MORALE AND MUSIC: HOW THE MUSIC OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION HELPED PATRIOTS TO SURVIVE, FIGHT, AND WIN

BENJAMIN G. WARSOCKI

Major: Government and International Politics

History

Class of 2021

INTRODUCTION

The date is December 20th, 1777. George Washington had just encamped his fledgling Continental Army at Valley Forge Pennsylvania for the long winter ahead. The soldiers, weary from defeat after defeat, were beaten and battered, but still determined to fight on for the cause of liberty. Enduring bitter cold, cramped quarters, and scarce food, these soldiers were in desperate need of something to lift their spirits. More soldiers had deserted day after day as the conditions grew worse.1 Washington’s already meager army continued to dwindle. Washington knew that in order to maintain the integrity of his army, something would have to be done to raise its morale. Perhaps nothing in the camp would lift their spirits better than a rousing rendition of a wellknown tune, the “Ballad of Nathan Hale,” a song about a patriot who was caught spying for the Continental Army and then summarily executed in a most brutal fashion2. The men, joined by accompanying fifes and drums, loudly sang the tune together and were reminded that although they faced severe hardship, their situation could always be worse. Not only that, but they determined for themselves that men such as Nathan Hale would not die in vain. The performance of that song was exactly what those particular men of the Continental Army needed in order to remain steadfast and true to their convictions and to continue the struggle for independence. Although this story is fictional, it is entirely feasible that instances like this were common occurrences during the course of the American Revolution. Specifically, during the trying times in the early phase of the war, when victories were few and far between, some of the only comforts that these soldiers would have had would have been the songs and music that bound them together. This kind of patriotic music served to greatly impact not only the morale of the Continental Army, but also its disposition. Maintaining the integrity and disposition of the army was deemed so important that a great amount of emphasis was placed on increasing the morale of troops and thus improving the music of the army. Although there was no single song in particular which can be attributed to the victory of the colonists, the combination of the emphasis on maintaining morale and the improvement of music within the army had a sizeable impact on the ultimate outcome of the war.

An Army In Crisis

Throughout the early periods of the American Revolution, the Continental Army was plagued by a sore lack of the necessary provisions that an effective fighting force would need in order to engage in combat effectively: clothing, equipment, and, perhaps most importantly, food. This lack of necessities came to a head at the late 1777 encampment of Valley Forge. The soldiers at the camp built themselves suitable shelter, but they lacked warm clothing to weather the harsh winter conditions. Additionally, they had very little in the way of nutritious food, especially in regards to meat.3 The inadequate provisions hampered the army’s fighting abilities quite early on during its stay at Valley Forge. Specifically, a number of troop movements meant to counter the British presence in Philadelphia failed due to the soldiers being either too ill-equipped or too emaciated to be an effective fighting force.4 One soldier, a Lieutenant Samuel Armstrong who had served under the Eighth Massachusetts Infantry in Saratoga and in the relief of Washington in Philadelphia, described this sore lack of food in a diary entry. On February 17, 1778, he wrote, “for seven-or-eight days back we have not received more than three-or-four days allowance of meat,” which he then understandably described as having “occasioned much desertion.”5

The conditions of Lieutenant Armstrong and his comrades deteriorated very quickly. Many officers, including Washington himself, sounded alarm bells to the Continental Congress about the wretched conditions that the men faced. Washington forcefully stated his concerns in a letter, writing, “this Army must inevitably be reduced to one or other of these three things. Starve, dissolve, or disperse, in order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they can.”6 The likely source of the Continental Army’s woes was the mismanagement by the Continental Congress’ Commissary Department, which was in charge of procuring the army’s provisions. Part of the problem was that the Congress had relieved the previous Commissary General from his position and had also left the position vacant for nearly five months. Once it was finally filled, the individual appointed proved himself as inept as his predecessor.7 Compounding all of this was the difficulty of travel for supply chains across both the frozen land and the frozen waterways, a lack of wagons, and the perpetual lack of money.8 In short, it was a perfect storm which led to nearly disastrous results.

The lack of supplies was not limited to food, however. Many soldiers lacked basic clothing, let alone the wool which would have been required to keep an individual warm during a harsh winter. Soldiers often wore rags for shoes, and others had clothing in such tatters that they were nearly naked.9 This occurred not just during the Valley Forge winter, but throughout the remainder of the winters during the war. The lack of funds from the Continental Congress was so great that it took efforts from Martha Washington to rectify the failures of Congress. Washington sought to solicit donations from the rest of the female gentry to raise the desperately needed funds.10 This helped to alleviate the problem somewhat, but the root cause of the trouble remained.

As alluded to earlier by Lieutenant Armstrong’s comment regarding a severe lack of meat, the overall circumstances in which the soldiers of the Continental Army found themselves were prime conditions for low morale, high occurrences of desertion, and major threats of mutiny within the ranks. The soldiers had grown impatient and weary, and many resorted to protest. Washington worried that he would have a mutiny on his hands unless the situation changed dramatically.11 One of his close aides, John Laurens, stated simply that “the soldiers were scarcely restrained from mutiny.”12 Although greatly amplified during this period, the frequent desertion from the army was not new. One instance which Washington alludes to in his October 1775 General Order described two soldiers, Ensign Proctor and John Gallop, who had “absent[ed]” themselves from “[their] regiment,” and were then caught and dealt with accordingly.

6 From George Washington to Henry Laurens, 23 December 1777, Founders Online, National Archives.

7 Massey “Ragged continentals,” 87.

8 Boyle, “Diary of Lt. Armstrong,” 265.

9 Massey “Ragged continentals,” 87.

10 Thompson, Mary V. ““As If I Had Been a Very Great Somebody”: Martha Washington’s Revolution,” In Women in the American Revolution: Gender, Politics, and the Domestic World, Ed. Barbara Oberg, (Charlottesville, Virginia: University of Virginia Press, 2019), 128.

11 Massey “Ragged continentals,” 87.

12 J. Laurens to H. Laurens, Feb. 17,1778, Simms, The Army Correspondence of Colonel John Laurens, 126.

13Due to constant defeat, the lack of necessities, and poor weather throughout the early years of the war, desertion was an incredibly common occurrence.

Importance Of Morale And Methods For Its Improvement

Clearly, the circumstances that the Continental Army faced were far from ideal and were also mostly unavoidable. Because the army could not solve these issues at their core, they instead had to work to reduce the symptoms, which were primarily low morale and desertion. One of the most efficient ways to reduce instances of desertion and to generally improve conditions amongst a fighting force is to promote morale and esprit de corps through a variety of means. This esprit de corps, or the common feelings of pride, fellowship, and investment in one’s group, was most definitely evident within the Continental Army. However, growing this feeling was often made difficult for a number of reasons, including a wide diversity of backgrounds amongst the men, different motivations for fighting, and a general lack of recognition of their suffering from fellow Americans.14 The numbers of the Continental Army dwindled in size during the early years of the war, as soldiers would gradually and silently escape to their homes to avoid the hardships that they faced.15

Knowing these difficulties that come with forming a brand-new army, Washington placed a major emphasis on the improvement of morale and esprit de corps by investing in the welfare of his troops. He was very concerned with the overall disposition of his fighting force, as he recognized that they were a finite resource and that there would be little in the way of reinforcements provided to him. For Washington, his fear was “a long-standing disposition based on the scarcity of troops.”16 In other words, Washington was designing his plans based on avoiding a large-scale battle, which he had not nearly enough troops to fight and would likely result in decisive defeat.17 Essentially, Washington’s primary focus was on ensuring the survival of the Continental Army in order to prolong the war and weaken the British resolve to continue to fight. Washington also recognized the importance of keeping the morale of the troops as high as possible for this same end, to preserve his fighting force for as long as possible. He understood that the American Revolution would be a war of attrition, and that whichever army remained standing with the will to fight would be the ultimate victor.

13 “General Orders, 3 October 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives.

14 Harry Ward. George Washington’s Enforcers: Policing the Continental Army (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2006), 15.

15 Robert Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause: the American Revolution, 1763-1789 (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2007), 24.

16 Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 24.

17 Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 20.

To this end, he took the utmost care to protect the viability of his fighting force.

An excellent example of Washington’s stance on the importance of maintaining morale is his General Order from October 3, 1775. The primary purpose of this order was to ban “gaming” (gambling) within the ranks. The order provides a wholesale ban on playing “Toss-up, pitch & hustle, or any other Games of chance,” likely due to the tendency for these sorts of games to end in violent outburst, and also due to their ability to sow discord in the ranks.18 However, although it may seem counterintuitive, the remainder of this order encourages recreation and other forms of relaxation besides gambling.19 Washington qualifies the order specifically by stating that he does not mean “to discourage sports of exercise and recreation,” instead, he only desires to discourage and punish “Gaming.”20 In other words, Washington’s General Order makes it very clear to his soldiers and subordinates that recreation as a tool to improve morale is highly encouraged, but only if it is in a productive manner.

Additionally, this order served to discourage desertion through more direct means. It begins by describing two individuals under Washington’s command who deserted from the army for a period. He then listed their punishments to remind his soldiers that anyone caught deserting would see something similar. Publicly broadcasting these instances was a clear attempt to make an example of these deserters and prevent it from happening more in the future. Another simple example of Washington directly taking action to improve morale is found within another General Order that was issued shortly after the publishing of the Declaration of Independence. Washington issued this order for the recitation of the nation-creating document in order to reinvigorate his troops for the cause for which they were fighting.21 As seen within his own General Orders, Washington understood that desertion was a major problem, and as such, used both carrot and stick to improve the morale amongst troops, thus preventing desertion. Clearly, the maintenance of morale was exceedingly important to Washington in order to maintain an effective and sizeable fighting force.

Despite the actions and encouragement described above, of all of the methods for increasing morale within reprehensible conditions, it was perhaps the singing of songs and playing of music that was the most effective. Short of removing the ills of poor weather, lack of clothing, and inadequate provisions, the primary tool many commanders use to raise morale is entertainment, which during this time was mainly through music. In this regard, Washington was no different.

18 General Orders, 3 October 1775.

19 General Orders, 3 October 1775.

20 Ibid.

21 Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause, 25.

Throughout the war — as in any time — songs, poems, and ballads were written for a variety of reasons. Songs to lovers, poems to families, and ballads of those lamenting the departed were dancing through the minds of every soldier. A number of songs in particular, however, had alternative political aims embedded within them. Careful reading of the lyrics of these songs along with an analysis of the authors and audience are essentially time capsules into the lives of those who engaged with them. This is true for all sides of the conflict, as popular grievances — as well as songs of mourning and encouragement — were aired through song by both Patriot and Loyalist alike. In other words, music is a personal and emotional artform, and as such, a very powerful tool to gauge the full range of emotions within those who were performing and listening to these songs. With this in mind, the lyrical analysis of songs during the Revolutionary War period suggests a clear and targeted message towards soldiers in order to encourage and inspire them.

Before discussing the songs themselves, however, it would be beneficial to maintain an understanding of the range of influence that these types of popular songs had during this time period. In the field of collecting samples of music from the Early Republic period, one excellent curator of such pieces was Isaiah Thomas, who compiled his collection in 1813. In Arthur Schrader’s article, “Broadside Ballads of Boston, 1813: The Isaiah Thomas Collection,” he attempts to summarize the findings within this collection and discover the influence that the songs had upon society at the time. In the article, Schrader is concerned primarily with three main goals. The first is finding the associated tunes that corresponded with the lyrics, as the songs in the collection appeared without any sheet music attached. The second is attempting to understand the context around the songs and determining “what they meant to the people who sang them.” The third goal is to gauge the level of popularity and influence that these songs had during the period.22 One such song that he discusses at great length is “The Death of General Wolfe,” which he describes as being written with common folk in mind, but was actually performed for the middle and upper classes. In an effort to gauge the influence of this song, he discovers that Thomas Paine added new verses to it and that the song was published by Dr. Benjamin Rush in the March 1775 edition of the Pennsylvania Magazine. Following the publishing of this song, Schrader found that the subscriptions “more than doubled from 600 to 1500,” showing the influence and popularity of this song at the time.23 Although the popularity of this song might not be wholly indicative of the popularity of the ones that are about to be mentioned, this at the very least serves to bring some context especially to politically themed music during this time period.

22 Arthur Schrader, “Broadside Ballads of Boston, 1813: The Isaiah Thomas Collection,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 98, no. 1 (April 1988): 71.

23 Schrader, “Broadside Ballads,” 107-8.

The first song, mentioned within the introduction, was a ballad written in 1776 titled “Nathan Hale.” Hale was a Captain in the Continental Army who famously served as one of Washington’s spies. He secretly entered New York to gain information on British General Howe, and, having almost completed his objective, was spotted by his Loyalist cousin Samuel Hale.24 Knowing that his disguise had been ruined, he attempted an escape, but he was caught by a British guard. Following his capture, Samuel Hale testified against him, and Nathan Hale was sentenced to death by hanging.25 After he was hanged, he quickly became a renowned hero amongst the patriots, and his exploits were memorialized in the aforementioned ballad. Although the likelihood that he actually said this is in dispute, he is often attributed as making the famous statement as his last words: “my only regret is that I have but one life to give for my country.”26

Two specific things about this ballad remain unknown. The first is the name of the writer and the second is whether it was specifically written for or dedicated to someone. However, upon closer reading, the song leaves a number of clues that point to both its author and audience. The song begins with a gentle account of the setting of the night of Hale’s capture. It describes him hiding behind enemy lines within the brush and that he must stay still to evade capture, as “the tyrants are near.”27 It then specifically describes the actions that he took to avoid capture in the night as he began to launch his boat. This suggests that the author had knowledge of his exploits and of the stealth tactics that he would have used. In addition to this, the author depicts Hale as having moved after “the tattoo had beat.”28 The tattoo in this case would be the evening bugle or drum call, which would direct the soldiers to return to their quarters. This again suggests at least a limited knowledge of military movements and functions. By piecing those assertions together, it would be more than reasonable to believe that the author might have been someone who served in the Continental Army with Hale, perhaps as a peer or a subordinate.

The audience and purpose of this piece are much more straightforward to determine, as it is clear in its ideological message towards Patriots. The ballad uses adjectives such as “murderous” and “cruel” and nouns such as “tyrant” and “minion” to describe the British in an obvious attempt to display them as unenlightened, brutish individuals who cannot think for themselves.29 In describing the Loyalists in such an unflattering manner, it is apparent that his ballad was intended to serve not only as a memorial to Hale but to rouse the Patriots to the cause. More specifically, the nature of Hale as a war hero would appeal greatly as a recruiting tool, but also as a song which fellow soldiers would enjoy more, as they would be able to appreciate the woes and exploits of Hale. This ballad is an excellent lens into the minds of those very Patriots who were absolutely willing to die for their cause and who greatly cherished those who actually did. In an instance where this song would be sung, perhaps at a military camp, one could imagine the immense feelings of pride and kinship that the fellow soldiers would have for one another knowing that such men had walked before them.

24 Moore, Songs and Ballads, 134.

25 Ibid.

26 Kenneth Daigler. Spies, Patriots, and Traitors: American Intelligence in the Revolutionary War. Georgetown University Press, 2014: 107.

27 Moore, Songs and Ballads, 131.

28 Ibid.

29 Moore, Songs and Ballads, 131-132.

Another song that was introduced and performed during the war, specifically for a soldier’s audience, was “General Sullivan’s Song.” This song was written and performed for the American General John Sullivan shortly after the battle of Trenton in 1777.30 Although the author of this song is not known either, much like the ballad “Nathan Hale,” certain characteristics of the author can be assumed from its subject matter. Clearly, by devoting a song to General Sullivan, whoever wrote it would have had either some level of affection for him or would be seeking his approval by displaying respect. This would imply that the author was someone under Sullivan’s command. The style of writing also suggests some level of learnedness. Therefore, it is likely that it would have been one of Sullivan’s aides or subordinate officers. This song was performed after the tremendous American victory at Trenton, in which General Sullivan was an instrumental part of completing the crossing of the Delaware River. Keeping this in mind, the song’s lyrics offer a triumphant and spirited message that would have capitalized on the renewed morale following that victory. One stanza in particular that highlights this fighting spirit reads as follows: “We, Americans, so brave, o’er the land or the waves, All invaders defy, we’ll repulse them or die, We scorn to live as slaves.”31 This is a classic appeal to the soldiers of the Continental Army to remind them of the reasons for why they are fighting. The song continues with this type of appeal as it refers to those who fought for freedom amongst previous generations of British subjects:

Recall the days, wherein our fathers bravely fought, And crown’d with praise, they patriot glory sought, Bid their high deeds inspire, Bid Magna Charta fire, Greatly they labor’d for our good All sorts of tyranny withstood, All these we despise, on our courage rely, For what American so base would his country disgrace

And from his colors fly. 32

The reference to the Magna Carta tells us a number of things. The first of which is that the Magna Carta is widely regarded not only as the grandfather of America’s founding documents but also as a major historical turning point for the rights of the common man. By appealing to the audience through this aspect of it, the author is not-so-subtly proclaiming to General Sullivan and the others who are listening that the campaign for which they have embarked upon will do nothing short of change the world and, at the very least, will be remembered as a major historical event. This, in combination with the invoking of their forefathers, would have been a very powerful way to encourage the weary soldiers. It would essentially remind them that the shortterm sacrifice that they were then enduring is a small price to pay for an eternity of glory. The very lyrics of the song paint the picture of a determined soldier with grit who, like his fathers before him, is placing his life on the line for the promise of freedom. Again, specifically due to this song having been written in the immediate aftermath of the Battle of Trenton, it not only provides a particularly useful lens into the mindsets of the soldiers at that time, but it also implies its use to capture that sense of elation and pride following the battle for future reminders when morale is once again low. The states of mind that can be implied from these songs are not just limited to the side of the Patriots, however. There are many other songs which describe dejected and angry individuals, especially those of loyalist Americans, who felt betrayed by their countrymen. Neil MacKinnon’s article entitled “Bitter Verse: Poetry, Verse and Song of The American Loyalists in Nova Scotia” is an excellent collection of songs which highlight just that. The article helps to shed light on the opposite end of the story, including a similar use of music for expressing feeling, especially on political topics. MacKinnon argues that revealed within these songs are a people who experienced “trauma, anger, bitterness and often denial of their fate.”33 The individuals who wrote these songs were all former American colonists loyal to the crown who moved to Nova Scotia following the war to remain under British dominion. Throughout his collection of eight songs, common themes appear, including ideas of resentment towards Americans, loss of home, and betrayal by the Crown. Although most of these songs were written upon their arrival in Nova Scotia, the raw feelings that the war left these individuals were still very much alive. As such, from those songs, one can determine very particular emotions that were felt during the war, even though these songs were written later. For example, one song, “New Year’s Eve Verse,” very clearly served as an attack “on the new nation and its citizens,” which suggests resentment towards not only the leaders of the revolution, but also towards the regular citizens who fought in it.34 Overall, this shows that song was being used as an outlet for expressing political grievances, which was not unique to the American side of the revolution. Although these songs described within this collection were not being used to improve morale, they do serve to highlight the idea that music was a popular vehicle for expressing strongly held views at this time.

32 Ibid.

33 Neil MacKinnon, “Bitter Verse: Poetry, Verse and Song of the American Loyalists in Nova Scotia,” Dalhousie Review 65, no. 1 (March 3, 1985): 111.

Morale Lifted Through Music

In addition to the ample evidence from the songs themselves in their clear goal and usage to increase morale, there are also a number of historical anecdotes which help to further the idea that music had a sizable and noticeable effect on maintaining the morale of the troops. The frequent making of music that was pleasing to the ears was of the utmost importance for raising morale. Specifically during the winter quarters, Washington’s soldiers would use music, paired often with alcohol, to drown their sorrows as the bands would march through the various camps and towns in order to lift morale and to “give expression to shared emotions.”35 It is the emotional outlet that music is that makes it such a powerful tool to raise morale, especially amongst soldiers. Music performed by military musicians would function as a way to bring the disparate troops together under their communally shared hardships and to commiserate together and console each other along the way. Additionally, these military bands playing in rural towns throughout the country brought exposure to band repertoire for a new group of Americans when, previously, that kind of music was only available in bigger cities.36

Well-played music did not just raise morale when it was used recreationally, however. Military music, when played properly and with conviction, could serve just as well to invigorate and prepare the ranks for the battles that were about to ensue. One soldier encamped in Long Island described the call to arms as such; “instantly this vast body of men were at their respective posts. For one single hour my heart fluttered… horses straining every way… drums and fifes on all quarters making the very air echo To Arms! To Arms!”37 This feeling was likely very typical amongst soldiers during this time. There is a sense of awe and wonder when a call is effectively played and the movement of troops en masse begins with the utmost efficiency. It would undoubtedly serve as a way to instill pride in one’s unit and thus improve morale.

There were occasionally other types of events that provided additional opportunities for music to be used for the purpose of raising morale. One such example, this time for

34 MacKinnon, “Bitter Verse,” 115 celebratory purposes, was again during winter quarters, on February 22, 1778. A small band was hired by Martha Washington to perform for her husband’s birthday. They played amongst the gentility, who themselves were just as downtrodden over the course that the war had taken.38 This indicates that the discomforts of the war as well as the uplifting abilities of song were not exclusive to the enlisted ranks. Soldiers of all ranks and classes were still soldiers, and as such, they shared much of the same experiences. Additionally, this birthday party for George Washington became the first of many of such celebrations, and to this day, Washington’s birthday is celebrated by Americans everywhere.39 Music was not only significant while under the deprived and freezing conditions of the Valley Forge winter quarters, but also throughout the duration of the war from Lexington to Yorktown. For every hut with a cold and scared soldier in Valley Forge, there was another in some other part of the country, and a number of those soldiers were writing verse to release their fears and anxieties onto paper and into song.40

35 Kenneth Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 357.

36 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 352.

37 Ibid.

There are also a number of examples of music being used for the opposite purpose, in order to depress morale, either intentionally or unintentionally. One remarkable example of this was early in the war, when a detachment of American soldiers was retreating through the woods from an intense engagement with British regulars. The Americans were already sorely outmatched, and as the British were pursuing them through the forest, their bugler stopped and played the traditional call for a “Fox Hunt,” being the customary leisure activity of British aristocracy. This act understandably destroyed the American detachment’s morale and thoroughly humiliated them, as they felt as helpless as a fox being pursued during a hunt.41 Alternatively, this creative use of music would have greatly increased the confidence of the pursuing regulars. There were also instances in which the performance of music unintentionally suppressed the morale of the soldiers. One of these was the performance of the “dead march,” which was played for deceased officers and select enlisted soldiers. It depressed the men of Nathaniel Greene’s southern army to such a degree that he banned the playing of it in order to preserve the morale of the sick and wounded men.42

In a different vein, it was perhaps the universal accessibility of music that made it such a widespread and well-liked social activity throughout the army.43 For one, every soldier had the ability to partake in the making of music, whether it be writing his own verse or joining with his comrades in song. Additionally, the large number of built-in fifers and drummers who were serving allowed for music to be plentiful. Even though the exact number of military musicians employed by the Continental Army during the American Revolution is unknown, there were undoubtedly a large number of them.44 To give an idea of the size of the music force, in a 1783 survey of New England regiments, there were over 376 musicians and drum and fife majors who were employed by the Continental Army.45 This does not even include the ceremonial bandsmen who would have been employed, let alone the number of musicians from the rest of the colonies. Additionally, there would have been a plethora of amateur musicians serving within the ranks, many of whom would have brought their own instruments to play with them while encamped. Finally, the hundreds, if not thousands, of papers that were written by soldiers with poems and verse on them further adds to the idea of the universality of music during this war.46 Of all the forms of cultural recreation which were engaged in during the war, ranging from theater to painting, music was the most common, due to its ability to be performed and enjoyed by all.

38 Thompson, “As If I Had Been a Very Great Somebody,” 141.

39 Ibid.

40 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 352.

41 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 352.

42 Ward, Enforcers, 170.

43 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 352.

A New Emphasis On Music

Music clearly had a calculable effect on the morale, disposition, and effectiveness of the Continental Army. The leaders of the army recognized this fact and were cognizant of the need to improve it because of their struggles at the beginning of the war, not only with maintaining morale, but with command and control. It was these early war conditions that provided the motivation for taking poorly disciplined and organized military musicians and turning them into consistent performers with standardized repertoire. Once that occurred, these bands were able to meet the “tactical, ceremonial, and social” needs of the Continental Army to a degree much improved from that of the war’s beginning.47 became an invaluable part of every standing army during this period.48 Because of these factors, not only was music from bands necessary for raising morale of the troops, but it was also just as important for directing troops during battle.49 Unfortunately for the Americans, the substandard state of military music, specifically the lack of standardization of fife tunes, likely contributed to the string of defeats suffered by the Continental Army during the early war period.50

As discussed previously, at the onset of the war, the Continental Army was severely disorganized, underequipped, and underdeveloped, including musically. The Continental Army had very little in the way of formal training or doctrine, let alone expertise or experience. This did not only have implications for morale, but also for battle. The music provided by fifers and drummers was one of the primary methods for disseminating orders during the thick of combat. The incredibly loud roars of musket volleys, combined with the thick black smoke that they produced, made it immensely difficult for commanders to communicate orders effectively. As such, the clearly audible sound of the snare drum and the high-pitched pierce of the fife were able to rise above the sounds of combat, and thus were able to be heard. From that, fifers and drummers 44 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 353. 45 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 353. 46 Ibid.

47 Warren Howe, “Early American Military Music.” American Music 17, no. 1 (1999): 88.

It was not until the Prussian Baron Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben became the Inspector General of the Continental Army, during winter quarters at Valley Forge, that a greater sense of importance was placed on military music by the army’s leaders.51 Von Steuben desired to turn the unprofessional citizen soldiers into a professional standing army, and one of the first steps to doing so was to rapidly improve its musical capabilities. This is again not only because the music of the military was crucial for command and control in a tactical environment, but also because it instilled great pride within the units and helped to improve morale. Following these developments, the proper performance of music was deemed so important that General Washington issued a General Order on this subject on June 4, 1777. Washington himself wrote this order, and within it he discussed the current state of the military music within his army and the actions that he would take in order to change it. The middle paragraph of the order, which pertains to music, states the following:

The music of the army being in general very bad; it is expected, that the drum and fife Majors exert themselves to improve it, or they will be reduced, and their extraordinary pay taken from them: Stated hours to be assigned, for all the drums and fifes, of each regiment, to attend them, and practice — Nothing is more agreeable, and ornamental, than good music; every officer, for the credit of his corps, should take care to provide it.52

Clearly, as is written in the order, Washington believed that his army’s music was “very bad,” and so he attempted to find ways to improve it. The use of the term “very bad” is incredibly blunt and straightforward, which, after a cursory look at some of his other orders, was somewhat unusual and expressed a strong sense of disapproval that required immediate action. In this aim, Washington decided to threaten pay cuts to any military musician who did not take the time to practice his craft and improve. To

48 Howe “Early American Military Music,” 87

49 Ibid.

50 Ibid this day, for any soldier, the threat of reduction in pay is one of the most serious of all threats, short of corporal and capital punishment. Reduction in pay was often used to punish other more severe offenders such as deserters and thieves.53 Keeping that in mind, this is a clear attempt by Washington to amplify the gravity of this matter and prove its importance. Therefore, this section of the order specifically targeted the “drum and fife Majors” of his army.54 With that said, because it is a general order, these particular instructions were not just issued to only the musicians, but rather the whole Continental Army itself. This means that Washington intentionally decided to let the poor state of the army’s music be known to all, which could feasibly have been to induce the soldiers to compel their musician comrades to practice and improve in a form of peer pressure. At the end of the section of the order, Washington implores his officer cadre to take care to provide good music for the “credit of his corps.”55 This implies that he was then placing the responsibility not only on the individual musicians, but also on their superior officers. This appeal to his officers’ senses of pride in their units was made in order to ensure action on the matter through building a competitive spirit amongst units.

51 Howe “Early American Military Music,” 89.

52 General Orders, 4 June, 1777.

Despite this encouragement of action at the individual level, by the middle of the war, the situation of poor musicianship had remained mostly unchanged. Washington decided that because the bottom-up method of enacting change did not work, he would take a top-down approach instead. The primary method that Washington used to improve and standardize military music was to appoint a single individual who would be tasked with all music-related issues within the army. This individual would be selected in an August 1778 General Order, where Washington writes that he has appointed a “superintendent of music” for the Continental Army by name of John Hiwell.56 Hiwell, a “lieutenant and fife major of Col. John Crane’s 3d Continental Regiment,” then became Baron von Steuben’s “subordinate inspector” of music and was appointed in order to streamline its improvement by beginning the work of standardizing the music of the army.57

Throughout the rest of the war and immediately following it, Hiwell worked hard to improve the army’s military music. Hiwell then likely began to compile fife and drum tunes into the Drummer’s Book of Music. Although it is possible that this book was written after the war, it contains a great amount of Revolution-era repertoire, which makes it likely that it was not.58 Regardless, this book would have then been issued to the rest of the army to establish uniformity across the units. After the war ended, he also requested a number of instruments to replace the dilapidated war-beaten ones that remained. He also requested staff-paper and music books in order to assist in the education of his subordinates, many of which were musically illiterate.59 Unfortunately for Hiwell, immediately after the war, the Continental Army was drastically reduced in size, and as such, his requests for musical equipment were mostly rejected. However, after Daniel Shay’s rebellion ended in 1787, The Continental Congress was convinced of the necessity to have a standing professional army; the emphasis on military music was renewed once more.60

53 General Orders, 3 October 1775.

54 General Orders, 4 June, 1777.

55 Ibid.

56 General Orders, 19 August 1778.

57 Howe “Early American Military Music,” 89.

58 Howe “Early American Military Music,” 95.

Hiwell also believed that the performance of music was important for instances other than during combat. In one of Hiwell’s supply requests for appropriations, he asks for “two B clarinetti,” or two B-flat clarinets, which were instruments not played by combat musicians but rather by musicians who were members of “musick band[s].” These “musick bands” were small eight-piece bands for ceremony and morale, which a clarinet would have been a part of.61 This implies that Hiwell deemed “musick bands” to be important enough to receive congressional funds.62 The legacy of these “musick bands” can be felt today, as each branch of the United States armed forces has professional music groups which perform to the same end. Additionally, army fifers had books which not only contained tactical songs, but also songs and dances for recreational uses, such as “God Save the Congress” and “The Lass of Patie’s Mill.”63 This again highlights the dual purpose of these military musicians for communication as well as morale.

On another important note, besides the useful applications of music for ceremonial, tactical, and recreational purposes, it also served as a very effective means for recruitment of fresh troops, which were always sorely needed by the Continental Army. In one such example, a military musician writing to General Washington made the claim that one particular Virginia militia band “had more influence on the minds and motions of the militia… than would a Cicero; and in the recruiting business, they are at least as successful as a well-spoken recruiting [Sgt.].”64 These bands were not the typical regimental fifers and drummers, but rather the “bands of musick” as discussed earlier. This anecdote would have given yet another reason for Hiwell to promote the importance of these bands to Congress, as they clearly had a direct effect on winning over the hearts and minds of the Americans who were either indifferent towards or uninspired to join the conflict. This again highlights one of the many uses of music, whether it be for recruiting new soldiers, for issuing orders in combat, or for musical entertainment of the troops.

59 Ibid.

60 Howe “Early American Military Music,” 102.

61 Howe “Early American Military Music,” 90.

62 Howe “Early American Military Music,” 95.

63 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 354.

64 Silverman, A Cultural History of the American Revolution, 356.

Improvement Of The Army

Perhaps it is no coincidence that as the music of the Continental Army gradually improved, so did the victories. Washington’s emphasis on maintaining the size of his army and fighting and winning the battle of attrition paid off well. Even though his army dropped to as low as 3,000 during March of 1777, it continued to grow as victories became more frequent and as the weather improved.65 The enjoyment of song made the otherwise unbearable conditions a little bit better, and the Continental Army survived that winter and the even harder ones that followed in Valley Forge and Morristown. As the musicians of the army improved over time, their ability to enact battlefield orders likely improved as well. Baron von Steuben’s effort to professionalize the army had for the most part succeeded, partially thanks to the newfound emphasis on the role of fifers and drummers.

As the military fortunes of the Continental Army grew greater year after year, so did their size. The Americans finally had a substantial victory in Saratoga, and despite numerous setbacks, the victories generally continued to increase. As a result of these victories, the high likelihood of the French joining the war, and a number of other increasingly aggressive actions by the British, colonists steadily continued to join the Continental Army. As the British public began to turn on the war and the war seemingly began to wind down, the Americans had their culminating victory at Yorktown, thanks to the help of the newly arrived French fleet. A fitting close to this engagement occurred when the French bands who were playing during the official surrender responded to a slight by the British regulars. The regulars had turned their heads away from the Americans and towards the French while marching forward in an act of disrespect, to which the French band responded in kind by playing “Yankee Doodle.” As such, the regulars were recorded as having thrown down their muskets in anger and embarrassment.66

Conclusion

The date is June 19 1778, and the Continental Army’s encampment at Valley Forge had just been struck. Washington’s army moved to regain the initiative in the war and to test their newly reorganized and retrained troops. The soldiers had just made it through unimaginable hardship, thanks in part to the calming and commiserative effects that playing music with their comrades had had. They also felt more pride in their units, as they heard their fifers and drummers practice frequently in order to improve their craft and to make their calls all the more impressive. The soldiers marched on with a renewed sense of optimism and with the idea that their struggles were for a noble cause. In short, music and song served, if only temporarily, as an effective means to soothe their suffering and to renew their spirits for the long road ahead.

Although there are no known accounts of a particular soldier foregoing his decision to desert based off the performing of or listening to a particular patriotic tune, the impact that music had on the morale of the army was undeniable. The Continental Army survived great amounts of desertion and fought through low morale caused by defeat, poor weather, and a lack of provisions. They did this by engaging the services of musicians, professional and amateur alike, who sought to alleviate the stresses that these men faced daily. If there were no music to fulfill that role, the Continental Army could have easily been dissolved as there simply were not enough men to fill its ranks. By actively seeking to improve morale, which music played a major part of, the war of attrition was slowly won. Additionally, the specific emphasis and training given to the fifers and drummers led to a better performance of military duties and easier issuing of orders. That alone would be enough to determine the impact that music had in securing the victory of the United States of America. Even if music cannot definitively be pointed to as the specific reason for the eventual victory of the Continental Army, it was most certainly known by army senior leadership that music was a critical aspect to their success. By emphasizing music as a tool for improving morale, retention, recruitment, and for increasing tactical efficiency, the Continental Army was ultimately able to triumph in their struggle for freedom.

Fun Facts

34% of Mason undergraduates are the first in their family to earn a 4-year degree.

6% of Mason Students are attending on the GI Bill.