent on groups. Small-scale groups such as sports teams, families, and even students enrolled in the same class make decisions on a daily basis. Furthermore, large-scale and high-stakes groups such as the United States Senate, jury panels, Boards of Directors, and the United Nations are all examples of groups in charge of decisions that have widespread consequences. These psychological concepts such as groupthink have consistently been applied to the realm of politics in attempts to understand the trends of large-scale social movements (Walker, 2002). The danger of groupthink is pervasive in these contexts, where the prioritization of solidarity and disregard for personal opinions could result in poor decisions detrimental for the group’s members and non-members.

A poor or defective group decision influenced by groupthink is characterized by a failure to consider other, more favorable alternatives before reaching a conclusion (Baron, 2005). For a decision-making process to be considered defective, it must fulfill one of four dimensions: (1) failure to create contingency plans, (2) lack of information search, (3) biased assessment of costs and benefits, and (4) incomplete consideration of all decision options (Baron, 2005). To prevent groupthink from occurring, it is important to understand these dimensions and the factors that enable the process. An example of groupthink that has more large-scale implications could be that of the United States Senate, since Senators are expected to vote in front of other members in ways that other Congressional representatives are not. While the US Senate drafts authorizing, appropriations, and entitlement legislation to represent and protect the diverse interests of the United States people, the process of groupthink directly counters the organization’s goal in giving a voice to all citizens equally. Thus, this paper explored the four dimensions of defective decisionmaking processes through the case study of the United States Senate, in order to answer the following question: What are the antecedent conditions that lead to groupthink in decisionmaking processes, and how can their occurrence be prevented?

Perception of Anonymity

One of the major dimensions of defective decisionmaking that research on groupthink explores is the perception of anonymity within groups (Sassenberg & Postmes, 2002). High anonymity occurs when individual characteristics (e.g., sex, age, name) are withheld from other members of the group, and low anonymity occurs when the opposite is true (Pinsonneault & Heppel, 1997). The relationship between the perception of anonymity and the decision to conform in a group can be seen through group pressure, specifically when individual opinions are distorted by the majority view and the pressure for conformity overwhelms rational individual judgement (Tyson & Kaplowitz, 1977). For example, research finds that individuals who are not guaranteed anonymity are more likely to conform to group opinions than those who are (Tsikerdekis, 2013).

Increased anonymity within the group is also associated with increased social influence; since individuals cannot be identified by other group members, they are more willing to bring forth dissenting opinions (Sassenberg & Postmes, 2002). One way to decrease the pressure to conform would be by increasing individual anonymity. However, in high-profile groups such as the United States Senate, anonymity is not something that can be granted to group members. While voting in the House of Representatives is done electronically and individually, voting in the United States Senate occurs in front of all other members, which is intended to hold Senators accountable for representing the opinions of the people who voted for them (Bullock & Brady, 1983). However, literature on groupthink suggests that this practice is counter-productive, since decreased anonymity is associated with an increased tendency for groupthink, and Senators might conform to larger group practices as a result (Sassenberg & Postmes, 2002; Tsikerdekis, 2013; Tyson & Kaplowitz, 1977).

Social Identity

Another preceding condition studied in groupthink research is social identity and the perception of group members’ views by other members of the group. Social identity theory claims that part of a person’s self-concept is dependent on the groups with which they are associated; thus, a person’s view of themselves is heavily influenced by the group(s) they identify with (Tajfel, 1974). Individuals with strong identification to the group are more likely to express their concerns with the group decision, while those who weakly identify with the group are more likely to change their opinion to fit into their perceptions Literature Review | 17

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 of other group members’ feelings (Packer, 2009). Thus, weakly identified individuals are at a heightened risk of falling into groupthink (Packer, 2009). These differences in social identity create a discrepancy between individual and public concerns, especially when one believes that other members of the group also share the same opinions as an individual (MacDougall & Baum, 1997).

An example of social identity influencing groupthink is the idea of ‘Party over Policy’ in the United States Senate, which occurs when Senators, who must vote in front of others, vote in line with their party affiliation, rather than considering the possible consequences for their constituents (Cohen, 2003).

Instead of objectively considering policy content, Senators align themselves with their political party and advocate for social policy based upon the party’s stated position. Since a Senator’s public identity is largely tied to the strength of their affiliation with a political party, Senators are required to present themselves as strongly tied to the group identity in order to further their political career (Liu & Srivastava, 2015). Unfortunately, this public identification and need for strong social identity also leaves Senators more vulnerable to groupthink.

Group Cohesion

Another aspect of groupthink that has implications for the US Senate is that of group cohesion, which is defined as the degree to which members wish to maintain group membership or agree with each other (Kim, 2001). Research on the impact of group cohesion on group productivity has found that higher group cohesion increases positive feelings about the group’s decision (McCauley, 1989; Turner, Pratkanis, Probasco, & Leve, 1993). However, these positive feelings about group decisions and high levels of agreement within a group also allow for collusion to occur, which is defined as collaboration between members in order to satisfy needs hidden from the larger group (Schruijer, 2018). As individuals become increasingly concerned with forming new social relationships and increasing social cohesion, the opportunities and space to present dissenting opinions diminishes. For these reasons, strong group cohesion has been linked with a higher likelihood of groupthink (Baron, 2005). In fact, high group cohesion increases the potential for groupthink through increased identification with one’s social group, and thus, group performance tends to deteriorate as social cohesion increases (Packer, 2009; Rovio, Eskol, Kozub, Duda, & Lintunen, 2009; Turner et al., 1993).

The influence of group cohesion in the Senate can be seen through the occurrence of ‘Party over Policy’ mentality as well. Senators wish to maintain group membership so as to build their political career, since Senators who display strong ties to political parties are more likely to get voted into office than Senators who do not (Liu & Srivastava, 2015). The need to maintain group membership (in this case, membership with a certain political party) prevents Senators from presenting or expressing opposing political opinions, thus increasing the likelihood of groupthink in these settings (Rovio et al., 2009; 18 | Literature Reviews

Groupthink

Turner et al., 1993).

Conclusion

In a group such as the United States Senate, decisionmaking processes result in widespread repercussions for members and non-members. If no steps are taken to prevent the phenomenon from occurring, these important groups risk making defective, incomplete decisions that may have consequences for society at large. As anonymity is not a factor that can be manipulated or changed, especially for groups based on representation such as the US Senate, it is important that other influencing factors of groupthink are taken into consideration during the decision-making process. Social identity is another factor that is difficult to control for in the United States Senate, where members are directly voted for by the citizens.

Thus, while anonymity and social identity are hard to mitigate, there are ways of limiting the influence of group cohesion in the United States Senate, especially since the Senate, in particular, has unique subgroups within the larger group. Thus, future research could explore the consequences of subgroups that are not cohesive within themselves, such as the current lack of cohesion amongst Democrats and Republicans in the US Senate. This lack of subgroup cohesion in the United States Senate could actually allow for more dissenting opinions to be brought forth, thus countering the “Party over Policy” mentality.

Seminal literature also assumes that groupthink is an unconscious act of agreement due to a desire for unanimity within the group, but there is little work exploring those who consciously conform to majority opinions (Aldag & Fuller, 1993; Baron, 2005; Janis, 1972; Packer, 2009). In the United States Senate, a conscious decision to agree with majority opinion rather than carefully considering all information has negative implications for current bills under consideration (e.g., Border and Refugee Assistance Act of 2019; Assault Weapons Ban of 2019; Medicare for All Act of 2019) that have heavy party leanings. Since groupthink seems to be almost inevitable in all large groups, this current review highlights how these defective decision-making processes play out in a vital decisionmaking body like the United States Senate, clarifying the need for support of dissenting opinions and ultimately increasing the effectiveness and quality of these decisions.

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 References Aldag, R. J., & Fuller, S. R. (1993). Beyond fiasco: A reappraisal

of the groupthink phenomenon and a new model of

group decision processes. Psychological Bulletin, 113(3), 533.

Baron, R. S. (2005). So right it’s wrong: Groupthink and

the ubiquitous nature of polarized group decision making. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 37(1), 219–253.

Bullock III, C. S., & Brady, D. W. (1983). Party, constituency,

and roll-call voting in the US Senate. Legislative

Studies Quarterly, 8(1), 29-43.

Cohen, G. L. (2003). Party over policy: The dominating impact

of group influence on political beliefs. Journal of

Personality and Social Psychology, 85(5), 808-822.

Hogg, M. A., & Hains, S. C. (1998). Friendship and group

identification: A new look at the role of cohesiveness

in groupthink. European Journal of Social Psychology, 28(3), 323–341.

Janis, I. L. (1972). Victims of groupthink: A psychological study

of foreign-policy decisions and fiascoes. Oxford,

England: Houghton Mifflin.

Kim, Y. (2001). A comparative study of the “Abilene Paradox”

and “Groupthink.” Public Administration Quarterly, 25(2), 168–189.

Liu, C. C., & Srivastava, S. B. (2015). Pulling closer and moving

apart: Interaction, identity, and influence in the U.S.

Senate, 1973 to 2009. American Sociological Review, 80(1), 192–217.

MacDougall, C., & Baum, F. (1997). The devil’s advocate: A

strategy to avoid groupthink and stimulate discussion

in focus groups. Qualitative health research, 7(4), 532 541.

McCauley, C. (1989). The nature of social influence in

groupthink: Compliance and internalization. Journal

of Personality and Social Psychology, 57(2), 250.

Packer, D. J. (2009). Avoiding groupthink: Whereas weakly

identified members remain silent, strongly identified

members dissent about collective problems.

Psychological Science, 20(5), 546–548.

Pinsonneault, A., & Heppel, N. (1997). Anonymity in group

support systems research: A new conceptualization,

measure, and contingency framework. Journal of

Management Information Systems, 14(3), 89-108.

Rovio, E., Eskola, J., Kozub, S. A., Duda, J. L., & Lintunen, T.

(2009). Can high group cohesion be harmful?: A

case study of a junior ice-hockey team. Small Group

Research, 40(4), 421–435.

Sassenberg, K., & Postmes, T. (2002). Cognitive and strategic

processes in small groups: Effects of anonymity of the

self and anonymity of the group on social influence.

British Journal of Social Psychology, 41(3), 463.

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Schruijer, S. (2018). The role of collusive dynamics in the

occurrence of organizational crime: A

psychoanalytically informed social psychological perspective. Administrative Sciences, 8(3), 24.

Tajfel, H. (1974). Social identity and intergroup behaviour. Information (International Social Science

Council), 13(2), 65-93.

Tsikerdekis, M. (2013). The effects of perceived anonymity

and anonymity states on conformity and groupthink

in online communities: A Wikipedia study. Journal of

the American Society for Information Science and

Technology, 64(5), 1001–1015.

Turner, M. E., Pratkanis, A. R., Probasco, P., & Leve, C. (1993).

Threat, cohesion, and group effectiveness: Testing a

social identity maintenance perspective on groupthink. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychology, 63(5), 781.

Tyson Jr, H. L., & Kaplowitz, S. A. (1977). Attitudinal

conformity and anonymity. Public Opinion Quarterly, 41(2), 226-234.

Walker, L. E. A. (2002). Politics, Psychology and the Battered

Woman’s Movement. Journal of Trauma Practice, 1(1), 81–102.

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Racial Biases Towards Homeless Individuals

Racial Biases Towards Homeless Individuals and the Propensity to Help Anastasia Knight

Homelessness, defined as lacking a “fixed, regular, and adequate nighttime residence” by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD; 2016, p. 2), is a pervasive issue in the United States. Emerging as a social epidemic in the 1870s, over half a million individuals today are homeless (HUD, 2016). Despite an indicated increase in the support of homeless rights, negative stigma targeting homeless individuals in individual interactions persists (Agans et al., 2011; Cuddy, Fiske, & Glick, 2008; Tsai, Yun See Lee, Pietrzak, & Southwick, 2017). Perceptions of homeless individuals include negative and skewed interpretations of their honesty, responsibility, and intelligence (Agans et al., 2011; Boster et al., 2016; Cuddy et al., 2008). Research suggests that public displays of panhandling, sleeping on the street, and other survival behaviors intensify negative stigmas by triggering the emotional reactions of guilt, shame, and disgust on the part of the observer.

Thus, in an attempt to avoid these emotions, the general public often increases their social distance from homeless individuals (Boster et al., 2016; Phelan, Link, Moore, & Stueve, 1997).

Negative stigmas and perceptions of the homeless population are further impacted by the disproportionate homelessness rates of Black and African-American individuals since the 1980s (Carter, 2011; Whaley & Link, 1998). In the United States, 41% of the national homeless population identifies as Black or African-American, despite being only 14% of the country’s population (Carter, 2011; HUD, 2016).

Racial biases, therefore, play a major role in the explicit beliefs and actions taken towards homeless individuals, including increased social distance and differences in stereotypes (Parrillo & Donoghue, 2005; Whaley & Link, 1998). For example, White individuals who believe that the homeless population has a higher representation of Black individuals are more likely to perceive the homeless as dangerous, and subsequently homeless individuals report high rates of racial discrimination (Whaley & Link, 1998; Zerger et al., 2014). Additionally, Black homeless individuals who perceive racial bias from others tend to have worse physical and mental health outcomes than their White counterparts (Weisz & Quinn, 2018). Negative health outcomes can often lead to social avoidance on the part of the marginalized individual, increasing isolation and feelings of subhuman status (Torino & Sisselman-Borgia, 2016; Zerger et al., 2014). As homeless individuals continue to report that they experience racial bias, as portrayed through looks and comments from nonhomeless individuals, the negative consequences may continue to snowball, and homeless individuals may even place blame on

non-homeless individuals for their housing context (Torino & Sisselman-Borgia, 2016; Zerger et al., 2014).

Furthermore, regardless of how racial bias is portrayed, perceived racial biases by the homeless remains the same, which may be due to implicit bias theory (Greenwald & Kreiger, 2006; Torino & Sisselman-Borgia, 2016; Weisz & Quinn, 2018; Zerger et al., 2014). Implicit biases, or unconscious beliefs, have become a popular subject in psychological research and have been shown to impact human behavior regardless of explicit, or conscious, beliefs (Greenwald & Krieger, 2006; Holroyd, Scaife, & Stafford, 2017). In particular, implicit racial biases (i.e., implicit biases that target people of color) have a strong effect on social interactions (Dovidio, Kawakami, & Gaertner, 2002; McConnell & Leibold, 2001). While implicit racial bias has been studied in various work environments and has been shown to impact the outcomes of legal treatment and health care (Hall et al., 2015; Kang et al., 2011), it has not yet been investigated in the context of homelessness.

Therefore, the current study aimed to explore how implicit racial bias affects one’s propensity to help homeless individuals, since actions are often driven by implicit bias, rather than explicit beliefs (Dovidio et al., 2002; Wilson, Lindsey, & Schooler, 2000). Consideration to this topic is important given the direct implications it has for Black homeless individuals in particular. In fact, implicit racial bias could significantly decrease one’s inclination to support and assist Black homeless individuals, compared to their White counterparts, since perceptions of their ability to contribute to society are negatively skewed (Greenwald & Krieger, 2006; Torino & SisselmanBorgia, 2016; Weisz & Quinn, 2018). Furthermore, as racial and homeless biases increase social distance between non-homeless and Black homeless individuals, a lack of action taken to help them may cause further separation, thus increasing isolation and social avoidance on the part of the marginalized individuals (Greenwald & Krieger, 2006; Parrillo & Donoghue, 2005; Torino & Sisselman-Borgia, 2016). Consequently, the current study addressed the following three-part question: Does making the race of homeless individuals more salient lead individuals to respond less positively in their a) stated beliefs, b) implicit biases, c) actions towards homeless individuals?

Method Participants

This study consists of 51 participants, all of whom were Research Studies and Briefs | 21

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 attending a private school in the Northeast. Participants were ages 18-34, and 80% studied psychology. Participants were 88% women, and 42% White.

Procedure

Using simple random assignment, 25 participants were assigned to the control group, and 26 participants to the treatment group. Both groups came to a lab setting and took a 15-20 minute survey designed to prime participants with implicit racial bias. There were two versions of the survey, with each survey consisting of four parts. Parts two through four were identical, while part one differed by condition.

For part one of the survey, the control group was primed with a majority of photos of white homeless individuals, and the treatment group was primed with a majority of photos of black homeless individuals. This was intended to increase the salience of race in the minds of the treatment group. Participants were asked six questions, one question per photo, in response to either a 4:2 ratio of photos of white-to-black homeless individuals (control), or a 4:2 ratio of photos of black-to-white homeless individuals (treatment). The two photos of Black homeless individuals for the control group, and White homeless individuals for the treatment group, acted as a reliability component to conclude that differing results were attributable to race. The same questions on both versions were switched to avoid confounding factors that were not associated with race.

Part two was the Implicit Attitudes Test (IAT; Greenwald, T. & Banaji, 1998), and part three included a questionnaire assessing participants’ explicit perceptions of the homeless, using an 5-point Likert scale, followed by a participant demographic survey. Part four was an optional action of donating to Pathways Housing First, an organization which houses individuals off the streets with no prerequisite conditions.

Coding

All variables assessed on a Likert scale were dichotomously coded for simplicity. Demographic variables were dichotomously coded based on the majority identity of the sample. As a rough assessment of participants’ socioeconomic status, a standardized ‘home appliances’ index was created.

IAT results were dichotomously coded for either a preference for White faces versus Black faces. T-tests were then conducted on all variables individually by treatment condition. Donation amounts were calculated by hand, and a t-test was run to assess significance. The one open-ended, written response from question one was quantitatively coded for times participants used the words ‘homeless’ and ‘begging,’ and/or mentioned race, to assess participant’s immediate perceptions of homelessness or race as more salient. Upon reflection of results, a standardized ‘negative attitudes’ index was created by combining all answers assessing explicit beliefs to see if overall beliefs leaned significantly in one direction. A t-test was then run on the index, by treatment condition.

22 | Research Studies and Briefs

Racial Biases Towards Homeless Individuals

Results

In answering the first open-ended question in which participants reported explicit beliefs in response to photos, 45% of participants noted the race or homeless status of the individual in the photo. Participants in the control group (i.e., in response to photos of White homeless individuals) were 33% more likely to mention the individual’s homeless identity, and 100% more likely to say the individual was “begging,” whereas participants in the treatment group (i.e., those who were shown photos of Black homeless individuals) were 56% more likely to mention the individual’s race.

Increasing the salience of race did not appear to motivate a negative change in stated beliefs about the homeless population. The control group that was not exposed to racial priming was more likely to lean towards negative views of the homeless, including believing that a homeless individual was more likely to spend time using drugs and alcohol (p = .02).

Participants in the treatment group were significantly more likely to believe that if the individual had been arrested, it would have been for low risk behaviors, such as jumping a turnstile (p < .001), and sleeping in public places (p = .02). Additionally, the two questions in which the control group was shown a Black individual and the treatment group was shown a White individual, attitudes appeared to switch. When the treatment group was shown a photo of a White individual, they were significantly more likely to believe that the individual had been homeless for over a year (p = .00), whereas the control group, which was shown photos of Black homeless individuals, believed that they were homeless for less than a year.

Increasing the salience of race appeared to have triggered participants’ implicit biases. Participants in the treatment group were significantly more likely (p = .01) to present a preference for White or European American individuals on the IAT. However, the increased salience of race did appear to impact actions taken towards the homeless, as participants in the control group donated twice as often (6:3 ratio) with a significant difference of a mean $3.16 more per donation (p = .07). Participants in the control group donated a total of $35, while participants in the treatment group donated only $8.

Discussion

In line with previous literature, the salience of an identity, either through homelessness or race, appeared to influence the beliefs that arose for participants (Devine, 1989; Kidder, White, Hinojos, Sandoval, & Crites, 2018). Participants in the control group seemed to exhibit higher rates of negative stigma towards homeless individuals, while the those in the treatment group seemed to exhibit an awareness of societal inequalities towards Black individuals, and often expressed more positive views. The lack of significant difference in explicit beliefs overall supports previous findings which state that when given time to consider their answer, individuals will report their explicit beliefs (Devine, 1989). However, despite reported beliefs, those primed with photos of black individuals were more likely

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 to indicate ‘White Preference’ on the IAT, suggesting that the racial priming had a significant impact and triggered negative implicit biases.

Furthermore, it was found that participants in the control group were in fact more likely to take action by donating money. Prior research showed that ‘White preference’ IAT scores in particular were correlated with actions (McConnell & Leibold, 2001), which appears to hold true in the current study as well. And although the control group did donate significantly more, only 17% of total participants donated at all. Furthermore, only participants randomly assigned to the treatment group individually chose the conclusive option, ‘I would prefer not to donate, versus ‘I will consider it for another time.’ These results are particularly troublesome, considering every participant agreed with the statement, “We should do everything we can to help the homeless,” further implying a disconnect between explicit beliefs on homelessness and our corresponding implicit biases and subsequent actions (Greenwald & Krieger, 2004; Phelan et al., 1997). Collectively, results suggest that regardless of explicit views, implicit racial bias has an impact on participant actions, or their propensity to help White homeless individuals more than Black homeless individuals.

This current, ongoing study compliments research conducted about attitudes towards homelessness through the lens of implicit bias. Implications of this research include a deeper understanding of how implicit racial biases impact individual charitable behaviors, even as explicit views remain positive. By recognizing the heightened negative implicit biases towards black homeless individuals, members of the general public can make conscious choices to act in line with their explicit values. Further research is required to apply this issue to policy, homeless services, and education for the additional support that black homeless individuals may require.

Racial Biases Towards Homeless Individuals

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Kalsbeek, W. D. (2011). Public attitudes toward the homeless. Paper presented at the 66th American

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Greenwald, A. G., & Krieger, L. H. (2006). Implicit bias:

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“homeless” on attitudes toward poor person.

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M. (2017). Changes in public attitudes and

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Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1

Contextual Factors on Motivation

The Effects of Familial and Community Factors on System-Involved Adolescent Girls Alexa Montemayor and Khirad Siddiqui

Motivation is one of the most studied constructs in the field of psychology, with literature ranging from theories of reinforcement and self-determination, to studies of its ability to predict engagement (Turenne & Pomerol, 2013; Walker, Greene, & Mansell, 2006). As theoretical models of motivation evolve, it is increasingly important to consider factors that influence individuals’ motivation, such as home, school, and social contexts (Van Der Helm, Kuiper, & Stams, 2018). While these external factors have emerged as predictors of the motivation of individuals more broadly, their influence on a specific population, such as system-involved girls (i.e., girls involved in the juvenile justice system), are less widely-understood (Van Der Helm et al., 2018). Yet, exploring the motivation of system-involved girls through a widely-encompassing and less internally-focused lens is important, since their motivation to engage in more prosocial behaviors may shape their interactions with legal systems such as court or probation, which places high emotional and physical demands on these individuals (Flores, Hates, Westbrooks, & Henderson, 2018; Gatz & Kelly, 2017; Herz, Ryan, & Bilchik, 2010; Javdani, Sadeh, & Verona, 2011; Maschi, Hatcher, Schwalbe, & Rosato, 2008; Sattler & Thomas, 2016). Additionally, examining girls’ motivation is particularly important, as their incarceration rates have drastically increased in the past two decades, while boys’ rates have decreased or remained stagnant (Javdani et al., 2011). While there is a plethora of research that explores boys’ delinquent behaviors, there is limited research explaining the recent spike in girls’ incarceration rates. Thus, the specific factors that motivate girls, who come into contact with legal systems through different pathways than their male counterparts, are important to consider in order to work towards reducing their system-involvement (Gorman-Smith & Loeber, 2005). Since an understanding of girls’ engagement in risky and delinquent behaviors is limited, this current study attempted to fill these gaps by using a central theory of motivation (i.e., SelfDetermination Theory) to examine the ways in which various aspects of system-involved girls’ interactions with others affect their self-determination and subsequent behaviors.

The Construct of Motivation

One widely-accepted theory of motivation is the SelfDetermination Theory (SDT), which argues that motivation is a basic human need that drives individuals to make certain choices and can be influenced by factors in social, professional, academic, and environmental contexts (Deci & Ryan, 2008). Central to SDT is the assertion that the highest levels of motivation are

characterized by a state known as “self-determination,” which can arise only when individuals are intrinsically motivated to initiate an activity because they want to, rather than for the purpose of obtaining an external goal (Deci & Ryan, 2008). While SDT was originally constructed to examine the motivation of adults, there have been modifications in the theoretical framework to include adolescents, especially in their home and community contexts (Ryan, 2001). For instance, literature on SDT and adolescents focuses on the pivotal role that key individuals (e.g., peers or parental figures) have on facilitating and scaffolding levels of adolescent motivation, as well as their self-determination through social relationships (Ryan & Deci, 2000). This support is achieved through distinct methods depending on the degree of closeness and the nature of the relationship involved, but some common methods include the encouragement of an adolescent’s autonomy, and acting as a reference point for the adolescent to model (Deci, Schwartz, Scheinman, & Ryan, 1981). Whether or not adolescents perceive their reference point as exemplary has implications for their subsequent motivation to achieve similar results as them (Deci et al., 1981; Luan et al., 2018). Once these key figures help scaffold adolescents’ motivation, they also help shape adolescents’ behaviors and self-determination (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ryan, 2001; Sattler & Thomas, 2016).

While these methods of facilitating motivation are specific to adolescents, they have larger implications in the framework of SDT. Since SDT positions individuals in their broader home and community contexts, relationships with their parental figures and peers are crucial in achieving the very state of self-determination that SDT is built upon. Once an individual reaches a state of self-determination, they are more likely to make more positive and prosocial decisions that lead to better behavioral outcomes in academic, and social, extracurricular arenas (Deci & Ryan, 2008). Additionally, SDT studies have found that higher levels of motivation and self-determination are associated with less deviant behavior, which is a crucial finding to apply to system-involved girls, as it may have implications for their involvement (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ennett & Bauman, 1994).

It is important to consider how SDT impacts system-involved girls specifically, to better interpret how social factors such as relationships, can work to either increase or decrease their motivation to engage in certain behaviors that may or may not lead to their system involvement.

Peer Influence on Motivation

Many studies of SDT and adolescents have significantly Research Studies and Briefs | 25

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 focused on the influence of peer-to-peer relationships on selfdetermination and motivation, a social factor that may impact adolescent girls’ system involvement (Molloy, Gest, & Rulison, 2011; Ryan, 2001). This is informed by research suggesting that levels of influence are highest during adolescence, and therefore adolescents can significantly affect the self-determination and motivation of their surrounding peers (Brown, Clasen, & Eicher, 1986; Ryan, 2001). Research has also found that social comparison is a key process through which peers influence levels of self-determination and motivation (Ryan, 2001). Social comparison is defined as the ways in which adolescents assess their worth through comparing themselves to their peers as reference points (e.g., noticing that their peers are all adept at sports or getting high grades academically; Molloy et al., 2011). An adolescent’s engagement in social comparison within their peer groups is highly correlated with their levels of selfdetermination and motivation, often because social comparison compels adolescents to achieve objectives similar to those of their peers in order to fit in (Ennett & Bauman, 1994).

The importance of relationships on an individual’s self-determination, as outlined by the SDT framework, is critical to consider amongst system-involved girls, since it can manifest as the referencing of their own social and relational progress in comparison with that of their peers, which has implications for how they behave and become involved with or evade legal systems (Molloy et al., 2011). For example, a systeminvolved girl who notices that all of her friends are involved in an after-school program might be more motivated to join the program herself, potentially reducing her likelihood of becoming involved with the legal system. However, not all social comparison between peers is positive. There is also research suggesting that adolescents who value social bonds too highly have the potential to be negatively affected by their peer groups, resulting in less achievement of given objectives (Berndt & Keefe, 1995; Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Hoffman, Monge, Chou, & Valente, 2007). Therefore, while peer-to-peer relationships can influence an adolescent’s levels of motivation, there is an important distinction between positive social comparison and negative social comparison (Berndt & Keefe, 1995). Since social comparison plays a significant role in the lives of adolescents (Ennett & Bauman, 1994), it is important to consider the peers of system-involved girls’ as they can affect their motivation to engage in either positive or negative behaviors.

Parental Influence on Motivation

While SDT highlights the influence of peers on motivation, there is also ample literature on the influence of parental figures on adolescent motivation (Chirkov & Ryan, 2001; Ryan, Stiller, & Lynch, 1994; Sattler & Thomas, 2016).

Research shows that the most effective method through which parental figures can influence motivation is through a process known as autonomy support, or actively allowing a child to feel involved and in control of their decision-making (Deci et al., 1981; Ryan et al., 1994). Adolescents who feel as though they 26 | Research Studies and Briefs

Contextual Factors on Motivation

are in control of their own decisions are often more motivated and self-determined to expend their efforts to obtain desired outcomes (Bandura, 2006; Gatz & Kelly, 2017). Additionally, system-involved adolescent girls may benefit from autonomy support even more so than their peers, because research suggests that system-involvement can decrease one’s feelings of agency and control, as well as overall self-determination (Deci et al., 1981; Rappaport, 1981; Ryan et al., 1994). Therefore, parental figures who provide autonomy support for system-involved girls may increase their daughters’ motivation to engage in legal arenas where they traditionally have had little autonomy (e.g., discussing alternatives to incarceration with a judge; Gatz & Kelly, 2017).

However, not all parental figures engage in autonomy support, and those who do not can also influence their children’s levels of motivation through excessive parental monitoring (i.e., monitoring their children’s behavior such that they cannot make their own decisions; Ryan et al., 1994). While high levels of parental monitoring is correlated with higher grades and achievement in school, it has been suggested that this is solely because a parental figure, who closely monitors the activity of an adolescent, may exert external pressure in an adolescent’s life, and force them into compliance, rather than facilitate internal motivation on behalf of the adolescent (Furrer & Skinner, 2003; Ryan et al., 1994). Forcing compliance does not allow an adolescent to develop a sense of agency, and impedes the development of self-determination and motivation (Furrer & Skinner, 2003; Ryan et al., 1994). Thus, while parental behaviors significantly influence the development of motivation in an adolescent’s life, the distinction between parental autonomy support and parental monitoring matters significantly in the kind of behavior and motivation parental figures help to scaffold (Chirkov & Ryan, 2001; Ryan & Deci, 2000). In considering system-involved adolescent girls, the type of behavior that their parental figures exhibit may have implications on their motivation to engage in more prosocial or deviant behaviors, depending on whether or not they feel that they have some agency in their lives (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ennett & Bauman, 1994).

Current Study

Due to the lack of research on the motivation of systeminvolved girls, especially literature considering home and community contexts, the aim of the present study was to apply the theoretical framework of SDT and the subsequent literature on parental and peer methods of facilitating motivation and self-determination to the experiences of system-involved girls.

This will contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of how parental figures and peers can affect not only adolescent motivation to engage in prosocial activities, but also add to motivation literature on system-involved girls more specifically.

Thus, this study aimed to answer the following question: how are system-involved adolescent girls’ motivation to engage in desired objectives affected by their parents and peers?

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 Method Participants & Data Sources

The studyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sample consists of eight girls (N = 8, ranging in ages 11 - 17) who were at-risk for or were involved in the juvenile justice system, as well as their parents and peers. The participants were all involved in the ROSES intervention, where the researchers worked as a data collector and an advocate. The ROSES intervention is a community-based intervention that works with young girls in the juvenile-justice system for 1012 weeks to mobilize resources in areas of unmet need in an adolescentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life. Advocates are responsible for meeting with one client multiple times over the course of an intervention in order to mobilize and monitor these resources, whereas data collectors meet with different adolescents every week and are tasked with administering questionnaires for participants on key variables for the ROSES intervention. The purpose of the intervention is not only to ensure that girls avoid contact with the juvenilejustice system, but also to allow them to become advocates in their own life, through a process of transferring self-advocacy skills. Additionally, participants of the ROSES intervention were never mandated to participate and had the capacity to end their involvement in the intervention at any given point.

Since advocates and data collectors interact with participants differently on ROSES, it is important to clarify that two of the participants in this study were involved solely with a ROSES advocate, and the remaining six with a data collector. All of the participants identified as Hispanic, a majority lived with at least one biological parent (75%), and all were enrolled in school, although most disclosed that they did not frequently attend (88%). All participants were from two of the five boroughs of New York City (i.e., the Bronx and Brooklyn) and were typically referred to the ROSES intervention by caseworkers, social agencies, parental figures, parole officers, and court judges.

Procedure

The researchers observed the participants and their interactions with peers and/or parents over a six-to-twelveweek period at their homes in the Bronx and Brooklyn.

The researchers agreed upon a set of desired objectives for which to observe during their meetings with the participants, which included the completion of psycho-social assessment questionnaires, or weekly short-term and long-term advocacy objectives, such as creating a resume or obtaining a reliable source of income. To limit their influence on the participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; motivation, the researchers verbally agreed to not encourage or prod the participants to engage with the objectives when they did not want to.

Both researchers acted as naturalistic observers to avoid interfering with the behaviors they were observing, and the participants did not know that their interactions with their parental figures and peers were being observed and later recorded. The researcher completing advocacy interventions observed two different participants on a weekly basis over the

Contextual Factors on Motivation

course of 10 to 12 weeks. The researcher working as a data collector gathered information from six participants during the administration of surveys, which typically lasted three to four hours. Both researchers recorded detailed field notes immediately after observation of participants.

Coding of Data

The researchers utilized content analysis for this paper, choosing to develop their major coding themes from the literature and then operationalizing each construct after an initial exploratory analysis of their field notes. This analysis included a brief overview of all of the field notes, and a thorough examination of roughly twenty percent of their collective field notes. After establishing inter-rater reliability to ensure that the researchers were consistent on the assessment of their field notes, the field notes were coded on a sentence-by-sentence basis, with three major themes being coded for frequency.

Identified themes included: (1) parental autonomy support vs. parental monitoring, (2) positive peer social comparison vs. negative peer social comparison, and (3) motivation to engage vs. non-motivation to engage.

The researchers then split their analyses into two separate coding tables: one for client interactions in which parental figures were present (See Table 1), and then a second for client interactions in which peers were present (See Table 2).

Given that the researchers were only focusing on the influence of parental figures and peers on system-involved girls, the sample was deliberately chosen to include only ten interactions (four from advocacy and six from data collection) where either a parental figure (i.e., a legal guardian) or peer was present.

Participants from advocacy were used for both analyses, simply utilizing one pair of field notes for interactions in which their peer was present and another pair of field notes for interactions in which their parental figure was present. On the other hand, the six participants from data collection were each only analyzed once since three of them had meetings with their parental figures present, whereas the remaining three had meetings with their peers present. To avoid any complications in the data, no instances where both peers and parents were present were counted in this sample.

In constructing the first coding theme of parental autonomy support versus parental monitoring, the researchers utilized both the SDT literature on parental behaviors, as well as common themes across their field notes to create a list of inclusionary criteria for both variables (Furrer & Skinner, 2003; Ryan et al., 1994). The researchers coded a sentence for parental autonomy support if the following criteria were present: parental figures allowed the adolescent to make a joint decision, parental figures asked the adolescent what they preferred for a joint decision, and/or parental figures stayed uninvolved in a decision by reserving it solely for the adolescent. The researchers also chose to code for parental monitoring behaviors, since the SDT literature suggests that parental monitoring can influence adolescent motivation and self-determination to engage in Research Studies and Briefs | 27

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 desired objectives in distinct and typically negative ways (Furrer & Skinner, 2003). The researchers coded for parental monitoring if the following criteria were present: parental figures asked the data collector or advocate what the adolescent was working on, parental figures asked the data collector or advocate to pivot the session to focus on a specific issue, parental figures looked at the adolescentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s answers on survey packets, parental figures answered questions posed by the data collector or advocate to the adolescent, and/or parental figures decided when to end or begin the meeting. Since both parental autonomy support and parental monitoring could appear in the same meetings, the focus of coding was on whether the frequency of parental autonomy support outweighed parental monitoring, meaning that parents could monitor their children to an extent, without blocking their ability to engage in ROSES from a client-centered framework.

To operationalize the second theme of either positive or negative peer social comparison, the researchers utilized the examples given in previous research, as well as common themes in their own field notes (Berndt & Keefe, 1995; Ryan, 2001).

Positive peer social comparison was coded if the following criteria were present: peers expressed interest in the objectives of ROSES and/or asked to participate, peers spoke about the adolescentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s progress in school or community contexts, peers interacted with the data collector or advocate and expressed their approval of the intervention, and/or peers spoke positively of the work that the adolescent had accomplished through ROSES. Additionally, negative peer social comparison was coded based on the inclusion of the following criteria: peers expressed interest in rescheduling or ending the meeting, peers expressed disapproval of the ROSES intervention or of the meeting itself, peers asked the adolescent to finish the intervention quickly, and/or peers spoke about non-goal areas such as non-school or work-related activities.

Since research indicates that motivation can act as a predictor of engagement (Turenne & Pomerol, 2013; Walker et al., 2006), the researchers chose to code for motivation to engage based on the appearance of any of the following criteria: the adolescent completed a pre-set objective, the adolescent asked about the progress of a previous objective, the adolescent finished all survey questions she was given, the adolescent initiated a new objective by herself, the adolescent made progress on an objective by herself, and/or the adolescent expressed satisfaction with ROSES and motivation to continue. The researchers also chose to code for non-motivation to engage as a distinct variable, since they observed many moments in their field notes where parental or peer behaviors caused a participant to lose interest in the meeting. The researchers coded a behavior as non-motivation to engage based on the following criteria: the adolescent did not complete the pre-set objectives, the adolescent was silent when asked a question directly, the adolescent did not finish all survey questions, the adolescent asked to remove an objective from their sheet, the adolescent had not made any progress on their objectives, the adolescent expressed dissatisfaction with ROSES, 28 | Research Studies and Briefs

Contextual Factors on Motivation

and/or the adolescent asked to end or reschedule the meeting.

Results

To address the gaps in the literature on how parents and peers influence system-involved girlsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; motivation to engage in the desired objectives of an applied intervention, the researchers explored the following two hypotheses: (1) More frequent parental autonomy support would lead to more frequent motivation to engage for system-involved girls, whereas more frequent parental monitoring would lead to more frequent non-motivation; (2) More frequent positive peer social comparison would lead to more frequent motivation to engage for system-involved girls, whereas more frequent negative peer social comparison would lead to more frequent non-motivation to engage.

To address the first hypothesis, the researchers found that in instances where parental autonomy support behaviors were more frequent than parental monitoring behaviors, 80% of the participants displayed higher motivation to engage than non-motivation. The other 20% of the participants displayed higher motivation to engage when both parental autonomy support and parental monitoring behaviors were present, but not when parental monitoring was exclusively present. While based solely on frequency, these results are consistent with literature that suggests that parental autonomy support is a more effective mode to facilitating adolescent motivation to engage than parental monitoring (Chirkov & Ryan, 2001; Ryan & Deci, 2000). This suggests that the presence of parental autonomy support is an important scaffold for increased motivation to engage in the desired objectives of an intervention, which has heightened implications for system-involved girls since research suggests that system-involvement can result in a lack of agency and perceived autonomy (Javdani et al., 2011).

Findings regarding the second hypothesis, on the influence of positive peer social comparison on increased motivation, were consistent with the literature on SDT and peer social comparison (Ryan, 2001; Molloy et al., 2011).

Results showed that in 80% of meetings where positive peer social comparison took place more frequently than negative peer social comparison, motivation to engage was also higher than non-motivation. Additionally, for the 20% of meetings in which negative peer social comparison was more frequent than positive peer social comparison, the participants no longer displayed higher levels of motivation than non-motivation, instead having roughly similar levels of both. This suggests that for system-involved girls, positive peer social comparison is a meaningful factor to facilitate their motivation to engage, but also that a degree of independence exists in this population such that negative peer social comparison can decrease their motivation, but not to the extent to where they are completely unmotivated.

To fully utilize the richness of the data presented in this study, the researchers also analyzed the most useful methods that both parental figures and peers used to facilitate autonomy

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 support and positive social comparison. For autonomy support, the researchers noted that instances in which parental figures explicitly asked adolescents what they wanted to do were the most effective at both engaging in the intervention itself and in increasing the levels of motivation of their daughters. In an instance where an advocate asked a participant how she would like to proceed in either changing her school or meeting with her guidance counselor, the adolescent initially turned to her mother for an answer. It was only when the mother asked her how she felt that she took a moment of silence, which relayed to the researchers that she was thinking about her options.

When the parental figure supported her daughter’s autonomy by allowing her to make her own decision, the dynamic between the participant and the researcher changed as the participant was more willing to engage in the objectives of ROSES, since the participant had previously shown very little motivation to engage.

For peer social comparison, the most useful methods seemed to involve the peer showing explicit interest in the intervention. For example, one particularly impactful incident occurred when a participant was initially disinterested in a data collection, or survey completion visit, and preferred to speak to her peer about unrelated topics. However, once the peer expressed interest in ROSES by asking questions about what the intervention entailed, and asked the researcher how she herself could be involved in the intervention, the participant’s demeanor shifted. The participant then displayed a higher motivation to engage with the survey packet and requested to finish it all in one meeting as opposed to rescheduling. Without the presence of positive peer social comparison, it is likely that this visit would have ended very quickly, and that the participant would not have displayed any motivation to engage in the objectives of ROSES. Thus, both instances elucidate how impactful peers and parental figures can be in achieving the objectives of community-based interventions and increasing the motivation of system-involved adolescent girls to engage in diversion efforts.

Discussion

Findings of the current study can inform best practices for ROSES and other community-based interventions that have frequent or unintended contact with participants’ parental figures and peers. Overall findings seem to suggest that parental autonomy support and positive peer social comparison are effective methods used in motivating adolescents to achieve positive outcomes, which is valuable to note as it can help to increase awareness around factors that further, or reduce, adolescent girls’ involvement with the legal system. Although the researchers were only able to select their sample based on participants who were able to attend meetings and whose parental figures or peers were present in at least one meeting, the findings remain meaningful. These results highlight how the SDT literature on adolescent motivation facilitated by both peers and parental figures applies specifically to the lives of systeminvolved girls and their motivation to engage in a community-

Contextual Factors on Motivation

based intervention (Deci & Ryan, 2008). The findings mirror current research that elucidates the ways in which motivation can act as either a pathway into or a protective factor against system involvement (Deci & Ryan, 2008). Past studies suggest that adolescents whose motivation is negatively influenced may display more deviant behaviors, and conversely, those who are positively motivated may engage in prosocial behaviors, which is important to consider given that these type of behaviors can reduce or prevent girls’ system involvement all together (Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ennett & Bauman, 1994).

While this study found that parental autonomy support scaffolded motivation in system-involved girls in similar ways to the literature on non-system-involved adolescents, it also found that this was not the case with all system-involved girls. This may be due to the ways in which system-involved girls, in particular, are closely supervised by many social service agencies such as ACS or court services (Javdani et al., 2011). This monitoring can result in a precedent being set in which system-involved girls feel unsure of how to proceed when presented with too much autonomy or agency, as they become used to court or social service agencies making decisions on their behalf. Thus, while the trends of SDT theory and literature on adolescent motivation apply to system-involved girls more generally, there is also nuance in their parental relationships and their relationship to authority. These nuances should be more closely examined by interventions aiming to facilitate higher levels of motivation for system-involved girls through their parental figures.

Moreover, this study also highlights the significant influence that either positive or negative peer social comparison can have on system-involved girls’ motivation to engage in desired objectives, and the applicability of SDT frameworks in their lives. Participants who experienced higher non-motivation as a result of negative peer social comparison still displayed some level of motivation during their meetings, showing that system-involved girls might be more resistant to peer-influence than previously suggested (Molloy et al., 2011; Ryan, 2001). This may be attributable to the resilience that this population has adopted as a result of their unique legal contexts. For example, a system-involved girl with constant negative stimuli in home, school, and legal contexts may develop a level of resilience to those negative stimuli so that they do not affect her ability to engage in essential interventions or court programs (Javdani et al., 2011). With this subsequent resilience, system-involved girls may become more resistant to negative peer social comparison than non-system-involved adolescents, explaining the findings from this study.

Additionally, findings from this study are limited by small sample size, and the very specific nature of the intervention, which caters to participants who are system-involved and referred through social service agencies, and not all system-involved girls have this exact contexts. While this study only focused on two factors that affect adolescent girls’ motivation to engage, other factors such as monetary compensation, time of meeting, degree of system involvement, setting of meeting, and the Research Studies and Briefs | 29

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feasibility of objectives likely influenced participant motivation, as well. Additionally, the small sample size compromises the generalizability of this study, even though the goal was not to generalize to all system-involved youth, but to better understand factors that affect the motivation of a few system-involved girls.

Furthermore, these girls were not mandated to participate in the ROSES intervention, and sometimes went several weeks without completing meetings, which may have skewed the data on their levels of motivation if they were already low due to other contextual factors.

Given these limitations, future research should focus on examining the interactions between adolescents and their parents or peers in a more controlled setting, which would allow for the isolation of individual factors. Additionally, further research should look at how these parental and peer relationships affect not only system-involved adolescent girls’ motivation to engage, but also the degree to which this shapes their future legal-system involvement. Finally, research could be guided by the implications from this study, particularly in the modification of SDT frameworks to consider the lack of agency of system-involved girls in relation to their parental autonomy support, and their resiliency in relation to negative peer social comparison. A more comprehensive study guided by this initial research would have meaningful implications for the ways in which interventions working with system-involved girls should best collaborate with key figures in their home and community contexts. This could then ensure that system-involved adolescent girls’ have high levels of motivation to engage in prosocial behaviors and desired objectives, and hopefully limit their future system-involvement. Despite the need for further research, the current study serves as an important contribution to the literature surrounding system-involved adolescent girls, which can aid the process of understanding the recent spike in their involvement, and can subsequently inform community organizations that work with them, and their peers or parents, to reduce their involvement.

30 | Research Studies and Briefs

Contextual Factors on Motivation

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Brown, B. B., Clasen, D. R., & Eicher, S. A. (1986). Perceptions

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self-reported behavior among adolescents.

Developmental Psychology, 22(4), 521-531.

Chirkov, V. I., & Ryan, R. M. (2001). Parent and teacher

autonomy-support in Russian and US adolescents:

Common effects on well-being and academic motivation. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32(5), 618-635.

Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2008). Self-determination theory:

A macrotheory of human motivation, development,

and health. Canadian Psychology/Psychologie

Canadienne, 49(3), 182.

Deci, E. L., Schwartz, A. J., Sheinman, L., & Ryan, R. M.

(1981). An instrument to assess adults’ orientations

toward control versus autonomy with children:

Reflections on intrinsic motivation and perceived competence. Journal of Educational Psychology, 73(5), 642.

Eccles, J. S., & Midgley, C. (1989). Stage-environment fit:

Developmentally appropriate classrooms for young adolescents. Research on Motivation in Education, 3(1), 139-186.

Ennett, S. T., & Bauman, K. E. (1994). The contribution of

influence and selection to adolescent peer group

homogeneity: The case of adolescent cigarette smoking.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(4), 653.

Flores, J., Hawes, J., Westbrooks, A., & Henderson, C. (2016).

Crossover youth and gender: What are the challenges

of girls involved in both the foster care and juvenile

justice systems? Children and Youth Services Review, 91(1), 149-155.

Furrer, C., & Skinner, E. (2003). Sense of relatedness as a factor

in children’s academic engagement and performance.

Journal of Educational Psychology, 95(1), 148.

Gatz, J., & Kelly, A. M. (2018). After school school triathlon

training for 11- to 14-year old girls: Influences on

academic motivation and achievement. Health

Education Journal, 77(2), 156-168.

Gorman-Smith, D., & Loeber, R. (2005). Are developmental

pathways in disruptive behaviors the same for girls and boys? Journal of Child and Family Studies, 14(1), 15 27.

Herz, D. C., Ryan, J. P., & Bilchik, S. (2010). Challenges facing

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decision making and recidivism. Family Court

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Hoffman, B. R., Monge, P. R., Chou, C. P., & Valente, T. W.

(2007). Perceived peer influence and peer selection on

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adolescent smoking. Addictive Behaviors, 32(8), 1546 1554.

Javdani, S., Sadeh, N., & Verona, E. (2011). Gendered social

forces: A Review of the impact of institutionalized

factors on women and girls’ criminal justice trajectories.

Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 17(2), 161-211.

Luan, Z., Poorthuis, A., Hutteman, R., Asendorpg, J. B.,

Denissen, J. J. A., & van Aken, M. A. G. (2018). See me

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personality predicts later self-esteem development.

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Maschi, T., Hatcher, S. S., Schwalbe, C. S., & Rosato, N. S. (2008).

Mapping the social service pathways of youth to and

through the juvenile justice system: A comprehensive review. Children and Youth Services Review, 30(12), 1376-1385.

Molloy, L. E., Gest, S. D., & Rulison, K. L. (2011). Peer influences

on academic motivation: Exploring multiple methods

of assessing youths’ most “influential” peer relationships. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 31(1), 13-40.

Rappaport, J. (1981). In praise of paradox: A social policy

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Ryan, A. M. (2001). The peer group as a context for the

development of young adolescent motivation and achievement. Child Development, 72(4), 1135-1150.

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and

the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social

development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68.

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Caseworkers’ perceptions of the challenges faced

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Self Disclosure to Teachers and Peers

Self-Disclosure In Preschoolers Within Classroom Settings: Teachers and Peers Francesca Bottazzi

Self-disclosure is defined by psychologist Jon G. Allen (1974) as the voluntary interchanging of personal information through communication with others. This form of interpersonal communication is necessary for the sustainability of socially intimate relationships starting from a young age, and can be displayed in a variety of ways (Allen, 1974; Buhrmester & Prager, 1995). The extent of information a person of any age will voluntarily disclose is related to three factors: personal characteristics of the individual disclosing, personal characteristics of the person to whom they are disclosing, and the nature of the relationship between them (Pederson & Higbee, 1969). These factors are important to consider when conducting studies involving child participants, wherein researchers seek to learn about children’s experiences from their point of view through open and honest self-disclosure (Mayeza, 2017). For young children who are socially developing, such as preschoolers, self-disclosure is related to certain social and environmental contexts that prompt them to speak (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; Kudo & Simkin, 2003). While there is extant literature focusing on peer-to-peer self-disclosure, further research is required to better understand self-disclosure within hierarchical relationships (e.g., teacher-student relationships; Kam, Gasiorek, Pines, & Fazio, 2018; Kudo & Simkin, 2003).

This power dynamic is important to consider in the study of selfdisclosure because it may affect how preschoolers’ self-disclose (Buhrmester, 1990).

Patterns of Youth Self-Disclosure

Since preschoolers frequently engage in communication with their peers, researchers have identified common patterns of their self-disclosure (Buhrmester, 1990; Chen & Nakazawa, 2012). For example, there is a marked increase in self-disclosure to same-sex peers, as opposed to opposite-sex peers (Buhrmester, 1990; Buhrmester & Prager, 1995). This pattern remains true when preschoolers disclose to parents and teachers, wherein boys most often disclose to their fathers and male teachers, and girls to their mothers and female teachers (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; Woolfolk & Woolfolk, 1975). Between preschool boys and girls, girls tend to disclose more overall (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; Papini, Farmer, Clark, Micka, & Barnett, 1990). However, these patterns of self-disclosure are malleable, changing with environmental and contextual influences such as setting, and whom the preschooler is speaking with (Afifi & Steuber, 2009; Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; Kam et al., 2018).

Preschoolers most often self-disclose to their peers

for the purpose of group acceptance, only opening up to friends who validate them and with whom they can connect based on mutual experiences and interests (Buhrmester, 1990; Ladd, Kochenderfer, & Coleman, 1996). As preschoolers have more frequent affectionate exchanges with their peers, their friendships become more intimate and trusting over time, which results in added instances of self-disclosure (Buhrmester, 1990).

In contrast, preschoolers hesitate to self-disclose to individuals with whom they experience high tension or low amounts of support, validation, and trust (Berhmester, 1990; Berhmester & Prager, 1995; Ladd et al., 1996). In other words, if a preschooler does not perceive that their self-disclosure will be received well, they will not open up (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; McElvaney, Greene, & Hogan, 2014). This is especially true within studentteacher relationships, as children are able to discern whether to self-disclose by determining how warm, open, and accepting the teacher is based on positive or negative verbal statements (e.g., praise or criticism) and nonverbal cues (e.g., tone of voice, facial expression, and posture; Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; Woolfolk & Woolfolk, 1975). For example, preschool-age students are more likely to self-disclose to teachers who display positivity and warmth, through smiling and nodding, than teachers who present negatively and impersonal, by frowning or using an angry tone of voice (Woolfolk & Woolfolk, 1975). These findings further highlight how preschoolers self-disclose to individuals they believe will be the most helpful and validating, based on an assessment of how their audience will react to the content of their disclosure (Afifi & Steuber, 2009; Behrmester & Prager, 1995; Vangelisti & Caughlin, 1997).

Self Disclosure and Communicative Development

Self-disclosure patterns are constantly evolving during childhood, wherein social interactions influence and are influenced by the child’s social development (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995). In this bidirectional relationship, preschoolers’ cognitive and social development affects their communicative skills, shaping the nature of their self-disclosure (Hershkowitz, Lamb, Orbach, Katz, & Horowitz, 2012; Nelson & Fivush, 2004).

Since preschool-age children are still developing social and communication skills, they often require prompting through conversations with teachers and peers, and the utilization of materials such as books and toys to form a cohesive narrative (i.e., a personal experience typically shared sequentially in first person; Hershkowitz et al., 2012; Nelson & Fivush, 2004).

Prompting offers children a reason to share, and teachers 33 | Research Studies and Briefs

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 typically use this self-disclosure technique to help preschoolers construct their personal narratives, which is necessary for the social process of communication (Hershkowitz et al., 2012; Nelson & Fivush, 2004). In addition to fostering group acceptance, self-disclosure is normally prompted to gain understanding and comfort from others due to personal issues and concerns, such as lived experiences and cultural pressures or demands (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; Kam et al., 2018).

Thus, in early childhood, self-disclosure is a means by which children may gain social input or provisions that address their issues and concerns as well as to gain comfort for their distress (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995).

Current Study

The current study sought to establish a better understanding of situational and contextual factors that foster open and honest self-disclosure from preschoolers to adults and peers, especially in classroom settings, as there is a lack of literature that specifically addresses this (McElvaney et al., 2014). To bridge the gap in current research, this study analyzed the factors that prompt self-disclosure in preschoolers, such as environment, emotional affect, and interlocutors of selfdisclosure. Thus, in order to improve future communication between teachers and students, the current study was guided by the following research question: In what contexts and to whom do preschoolers self-disclose?

Method Participants

Three preschool girls and one preschool boy from a private preschool in downtown Manhattan participated in this study (N = 4). Sally is a three-year old White-American; Nora is a three-year-old African-American; Lauren is a four-year-old Asian-American; and Brian is a four-year-old White-American.

The participants’ names were changed for the purpose of confidentiality. The researcher took on the role of a classroom teacher within the classroom setting in a private school, where she worked closely with all four student participants on a weekly basis. All student participants were in the same class and were encouraged to commingle during lunch and free play.

Procedure

The researcher observed instances of self-disclosure between participants and their peers, as well as between participants and the teacher, within the classroom setting.

Following observations, field notes consisting of written verbatim accounts detailing the self-disclosures were recorded.

The field notes focused on how often each child self-disclosed, the child’s affect during each disclosure, the content of self disclosure, and whether or not that disclosure was voluntary.

Field notes were recorded biweekly within the hour after leaving a three-hour, weekly volunteer shift at the private preschool, where the researcher worked as an assistant teacher over the 34 | Research Studies and Briefs

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course of sixteen weeks.

Coding

Field notes were coded thematically, wherein common themes across the preschoolers’ self-disclosures were recorded.

Field notes were coded for instances of self-disclosure, defined as any instance where a participant spoke about themselves, their experiences, or an event which impacted them. Each instance of self-disclosure was then coded for whether (1) it was prompted or voluntary, (2) surface-level (e.g., consisting of past facts, recent events) or personal (i.e., revealing family dynamics, personal interests, feelings, or values), and (3) the participants’ displayed emotional affect while disclosing (i.e., indifferent nondiscloser, anxious non-discloser, concerned revealer, anxious revealers, or secure revealers). Additionally, each observation was also coded for whether the self-disclosure was to a peer or teacher, and whether the interaction took place in a group or one-on-one setting.

The first two codes were chosen by the researcher prior to coding, based on Allen’s (1974) definition of self-disclosure, such that it can either be voluntary or surface level. The third code was adapted from the coding system used by Kam et al., 2018. For the purpose of this study, the code indifferent nondiscloser was assigned when an appeared to make a deliberate choice to refrain from disclosing with no change in emotional affect (e.g., showing disinterest in sharing). This differs from an anxious non-discloser who fails to disclose information due to a heightened anxious emotional state, which ultimately impedes their ability to discuss something distressful. Concerned or anxious revealers are used interchangeably, and are more often than not: prompted, personal, or difficult for an individual to speak about, as seen through vocal pauses, restricted body language, and stuttering. Concerned and anxious revealers are usually pushed to disclose information based on situational factors, such as peer pressure. Lastly, a secure revealer is operationalized as an individual who self-discloses more often than not: voluntary, personal or surface level information (Kam et al., 2018).

Results

Most preschool participants were secure revealers, disclosing both personal and surface level information both voluntarily and openly. These results suggest that the preschoolers self-disclosed to peers and teachers, feeling secure as they shared with them, mirroring current literature about secure revealers (Kam et al., 2018). Aside from instances of secure revealing, there was one recorded instance of anxious revealing, which was influenced by the participant’s emotional state at the time of disclosure. Within the context of anxious revealing, the participant was initially held back by his anxious emotional affect, until he was comforted into a sufficiently secure state which allowed for self-disclosure. This indicates that when anxious, a child will still disclose so long as they are given sufficient prompting by a trusted individual who they believe will

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 offer them guidance and comfort (Kam et al., 2018). In this way, preschool-aged children disclose similarly to teachers as they do to peers, relying on the foundation of trust and connection to allow themselves to self-disclose, regardless of affect.

Type of Discloser

The majority of preschool participants were found to be secure revealers when self-disclosing to their teacher or peers.

However, there were two instances of anxious self-disclosure and concerned self-disclosure respectively. In one example, the anxious revealer, Brian, was crying due to an altercation he had with the main teacher. While Brian separated himself from the group and began to cry alone, the assistant teacher went up to him privately to calm him down, asking him what had happened. He stated that the teacher is “always ‘extra mean’ to [him].” This interaction was coded as anxious disclosure due to Brian’s heightened emotional state, and the assistant teacher having to prompt him first. In another example, the concerned self-disclosure, Sally, noticed a classmate with the same lunchbox as her, and excitedly yelled to her to let her know, but the classmate responded by saying that it was not the same. This lack of agreement seemed to bother Sally due to her continued attempts to convince the classmate that they were the same.

She then disclosed that “[her] mom bought [the] lunchbox for [her] right before school started. [Her] mom knows purple is [her] favorite color,” explaining why the situation was significant to her. Sally continued to self-disclose to her classmate in an attempt to foster a connection with her, demonstrating that the need to connect and need for acceptance drives self-disclosure (Buhrmester, 1990; Buhrmester & Prager, 1995).

Aside from the two interactions above, the four other preschool participants were found to be secure revelears based on their loud and personal conversations, and positive physical attributes such as smiling. For example, when the main teacher asked everyone how their day was going, Lauren, who was seated across the table, mentioned that she “had a bad dream last night! About a monster.” Then Nora, in turn, who was sitting to Lauren’s side, quickly added that “Lauren’s dream sounds like a dream that [she] had once where there was a monster under [her] bed that was trying to get [her].” Additionally, Nora took the opportunity to further disclose more individual details about her own dream, noting that her dream did not end up being a nightmare because in the end “[her] mom came into [her] room and fought off the monster.” In this example, both preschoolers were securely self-disclosing their mutual experience, and as such were fostering a friendship and developing their communicative skills. This open, voluntary, friendly dialogue suggests that disclosing information about shared experiences allows preschool students to interact socially with their peers and gain acceptance (Buhrmester, 1990; Buhrmester & Prager, 1995).

Self Disclosure to Teachers and Peers

Prompted Versus Voluntary and Personal Versus Surface Level

The type of disclosure displayed by the participants was defined based on whether it was personal or surface level, and prompted or voluntary. Across all participants, personal information was disclosed more voluntarily in private settings, whereas surface level disclosures were found in group settings.

Within group contexts, such as lunch time or dramatic play, preschoolers voluntarily offered surface level information about their interests or experiences, attempting to connect with their peers and find commonalities. For example, during lunch time, Lauren and the teacher discussed how “[they] both like the flavor chocolate over vanilla,” and from across the room, Sally shouted that “[her] favorite flavor is chocolate, too.” Within group settings, preschoolers actively disclosed surface level information, which in turn, facilitated peer connection. These results suggest that preschool-age children self-disclose as a means of fostering connections with peers, but also demonstrate how eagerly preschool-aged children self-disclose to teachers, too (Buhrmester, 1990; Buhrmester & Prager, 1995; Ladd et al., 1996). Moreover, it was found that preschool-aged children also self-disclosed their differences, as long as they were still able to reach some form of mutuality. For example, upon opening her lunch, Lauren cried out in joy that her mom packed her mac and cheese, her favorite food. Hearing this, Nora turned to Lauren and said “[I] don’t like mac and cheese, but [my] mom packed [me] spaghetti, which is [my] favorite food.” Even when the content of the disclosure was different, such as a favorite food, preschoolers voluntarily self-disclosed as a means of connecting.

For preschoolers, regardless of setting, the line between voluntary and prompted self-disclosure is less clear, echoing studies that suggest that preschoolers generally need more verbal and visual prompting to self-disclose information (Behrmester, 1990; Kam et al., 2018). In one occasion, one of the participants, Nora pointed to an illustration of a black woman with an afro, declaring that it looked just like her mom. The teacher continued by asking her questions about the resemblance, and Nora responded by saying that they have the same hair.

This subsequent prompting from the teacher allowed for the participant to voluntarily provide a more detailed personal disclosure. After being prompted, Nora was comfortable elaborating on the fact that she and her mother once wore their hair the same way, but she personally prefers to wear her hair in braids.This pattern of disclosure was noted both within secure disclosers, like Nora, and in anxious revealers such as Brian. In the aforementioned example, the assistant teacher asked Brian to speak with him privately about his experience with the main teacher, to which Brian stated that she is often mean to him.

Once prompted for clarification, Brian stated that “even when [he’s] just minding [his] own business, the teacher makes snide comments to [him] about always needing to be quieter and less distracting, or scolds [him] out of nowhere.” He claims that “she just doesn’t like [him]. In Brian’s case, his personal disclosure was preceded by his heightened emotional state and need for 35 | Research Studies and Briefs

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 comfort. Much like Brian’s self-disclosure, the disclosure of personal information amongst all preschool-aged participants began as voluntary disclosures. In Nora’s case, her personal disclosure was induced by the visual stimulus of an illustration that was reminiscent of her mother. However, the subsequent prompting of an initially voluntary personal disclosure lead to a more detailed personal disclosure both in secure disclosers and anxious revealers. These results are in line with existing literature showing that anxious revealers require prompting to begin self-disclosing, whereas once secure revealers voluntarily selfdisclose, subsequent prompting leads to more self-disclosures (Buhrmester, 1990; Kam et al., 2018).

Overall, secure disclosers openly and voluntarily selfdisclosed information in order to gain group acceptance and find commonality with peers and teachers. In terms of anxious or concerned revealers, the participants only disclosed to peers or teachers whom they thought would offer the most validation or support, but only after being prompted to do so. Lastly, the patterns of and reasons for self-disclosure remained consistent between all four participants. These results are significant such that they highlight teachers’ roles in prompting or building trust with their students, which can be useful for teachers who would like to encourage their students to communicate their thoughts, feelings, and ideas more effectively (Ryan, Kofman, & Aaron, 2011; Turner et al., 2007).

Discussion

For preschoolers, unprompted self-disclosure of personal interests serve as a way for them to connect on mutual experiences, and thus worked to facilitate group acceptance (Behrmester, 1990; Ladd et al., 1996). In the current study, the preschoolers were talkative and friendly towards both their peers and teachers. Due to the researcher’s role within the classroom as an assistant teacher, and her repeated exposure and interactions with the participants, a mutual bond of trust and acceptance was formed, creating the foundation upon which the children self-disclosed. As seen in secure disclosers, the trust between the teachers and students facilitated an open conversation about both personal and surface level details in one-on-one and group settings. Whereas anxious revealers required prompting in order to disclose information to the teacher in one-on-one settings.

Despite some differences in the preschoolers’ emotional affect, they tended to disclose personal information to the teacher during one-on-one settings, suggesting that the trust between them was a crucial component for self-disclosure.

Moreover, once further prompted, the preschoolers willingly and openly divulged more personal information as to further flesh out their narrative. However, in group settings, the preschoolers did not disclose nearly as much personal information, regardless of prompting. These findings align with current literature that suggests that self-disclosure in preschoolers is highly correlated to the social context in which they are in, and individualized interactions between them and their trusted peers or teachers may lead to increased instances of self-disclosure (Buhrmester 36 | Research Studies and Briefs

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& Prager, 1995; Kam et al., 2018; Kudo & Simkin, 2003).

Regarding social contexts, preschoolers showed no hesitation in self-disclosing personal information despite an active classroom setting. Though a majority of personal selfdisclosures happened in individualized settings, a few disclosures were noted as occurring within group settings (i.e., during lunch time or dramatic play). This suggests that the setting may have less of an impact than the interpersonal relationship between the discloser and the listener, wherein trust seems to be a key motivating factor (Berhmester, 1990; Berhmester & Prager, 1995; Ladd et al., 1996). Thus, it should be noted that teachers who build a strong rapport with their students, based on trust, can more readily help them construct their personal narratives as a means to further their communicative skills (Hershkowitz et al., 2012).

It is likely that the participants of this study were more willing to disclose personal information due to the foundational trust and comfort that was naturally formed between the teachers and students throughout the school year. The relationship between the participants and the teachers, as well as the participant’s familiarity with the classroom setting, may have lead to more disclosures, potentially skewing the results of this study. Therefore, due to the small sample size of this study, these findings may not be generalizable or applicable to the selfdisclosure of other preschoolers across other settings.

Despite these limitations, the findings serve to fill the gap in the current literature surrounding preschool-age children’s communicative patterns across interpersonal contexts, such as in hierarchical relationships (e.g., between a teacher and student), and in one-on-one or group settings. Additionally, this study provides a conceptual understanding of self-disclosure within hierarchical relationships, which provides insight to how teachers can foster a classroom setting that promotes open, and voluntary self-disclosure, which ultimately helps students scaffold their personal narratives, something that is crucial for communicative and social development (Ryan et al., 2011; Turner et al., 2007). Future research can then be guided by these initial results to address preschoolers’ subsequent social development (i.e., how they perceive their own actions and individuality within the community), and the ways in which it is transformed by early childhood self-disclosure styles (Buhrmester & Prager, 1995).

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to tell? Factors influencing young people’s informal

disclosures of child sexual abuse. Journal of

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Mayeza, E. (2017). Doing child-centered ethnography:

Unravelling the complexities of reducing the

perceptions of adult male power during fieldwork.

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Self Disclosure to Teachers and Peers

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autobiographical memory: A social cultural

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J. K. (1990). Early adolescent age and gender differences

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outsiders: working with peer researchers in researching

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explicit and implicit outgroup prejudice via direct and

extended contact: The mediating role of self-disclosure

and intergroup anxiety. Journal of Personality and

Social Psychology, 93(3), 369-388.

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37 | Research Studies and Briefs

38

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1

Personal- and National-Level Trauma in Children

Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close: Personal- and National-Level Trauma in Children Michelle Hansen

Jonathan Safran Foer’s novel Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close debuted to immense success, and was deemed a notable book for adults by the American Library Association, as well as selected as a New York Times Bestseller. Despite the book’s many awards, honors, and positive reviews, a common criticism of the novel points out the precociousness of its young protagonist, Oskar Schell, and the potential insensitivity involved in depicting the events of 9/11 so soon after its occurrence.

However, many critics (e.g., Aragi, 2005; Faber, 2005; Miller, 2005; Updike, 2005) have since responded by highlighting the ways in which Oskar’s descriptions of his experiences were heartfelt, and truly indicative of how a child would process the trauma of this national tragedy .

Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close is a work of historical fiction narrated by a nine-year-old boy named Oskar whose father, Thomas, was one of 9/11’s nearly 3,000 victims.

After finding a key in his father’s closet, Oskar embarks on a journey across New York City to find its corresponding lock in an attempt to make sense of his father’s death. Midway through the novel, the reader finds out that Oskar has voicemails on his phone that his father left for him while he was trapped in the second tower, and that Oskar has not told anyone about these voicemails. The reader learns that Oskar feels an overwhelming sense of guilt for not answering the phone when his father attempted to call him prior to his death, and Oskar does not know how to handle the intense emotions that arise whenever he thinks about that day.

Oskar researches the events of 9/11 in detail and documents the gruesome images he finds from his research in a binder entitled Stuff That Happened to Me. He fixates on one picture in particular: a man falling from the building, presumably having jumped in order to escape being burned alive. Oskar convinces himself that despite the pictures’ pixelation, the man it depicts is his father. Oskar is obsessed with figuring out the way his father died, even telling his grandfather, “If I could know how he died, exactly how he died, I wouldn’t have to invent [how he died]...There were so many different ways to die and I just need to know which was his” (Foer, 2005, p. 356). This obsession is accompanied by fear, as Oskar is also afraid of anything that has even the slightest relation to the 9/11 attacks, including suspension bridges, fireworks, and smoke, showing the extent to which Oskar’s fears are generalized. Throughout the book, Oskar admits that these fear-inducing thoughts give him “heavy boots”– his way of saying he feels so exceptionally distraught that he cannot even pick his feet up.

Oskar is intelligent, vigilant, and well-read. He writes letters to people who inspire him, including Stephen Hawking and Jane Goodall, which is one of his self-articulated “raisons d’être,” or reasons to live (Foer, 2005, p. 14). He also researches widespread man-made tragedies aside from 9/11, such as the bombing of Hiroshima. Subsequently, Oskar only wears white to absorb less heat in the case of another tragedy involving fire.

He is also always conscious of other locations that are potential targets for another terrorist attack (e.g., the Staten Island Ferry, and the Empire State Building). In an attempt to rid himself of the negativity associated with these types of locations and situations, Oskar often invents solutions to possible threats, such as skyscrapers that can move out of the way of airplanes or trampolines at the bottom of elevator shafts. He is “panicky” when he cannot contact family members regarding their whereabouts, and once convinced himself that his grandmother was “unconscious at the bottom of the swimming pool at the Y” when she was not in her apartment (Foer, 2005, p. 320).

With all of this in mind, one can see how Oskar has had trouble processing the events of 9/11 and the death of his father. Oskar exhibits symptoms of low emotional well-being associated with grief, and consequently, this paper explored the relevance of Oskar’s case study compared to the ways in which children respond to national- and personal-level trauma.

Children’s Response to Large-Scale Tragedy

Though Oskar is a fictional character, he is representative of the thousands of school-aged children who experienced the terrorist attacks that occured on September 11, 2001, both in person and through the media. These attacks were unprecedented and unparalleled both in death toll and their subsequent media coverage (Zelizer & Allan, 2011). Therefore, there had been relatively little research done regarding the psychological effects of large-scale catastrophes prior to this event. However, research examining the aftermath of the Oklahoma City Bombing, another national-level traumatic event, found that a child’s emotional closeness to the victim of a widespread calamity is predictive of the level of anxiety they may display in the weeks following the event (Pfefferbaum et al., 1999). Additionally, Oklahoma City residents who had experienced the bombing directly through seeing, hearing, or feeling the blast were significantly more likely to show avoidant coping behaviors and experience strong feelings of grief than Oklahoma City residents who did not directly encounter the event, suggesting that an individual’s physical proximity 39 | Film and Book Reviews

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 to a large-scale traumatic event is negatively related to their psychological well-being after the event (Sprang, 1999).

After the events of 9/11, a spike in stress reactions across the country was observed in both children and adults, comparable to what occurred after the Oklahoma City bombing (Pfefferbaum et al., 2000; Schuster et al., 2001). In a nationwide poll of public school students just six months after 9/11, evidence of at least one anxiety disorder was found in more than one-quarter of children (Hoven et al., 2005). A few of the factors associated with meeting criteria for anxiety disorders, as observed in these children, included the amount of television they had viewed in the days after the attack, as well as seeing their parents cry in front of them as a result (Fairbrother et al., 2003; Hoven et al., 2002).

The character of Oskar, though not allowed to watch television, states, “it was on a TV...that I saw that the first building had fallen” (Foer, 2005, p. 101). Further, Oskar experienced insomnia due to persistent thoughts about his father, and had shouting fits with his mom, including one where he told her, “If I could have chosen [who died], I would have chosen you!”

(Foer, 2005, p. 230). These events align with previous research findings that after a crisis, some of the most common symptoms of post-traumatic stress that children nationwide exhibited were difficulties with concentration and sleeping, as well as irritability and emotional outbursts (Schuster et al., 2001). Therefore, it is evident that Oskar is experiencing symptoms similar to what is to be expected of a child his age dealing with the repercussions of a large-scale tragedy.

Child Bereavement after Parental Death

Beyond the trauma of a terrorist attack, the loss of a parent is often traumatic as well. One in five children who experience the death of a parent will meet criteria for at least one psychiatric disorder and have a higher susceptibility to psychiatric problems within the following two years (Cerel, Fristad, Verducci, Weller, & Weller, 2006; Dowdney, 2000).

Psychological outcomes are even worse for children whose parents die suddenly (i.e., not of a terminal illness), as was the case with Oskar’s father (Melhem et al., 2008). A major risk factor for a prolonged difficulty in typical functioning after a death is feelings of guilt (Pynoos & Nader, 1988). Because Oskar feels guilt for not picking up the phone when his father called him from the towers on September 11 and is frequently reminded of not answering his father in the manifestation of the voicemails on his phone, there is a higher likelihood of him not faring well psychologically. Additionally, many bereaved school-aged children are likely to meet the criteria for clinical depression (Melhem et al., 2008; Worden & Silverman, 1996).

Luckily, there are several resiliency factors present in Oskar’s life.

For instance, Oskar’s mother is very invested in his well-being.

When Oskar divulged that his father had left him voicemails during the morning of 9/11, he cried into his mother’s chest until he fell asleep. He recalled, “at some point she was carrying me to my room. Then I was in bed. She was looking over me,” 40 | Film and Book Reviews

Personal- and National-Level Trauma in Children

showing that she cared for him even when he was sleeping (Foer, 2005, p. 456). This may prove to be beneficial in Oskar recovering from his loss, as having a warm and accepting caregiver after losing a parent is negatively associated with both internalizing and externalizing problems (Lin, Sandler, Ayers, Wolchik & Luecken, 2004). Additionally, a child’s surviving parent displaying low depressive symptomatology is further associated with better psychological outcomes for the child, and Oskar admits to being upset that his mother seems relatively undeterred by her husband’s death (Cerel et al., 2006).

Therefore, Oskar’s combination of both risk and protective factors influence the subsequent psychiatric disorders that stem from his bereavement, specifically in the case of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Stroebe, Folkman, Hansson, & Schut, 2006).

Post-Traumatic Stress in Children

Following a traumatic event (i.e., a real or perceived death, serious injury, or sexual violence), children tend to display the same two key factors of PTSD frequently observed in adults: re-experiencing and avoidance (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013; Dyregrov, Kuterovac, & Barath, 1996).

Re-experiencing a traumatic event occurs through intrusive memories (i.e., visual memories commonly composed of sensory stimuli that were present preceding the traumatic event; Ehlers et al., 2002), distressing dreams, and dissociative flashbacks (APA, 2013). In children, PTSD-induced nightmares often manifest through recurring dreams that may not have content directly tied to the traumatic event (Coalson, 1995). Oskar says he has nightmares, but never really specifies what he dreams about, which is aligned with what previous research has shown on the nature of PTSD-induced dreaming (see Bilu, 1989; Levine, 1991). Further, dissociative re-experiencing, or flashbacks, are involuntary, intrusive, and distressing memories of a traumatic event that are different than willful memories; flashbacks often feel as though they are happening in the present, while nontraumatic memories feel as though they are happening in the past (Brewin, 2015).

Another common symptom of PTSD in children is the purposeful avoidance of triggering stimuli. An example of Oskar being avoidant is his refusal to take the Staten Island Ferry because he believes it is a potential target for another terrorist attack. Although he eventually faces his fear of riding the ferry, Oskar’s fears impede his daily life and are frequently found in children who are undergoing post-traumatic stress (Dollinger, O’Donnell, & Staley, 1984). This corroborates the literature findings that avoidance of traumatic event-related stressors can occur through thought suppression and avoidant coping (Thompson & Waltz, 2010). Thought suppression is the process of internalizing unwanted thoughts as to not think about them through distraction or “emptying the mind,” which can be done on command or spontaneously (i.e., repression; Wenzlaff & Wegner, 2000), while avoidant coping is eschewing places, people, or situations that evoke memories of the original trauma

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 (Seiffge-Krenke & Klessinger, 2000). Avoidant coping does not allow for adequate exposure to the source of one’s fear, which is a necessary step in overcoming its effects on the individual (Seiffge-Krenke & Klessinger, 2000). As a result, avoidant coping after a traumatic event is predictive of meeting criteria for a specific phobia, or the irrational fear of specific objects or situations (Ollendick, Langley, Jones, & Kephart, 2001).

Oskar’s Exhibition of Grief and Trauma

Oskar Schell’s case is unique in that he not only has to cope with the events that transpired on 9/11, but he is also plagued with the sudden death of his father, the only person who he says fully understood him. As a result, Oskar copes with the intense emotions and fears associated with life after a largescale tragedy through inventing things. When he struggles to fall asleep, Oskar invents a birdseed shirt (so birds can grab onto a person and fly them away from danger) and a frozen plane (so heat-seeking missiles could not detect them) to comfort himself.

Oskar also self-harms in an effort to suppress his thoughts and feelings. This is evident when Oskar tells his therapist, “If I have to cry, I’m gonna cry on the inside. If I have to bleed, I’ll bruise.

If my heart starts going crazy, I’m not gonna tell everyone in the world about it. It doesn’t help anything. It just makes everyone’s life worse” (Foer, 2005, p. 278). Oskar admits to “going crazy” and copes with it through physically harming himself whenever he feels like his “boots are too heavy” (Foer, 2005, p. 278). This behavior aligns with Grenklo and colleagues’ (2013) finding that children who are grieving a parent are significantly more likely to partake in nonsuicidal self-injurious behavior.

Further, Oskar’s PTSD-related symptoms are evident through the manifestation of thought suppression and avoidant coping. One example of an intrusive thought is Oskar’s narration at the top of the Empire State Building, saying, “Even though I knew the view was incredibly beautiful, my brain started misbehaving, and the whole time I was imagining a plane coming at the building, just below us. I didn’t want to but I couldn’t stop” (Foer, 2005, p. 335). The way Oskar describes his cognitions as “misbehaving” and his statement that he was unable to make them stop shows that the thoughts he had were both involuntary and distressing. Since he did not experience the tragedy firsthand, Oskar would not meet the criteria for an intrusive memory, but his thoughts show the vivid imagination that would be present in a child of his age. Lastly, Oskar’s phobia of heights and rule that he will not go above the sixth floor of a building shows avoidant coping through a post-traumatic stress-induced phobia. His rigidity in this rule is demonstrated when he finds a man who he believes can help him find the lock the key fits into, telling the man, “‘[Y]ou’re on the ninth floor and I don’t go that high.’ ‘Why not?’ ‘It isn’t safe.’” (Foer, 2005, p. 123). Overall, the case study of the fictional character, Oskar Schell, shows many similarities to the ways that children have processed grief after traumatic events, and is a relatively accurate representation of PTSD and bereavement in children.

Personal- and National-Level Trauma in Children

Conclusion

Though his book faced criticism, Jonathan Safran Foer claims that he did not have any deeper meaning behind portraying Oskar’s character the way he did. In an interview on the meaning of his work Foer said, “I’m never interested in telling people what [Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close] means, but I’m very interested in hearing what it means from readers” (MSU Alumni Association and Friends, 2011, 3:30). While this story shows not only the psychological hardships that children who have lost a parent face, it also highlights the unique resilience it takes for a young boy to overcome the hardships of grieving. While there are valid reasons for literary critics to claim that Oskar is almost unrealistically mature for a nine-yearold (Oskar describes himself as an “amateur entomologist” and a “francophile” on his business card among other titles), Extremely Loud & Incredibly Close attempts to depict its challenging subject matter with grace. Its depiction and subsequent normalization of the common psychological phenomena associated with bereavement makes Oskar Schell an important character for other bereaved children to watch, relate to, and hopefully learn from.

41 | Film and Book Reviews

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Self-injury in teenagers who lost a parent to cancer: 42 | Film and Book Reviews

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Haine, R. A., Ayers, T. S., Sandler, I. N., Wolchik, S. A., &

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43 | Film and Book Reviews

Lady Bird Maternal Relationships

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1

The Depiction of Attachment Theory and SES in Lady Bird Andrew Han

The film Lady Bird follows the titular character whose real name is Christine McPherson, but insists on being called “Lady Bird,” as she navigates the trials and tribulations of her senior year of high school in 2002 Sacramento. Between the tensions with her best friend Julie, romantic relationships, and the pressures of high school social hierarchies, Lady Bird is left to balance the typical challenges of adolescence. However, despite these issues appearing throughout the movie, the main relationship that the film explores is that of Lady Bird and her mother, Marion. Although Lady Bird detests her mother’s opinionated and strong-willed personality, the audience comes to find out that Lady Bird embodies more of her mother’s characteristics than she realizes.

During one of many mother-daughter arguments throughout the film, Marion scolds Lady Bird for getting suspended from school, highlighting her daughter’s inability to appreciate the financial sacrifices her parents made to get her into a private high school. This is one of many strained interactions between Lady Bird and Marion that demonstrates the ways in which parent-child conflicts increase when children become adolescents and strive for emotional autonomy, or the ability to have control over one’s life and make decisions (Silverberg & Steinberg, 1987; Steinberg, 2001). However, as Lady Bird concludes, the audience and Lady Bird realize that familial discord, although aggravating, is often a result of love. The film reminds the audience of the conflicting and powerful feelings that families invoke; while many adolescents are desperate to leave home, they are often not developmentally ready to fully let go. In order to better understand the depiction of familial relationships in Lady Bird, this paper explores the attachment behaviors that shape who children become, while also examining how ecological factors (such as socioeconomic status, or SES) can impact them.

Attachment Theories and Lady Bird and Marion’s Relationship

Often, adolescents’ physical and mental health can partly be explained by their parents, who act as role models for socialization (i.e., the process of learning how to behave in an appropriate manner), help to mitigate their risky behaviors, and are the primary supporters of their financial resources (Repetti, Robles, & Reynolds, 2011; Repetti, Taylor, & Seeman, 2002). In the case of Lady Bird, many have argued that Marion acts as a negative role model for Lady Bird’s socialization, as there are multiple examples of her seeming unengaged with and unresponsive to Lady Bird’s needs (Liza, 2018). Although 44 | Film and Book Reviews

Marion’s comments can come off as harsh and often unprovoked, viewing their relationship through the lens of attachment theory clarifies that the true reason for her behavior is Marion’s fear of Lady Bird’s impending independence.

John Bolby’s attachment theory (1969, 1980) posits that children’s social and personal development are often a result of how readily they have their needs met by their caregivers. Thus, attachment theory explains not only how child-caregiver relationships are formed, but also how early childhood attachment can provide the underlying basis for future relationship styles and communication patterns (Allen, Hauser, & Borman-Spurrell, 1996). In Lady Bird’s case, her often inconsistent social behaviors are influenced by her upbringing, in that Lady Bird’s needs weren’t always sensitively or consistently met, potentially impacting the way she expects others to love and care for her as a result. An example of this is evident in Lady Bird’s attachment style, which can be identified as insecure-ambivalent. In a well-known test of attachment known as the Strange Situation, Mary Ainsworth (1978) found that securely-attached infants use their responsive and sensitive caregivers as safe bases to explore the world from, thus creating the foundation of a child’s ability to maintain adult relationships. However, insecure-ambivalent infants tend to be clingy when exploring with their caregivers, extremely upset by the caregiver’s departure, and ambivalent upon their return (Ainsworth, 1978). Even though attachment theory was originally postulated for infants, it has been thoroughly explored in adolescence as insecure-ambivalent attachment in adolescence has implications for subsequent psychosocial development, where formation of peer relationships is considered a crucial to development (Allen, Moore, Kuperminc, & Bell, 2008). Mothers of insecure-ambivalent children are often described as inconsistently responsive, which parallels Marion’s responsiveness to her daughter’s needs through her vacillation between attentiveness to Lady Bird to then becoming completely emotionally unavailable. For example, Marion supports a tearful Lady Bird when she loses her virginity to a boy she liked who lied about the status of his sexual history, but when Lady Bird struggles to fit in her prom dress, Marion crudely responds, “Well, I suggested you not have that second helping of pasta” (Rudin, Bush, & O’Neill, 2017). Marion’s inconsistent support for her daughter may result in Lady Bird lacking the security to appropriately understand and handle relationships with others.

For example, Lady Bird begins to hang out with a popular girl at her school and date a bad boy, ultimately ignoring her best

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 friend, Julie, even though she is the only one who gives Lady Bird the social and emotional support she needs. Thus, one can see how Lady Bird’s relationship with her mother influences her inability to form appropriate relationships throughout the film (Davies, Woitach, Winter, & Cummings, 2009; Eisenberg & Eggum, 2009).

Those with insecure-ambivalent attachment styles also report more self-doubt, feelings of being underappreciated, and feeling as though others are less willing to commit to them, all of which can be seen in Lady Bird’s character (Hazan & Shaver, 1987). Lady Bird often doubts herself and feels misunderstood, as she romanticizes a future where she can live on the East Coast and escape Sacramento, where she has poor grades and few friends. She also finds herself more willing to commit to relationships than her exes are, such as Danny, who was caught kissing another boy, and Kyle, whose overly lax demeanor clashes with Lady Bird’s impassioned personality. Insecure-ambivalent attachment in infants can be reflected during adolescence as the inability to get one’s needs met by others sets negative expectations of oneself, possibly leading to less self-worth that is closely linked with depression and other internalizing problems (Allen et al., 2008). Those with insecure-ambivalent attachments report more self-conscious anxiety and low social self-esteem, which is apparent in Lady Bird’s fears of being perceived as poor and living on the “wrong side of the tracks” (Hazan & Shaver, 1987; Feeney & Noller, 1990; Rudin et al., 2017). Furthermore, having an insecure-ambivalent attachment style in adolescence is a considerable predictor of depression and behavior problems, which are evident in Lady Bird’s disruptive behaviors (e.g., when she vandalizes a school nun’s car and gets suspended from school; Kobak, Sudler & Gamble, 1991). Thus, Lady Bird ends up depicting much of Bowlby’s (1969, 1980) attachment theory, which can contextualize the central characters’ temperamental mother-daughter relationship for the audience, as well as explain how many of Lady Bird’s behaviors and insecurities are rooted in her mother’s inconsistent support for her throughout the film.

Impact of SES on Family Relationships

Although Marion’s parenting style can explain part of Lady Bird’s behaviors throughout the film, additional ecological factors also influence the dynamic between Lady Bird and her mother. Longitudinal studies have identified several factors that impact styles of attachment, the most central of which includes SES (Lyons-Ruth, 1996). Even though Marion may be harsh on Lady Bird, the film’s protagonist tends to be naive when it comes to understanding the financial and mental burdens that her family is undergoing as a result of financing her private school education. For example, when Lady Bird discovers that her father has been struggling with depression for years without her knowing, it is apparent to the audience that Lady Bird was so invested in her own issues that she inadvertently ignored the needs of those around her.

Research has also found that the amount of time a parent spends working results in less time with their

Lady Bird Maternal Relationships

children, less academic support, and less time for relationship development (Vernon-Feagans, Willoughby, & Garrett-Peters, 2016)). Additionally, parents with inconsistent working hours and financial restraints often have less time to spend with their children (Vernon-Feagans et al., 2016). While many parents are forced to work long hours, being working-class and often having inconsistent hours (as Marion does through her job as a nurse) hinders the mother-daughter dynamic in Lady Bird as well.

Since Marion has to work overtime to provide for her family, she cannot always be there for her daughter’s biggest moments, such as Lady Bird’s school dance. Unlike her peers, Lady Bird does not have her own car or cell phone, and as an adolescent whose identity is based largely on social comparison (Ryan, 2001), she resents her socioeconomic status greatly. This leads Lady Bird to lie about her residential status when she tells the popular girl at her school that she lives in a big blue house in the more affluent part of the community.

Furthermore, research shows that, due to the stress levels that lower-SES families experience, some parents from low-SES households are more likely to utilize direct control parenting practices to ensure order and obedience (e.g., setting a strict rules; Borstein, 2002; Steinberg, 2001). In the film, Marion places high and often unrealistic demands on Lady Bird, and is inconsistently responsive to her emotional needs, such as when Marion turns off the radio when Lady Bird wants to listen to music. It is behaviors like these that may lead some audiences to view Marion as overly-critical and unengaged, but it is important to highlight that Lady Bird’s father was recently laid off, forcing Marion to become the primary breadwinner of the household.

It has also been found that financial distress presents more stressors for low-SES caregivers than high-SES caregivers, and low-SES caregivers are less likely to employ inductive discipline strategies, such as providing explanations for inappropriate behaviors, and thus resort to more punitive parenting practices (McLoyd, 1990).

While Marion attempts to practice “tough love” with Lady Bird to impress on Lady Bird the financial investment of her education, Lady Bird believes that her mother is continuously attacking her. The stakes of their relationship are inevitably high, as those in lower-SES households are often subjected to circumstances that more privileged families do not have to consider. Marion is all too aware that her family is not rich, given that she tells Lady Bird that she needs to hang her clothes and avoid wrinkles so the kids at school do not think she’s poor. While this is perceived by Lady Bird as a moment where her mother fails to ask her about her personal life, it showcases Marion’s awareness of her family’s financial circumstance and her attempts to guard Lady Bird from ridicule and embarrassment. This also demonstrates how lowSES caregivers are more concerned with their child’s ability to conform to societal expectations of socioeconomic status, likely because they are aware of the social stigma it carries (Bornstein, 2002). However, it is important to note that although many lowSES caregivers face these obstacles, not all do and parenting 45 | Film and Book Reviews

Online Publication of Undergraduate Studies 2019, Volume 10, Issue 1 SES caregivers face these obstacles, not all do and parenting practices in households, regardless of SES, have many individual differences. Taken together, these ecological factors provide contextualization for Marion’s stringent parenting, as she is presented with financial stressors that strain her relationship with Lady Bird in a way that higher-SES parents do not endure.

Conclusion

Lady Bird was lauded because of the complexity with which it explored the relationship between a mother and her daughter. With deeper analysis, it becomes clear that this film analyzes how several factors, both within and outside of the family, can complicate how love is expressed. After all, the nuances of familial relationships cannot be reduced to clear cut categories, and reducing Marion to labels such as “harsh” or “cold” minimizes the ways in which she, like Lady Bird, is growing as a person and experiencing financial and emotional hardship. If anything, this film highlights how parental love can be expressed in unconventional and implicit ways, especially in families experiencing external ecological pressures. For example, after a period in which Marion refuses to speak to Lady Bird before she leaves for college, Lady Bird’s father reveals to her that Marion has written letter after letter to her, which he then collects and places in her suitcase. While Marion was unable to physically express her feelings to her daughter, it is clear that her affection is present.

In one of the early scenes of the film, when reading Lady Bird’s college application essay, her principal notes how her love for Sacramento and her family is clear in her writing even though she spends most of the film complaining about it.

Her principal even tells her, “Don’t you think maybe that they’re the same thing? Love and attention?” opening audiences to the thesis statement of the film: attention is a form of love (Rudin et al). After all, Marion, despite being what many would call inconsistent and harsh, does constantly pay attention, even if it might be perceived as unkind or overbearing. At the end of the film, Lady Bird tearfully calls her mother at school in New York, after leaving home as she wanted to do for so much of the film.

She warmly says, “Hey, Mom, did you feel emotional the first time that you drove in Sacramento? I did and I wanted to tell you, but we weren’t really talking… All those bends I’ve known my whole life, and stores, and the whole thing… But I wanted to tell you that I love you. Thank you, I’m… thank you” (Rudin et al). Although the film documents an adolescent girl growing up in Sacramento during the early 2000s, it is truly a comingof-age story for both daughters and mothers as they learn to communicate and understand each other to the best of their capabilities – even when life gives them reasons not to.

46 | Film and Book Reviews

Lady Bird Maternal Relationships

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Ainsworth, M. D. S., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E., & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment: A psychological study

of the Strange Situation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

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Davies, P. T., Woitach, M. J., Winter, M. A., & Cummings, E. M.

(2008). Children’s insecure representations of the

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adjustment: The mediating role of attention difficulties. Child Development, 79, 170-1582.

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71-84). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

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depressive symptoms during adolescence:

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Psychopathology, 3(4), 461.

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role of disorganized early attachment patterns. Journal

of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 64(1), 64-73.

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distress, parenting, and socioemotional development.

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Steinberg, L. (2001). We know some things: Parent-

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Vorel, J. (2017). Lady Bird and Cycles of Abuse. Paste Maga zine.

47 | Film and Book Reviews

Rachel Lim Editor-in-Chief r.lim@nyu.edu

Rachel Lim is a senior in the Applied Psychology undergraduate program, and is one of the Editors-in-Chief of OPUS. Throughout her undergraduate career, Rachel has had the opportunity to gain various research experiences. She was a research assistant at NYU Family Translational Research Group, as well as an intern at the NYU Child Study Center, where she was involved in the development of research protocols for gaining clinical data through Internet-based research methods. Currently, Rachel is a member of the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development (L-FELD) research team, where she works closely with teachers and children in early childhood classrooms in New York City. Through her work at L-FELD, Rachel recently completed her honors thesis, under the mentorship of Dr. Adina Schick, on the role of teachers’ instructional support in early childhood classrooms, and its implications for children’s learning. Rachel is interested in investigating educational policies that support teachers’ professional development, particularly for culturally-competent and high-quality education. Upon graduation, Rachel hopes to continue her involvement in research and education.

Alexa Montemayor Editor-in-Chief am7129@nyu.edu

Alexa Montemayor is one of the Editors-in-Chief of OPUS, where she is publishing a literature review about the effects of familial and community factors on girls’ involvement with the legal system. As a Senior in the Applied Psychology program, Alexa has had the opportunity to work closely with this population through her work on the ROSES (Resilience, Opportunity, Safety, Education, Strength) research team. Her devotion to learning more about alternatives to incarceration led to her further involvement on a secondary project on ROSES. Through this work she analyzes stakeholders’ (e.g., caseworkers, social agencies, parole officers, and court officials and judges) perceptions of girls’ interactions with the legal system. She is also a volunteer in the department of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry at Bellevue Hospital, where she administers admission and discharge screenings to individuals in the in-patient unit. Upon graduation, Alexa will continue to pursue her interest in mental health and will begin a Master’s degree in Social Work at New York University in the Fall of 2020.

50 | Biographies

Khirad Siddiqui Editor-in-Chief khirad.siddiqui@nyu.edu

Khirad Siddiqui is one of the Editors-in-Chief of OPUS, where she is publishing her second piece, and is also the President of the Applied Psychology Undergraduate Club. A senior in the department, Khirad is passionate about criminal justice reform and worked for two years as a Juvenile Justice Advocate on the ROSES Research Team, where she is now a Peer Supervisor. She also utilized her time on ROSES to work on a separate study called the Girls Justice Initiative, and through that work and her mentorship under Dr. Shabnam Javdani, she formulated and conducted her Honors thesis on parents who file legal allegations against their children. Khirad also works on campus through the Presidential Internship Program, previously interning at the NYU Leadership Initiative and the Graduate School of Arts and Science. She is pleased to announce that upon graduation, she will enroll in a PhD program in Criminology, Law & Society as a Eugene Cota-Robles Fellow at UC, Irvine, where she will study the experiences of incarcerated Muslims, especially on the process of converting to Islam behind bars.

51 | Biographies

Oana Groza | Editor-in-Training oana.groza@nyu.edu Oana Groza is an Editor-in-Training of OPUS majoring in Global Public Health and Applied Psychology. She has been a part of the Social Inequality and Intergroup Relations Lab team where she codes for and analyzes studies related to group responsibility of injustice and collective memories. She is also a part of the Public Health Policy Lab in CGPH where she investigates social justice issues, products, and policies that cause harm with the goal of providing policymakers and organizations with guidance to improve public health. After completing her undergraduate degree, Oana plans to pursue a Masters in Public Health with a focus in global health and policy. Her interests center around food access and healthcare policy.

Kasane Tonegawa | Editor-in-Training kvt219@nyu.edu Kasane Tonegawa is one of the Editors-in-Training of OPUS and is currently a junior in Applied Psychology with minors in Italian Studies and Sociology. She is interning at DOROT, an organization that works with the older population, in which she visits older adults to help with technology, socialize, and close an intergenerational gap. She is passionate about activism and social justice especially in the areas of mental health stigma and access to mental health coverage. Kasane has been using her experience working as a Resident Assistant and Research Assistant at the Suzuki Lab in order to better understand how to work with people and how to re-conceptualize mental illnesses to reduce stigma. Kasane hopes to be an art therapist and strives to use her passion for social justice to influence her work.

52 | Biographies

Freya Chen | Communication Director yc3244@nyu.edu Freya Chen is a freshman in the Applied Psychology Department with a secondary major in Economics. She worked with local charity organizations that help children in poverty in underdeveloped areas in China and advocate social justices for underrepresented groups. She is interested in mental health for women and other underrepresented groups and hopes to research in related areas.

Sydney Liang | Layout and Design Director syl569@nyu.edu Sydney Liang is one of the Design and Layout Directors of OPUS and a freshman in the Applied Psychology program.

She currently volunteers at the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development (L-FELD) lab, where she assists teachers in first grade classrooms. Previously, she did volunteer work to provide aid to the refugee community in Hong Kong. Sydney hopes to further immerse herself in the applied psychology program as she continues to matriculate to NYU.

53 | Biographies

Grace Park | Layout and Design Director asg521@nyu.edu Grace Park is also one of the Design and Layout co-Directors of OPUS as well as one of the the OPUSzines Creative Directors.

She is a freshman in the Applied Psychology program while exploring minors in Computer Science and Studio Art. This summer, Grace plans to volunteer at a North Korean Refugee program in South Korea in which she hopes to use her graphic and creative design skills to help spread awareness to the effort.

Grace hopes to continue exploring different fields at NYU and chasing creatively stimulating ideas.

Francesca Bottazzi | Contributing Writer fb986@nyu.edu Francesca Bottazzi is a senior staff writer for OPUS, publishing her first piece in this journal. A soon-to-be graduating senior in Applied Psychology through Steinhardt, she has developed a vested interest in mental health, development, and research.

She has volunteered at NYUâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s LFELD research team for the past two years where she has worked as an assistant within classroom settings, and studied the socio-cultural context of childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development and learning within both home and school contexts. Though unsure of what the future may bring, Francesca is excited for life after graduation, where she hopes to continue doing research and working within communities throughout New York City.

54 | Biographies

Alain Goulbourne | Contributing Writer asg521@nyu.edu Alain Goulbourne is a graduating senior in the Applied Psychology program, with minors in Creative Writing and German. She is currently a research assistant on the Transitions to Parenthood research team. As part of the Transitions team, she helps to investigate the breastfeeding experiences and supports of first-time mothers in the United States, in order to ultimately improve hospital policy and practice. Having immigrated from the Caribbean to the U.S., Alain is interested in researching adolescence and identity, and also how culture and the feminine identity inform experiences and narratives.

Brianda Hickey | Contributing Writer bh1500@nyu.edu Brianda Hickey is a Contributing Writer of OPUS earning a Bachelor of Science in Applied Psychology. She is also the Vice President and Treasurer of the Applied Psychology Undergraduate (APUG) club. Brianda works as a Research Associate at the Child Mind Institute (CMI) with children who have ADHD and/or autism spectrum disorder under the supervision of Principal Investigator Dr. Adriana Di Martino.

In her role at CMI, she administers cognitive assessments, operates an MRI scanner, and coordinates research participant cases. Additionally, since 2017, she has worked as a Research Assistant on Researching Inequity Society Ecologically (RISE) Lab fulfilling roles as a Data Collector and a Data Analyst.

After graduating in Spring 2019, she intends to further develop her clinical and research-based skills as a Research Associate at CMI working with children on the autism spectrum.

55 | Biographies

YiLin Lee | Contributing Writer yilin.lee@nyu.edu YiLin is a first semester senior in the Applied Psychology program, with a minor in Sociology. She is a member of the Latino Family Engagement and Language Development (L-FELD) lab, volunteering in a kindergarten classroom and conducting children’s assessments. YiLin is also a research intern at MDRC with the Expanding Children’s Early Learning (ExCEL) Network, working primarily on a project that seeks to sustain positive outcomes of preschool programs into children’s formal schooling years. She has worked on the Chinese Families Lab, studying cross-cultural and cross-generational differences in gender socialization and parenting beliefs. In the future, YiLin plans to pursue international education policy in order to better inform education systems in an increasingly globalized world.

Andrew Han | Junior Staff Writer han.andrew@nyu.edu Andrew Han is a junior majoring in Applied Psychology and Global Public Health with a minor in Sociology. He is currently a research assistant for the Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education (CRCDE), where he analyzes data on how features of the home environment and parent-child interactions impact key skills in early childhood. He is currently conducting an independent project examining the role of ambient noise in the relations between socioeconomic status (SES) and infant play behaviors. In addition, he is an Editorial Assistant for the Journal of Social Work Practice in the Addictions in the Silver School of Social Work. He hopes to continue down a path of research and policy, evaluating how poverty and interpersonal relationships influence early language development.

56 | Biographies

Michelle Hansen | Junior Staff Writer mh4108@nyu.edu Michelle Hansen is a senior at New York University majoring in Applied Psychology with a focus on Child and Adolescent Mental Health Studies, and minoring in both Sociology and American Sign Language. In addition to writing for OPUS, Michelle interns at the Child Mind Institute, works with the Researching Inequity in Society Ecologically Lab, and is in the midst of completing her honors thesis on allegations of crime made against youth in residential treatment. She is excited to have her work published in OPUS, and hopes to continue writing in her post-baccalaureate endeavors!

Anastasia Knight | Senior Staff Writer afk307@nyu.edu Anastasia Knight is a senior staff writer for OPUS, and is thrilled to be publishing her second paper in this original journal. A graduating senior in Applied Psychology at New York University, Anastasia is passionate about social justice. When she is not conducting her independent research study, she works as an advocate with NYU ROSES. She is ready for life beyond graduation, and although unsure what the next step will be, is excited to see what the future holds. Finally, she would like to thank her mentor, Alejandro Ganimian, for making this study possible, and the OPUS editors for making it legible.

57 | Biographies