Pardis april 2015 digital edition by Pardis Monthly Magazine

‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﻔﺴﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬

‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻓﺮﺡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ‪۲۸‬‬

‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 93‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬

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‫ﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮ ‪۳۵‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ‪۳۳‬‬

‫ﺹ ‪۲۲‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪۳۸‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝ ‪۴۱‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪۱+۵‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺟﻮﻥ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۴۲‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺨﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺍﺣﻤﺮ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۱‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﮏ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۵۱‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪۱‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺒﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪۳۱‬‬

‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺛﺒﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪۵۴۱‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۴۶۶‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪۷‬‬

‫‪۲‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪:‬‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﭖ«‪» ،‬ﻻﻳﻦ« ﻭ »ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ »ﻭﻱ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﮎ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ١٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﮑﺴﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺕ ﮐﺎﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ١٧‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﻭﺑﺪﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﮎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﮎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ »ﺷﺮﻕ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺷﺮﻕ« ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻴﻨﮏﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻲ ﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﺁﻱ ﺳﻲ ﻳﻮ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﺁﭖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬

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‫ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﻴﺴﻔﻮﻥ« ﻭ »ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺎ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ« ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ٢٠١٤‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﮐﻮﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﮊﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ »ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎﮐﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﻔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﺁﭖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻋﻈﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؛‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۴۷‬ﻭ ‪ ۴۸‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۳۵۶‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ﻟﻮﺷﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ﻟﻮﺷﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ – ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻗﻄﺐﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭼﻬﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۷‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ »ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﺎﻑ ﮐﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ« ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۸‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۶۶‬ﻭ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬

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‫»ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ »ﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ »ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﮑﻨﺪ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ »ﻳﮏ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟﻮﺻﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺮﺋﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪۱۳۷۳‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻠﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺪﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﮑﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻂﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ )ﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ( ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۲۳‬‬

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‫»ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪۵‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪۵‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﮏ ﺍﺷﺘﺮ )ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ( ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪۲۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺵ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻥ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺣﺞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺑﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﮏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۴۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ‬

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‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪۴۹۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ۱+۵‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺴﻂ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﮐﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۹۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻩ ﻗﺴﻂ ‪ ۴۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ۱+۵‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۹۲‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۹۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﮎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﮑﻢ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻗﺴﻂ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۴۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮑﻢ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ ۹‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺪﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۱۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﻲﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۹۲‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ »‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﮐﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﺋﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ ۵‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۷‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﺮﺑﻼﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ »ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ« ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ« ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪۵۳ ،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻻﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮊﻧﻮ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ ۱۱ ،‬ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻨﺎﻟﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻨﺪﻭﭘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻳﺎﺱ ﺁﮔﻮﻳﻴﻼﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﮎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﻝ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﮎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ‪۹۶‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺰﻝ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺰﻝﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻴﺶ ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ ۷۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺰﻝ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۴۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺃ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۳۰‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺜﻴﻒ )ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ( ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮐﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﮐﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺍﻥ ﺗﻲﻭﻱ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲,۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ ۴,۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﻟﻴﻮﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺟﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﮑﺘﺰ« ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۲۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ »ﺑﻠﻮﻣﺒﺮﮒ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺗﺎﻧﮑﺮ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻧﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﺑﻠﻮﻣﺒﺮﮒ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺎﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ« ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ‪ ۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻗﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻐﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪ ۱۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﮐﻨﺠﺎﻧﭽﻢ«‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮑﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﻭﺍ )ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ( ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻠﻮ )ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ( ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﮎﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬

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‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻖﮐﺸﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺫﻭﻕﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻟﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻒ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻧﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ!؟ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺄ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺷﮏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﻳﮏﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻼﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﻃﺒﺮﺯﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺩﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﮐﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ۱۰۷ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ ۳۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ ۷۱‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۶‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﮐﻼ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺣﮑﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﺶ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۸۶‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﮐﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺒﺴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪۱۳۹۱‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺧﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۲‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪» ۱۳۸۴‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۰۹‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۷‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫»ﻫﻠﻤﻦ–ﻫﻤﺖ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻟﻮﺙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺫﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﻴﺮﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﺭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺸﻲ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۷۸‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۶۰۷‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ‪ ۲۸۹‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ ۴۵۴‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ‪ ۹۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪ ۶۱‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ ۳۵‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۲۰۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۱‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۲‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺍﮔﺎﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺍﺩﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫)ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﻗﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺩﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﺩﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺩﻟﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻻﺫﻗﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۲۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ« ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻲﺑﻲﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ »ﺳﻲﺑﻲﺍﺱ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﮊﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۱۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻡﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۶۷‬‬ ‫)ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۹‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﻲ ﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﺤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﻣﮏ ﺩﺍﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ )ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ( ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻟﻴﮑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﺯ ﺩ ﮐﺮﺷﻨﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۴‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺋﻨﻮﺱﺁﻳﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﺯ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻓﮑﺎﺱ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻓﮑﺎﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪۳۵۰‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻓﮑﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﺍﻓﮑﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﺯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻒ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻼﺡ ﮐﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﮏ »ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﻮﺋﻨﻮﺱﺁﻳﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻣﻴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۵ ،۱۹۹۴‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺨﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹‬ﻧﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻔﺼﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮐﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻧﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻻ ﺳﺎﺭﮐﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ« )ﻳﻮ‪.‬ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﭘﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪۳۹۹۰‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۱۰۸‬ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪۲۶,۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ »ﻳﻮ ﺍﻡ ﭘﻲ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۶۱‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ‪ ۳۴‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ »ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ‪ ۶۰‬ﮐﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ‪ ۱,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺻﺨﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ‬

‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ« ﻭ »ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎﺟﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ ﺳﺒﺴﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺗﺌﻮ ﺭﻧﺘﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﻼﻭ ﮐﻮﻣﻮﺭﻭﻓﺴﮑﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﮔﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻑ ‪ ۹۰,۳۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۹۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۹‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻧﺎ ﺯﻭﻟﻮﺋﺘﺎ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻳﻢﺍﻑ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺷﮑﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺍﻳﺒﻮﻻ« ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ﮐﻮﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ »ﺍﻳﺒﻮﻻ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۱۰‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۹۳‬؛‬

‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۹۳‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺴﺎﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻌﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﻱ ﻧﺠﻒ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻌﺐﺍﻟﻌﻼﺝ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﮑﻔﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۴۰۳‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﭘﺴﺎﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﻼﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺶ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﮐﻮﻧﺎﮐﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻳﺒﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۴‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪۹‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻟﺌﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺒﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﻴﻌﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﮑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺒﻮﻻ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺒﻮﻻ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۶‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۶‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻭﺑﻼﮒﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺑﻼﮒﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﻼﮒﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﮐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺋﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺗﻘﻲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﺱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﮑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۹۴‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻞﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﻼﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۳‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻼﮒ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪۱۸۰‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۴۶‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﻬﻴﺠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺑﻼﮒﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻮﺭ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﮐﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

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April 2015

۱۳۹۴ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬

Photo by: Colin Crowley/Save the Children

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،‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ‬۹ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬.‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ‬.‫ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬،‫ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬۱ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ‬.‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬،‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ « ‫« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ‬Save The Children» ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‬ .‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﴼ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ .‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ‬.‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ .‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬

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In 2011, Save the Children reached 85 Million children in need, our income was $629 Million revenue from the United States, 1.2 Billion dollars world wide, we help children from 120 countries in the world. In 2012, in World Vision we had $1.019 billion revenue from the USA, served nearly 100 countries and helped tens of millions of children worldwide Special Appreciation to: Georgetown University Medical Center, Mount Sinai Hosptial, New York, Iranian American Cultural Society of Maryland (IACS),National Institute of Health (NIH), National Cancer Institute (NCI), National Marrow Donor Program, University of California, Los Angeles, Bone Marrow Transplant Center, Children´s National Medical Center, Washington Hospital Center, Toronto Hospital for Sick Children, INOVA Fairfax Hospital, Grady Memorial Hospital, MD Anderson Cancer Center.

M. Zonozi, MD, PC & Associates

Office: 202.563.5485 • Cell: 202.580.9137 • nastaran888@aol.com

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April 2015 ۱۳۹۴ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫»ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﮐﻲ« ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪۶۷‬‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۹‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﮐﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺗﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ۹‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ »ﻣﺪﻭﻧﺪ« )‪ (MedWand‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﻣﺪﻭﻧﺪ« ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻻﻳﻦ )‪ (MedLion‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺘﻴﻔﻴﮏ )‪ (Cypher Scientific‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۴‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻃﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﺍﺩﻫﻴﺮ ﺗﮏ« )‪Adhere‬‬ ‫‪ (Tech‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻗﻮﻃﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻃﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ -‬ﮐﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻃﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﻴﻮ ﻫﻠﺖ« )‪ (Massive Health‬ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺻﺮﻓﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺁﻱ ﻧﺘﺮﺍ« )‪ (EyeNetra‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶﻓﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ‪...‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻀﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﮎ ﺳﺸﻦ« )‪ (TalkSession‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻱ ﮐﻮﭺ« )‪ (icouch‬ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ« ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﺷﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺭﻥ ﻓﻠﮑﺲ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺲ ﮔﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻱ ﺷﮑﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻐﺬﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺎﮐﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺮﻭﮊ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﮐﻴﻨﮕﺰ ﮐﺎﻟﺞ« ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﺏ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺲ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﮔﻮﺟﻪ )ﮐﭽﺎﭖ( ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﮑﺮ )ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺷﻖ ﭼﺎﻳﺨﻮﺭﻱ( ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻮﻃﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺎﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۰‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﮑﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﮏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻟﺴﺎ ﻫﻮﺭﺗﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ »ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ‪۳۵۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﻮﺵ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۱۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﻔﺴﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻮﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﻮﺷﻲ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ۴ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺪ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻫﻢﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻻﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﺶ ﻣﺴﺤﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﮐﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۲۰۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫»ﺁﺳﮑﻠﭙﻴﻮﺱ« )ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﭘﻮﻟﻮﻥ(‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﺼﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﻧﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﻣﺎﺭ ﮐﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﺑﻮﺗﻮ« ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺭ ﮐﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻗﻔﺴﻪﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮑﺘﻪﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻔﺴﻪﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪۵۰‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﻔﺴﻪﺳﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﺴﻪﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻬﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓﭘﺮﻳﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓﭘﺮﻳﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺷﮑﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺣﺎﻝ )ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻮﮐﺰ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺻﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﻲ ﺷﮑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﮏ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻴﻀﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻣﮏ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺍﻕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻀﻢ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺪﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻼﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻲﭘﭙﺘﻴﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺰﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ )ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻣﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﻟﻴﺰ )ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ( ﮔﻠﺒﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻟﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻼﺕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺮﮒ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻭﻕ ﮐﺮﻭﻧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻗﻔﺴﻪﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺹ ﻧﻴﺘﺮﻭﮔﻠﻴﺴﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮕﻲﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺘﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻲﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻤﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﭙﺶ ﻗﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﮕﻲﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻳﻢ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﻭﻕ ﮐﺮﻭﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﮋﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺭﻱ )ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﻭﻕ ﮐﺮﻭﻧﺮ(‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻢﺗﺤﺮﮐﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ (.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﮐﻮﻱ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺎﮎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺼﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﮎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪ -‬ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺎﮐﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﮎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻕ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻦ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻓﻼﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﮒ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ )ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻕ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﮑﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﮐﺎﭘﺘﻮﭘﺮﻳﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﭙﺘﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻳﭙﺮﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫)ﮔﺮﺯﻩﻣﺎﺭﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﺰﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﭙﺘﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﮑﺴﺘﻴﻠﻴﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮑﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺁﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﭙﺘﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺰﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻧﺰﻳﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﻟﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻢ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺯﻫﺮﺁﮔﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻋﮑﺴﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺕ ﮐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻮﺭﻧﻲﺍﻧﮑﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺭﻧﻲﺍﻧﮑﻮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﻟﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﮑﻮﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﻟﮑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۹۴‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ،۱۹۹۵‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺎﮐﻮﻑ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ‪ ۴۳۷‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۰۱‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻣﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻋﻀﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻓﻀﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺭﻧﻲﺍﻧﮑﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺕ ﮐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺕ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﮐﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﺏ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۴۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۳۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪۴۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۵۰‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷,۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۹,۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮐﻢﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰۰‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻓﺖﮐﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺎﺏ )ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﺏﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺎﺏ )ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻴﮑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻓﻼﺡﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ – ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ – ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻮﻟﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻗﺼﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﮑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﮑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻴﭗ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۳‬ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻗﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺭﻣﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﻮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭ ‪ ۲۰۶‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮏ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟ … ﻭﺩﮐﺎ ﭼﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺖﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﮑﻮﺑﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭙﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻼﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﮊ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﺏﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺱ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺗﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮ ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ »ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻲ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ۴۵ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻢ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﻗﭽﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺶ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺵﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ :‬ﭘﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﻭ ﻭ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻬﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ »ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻏﻴﺎﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮐﻲ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺍﺷﮑﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻱ ﺭﻗﺼﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻱ ﻫﭙﻲ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮎ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺍﺷﮑﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺸﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ (.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﮑﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ »ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ – ﺑﺮﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﮑﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺍﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﴼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﮑﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮑﻴﻨﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﺏﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۷‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍﮊ »ﻭﻟﺖ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻠﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺭﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﮔﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻭﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ۷۶ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۹‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻳﮏ‬‫ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﮑﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺡ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ )ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﺮ( ﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ )ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻼﻳﻮﻝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺭﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻗﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻮﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ‬‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ‪ Cyr Ecole Saint -‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻟﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﺗﺎﺝ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬‫ﺷﻬﺒﺎﻧﻮ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ؟‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ‪ ۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺯﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻫﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﮐﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ! ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ )ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ( ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﮑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺿﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻭ »ﺑﻨﻮ ﺍﻭﻧﻪ ﺯﻭﺭﮒ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ‬‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﮐﻠﮑﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ‬‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻧﺸﻴﻤﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭﻃﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﮎ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﺑﮕﻮﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﭖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﮎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬

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‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﻄﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﮑﻲ ﺳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺲ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫_ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﻋﻘﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ؟ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﻣﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‪.‬‬

‫_ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺛﺮﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﻳﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﻳﻨﺲ!« ﭼﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫_ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ )ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻳﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺘﺎﺑﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪۵۰‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۸‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﮐﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺘﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ ١٥٣‬ﺗﻦ ﺷﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ٤٦‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ )ﮐﺸﻮﺭ( ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪ ٤٦‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٤٦‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ١٩‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ٢٧‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ١٩‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪ ٢٧‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻓﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﺳﻮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺾ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺞ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﮑﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺬﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ٢٠‬ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﺑﻴﺢﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮐﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﮑﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮐﺠﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮐﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﮑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ‬

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‫ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﮑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﮑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮐﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ ٣٠‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪ -‬ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻢ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻋﮑﺎﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺪﺭﻳﻨﮕﻬﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﮑﺎﺱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺘﻲ ﮔﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮐﺎﺕ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻋﻘﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﷲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻼﺷﻴﻨﮑﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺍﷲ‪ ٢٦ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﻧﻘﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺣﮑﻢ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﮊﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻭ ﺳﺤﺮ ﺁﺭﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

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‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺳﻮﮊﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺮﺍﻟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺠﺎﺑﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﮏ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﴽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺳﺤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺿﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﺮ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٥٩٨‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﮐﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﭘﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﭘﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﮏ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻱ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪٢٠١٧‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪ ٣٥٢‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪ ٨٠٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﮐﻤﮏ ‪١٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﺨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﷲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﻮﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺴﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺗﺨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﻋﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻠﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﻀﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﺳﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮏ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﻠﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻟﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠١٣‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۰‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻦﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫»ﺁﺳﻴﺎﭘﺎﺳﻔﻴﮏ« ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺁﺑﻲ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺁﺳﻴﺎﭘﺎﺳﻔﻴﮏ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺤﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ ﺍﻳﻮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻟﻴﺎﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺐ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻕ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ‪ ۵۶‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺵﻫﺎ ‪ «۲‬ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮑﻲ ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ‪ ،«۲‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﻩﻧﻤﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﺭﺩﮐﺎﺭﭘﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ‪ ۷‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۷۴۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﻴﺎﺭ ‪ «۱۴۳‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ »ﭺ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﮐﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ« ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﮑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮑﻲ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺵﻫﺎ ‪ «۲‬ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۱‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮑﻲ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﮐﻼﻩ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻧﻨﻪ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﮑﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﮐﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻦ ﮐﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺥ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺸﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ‪ ۶ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ »ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ »ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻲ«‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪» ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺸﻦ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲﮐﻴﺎ‪» ،‬ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻭ »ﺁﺷﻐﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ« ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻓﺎﺧﺮ« ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬

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‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻤﮑﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻄﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻔﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺮﻋﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻫﻴﭻ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﺐ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺑﻲﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺟﻬﺖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ« ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺯﺍﺩﺑﻮﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻃﻌﻢ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ »ﻣﺎﺭﻣﻮﻟﮏ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻗﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﺯ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻝﺧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪ« ﺭﺍ »ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﺳﺖﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۰‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ »ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۲۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫»ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﻮﺭﻭﻡ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﮐﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺭﺟﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﺎﮐﺴﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﺁﺩﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﺭﻧﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻀﻼﺕ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻋﮑﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻮﺑﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻥ »ﺩﺍﻣﺒﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬

‫»ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﭖ«‪ /‬ﺩﻟﻘﮏﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ‬

‫ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﮔﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ« ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺟﺎﻧﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ »ﮔﺎﻭ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻧﺲ ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﮏ ﻳﻮﺭﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭﺳﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺳﮑﻮﺕ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮏ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﺗﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﭖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻝ ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻨﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻢﻭﺑﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺑﻴﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻓﻮﺑﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ‪ ۸,۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۲۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ‪،‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﭖ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ »ﺟﮏ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﺭﻭ« )ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ( ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺖﻗﻴﭽﻲ« ﻭ »ﻭﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﻧﮑﺎ« ﺩﺭ »ﭼﺎﺭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﮑﻼﺕﺳﺎﺯﻱ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻘﮏ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ! ﺩﭖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﻟﻘﮏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻟﻘﮑﻲ!‬

‫»ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ«‪ /‬ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ »ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ«‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ »ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ « ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺸﺮﺍﺕ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ! ﻭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻦ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻡﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻦ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫»ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻝ ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ«‪ /‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻝ ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﭙﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺸﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﭘﺮ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻔﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ »ﺩﺍﻣﺒﻮ« ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺭﻳﭙﻮﺭﺗﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ »ﺩﺍﻣﺒﻮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ »ﺩﺍﻣﺒﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻣﺒﻮ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻓﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۴۱‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻥ ﮐﺮﻭﮔﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ »ﺗﺮﻧﺴﻔﻮﺭﻣﺮ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﻪ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪ ﻓﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻣﺒﻮ« ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺳﻴﻨﺪﺭﻻ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺁﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫»ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻳﻮﺯ«‪ /‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺭﻳﻮﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﮐﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﮑﺲ«‪» ،‬ﮐﻨﺴﺘﺎﻧﺘﻴﻦ« ﻭ »ﺳﺮﻋﺖ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺗﻌﺠﺐﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺄﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»ﭘﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻦ«‪ /‬ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﮑﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻤﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻢ )ﻓﺎﻟﻮﭖ( ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺨﻤﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺣﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻭ ﮊﻥ »ﺑﺮﺍﮐﺎ ‪ «۱‬ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﮐﺎ ‪ «۲‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻬﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﮊﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻮﺏ »ﺑﺮﺍﮐﺎ ‪ «۱‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺭﺍﺛﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۸۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻤﺪﺍﻥ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻳﺎﺋﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﺷﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﻳﺎﺋﺴﮕﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺳﻴﻨﺪﺍ ﺳﻴﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭙﻮﺭﺗﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺳﻴﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺘﻤﻦ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ« ﻭ »ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻦ ‪ «۵‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺁﻟﺒﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﻭﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺘﻤﻦ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺰﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﺴﭙﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۲‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۹۳‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻃﻬﺮﻭﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻮﺿﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۳۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺑﻴﻨﮕﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺰ ﺑﺮﻑ« ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ »ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﻋﺠﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﭘﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺗﺎﺭﺗﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻣﺪ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﭘﺸﺘﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﻼﮊ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻠﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪۱۸‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﮔﻮﺭﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮑﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۱‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ »ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﮐﺒﻴﺮ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ« ﻭ »ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﭘﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﭘﺎﺷﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪۳۰‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ »ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۹۳‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۷۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﮒ ﭘﻮﺭﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺻﻔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻋﻄﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺴﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﮑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﻥ ﻟﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺩﻳﺎﻧﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮊﺭﮊ ﺳﻴﻤﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﮊﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﺴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺮﻭﺡ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﺰﻝﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ۹۳‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮑﻲ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪۴۱‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ »ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﻳﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺮﺩﻭﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻼﻕ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮ ﻧﺎﻗﻼ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﮏﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻟﻄﻔﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﻼﮊ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﮐﻴﻨﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪۸۴‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻤﻬﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﻨﺴﺮ ﺗﺮﻳﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺭﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۷۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ‪ ۲۷‬ﻣﻬﺮ ‪ ۱۳۲۰‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۲‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﮔﻔﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻳﻴﺪ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻴﺘﻲﺟﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺶ ﺧﻴﺮﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻗﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﭽﻪ« ﻭ »ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﻭ‬

‫ﺍﻧﻮﺷﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۲۴‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﺛﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻳﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻫﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻴﺘﻲﺟﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳۱‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ« ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬

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‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺮﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ »ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺁﺫﺭ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺮﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ ۱۳۱۰‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻟﺰﺍﻳﻤﺮ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﻠﻲ ﺭﺿﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻢ ‪ ۶‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۳۴‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺻﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﺍﻭﻥ ﻗﻮﮐﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺯﺍﻭﻥ ﻗﻮﮐﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۶۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﮐﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﮐﺎﺳﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭼﺸﻤﻪ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺑﻲ ﺁﻭﺍﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۳‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ‬

‫ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﮒﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﻦ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ!!«‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺮ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ ﭘﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ‪ .....‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻮﺝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮐﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﺩﻳﺴﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺵ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻘﻼ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺪﺍﻣﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺗﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮐﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮐﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻧﮓ ﮊﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﮑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮐﻲ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮑﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ ﺗﮏﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‪....‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ!!«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺑﮑﻲ ﺟﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺘﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻒ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﮕﺴﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﮑﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺷﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻠﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺁﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺱﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺮﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻠﮏﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺮﻕ ﺷﻌﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﻠﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻠﮏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺃ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﭙﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻫﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺭﺟﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺼﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﮎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺭﻣﺎﻝ ﮐﻮﺭﻣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﻪﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﭘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻢﺁﻭﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﮑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ ﮐﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺠﻲ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﻴﭽﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺎﮎ ﺩﺭﻏﻠﻄﺪ‪«.....‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺸﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﻨﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻨﮑﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺵ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺴﻄﻴﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﮑﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺧﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﮑﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﺧﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺧﻮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻥﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻲ ﺣﮑﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﻗﺎﺳﻢﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻴﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ »ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﮐﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻃﺎﻏﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻲﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬

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‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺁﺳﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎﺑﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻝ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺁﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺀﻇﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﮑﻨﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ؟ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﺥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺼﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺸﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻠﮏ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮎﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ!!«‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻟﻐﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﺍﺑﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﻱ ‪ ۱۳۷۷‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺰﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻳﮏ »ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺭﻭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻔﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺑﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫‪۲۴‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

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۲۵

April 2015

۱۳۹۴ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬

SHOPPING FOR CAR INSURANCE? CALL ME FIRST. AVERAGE ANNUAL SAVINGS:

Protect your world

498

Auto • Home • Life • Retirement

DRIVERS WHO SWITCHED FROM:

Progressive State Farm

562 * on average with Allstate * saved 467 on average with Allstate * saved $362 on average with Allstate

saved

Save even more than before with Allstate. Drivers who switched to Allstate saved an average of $498* a year. So when you’re shopping for car insurance, call me first. You could be surprised by how much you’ll save.

Call me today to discuss your options. Some people think Allstate only protects your car. Truth is, Allstate can also protect your home or apartment, your boat, motorcycle - even your retirement and your life. And the more of your world you put in Good Hands®, the more you can save.

Hooman Moaveni (678) 366-7979

11285 Elkins Rd., Suite J8 Roswell hoomanmoaveni@allstate.com

55367

Annual savings based on information reported nationally by new Allstate auto customers for policies written in 2012. Acutal savings will vary. Allstate Fire and Casualty Insurance Company © 2013 Allstate Insurance Company

11285 Elkins Rd., Suite J8 Roswell Hoomanmoaveni@allstate.com Insurance subject to terms, qualifications and availability. Allstate Property and Casualty Insurance Company, Allstate Fire and Casualty Insurance Company. Life insurance and annuities issued by Lincoln Benefit Life Company, Lincoln, NE, Allstate Life Insurance Company, Northbrook, IL, and American Heritage Life Insurance Company, Jacksonville, FL. In New York, Allstate Life Insurance Company of New York, Hauppauge, NY. Northbrook, IL. © 2010 Allstate Insurance Company.

53422

Geico

‫‪۲۶‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ« ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﻪ« ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮﮐﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻡ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ« ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺷﺐ ﮐﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺣﺴﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ‬

‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﻋﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ » ﺗﻘﻴﻪ« ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ« ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ« ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﻭﻟﻮ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٣١‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ٣٠‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٣١‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ » ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ« ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪١٣٣١/٠٤/٢٩‬‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ« ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ« ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ‪ ٢٦‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ )ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ( ﺍﺯ ﮊﻧﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،١٣٣١‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ‪٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﮑﻔﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩ )ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻨﺎ«ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺵ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ )ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪(٢) «.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺟﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬

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‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺯﺩﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻲﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻗﺸﺮﺍﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺸﺮﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ »ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ! ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ١٣٤١‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﮏ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻄﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺷﺶ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ« ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(٣)«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١٣‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٤١‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ! ﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺍﻏﻔﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪(٤)«...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ‪ ١٥‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ ١٣٤١‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫******‬

‫‪ _ ١‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﻳﮑﻲﭘﻴﺪﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ _ ٢‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺁﻳﺘﻲ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.٢٢‬‬ ‫‪ _ ٣‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ٢٥‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.٢٢٤‬‬ ‫‪ _ ٤‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١٣‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٤١‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻓﻴﻀﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۷‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﴽ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ‪substance‬‬ ‫)‪substance‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫‪(Intoxication‬‬ ‫(‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫)‪Substance‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ‪Substance‬‬ ‫‪ (Abuse‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ‬ ‫(‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪Substance‬‬ ‫‪ Dependency‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮑﻲ ﻭ ﮊﻧﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ )ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺐ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮏ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫)‪ (Outpatient‬ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪.(Inpatient‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ )‪،(Substance Intoxication‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ )‪Substance‬‬ ‫‪ (abuse‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‪،‬‬

‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﴽ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ‬ ‫)‪ (symptoms‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺫﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ )‪(outpatient‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮﻱ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻠﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ( ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﮑﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ »‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪ« )‪(12 Step‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﮐﺎﺋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ )ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ )ﺟﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ(‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ Ridgeview institute‬ﻳﺎ ‪ Peachtree Hospital‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ Ridgeview Institute .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪(۷۷۰) ۴۳۴-۴۵۶۷ ، Ridgeview Institute‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ‪ (۸۰۰) ۳۲۹-۹۷۷۵‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪Peachtree‬‬ ‫‪ (۷۷۰) ۴۵۴-۲۳۰۲ Hospital‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۲‬ﭘﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

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‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﻨﮏ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ZenMate‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻱ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻱ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ZenMate‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖﮔﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻱﭘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﮑﻮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﻮﮎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻱ ﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻡ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺳﻨﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺴﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﮑﺮﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻭﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »‪ «S۱‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺮﻭﺳﮑﻮﭖ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻱ ﻭ ‪ GPS‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ‪۵۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪Workout‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ Fitness‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪ Move»، «Stand‬ﻭ ‪ Exercise‬ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻨﺰ »ﺳﻔﺎﻳﺮ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ‪ LED‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻱﭘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺨﺶ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ،۶‬ﺑﻪ ‪ NFC‬ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ‪ Apple Pay‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺒﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻱﻣﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ Digital Touch‬ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﮑﻠﮏ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻧﺪﺍ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻧﺪﺍ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪MailTrack‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﮐﻲ ﺗﺎﮐﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏ ‪ home‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﮑﺮﻭﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺯﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﮑﺮﻭﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »‪ «IR‬ﻭ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻤﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﭻ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻟﻤﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﭙﺘﻴﮏ« ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺗﻴﻔﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻻﺭﻡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ MagSafe‬ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۳۴۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭﺍﭺ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۱۱‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭﺑﮕﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪PullQuote‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ‪ ۱۴۰‬ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻢ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﮏ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﮎ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﮏﺗﺎﭖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﮐﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺗﻴﻔﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﮏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪Point‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﻨﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ @ )‪ (۲+Shift‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮓ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻞ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻟﻴﻨﮏ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﮐﺲ« ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺗﻴﻔﻴﮑﺸﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪Panel Tabs‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪Tab Resize‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪Symplie‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﻨﮏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪Voice Clock‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﺯﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ »ﺳﺎﺗﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻻ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ،۱۰‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۸‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۸‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﮑﺘﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ‪Mobile‬‬ ‫‪ First‬ﻭ ‪ Cloud First‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﮑﺘﺎﭖ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮐﺲ ﺑﺎﮐﺲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ Mobile First‬ﻭ ‪ Cloud First‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫»ﮐﻮﺭﺗﺎﻧﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻮﺭﺗﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ‪ task bar‬ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۸‬‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ،۸‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ‪ start‬ﻭ ‪ task bar‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﺋﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۸‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۷‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﮑﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ،۸‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺩﺳﮑﺘﺎﭖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۸‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۷‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﺍﺋﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ،۸‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۷‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ ،۸‬ﺩﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻤﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻟﻤﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۰‬‬

‫‪۲۹‬‬

‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺏ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﺴﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮ ﺗﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﮏ )ﻣﻌﻨﺎ(‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﻂ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ‪»....‬ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺁﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﺸﻴﮏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺷﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﭖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻂ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ« ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮐﻬﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ Eridu‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ »‪....‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻍ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻋﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪...‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.«...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ )ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫»‪....‬‬ ‫ﭖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻭﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﮑﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ )ﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻞ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻔﻲ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﻌﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻨﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪(٤) «.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ« ﮐﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ »ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ »ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ )ﮐﺮﺩ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻭﻧﺪ )ﺩﻟﻴﻞ(ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﺳﮕﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ »ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ« ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮑﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ‪» ::٩٧‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ (!)«.‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻳﺪﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪(!).‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻐﺰﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -١‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻫﻴﻮ )‪ ((Bill Donahue‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‪:‬‬ ‫‪Zoroaster Created Judeo Christian Religions 443‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪youtube.com‬‬ ‫‪www.hiddenmeaningd.com‬‬ ‫‪ --٢‬ﺳﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،،٢٠١٤‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﻣﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﻦﺷﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﭘﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪ Avicenna‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺳﮕﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫)ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫)ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ(‪:‬‬ ‫‪1-The Claims for‬‬ ‫‪superiority‬‬ ‫‪of‬‬ ‫‪the‬‬ ‫‪Greek modiﬁcations of‬‬ ‫‪alphabetic writing have‬‬ ‫‪been symptomatic of‬‬ ‫‪the European tendency to‬‬ ‫‪privilege all aspects of Greek‬‬ ‫‪culture over that of the much older‬‬ ‫‪civilizations of Africa and Near East.‬‬ ‫‪The Greek themselves made few such‬‬ ‫‪claims though their discussions of history‬‬ ‫‪and symbolism in connection with writing are‬‬ ‫‪embedded in a complex of concerns about‬‬ ‫)‪their own history, identity, and culture. (5‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺒﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺲ ﮐﻬﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ )ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ( ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻣﺒﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺸﺘﻦ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮑﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻪ )ﻫﻮﻳﺖ( ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ --٢‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺭﻭﺱ« )ﻋﺮﻭﺱ( ﻓﻴﺜﺎﻏﻮﺭﺙ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺮﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺮﻭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ )ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ( ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪Pythagorean‬‬ ‫‪) Theorem‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪» :‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ«( ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ ) .‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ(‪(٦) .‬‬ ‫******‬ ‫‪ -٤‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪» :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﻳﮑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ‪.٩٦‬‬ ‫‪5- Drucker.Johanna,:”Alphabetic Labyrinth”, Thames and Hudson‬‬ ‫‪Ltd., New York, 1995, page 49.‬‬ ‫‪6-The Ancient NEAR EASTERN World”, page 157.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،١٣٩٣‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٨,٢ ،٩٢‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ١٢ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ١٤‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻕ ﻳﮏ »ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﺗﮑﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ١٨‬ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،٩٣‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﻼﻗﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺀﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﮑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ‪ ٣٧ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ‪ ٣٢‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٩٣‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﴼ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻃﻼﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﴼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٩١‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ »ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﻧﺎﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۴‬‬

‫‪۳۰‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻋﻤﻮ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻼﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻲﺻﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻧﺴﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﮔﭗ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻠﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺲ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﭙﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﺐ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺎﺑﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﺸﻤﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﻔﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﮐﺎﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ – ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺠﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﮐﻴﻔﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٢٨‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺸﻘﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ! ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺬﻳﺬﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﺋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮑﻼﺳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﮏﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺩﻕ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﮔﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻢﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﺎﮐﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻄﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﺋﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﮑﻢﺗﺮ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺑﺪﺑﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺒﮑﺒﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﺪﺭ ﮐﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻟﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺧﻄﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺕ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﮐﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﺴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﻲ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﮎﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺯﻭﻟﻮﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ‪ ۹‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻃﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻢ ﭘﻴﮑﺴﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺑﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ‪ HDMI‬ﻭ ‪ VGA‬ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ‪ USB Type-C‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﻮﺍﺱﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻲﺳﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﻳﺮﻟﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۸‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺸﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۴۸‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ Surface Hub‬ﻭ ‪ HoloLens‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۴۸‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﮐﺴﭙﻠﻮﺭﺭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ WiFi Sense‬ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻱﻓﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﻭﺍﮊﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱﻓﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۸,۱‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ Data Sense‬ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻣﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ Battery Saver‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ( ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ :۱۰‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ »ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻗﻔﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﮐﺴﭙﻠﻮﺭﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ‪۲۰۱۵‬‬

‫‪۳۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮑﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﮔﺮ ‪ ۱۴۴۰‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۲۳۰۴‬ﭘﻴﮑﺴﻞ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﭘﺮﻭ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﮔﺮ ﺭﺗﻴﻨﺎ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻠﺶ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵﮔﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻠﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺒﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎﭘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺰﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ )‪(Butterfly‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ‪Core‬‬ ‫‪ M‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﻃﺮﻱ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ Core M‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺗﻲ ‪ ۴,۵‬ﻭﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﻨﮏﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﭘﺮﻭ« ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻬﻤﺘﻲ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺭﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﭗ ﮐﻢﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﮏ ﺑﻮﮎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻱﺑﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﺟﻲ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺍﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪۱۲۹۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻧﮓﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮏﺑﻮﮎﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ‬

‫ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ‪Parse‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺮﻡﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ( ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻﻣﭗﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮐﻴﺖ ‪ Parse‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﺴﻨﺠﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﮐﻴﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻻﻣﭗﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ‪ Parse‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭖ‬ ‫‪ HomeKit‬ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺍﻑ ﻭﻳﻮﻭﺭ‬

‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ‪ Google PDF Viewer‬ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺖ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺍﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﭙﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﺮﺥ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺯﻭﺩﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺥ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻢ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﮑﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮑﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻏﻢ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﺧﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﺒﺨﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﺭﻧﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ؟ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﮑﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻣﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﮐﺲ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺸﻘﺎﺏ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﮑﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﭙﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ‪ ۳۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺳﺎﺳﻮﻧﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﮐﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻓﺒﮏ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺎﺳﻮﻧﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵۱‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ۳۹‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺳﺎﺳﻮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮑﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﻤﺎﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬

‫‪۳۲‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﻗﻮ«‪ ،‬ﮐﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺄﻧﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻭﺽ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﮒ ﻗﻮ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۴۰‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎﭖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮕﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﻗﻮ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ‪ -‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻳﺎﺣﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﻗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺎﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﻗﻮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ »ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ« ﻭ »ﺍﺭﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﻩ« ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﻗﻮ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ )‪ ،(۱۳۰۶ -۱۳۷۱‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻧﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ »ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻗﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺩﻫﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﮔﻮﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬

‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﺮﭘﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺯ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﻭﺍﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‬

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‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ »ﮐﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﺑﺮﻑ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻣﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﺹ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ… ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ـ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﻮﻩﺁﻭ ِﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻏﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ )‪ ۱۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ( ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،۱۳۹۲‬‬ ‫‪ ۳۱۲۵‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﻃﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺬﺍﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﮎ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ـ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ـ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺑﻲﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﮎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫)ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ( ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۴۳‬‬

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‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺑﻲﺷﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ ﭼﻮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮒ ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺛﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻦﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﺯ ﮔﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻨﻴﺎﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪﺍﺕ ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺷﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﺮﭘﺮ ﺯﺩ ﺩﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍ ِﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﺮ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻗﻲ )ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻫﺮﺩﺷﺖ(‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻘﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺷﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻨﺞ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺸﮑﻔﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﭻ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫**‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻠﺨﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺰ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻐﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺅﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ!‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ!‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺅﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ!‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ!‬

‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺁﺯﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﻱ ﮔﻞ ﻋﺸﻘﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺠﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻴﻨﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﺕ ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺑﺲ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻨﻢ ﻧﻐﻤﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺁﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺰﺩ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻌﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻔﺖ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﻨﺞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﺑﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻳﺎﺭ ﮐﺒﺎﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻢ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﻣﻴﺪﻡ ﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻫﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻭﺻﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻤﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺻﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺗﮏ ﺟﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺁﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﮒ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺸﻢ ﻧﺎﺯ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻋﺸﻖ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻮ ﻗﺪﺡ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﮏ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻨﮏ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺮ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﭼﻮ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻓﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮏ ﺑﺤﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺯ ﺧﻢ ﻃﺮﻩ ﭘﻴﭽﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﮕﺮ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺑﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻭﻻ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮ ﺻﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮐﻦ ﺯ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺏ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻃﻠﺐ ﮐﻦ ﻓﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﻮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﮕﺸﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪﻡ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻡ ﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺑﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺸﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﺟﻬﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺁﻩ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺒﻨﻲ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺳﺖ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﻢ ﺩﻟﻢ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺥ! ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺯ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﻌﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻚ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺝ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻧﻲ ﮔﻮﮊﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﮒ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺰﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺪﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻚ ﻳﺘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻧﺠﺪ ﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﺨﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺠﺎﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺠﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼﻮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺿﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻕ ﺭﻧﺠﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻗﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﻛﻔﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻴﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﮐﺪﮐﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻕ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻃﻨﻴﻨﺶ ﺯ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺍ ِﺭ ﻧﺴﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺧﺸﮑﺴﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ؟ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻋﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺭﺧﺼﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﻘﻪﻱ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻗﻤﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻻﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﮊﺭﻑﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻝﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺧﺎﻣﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﮏ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﻮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ِ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻨﻔﺸﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺗﭙﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﻲﺳﺖ ﺯ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﻲ«‬

‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﮐﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺯﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻱ ﺭﮒﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﻓﺴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺧﺴﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﮐﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻡ ﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻗﺼﻪﻱ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺒﺴﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺻﺪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ﻋﺸﻖﺍﻡ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺐ ﺭﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻱ ﺭﮒﻫﺎﻱﺍﻡ ﻓﺴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﮐﺒﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻬﺪﻡ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺻﺒﺎﺣﻢ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻏﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺯ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺰﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﻳﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﺴﻄﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺣﻖﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﺣﻖﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻱ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻜﻮ ﺑﮕﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﮔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻃﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺐ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻝ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺻﺪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺻﺪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺷﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻛﺶ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻛﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺯﻥ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﺴﻄﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺁﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺗﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺏﺗﺮ ﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻴﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺒﺤﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻙ ﻏﻤﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺁﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﭙﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺸﺮ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻱ ﻋﻄﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬

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‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٢٠٠‬ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ ١٥٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ -‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﺭﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻔﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ ٨‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ٩٤‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ -‬ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭖ‪ -‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻢ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ – ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ – ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ -‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۲۹‬‬

‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻼﻕ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ‪ ٢٨‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ ٩٣‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﮐﻪ ‪ ٢٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ…‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ‪ ٩٩‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٦٠‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ »ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ« ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ -‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺪﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﴼ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﮑﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ( ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﮑﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ٦‬ﻳﺎ ‪ ١١‬ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ ١٢‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ )ﻣﺮﺳﻲ( ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺴﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺭﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ ،١٩٤٥‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ١٩٩٤‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ )ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ٢٧‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ٢٠١٢‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﮏ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﻔﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ -‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻗﺼﺪ‬

‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٩٢‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﮐﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﮑﻮﻧﻲﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺱﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺱﻭﺟﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﭼﻠﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺩﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﻇﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻃﻼﻕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﺍﺻﻠﻲ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ‪ ٤٣‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻃﻼﻕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺩﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪» ،‬ﺯﻭﺟﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻪ‪ ٢٧ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﮔﺎﺯﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ‪ ٣١ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﴼ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﮑﺲ‬ ‫ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ -‬ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻬﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ»ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮐﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ -‬ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻒ‪ -‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ .‬ﺏ‪ -‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﻭﻳﮑﻲ ﻟﻴﮑﺲ« ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ – ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ – ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ‪ ٨٠‬ﺗﺎ ‪١٠٨‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٦٧‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠١٣‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ]ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ[ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻫﺖ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﮑﻮﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٤٣‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺶﻭﻗﻮﺱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻻً ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﴼ ﺩﺭﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲﺍﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮐﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮑﺲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٧٤‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ‪-١٣٨٦‬‬ ‫‪» ٨٧‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٩٤‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻕ ﻭ …‪ -‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۵‬‬

‫ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ »ﺧﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫»ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻋﻠﻲ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ »ﺧﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻋﻘﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﮔﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺁﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﻠﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﺲ ﺍﺭﻳﻨﺎ‬

‫‪ ۱۱‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳‬ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﻟﺮ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹‬ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﮕﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ‪ (۴۰۴) ۸۷۸-۳۰۰۰‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺰﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ‬ ‫)ﺁﻟﻔﺎﺭﺗﺎ(‬

‫‪ ۱۷‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﺍﻣﺰ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻱﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﭖ ﻭ ﺟﻒ ﺑﮏ‬ ‫‪ ۱۵‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﺍﺭﺕ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ »ﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﮏ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ »ﻫﻠﻦ ﻟﻮﻳﺖ« ﺗﺎ ‪۳۱‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬

‫ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.kanoon.info‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻭﺩﻱ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﻢﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫‪3460 Chamblee Dunwoody Way‬‬ ‫‪Chamblee, GA 3034‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪۳۵۰‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪bcompany@att.net‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﻓﻨﻲ »ﭘﻮﻳﺎ«‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﭘﻮﻳﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖﮐﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻋﺮﺏﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮏﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ »ﻫﺮﻳﺘﻴﺞ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻳﻨﮕﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪۲۳‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۹‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﺎﺗﺮ‬

‫‪ ۱۸‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺟﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﮐﺲﻭﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۲۴‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ‪ :‬ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻠﻦ‬ ‫‪ ۱‬ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮ ﻭﻳﻨﻮﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻠﺘﻴﮏ‬ ‫‪ ۲۶‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ )‪(۸۰۰‬‬ ‫‪ ۷۴۵-۳۰۰۰‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ www.ticketmaster.com‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱‬ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﺎﻳﻲ _ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۲‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ _ ﻗﻠﻤﻪ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ _ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۳‬ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ »ﻭﻳﺸﻲ« ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫_ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ _ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪» - ۴‬ﻗﻮﻡ« ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ! _ ﺻﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ _‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ _ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۵‬ﮐﻮﭼﻨﺪﻩ _ ﮐﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﮒ _ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۶‬ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ _ ﺍﺟﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ _ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﻼﻍ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۷‬ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺗﻲ ﻳﺰﺩ _ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ _ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۸‬ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ _ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ _‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۹‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ _ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ _ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۰‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ _ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺴﻲ _ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۱‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ _ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ!‬ ‫‪ - ۱۲‬ﺧﻴﺲ _ ﺑﺎﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ _ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ ﻭ‬

‫‪(۴۰۴) ۷۸۶ _ ۴۸۱۴‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫‪(۴۰۴) ۷۵۴ _ ۳۰۵۶‬‬

‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ‬

‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻔﺎﺭﺗﺎ‬ ‫)ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩ ‪ ٤٠٠‬ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ‪ (١٠‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪(۷۷۰) ۷۵۱ _ ۰۲۷۶‬‬

‫‪Light Fixtures For Sale‬‬ ‫‪A large quantity of Metalux heavy‬‬ ‫‪duty ﬂuorescent light ﬁxtures with‬‬ ‫‪covers ideal for warehouses and‬‬ ‫‪,commercial buildings‬‬

‫‪(678) 707-9667‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ _ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫‪ - ۱۳‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ _ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮐﺒﺎﺕ _‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۴‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ _ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ _ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺵ!‬ ‫‪ - ۱۵‬ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ _ ﭼﻠﭽﺮﺍﻍ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪:‬‬

‫‪House Assistance Needed‬‬

‫ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﺃ‬ ‫‪ ٣٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻨﺠﮏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺝ ﭘﺎﻣﭽﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﮑﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﮐﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ‪ ٢٤‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻋﺪﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.۹۴ – ۸۹ – ۷۳ – ۶۴ – ۵۳ – ۴۳ – ۲۶ – ۱۲‬‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪۶۲۵ – ۵۴۱ – ۴۸۳ – ۴۲۱ – ۳۴۳ – ۳۱۶ – ۲۹۴ – ۱۶۸‬‬ ‫– ‪.۹۶۴ – ۹۳۸ – ۸۸۴ – ۷۶۱ – ۷۲۶ – ۶۷۹‬‬ ‫‪ ۴‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪– ۶۲۵۴ – ۵۷۹۷ – ۴۷۲۷ – ۳۸۷۸ – ۲۳۳۲ – ۱۴۲۵‬‬ ‫‪.۹۵۲۶ – ۸۶۵۷ – ۸۲۸۲ – ۷۲۹۶‬‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪۴۱۲۴۲ – ۳۳۲۳۶ – ۲۸۷۲۸ – ۱۴۳۹۴ – ۱۴۲۳۴‬‬ ‫– ‪– ۷۴۲۹۲ – ۶۷۹۴۸ – ۶۴۳۲۶ – ۵۴۱۸۲ – ۴۸۲۸۸‬‬ ‫‪.۹۷۶۸۷ – ۹۲۵۴۳ – ۸۴۵۷۳‬‬ ‫‪ ۶‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.۸۲۲۹۳۲ – ۴۲۸۲۷۲‬‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪– ۴۴۶۵۲۲۲ – ۳۶۲۱۷۶۶ – ۳۱۵۲۴۶۲ – ۲۷۳۴۷۳۹‬‬ ‫‪.۹۲۴۳۴۳۲ – ۸۳۹۶۳۳۴ – ۷۸۴۲۶۴۲ – ۵۷۹۹۳۴۴‬‬ ‫‪ ۹‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.۵۲۶۳۲۶۲۲۶‬‬

‫‪ - ۱‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ _ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺶ! _ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺣﻼﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۲‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ _ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ _ ﺗﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۳‬ﻧﺰﺩ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﻣﺠﺎﻥ _ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﻮ _ ﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۴‬ﺩﻝﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ _ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ _ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۵‬ﻣﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ _ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ ﺗﻪ ﺟﻮﻱ _ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۶‬ﺷﻴﺎﺭ _ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ _‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۷‬ﻫﻴﺄﺕ _ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ _ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۸‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﺎﻻ _ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ _ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۹‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ _ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﺍ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۰‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﮕﻴﺰﻱ _ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ _ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۱‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﻓﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ _ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ _ ﺁﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۲‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ _ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ _‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﺴﻴﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﻣﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۳‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﺒﺰﻱﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ _ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ _ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻪ! _‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - ۱۴‬ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻧﻪ _ ﭘﺮ ﺩﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ _ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ - ۱۵‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ _ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ _ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ »ﺧﺴﻴﺲ«‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۶‬‬

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‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻧﮑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺸﻨﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ‬ ‫»ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﻲ«‬

‫ﻛﻮﺭﺵ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫‪K@Kourosh123.com‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻻﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻻﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺼﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮑﻮﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ »ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺵ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﮑﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻧﮑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ »ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺵ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪﺷﻮﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺸﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺸﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﻟﺨﺮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺯﺑﻮﻧﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٤٣‬‬

‫‪۳۸‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﺴﺮﻳﻨﮓ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭗ ﺑﻼﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ )‪(AFC‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻇﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ AFC‬ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ »ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻣﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﮕﺰ«‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﺟﺮﻣﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﮕﺰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﻠﺪﻭﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﭗ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻣﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﮕﺰ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻟﻮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻧﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۷۲‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻻﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﺌﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫)ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﮐﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻳﮏﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻻﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺒﻖ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥـ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﺗﮑﻠﻴﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮑﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺮﻣﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﮕﺰ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ« ﺷﺎﻳﮏ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻧﮑﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻫﻮﻻ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻝ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ« ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮐﻔﺶ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۹۳‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﮏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻡ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﻭ » ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۶‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻳﮏ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪۳‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻨﻮﮐﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۴‬ﻃﻼ‪ ۴ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻌﻤﺖﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﭺ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻻﺩﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬

‫‪۳۹‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﺭﻳﮑﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﮑﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪۱۹۸۹‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﮏ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪۵۸‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﻨﮓﭘﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۳‬ﻃﻼ‪ ۲ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻼﻧﮑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮑﻴﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﭖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﮐﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۲‬ﻃﻼ ﻭ ‪ ۵‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪۱۹‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺏ ﮐﺮﻭﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۶‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۸۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﻃﻼﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۳‬ﻃﻼ‪ ۲ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﭽﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺸﻢ‬

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‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻻﺋﻮﺱ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻳﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮐﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﮑﺘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮﺍﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﻴﻐﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﻨﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۲‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﺎﺯﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻳﮏ ﻃﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۲‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬

‫ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﺌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪ ۱۸ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻳﻘﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﴼ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﺌﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﺌﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۲‬ﻃﻼ‪ ۳ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻮﻣﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﻨﺞﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺰﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﻳﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸﮏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﭘﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﺪﺑﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺑﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﮐﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۴‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺴﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺲﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﺐﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﺱ ‪ A‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻭﻩ ﺷﻤﺸﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﭙﺎﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﮑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﻗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﮊﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺣﺎﺗﻢﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻼﻟﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺷﻘﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ C‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۳‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺋﻮﺱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۹۰‬ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻏﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻈﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻌﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﺌﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﭗ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ »ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺘﻲ« ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﺎﺭﻱﺳﻦﮊﺭﻣﻦ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻝ ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﺪﻟﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺲ ﺭﻳﺪﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﭘﺎﺭﻱﺳﻦﮊﺭﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ – ﭘﺎﺭﻱﺳﻦﮊﺭﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺗﻠﺘﻴﮑﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﻧﺎﮐﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ‪ -‬ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻱﺳﻦ ﮊﺭﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۷‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺴﺦ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻓﺴﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪ ۱,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﺴﻂ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺐ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ؟‬

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‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ۵۷‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۶۱‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۶۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۷۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۷۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۸۶‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺜﻢ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺟﻮﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۹۷‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲۶‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ :‬ﮐﻤﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻧﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺴﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺴﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﻑ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬

‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﮐﻔﺎﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ – ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ‪ ۳‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۳‬ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺴﺦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﺎﻳﮑﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺯﻭﻭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ )ﺑﺮﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭ ﭘﻮﭺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ(‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﮑﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮐﺲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ(‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﻮﺩ؟ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﺘﮑﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮ )ﺧﺮﭼﻨﮓ(‬

‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺮﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺷﻴﺮ(‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﮏ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﮐﻼﻓﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺧﻮﺷﻪ(‬

‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻼﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺣﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ(‬

‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮐﻼﻓﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺑﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻒ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﮓﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )ﮐﮋﺩﻡ(‬

‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻦ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ )ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻱ )ﺑﺰ(‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻄﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﺑﻼﺗﮑﻠﻴﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ )ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ »ﻣﻦ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﭗ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲ(‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﺦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۲‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻮ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻠﻪ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﺮﺯﺩ!‬

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‫ﻳﮏ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ »ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﮎ« ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ »ﻻﻳﮏ« ﻭ »ﮐﺎﻣﻨﺖ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺁ ﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﮎ«‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺖﺭﻭﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﯼ؟ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺭﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﻭﻧﺠﺎ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﯼ؟‬

‫ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﭘﺎﺋﻮﻟﻮ ﮐﺌﻮﻟﻮ‬

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‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟‬

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‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺲ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﮕﻪ؟ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻩ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﻴﻎ ﺯﻧﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ؟ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻗﺼﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺟﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻪ؟ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺴﻮﺩﻱ! ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺼﻪ!‬

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‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮐﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺵ ﮐﻨﻪ! ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻝ! ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ؟ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻩ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺠﺐ ﺟﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﮑﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪...‬‬

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‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ «‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﮑﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺿﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ! ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻪ! ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ!‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻦ‪....‬‬

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‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻔﻦ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ ۴۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ :‬ﺑﻬﺸﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺸﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻑ‪....‬ﻏﺬﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﭖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭘﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺱ ﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻪ ﺯﮐﻲ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ ﭼﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﻭﺩﮐﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺭﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺠﻮﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﻴﺎﮎ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﮐﻨﻴﺎﮎ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ؟ ﮐﻨﻴﺎﮎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﻮﻣﺪﻩ!‬

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‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻡ‪ ...‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﻲ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺱ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﭘﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻪ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻧﺬﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻲ‬

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‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﯽ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﯽ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻦﮐﺎﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﺸﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺳﯽ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺗﻪ!‬

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‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻡ ﺑﺪﻡ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻪ؟! ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺮﻭﮎﻫﺎﯼ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﯽ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﯽ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﯽ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﺸﻘﺒﺎﺯﯼ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﮐﻨﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﮑﺎ ﺯﺩ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﻪ ﺷﻮ ﺑﯽﻣﺰﻩ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﯽﻣﺘﺮﯼ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﯼ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮﻡ؟‬

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‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﯼ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﭘﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮏﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ )ﭼﺸﻤﮏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‪ (.‬ﺯﺩ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺑﮕﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺰﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﻋﺸﻘﺒﺎﺯﯼ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﯽ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ!‬

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‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ! ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﯽ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﯼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﮐﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ؟ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﻭﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﯼﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭﯼ ﺭﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥﻣﯽﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ!‬

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‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺗﻮﯼ‬

‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ!«‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﺩﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻌﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻣﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻮﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﯼ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻃﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﯼ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺿﺪ ﭼﺮﻭﮐﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺍﻃﻮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ؟ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﯽﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﮑﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻞ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﻧﯽ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻮ!‬

‫ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

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‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﯼ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﯽ ﻣﺎﭼﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺑﯽ!‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﯽﺍﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﻫﺘﻞ ﺭﺯﺭﻭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﯽ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻮﮐﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﯼ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ!‬

‫ﻧﻪ؟!‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫*******‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ‬ ‫»ﺑﻲﺳﻴﻢ« ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﮑﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻲ؟ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺕ ﮐﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻗﻠﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﮑﺸﻢ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻲ ﺑﮑﺸﻢ؟ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ؟ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢﻧﻮﻳﺴﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ؟ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﮑﺸﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻲ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮑﺸﻢ‪...‬‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺷﺐ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ!‬

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‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ!‬

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‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻡ!‬

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‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ!‬

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‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬

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‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۴۰۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻔﺶ ﺑﺮﻡ ﺗﻮ؟!‬

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‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﮕﻮ »ﻑ« ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻢ ﻓﺮﺣﺰﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﻢ »ﻑ« ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻦ »ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﮎ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ‪۱+۵‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﮐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻮﺱ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﻨﺪﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﮎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ »ﮐﺮﮎ‪ -‬ﻣﻨﻨﺪﺯ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﮊﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ« ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﻨﺪﺯ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۴‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﻮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ… ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ )ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۳‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٣٢‬‬

‫‪April 2015‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪۱۳۹۴‬‬

‫ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻏﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ‬

‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ »ﻓﻼﺵﺑﮏﻫﺎﻱ« ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻲﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﻣﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﭼﺮﺍ«ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟«؛ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟« ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮎ ﻏﻴ ِﺮ ِ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺀ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻔﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻌﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﮏﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﺶ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؛ ﻋﺸﻘﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﺭﺯﻡ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺲ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﮎﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ »ﻧﻨﮓ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ … ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻲ‪» ،‬ﺷﺮﻡ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻧﺶ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ )ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ …( ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﻗﺎﺗﻞ«‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ »ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺧﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻏﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺴﮑﻴﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲﮔﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺮﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﮑﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﻤﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﮐﻼﺳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ … ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٣٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ »ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﴼ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺷﮏﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﺳﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ١١‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ…ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﺶﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺼﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ…‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٣٧‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ!( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺃ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻲ »ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻋﻨﮑﺒﻮﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺸﻘﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮑﺸﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ…ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ‪ -‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ -‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ‪ -‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ ١٤‬ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺜﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ…ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺮ‪ -‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺫﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻀﺤﮏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ…ﺗﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭺ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ…ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ…ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﮑﺎﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﺮﻳﺰ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﮑﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻔﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺹ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻧﮑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﻮﻧﺸﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻏﻼﻡ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮑﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﺎﺭ ﺟﺰ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺟﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻕ ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ«ﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺰ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﮕﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﺲ ‪ ....‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺎﺭ!‬

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April 2015 ۱۳۹۴ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 45

Iran’s nine other frontiers are important for more than trade and transit. Iraq: To the West, Iran’s 910-mile border with Iraq is an entry point into the Arab world’s Fertile Crescent. Turkey: To the northwest, Iran shares a 312-mile border with Turkey, a vital member of NATO. Afghanistan: To the east, Iran shares a 585-mile border with Afghanistan; the two countries share one of the world’s most active routes for trafﬁcking narcotics. Pakistan: To the southeast is the 570-mile border with Pakistan. The father of Pakistan’s nuclear bomb provided pivotal equipment to Tehran. Gulf states: Iran’s frontier along the Persian Gulf, through which more than 40 percent of the West’s oil passes daily, is the longest of the six countries that rim the strategic waterway. Iran effectively controls the Strait of Hormuz, the socalled chokepoint for Gulf oil exports. Turkmenistan: To the north, Iran has a 620-mile border with the former Soviet republic, the most autocratic of the Central Asian nations. Azerbaijan: To the north, Iran shares a 270-mile border with Azerbaijan. About one quarter of Iran’s population is ethnic Azeri. Armenia: To the north, Iran’s smallest frontier is the 22-mile border with Armenia. Armenians are among the Christian minorities represented by specially allocated seats for Christians in Iran’s parliament. Azerbaijan-Nakhchivan exclave: To the north, Iran shares a 112-mile border. Ethnically, Iran is also a geographic crossroad mirroring most of its neighbors. Only 51 percent of Iranians are pure Persians. The rest are Azeris in the northwest and Turkoman in the northeast. Kurds live along the western border with Iraq. Baluchis (or “wanderers”) straddle the arid and unruly southeast border with Pakistan. Arabs live on the southern coast. The Lors, an Arab-Persian mix, live mainly in the mountains, while nomadic herding tribes live in the south.

The future •

•

In the 21st century, Iran’s unique version of God’s government must prove its viability on earth —and that it can deliver what its people want—or risk the same fate as other utopian ideologies. No Islamic country is likely to replicate the Iranian experience. The costs are too high, the results too controversial. The Shiite character of the revolution also makes it unlikely to be repeated among Sunnidominated societies. Yet Iran’s Shiite alliance remains a major power bloc capable of heavily inﬂuencing the outcome of elections and conﬂicts—and sparking tensions with Sunni communities. Iran’s resources create a huge cushion against punitive actions such as economic sanctions. In an oil-hungry world, they also undermine international cooperation. Iran’s labyrinthine political system—and competing sources of power—complicate all forms of diplomacy. Engagement, especially with the United States, has become a domestic political issue— unrelated to the merits of rapprochement.

Members of the 2015 dance group at the Georgia Tech Nowruz Celebration organized by the Kanoon of Atlanta (from left to right: Tina Pak, Camilla Noorbakhsh, Andia Shamsai, Camelia Malkami, Niki Nourollahi, Roxana Hojjatie, Mahtab Heydari, Sara Hojjatie, Lily Akbarzadeh, Anahita Ghafarian, Ariana Sarkhail, and Atoosa Hashemi.

New Generation of Iranians Brings Excitement to Nowruz Parties By: Sara Hojjatie Georgia Tech The new generation of Iranian-Americans is already making a huge impact on their communities. From earning the Field’s medal to helping land a space shuttle on Mars, IranianAmericans seem to become more inﬂuential with every coming year. But the most unique and creative achievements occur when IranianAmericans take the initiative to showcase their Iranian culture to the community. Focusing on one example, the Nowruz dance group of Atlanta, Georgia has stirred great excitement in the Iranian community. Composed of university and high school students from the metro-Atlanta area, this dance

team began as an afterthought when I observed other cultures being represented through dance on Georgia Tech’s campus and wondered, why not Iranian-Americans? The ﬁrst of its kind in Atlanta, I wanted this group to be a fun experience that would encourage IranianAmericans be more proud of their culture. High school student Mahtab Heydari, who observed our ﬁrst performance and joined the following year, states, “This group was a wonderful opportunity to artistically reconnect with my Persian culture. Our group of girls came in with little to no dance experience but we all bonded quickly over our common heritage.” Well received by both Iranian and American audiences, the group has performed at Nowruz celebrations at Georgia Tech, Emory, and the

iBRIDGE Berlin Conference

High Tech Entrepreneurship in Iran: Opportunities and Challenges Source: ibridges.org iBRIDGE Berlin is a three-day event to be held on June 4-6, 2015 in Berlin, Germany that is organized by iBRIDGES. It will bring together European and American entrepreneurs and their counterparts in Iran to explore the role that a high-tech entrepreneurial ecosystem can play in Iran’s economic development and diversiﬁcation. The event will be comprised of keynote speeches, panel discussions, and workshops, as well as visits to local incubators in Berlin. iBRIDGE Berlin is a sequel to iBRIDGE Berkeley, the innovative conference held at

the University of California, Berkeley on September 6, 2014. The soldout groundbreaking event, with over 700 attendees and 1,000 viewers via live stream, brought together thought leaders and seasoned entrepreneurs from Silicon Valley and Iran to explore the opportunities and challenges of high tech entrepreneurship in Iran and its impact on the country’s ongoing economic development. The iBRIDGES initiative is an open, inclusive and collaborative community, free from any political or ideological afﬁliations, that works towards bringing to life a diversity of impactful initiatives, platforms and spaces that all tangibly serve to contribute to the development of the high-tech entrepreneurial sector in Iran. The iBRIDGES community is committed to nurturing and empowering individuals to become

Atlanta Persian Festival. Now in our third year, the group has grown to twelve members and received sponsorship from members of the community—including the Kanoon of Atlanta, Persian restaurant Café Istanbul, and prominent businesswoman Floria Izadi—in order to purchase materials to create traditional Persian costumes (pictured). Committees were established, including fundraising, costume, and publicity committee, to share the responsibility for the successful upkeep of the group. Through this, members gained valuable teamwork and organization skills and built lifelong friendships. I hope that Iranian-Americans in the Atlanta area will continue to participate in this cultural dance group for years to come. It’s a beautiful thing when members would spread the word to their friends and family and encourage more people to join. This way, efforts to sustain the Iranian culture become ‘the popular thing to do,’ and makes me believe that this dance team will continue as a tradition for future generations. agents of change who build and accelerate the growth of the “Innovation Economy” in Iran. At the heart of iBRIDGES lies the commitment to actively contribute to developing and growing the high-tech entrepreneurial ecosystem in Iran. This objective is based on the notion that the promotion and development of entrepreneurial capacities for members of society is a key lever to elevate their social condition. Entrepreneurship opens minds and enables individuals to unleash their creative capacities. It enables them to shift their perspective from seeing themselves as mere consumers or passive members of society, to being active producers, contributors and creators of their social reality. In particular the high-tech entrepreneurial space brings with it game changing dynamics and new ways of engagement that promote diversity and equal opportunity, celebrates merit based achievement, advocates participative management as well as fosters shared ownership, all elements needed to establish a “Global Innovation Economy”. This paradigm shift is the indispensable key to establishing a sustainable economy and is the engine of innovation which safeguards the continual advancement of civilization towards shared prosperity.

۴۵

April 2015 ۱۳۹۴ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 47

For 30 years, the bottom line issue had been variations on the same theme: whether to give priority to the revolution or to the state. Put another way: whether the Islamic Republic is first and foremost Islamic or a republic. The same theme had played out in the 2009 election. Ahmadinejad championed the revolutionary clerics’ original vision of helping the oppressed, while Mousavi campaigned on the need for a viable and practical state. The same issues were also central to the post-election turmoil. Mousavi warned that the alleged vote-rigging was killing the idea that Islam and republicanism were compatible. In 2009, the public became immersed in the debate too—first by turning out to vote and then in protesting alleged fraud. The newly named Green Movement also launched the most imaginative civil disobedience campaign in the Islamic world. It included a commercial boycott of goods advertised on state-controlled television. It featured anti-regime slogans and caricatures printed on the national currency— from a green V to signify the Green Movement’s election victory to a stamped picture of Ahmadinejad with the caption “people’s enemy.”And it painted imaginative graffiti— usually in green—on public walls, the back of buses, bridge underpasses, university buildings and fences. The public political energy was admired among reformers in other Muslim countries, including Sunni societies that had disdained the revolution or distanced themselves from Shiite Iran. Despite the government crackdown, the sheer magnitude of participation assured that the debate started shortly after the revolution was still far from over.

Fear of foreigners Historically, many of Iran’s most tumultuous times have been caused by foreign invasions, meddling or inﬂuence. From the Persian prism, the showdown with the outside world in the 21st century is only the latest round. Long experience has bred deep suspicion and xenophobia. Ancient Persia was pivotal to Alexander the Great’s drive into India in the 4th century B.C. Its conquest by Arab armies in the 7th century gave the then new Islamic Empire access to central and eastern Asia. Persia was invaded by Turks in the 11th, 16th and 18th centuries. It was conquered by Genghis Khan’s Mongol army in the 13th century and by Tamerlane in the 14th century. The Safavid dynasty actually converted to Shiism in the 16thcentury— some 900 years after Shiism’s birth in Islam’s great schism— to create a separate identity and prevent the encroachment of Sunnis in the neighboring Ottoman Empire. Persia was then challenged by the Afghans in the 18th century. In the 20th century, Iran was occupied by Britain and the Soviet Union. The Persian Corridor was also the most viable supply route for U.S. Lend Lease aid to the Soviet Union during World War II. Some 40,000 American soldiers were deployed in Iran to keep the train link open. After the war, Iran was the ﬁrst crisis of

the new United Nations when the Soviets refused to leave. In 1946, the U.N. Security Council passed a resolution calling on Moscow to pullout its forces from northern Iran. President Harry Truman’s ultimatum to Joseph Stalin on Iran spawned a new U.S.-Iran friendship that steadily deepened until the revolution. But the subsequent Cold War arguably also had its origins in this confrontation.

Rejecting encroachment The fight against foreign influence has also been central to the Iranian campaign for empowerment over the past century. The 19051911 Constitutional Revolution erupted after the monarchy doled out political and economic concessions to Britain and Russia. The backlash sparked prolonged instability and forced the Qajar dynasty in 1906 to accept demands for a constitution and parliament, both of which limited the king’s powers. Iran had only the second constitution and parliament in Asia, after the Ottoman Empire. The first round of political reforms ended when an army colonel seized power in 1925, crowned himself Persia’s new king, took the name Pahlavi, changed the country’s name to Iran, and launched rapid modernization. He was forced to abdicate for pro-Nazi sentiments in 1941. In 1953, Iran went through a second burst of democratic activism. An elected government led by Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh challenged the second and last Pahlavi shah, who was also heavily influenced by foreign powers. Mossadegh’s four-party coalition advocated constitutional democracy and limited powers for the monarchy. It also wanted to nationalize Iranian oil after the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company refused a 50-50 profit-sharing deal. The shah’s attempt to have Mossadegh dismissed backfired; the backlash forced the monarch to flee to Rome. Foreign powers restored the monarchy. The CIA and British intelligence orchestrated riots that forced Mossadegh from power and allowed the young king to return to the Peacock Throne for another quarter century. In many ways, the 1979 revolution was an extension of the two earlier challenges. In the 21st century, the struggle against foreign influence still defines Iran’s current stand-off with the world. When the outside world today calls for cooperation, many Iranians see it as an attempt to co-opt or coerce them into conformity—to

back on the throne. Defying international law, Iranian students responded by seizing the U.S. Embassy in a drama that dragged out for 444 days. The ordeal of 52 American hostages was largely responsible for ending the presidency of Jimmy Carter after one term. In the mid-1980s, Iran’s double-dealing during the covert arms-forhostage swap—in which Iran helped free three American hostages in Lebanon, only to have three more picked up—was the biggest scandal for the Reagan administration. Iran has been a consistent thorn for all six American presidents who tried to ﬁgure out how to deal with Tehran. The two sides shouted at each other. In 1979, Iran dubbed the United States the “Great Satan.” In 2002, the Bush administration called Iran part of an “axis of evil.” Both countries occasionally tried outreach, although they were never on the same page at the same time. Their counterparts often suspected that the other would not or could not deliver; opportunities to at least explore rapprochement were missed. The most signiﬁcant effort by Iran was President Khatami’s call to bring down “the wall of mistrust.” But it went largely unheeded in Washington until it was too late to salvage the effort. American presidents also singled out Iran for mention in important speeches. In his 1989 inaugural address, President George H.W. Bush offered “new engagement” to the world, but made a special offer to Iran.“There are today Americans who are held against their will in foreign lands, and Americans who are unaccounted for. Assistance can be shown here, and will be long remembered. Good will begets good will. Good faith can be a spiral that endlessly moves on.” After the announcement of his 2009 Nobel Peace Prize, President Obama said it had to be “shared with everyone who strives for justice and dignity — for the young woman who marches silently in the streets on behalf of her right to be heard even in the face of beatings and bullets.” He did not name her, but Iranians knew he was referring to Neda Agha Soltan, the aspiring 26-year-old musician who was shot on a Tehran street during the 2009 election protests. The cell phone video capturing her bloodied death was transmitted around the world. By the end of 2010, tensions between Washington and Tehran had reached new heights because of suspicions about Iran’s long-term nuclear intentions, support for Iraqi and Afghan militias targeting U.S. troops, Ahmadinejad’s denial of the Holocaust and Israel’s right to exist, and human rights abuses.

Nationalism Tehran’s

Western ways, morals and inﬂuence.

U.S. relations Since the revolution, Iran’s showdown with the world has pivoted most of all on the United States. The shah’s ouster transformed a country that for three decades had been one of two pillars —along with Israel—of U.S. policy in the Middle East. After the United States took in the ailing shah, Tehran began to view Washington as the ultimate enemy. The revolutionaries suspected another CIA plot to put the monarch

policies and world perspective today are also rooted in a past rich with accomplishments. Iranians are notoriously proud, as is their right. Persia produced some of history’s greatest scientists, physicians, astronomers, mathematicians, philosophers, architects, artists and poets. Iranians believe their contributions are not over—if only the outside world will give them a chance. Zoroaster founded the ﬁrst monotheistic religion, which introduced the ideas of good and evil and a day of judgment even before Judaism. Avicenna, or Ibn Sina, was an 11th century philosopher and physician whose medical texts were taught in Europe until the 17th century. A crater on the moon is named after him. In the 11thcentury, Omar Khayyam was one of the world’s leading mathematicians and astronomers as well as a poet famed for more than 1,000 quatrain verses. Rumi, a 13th century philosopher, is the world’s most popular poet in the 21st century. Hafez, Saadi, and Ferdowsi

were other great medieval poets whose works are still admired today. The list goes on and on. Iran’s intellectual culture has been evident even in the current political infighting. Some of the most modern and democratic ideas in the Islamic world today have emerged among Iranian philosophers, reformers and dissidents. Iranian philosopher Abdulkarim Soroush was the intellectual father of the reform movement. A former revolutionary, he turned on the regime. In the mid-1990s, he began to challenge the theological justification for a supreme leader and called for separation of mosque and state. He also declared that freedom always had precedence over religion, because Muslims could only be true believers if they embraced the faith with their own free will. Given their past, Iranians see only greatness in their future; they view their current status as only a blip on the screen of history. The quest for nuclear energy, which dates back to the shah, is viewed as a key to modern development. For many ordinary Iranians, the right to enrich uranium to fuel nuclear reactors is first and foremost an issue of sovereignty. As they modernize, they want to avoid any further dependence on the outside world. To understand Iranian nationalism, think of a proud, chauvinistic Texan—then add 5,000 years.

Strategic value The outside world has always valued Iran because of its location. Today, no nation can afford to ignore Iran, regardless of who is in power, for several reasons: •

•

It holds some 10 percent of the world’s oil reserves. Iran is OPEC’s second largest oil producer. It also has the world’s second largest reserves of natural gas. Iran’s vast resources provide enormous leverage in an oil-hungry world. Since World War II, petroleum has been essential to the movement of modern armies and for development of modern industry. Free access to oil has also been essential to both political and economic power. Iran’s geo-strategic location bridges the world’s most volatile blocs of countries— the Middle East to the west, the Asian subcontinent to the east, and the Caucuses and Central Asia to the north. Peaceful relations with Iran are pivotal to the stability of more than one dozen countries. Iran’s position and the traditions of its Aryan people, the Indo-European race whence Iran gets its name, have long made Iran the crossroads of culture and geography. Iran’s population is now among the world’s top twenty. In the ﬁrst decade after the revolution, it almost doubled from 34 to 62 million when the clerics called on Iranian women to breed an Islamic generation.

Neighborhood geography Iran stands apart geographically because of two great mountain ranges, the Alborz and the Zagros, and three great bodies of water, the Capsian Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. In terms of territory, • Iran is roughly one-ﬁfth the size of the United States. • It ranks 18th among the world’s nations in geographic mass. • Neighboring Afghanistan, by comparison, is 41st. • Neighboring Iraq is 58th. • Iran is more than twice as large and twice as populated as both countries.

April 2015 ۱۳۹۴ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬

CONTINUED FROM COVER PAGE

Unpacking The Iran Sanctions The sanctions regime expanded further in the 1990s under U.S. President Bill Clinton, who by executive order barred any U.S. role in the development of Iran’s oil industry and blocked U.S. trade and investment with Tehran. Other measures prohibited U.S. persons from assisting Tehran in weapons development and, in 1996, Congress passed the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act (later renamed the Iran Sanctions Act), which imposed sanctions on companies doing business with Tehran. In 2002, following the revelation that Iran was operating two secret nuclear facilities, the United States led a new wave of sanctions (including sanctions imposed by the United Nations and the European Union). Under President George W. Bush, the assets of a growing list of Iranian individuals and companies were frozen, and foreign companies considered to be aiding Iran’s nuclear and weapons programs were subjected to sanctions. In 2010, Congress passed the CISADA, which was signed by President Barack Obama. This act signiﬁcantly tightened U.S. sanctions imposed under the Iran Sanctions Act and targeted the global supply of reﬁned petroleum to Iran. In 2012, President Obama halted all transactions by the Central Bank of Iran in the United States and gave U.S. institutions the right to freeze Iranian assets.

Undoing U.S. Sanctions Historically, the U.S. Congress and the president have recognized the importance of being able to «impose and ease economic sanctions with some nimbleness and responsiveness to changing events,» according to the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service, and as a result have «worked together to provide the president substantial ﬂexibility.» The U.S. president alone can rescind an executive order. When it comes to sanctions legislation passed by the U.S. Congress, the vast majority can be waived by the president. Lifting the majority of sanctions imposed under the CISADA would require the president to verify to Congress that Iran is no longer a sponsor of international terrorism and that Iran has ceased to pursue, acquire, or develop nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons and ballistic missiles. Permanently removing the sanctions legislation would require a vote by Congress. On March 19, Deputy Secretary of State Anthony Blinken said that the United States sees sanctions relief as happening incrementally. «We would insist on Iran demonstrating compliance and then certain sanctions might be at that point suspended, not ended, and after still more compliance, at some point, sanctions would actually be ended, assuming Congress agreed to end them,» Blinken said. He added that he sees a similar process at the UN of sanctions being suspended and then being eliminated.

implementing sanctions relief. White House Chief of Staff Denis McDonough has asked Corker to hold off on the legislation until after negotiations are complete. He warns that the legislation could threaten the talks by “emboldening Iranian hard-liners, inviting a counterproductive response from the Iranian majlis, or parliament; differentiating the U.S. position from our allies in the negotiations; and once again calling into question our ability to negotiate this deal.»

UN Sanctions The United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions on Iran for its nuclear program beginning in 2006, banning the import of nuclear-related materials and freezing the assets of individuals and companies related to Iranian programs. Those sanctions were added to in 2007 and 2008, imposing an arms embargo and travel restrictions on sanctioned persons. UN Security Council Resolution 1929 said that Iran could not participate in any activities related to ballistic missiles; banned all countries from providing military vehicles, aircraft, or missiles to Iran; and froze funds to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. The United Nations Security Council would have to pass a resolution to undo sanctions. According to The Wall Street Journal, in the round of talks that ended on March 20, Iran reportedly insisted that sanctions be lifted immediately after the conclusion of a deal and considered anything less to be a deal-breaker. Western negotiators, meanwhile, reportedly believed that sanctions unilaterally imposed by Washington or Brussels could be lifted, but that UN sanctions could take years or months to lift. The Reuters news agency recently reported that, amid concerns that domestic U.S. politics could hamper a possible deal with Iran, major world powers have begun talks on crafting a Security Council resolution that could make it more difﬁcult for U.S. Congress to undermine an agreement.

European Union The European Union implemented the UN’s sanctions and imposed its own sanctions for Iran’s nuclear program. In 2010, the EU adopted sanctions banning investment and assistance to Iran’s energy sector. The EU tightened sanctions and imposed bans on dual-use technologies, an embargo on oil and gas, and instituted ﬁnancial restrictions in 2012.

Points Of Contention Ofﬁcials within the Obama administration have indicated that they have the authority to suspend sanctions legislation in the event of an agreement, and not seek a congressional vote for years. Many members of Congress, however, want to vote on any deal before it goes into effect. A March 9 letter by Senator Tom Cotton (RepublicanArkansas) and 46 other Republican senators to Iranian leaders warned that any deal concluded without Congressional approval would be considered an «executive agreement» that could be undone by a future president. Legislation proposed by Senators Bob Corker (RepublicanTennessee) and Bob Menendez (Democrat-New Jersey) would prevent the president from lifting or suspending sanctions for 60 days while Congress reviews the agreement. While Obama has threatened to veto the bill, proponents of the legislation are optimistic they can get the 67 votes needed to override a presidential veto and block the president from

The measure to lift or suspend sanctions after a deal would be proposed by Federica Mogherini, the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The measure would be discussed by the foreign ministers of 28 member countries in the EU’s Foreign Affairs Council. While technically the vote could be taken by a majority, in practice it would have to be a unanimous decision, according to Cornelius Adebahr of the Europe Program at the Carnegie Endowment of International Peace. “If you just look at the letter of the EU treaties, it would be possible to have a situation where you take such a decision with a ‘qualiﬁed majority’ vote,” he said. “But realistically, there is zero chance of this happening.”

۴۶ Nowruz travelers flock to the ancient ruins of Persepolis One of the favorite destinations for Iranians traveling during the Persian New Year Norwruz holidays is the ancient ruins of Persepolis (Takht-e Jamshid). Persepolis was the ceremonial capital of the Achaemenid Empire (ca. 550-330 BCE).

Persepolis is situated 70 km northeast of the modern city of Shiraz in the Fars Province of modern Iran. In contemporary Persian, the site is known as Takht-e Jamshid (Throne of Jamshid) and Parseh. The earliest remains of Persepolis date from around 515 BCE. To the ancient Persians, the city was known as Parsa, which means “The City of Persians”.

۴۷

April 2015

۱۳۹۴ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬

The Challenge of Iran The Iran Primer by: Robin

Wright

Iran, proud and passionate, has been a conundrum since its 1979 revolution. It stunned the world by introducing Islam as a form of modern governance, in turn altering the balance of power across the Middle East. It rattled the region by exporting its zealous ideology and siring or sponsoring militant allies elsewhere. And it unnerved both East and West by defiantly challenging international norms and charting its own course. All three factors complicated dealing with the Islamic Republic. But Iran looms even larger today. The confluence of challenges—defiance over its nuclear program, rising repression, support for extremists, and menacing rhetoric—has created a sense of impending crisis both at home and abroad. Political volatility at home was reflected in six months of tumultuous protests after the disputed 2009 presidential election. For millions of Iranians in many cities, the issue quickly escalated from alleged voter fraud to condemnation of the regime, its leadership and even the Islamic system. The regime, briefly, appeared on a precipice. Tehran eventually restored control. But its tactics indicated the regime’s insecurity. It had to militarize to survive. Tensions with the international community have been reflected in a series of U.N. sanctions since 2006 over Iran’s refusal to convince the world it was not building a bomb. In the end, even Russia, which built Iran’s first nuclear reactor, voted for a series of punitive sanctions. So did China, which has become Iran’s most important big-power trading partner. Iran now represents a far more complex challenge than other hotspots—Afghanistan, Iraq and North Korea—for several reasons: • Its revolution was one of the three transformative events in the Middle East in the 20th century. Iran’s actions will be pivotal to global events in the early 21st century because of its resources, ideology, weaponry, allies and location. • Strategically, Iran’s frontiers and coastline have for millennia been central to political, military and commercial developments. Today, it spans three of the world’s most volatile regions and its most vital shipping lanes for oil. Iran has the potential to help stabilize or destabilize all four. • Politically, Iran has been the most dynamic and controversial experiment in blending Islam and democracy—and the experiment is far from over. It continues to play out in the domestic political crisis. The outcome could affect the wider Islamic world as profoundly as the revolution. • Militarily, Iran has the largest armed forces in the Middle East and, with the exception of Israel, Egypt and increasingly Saudi Arabia, the largest arsenal, although much of its weaponry is of low quality, aging or obsolete. It has also armed militant allies from Lebanon to Afghanistan. • Economically, Iran is one of the world’s largest and most valuable properties, rich with oil and natural gas. Its assets in turn give it leverage and political leeway globally.

The revolution The Islamic Republic still has to prove the long-term viability of its zealous ideology and hybrid political system, the issues at the heart of its domestic crisis. Yet Iran’s 1979 revolution was clearly one of the three most innovative revolutions of the Modern Age. Like two other upheavals, it introduced a new ideology and redefined the world’s political spectrum. In toppling the Bourbon monarchy, the French revolution introduced equality and civil liberty as the basis of modern democracy. The Russian revolution overthrew the Romanov dynasty in the name of classless egalitarianism, the foundation of communism. By ousting the last in a string of dynasties dating back more than 2,000 years, the Iranian revolution sought to demonstrate that Islam was an effective idiom of political expression, opposition and governance. For the Middle East, the revolution was one of the three most important turning points of the 20thcentury. The collapse of the five-century-old Ottoman Empire after World War I and Israel’s creation in 1948 were the other two. In many ways, Iran was a logical place for sweeping political innovation because of its own rich history, religious tenets, two earlier attempts at reform, and struggle to end foreign influence. Historically, Iran has more independent political experience than virtually any other modern Muslim state. Most were created or gained independence from European colonial powers only in the 20th century. But Iran had a long, if somewhat varied, history of sovereignty. Persia also had long exposure to ideas from the outside world, as a crossroads between East and West and a target of invading armies from ancient Greece to contemporary Britain. And with more than five millennia of civilization, Iranians have a sense of historic importance and a role in shaping the world.

Political Islam Shiite Islam was also a logical force for change. In Sunni Islam, clerics are advisers; a believer’s relationship with God is direct. In Shiite Islam, the clergy is empowered to interpret God’s word for the faithful. Their fatwas have absolute authority in telling a believer what is right or wrong, what to do or not do. Shiite clerics also have a leadership hierarchy. And central to the original schism, Shiite Islam demands that the faithful ﬁght against injustice, even if it means certain death. In tapping into strong Shiite traditions, revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini became the most credible authority to mobilize disparate Iranian factions against the last shah. Islam also provided a framework for an alternative to the monarchy. The new Islamic Republic was the ﬁrst grand experiment in blending Islam and democracy. Iran’s 1979 constitution borrowed heavily from French and Belgian law. It called for separation of powers between the three branches of government. It stipulated that the president and legislature, as well as provincial and local councils, should be popularly elected by men and women, originally as young as 15. It imposed a two-term limit on the presidency. And it continued the monarchy’s practice of allocating seats in parliament for Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians—at least token acknowledgement of individual or minority rights.

But the constitution then added a provision that all laws must be compatible with Islamic law, or Sharia. It also established a set of parallel Islamic institutions that mirrored each of the republican branches of government—and often had more power. And on top of it all, the constitution imposed a supreme leader, who had absolute powers. The supreme leader became the equivalent of an infallible political pope.

Revolution within Shiism The Islamic Republic also represented a revolution within Shiism. More than any branch of Islam, Shiites historically were wary of political power. They viewed the state as imperfect, corruptible and a source of persecution. They deliberately distanced themselves from politics. After Iran’s revolution, however, they became the political power, changing the role of the clerics as well a central tenet of the “quietist” Shiite faith. Tehran’s Shiite theocracy is the only time Muslim clerics have ever ruled a state. Iran has in turn put Shiism—Islam’s so-called second sect, making up between 10 percent and 12 percent of the world’s 1.3 billion Muslims— on the political map. In its ﬁrst three decades, the Islamic Republic fostered a network of Shiite allies in neighboring states stretching from Lebanon to Afghanistan. Sunni governments began to fear the so-called Shiite crescent, anchored by Iran, that stretched west across Iraq, into Syria and Lebanon, and south through Shiite minorities in the oil-rich sheikhdoms.

Political phases Iran’s revolution has passed through at least four phases:

Phase one: The first phase was the Khomeini decade from 1979 until the ayatollah’s death in 1989. It was a tumultuous period of revolutionary extremes that included killing off supporters of the ancien regime, taking foreigners hostage, and fostering its zealotry across the Islamic world. The turmoil was exacerbated by an eight-year war with Iraq that proved to be the Middle East’s bloodiest modern conflict. It produced more than one million casualties. Phase two: The second phase coincided with the two terms of President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, from 1989 until 1997. The revolution’s early passions were replaced by a hard-earned pragmatism, produced in part by excesses that backfired against the clerics and exhausted the population. Under Rafsanjani, arrogance gave way to a conservative realism. The government of God increasingly ceded to secular statecraft. Phase three: The third phase between 1997 and 2005 coincided with the reformist era of President Mohammad Khatami, a dark horse former cabinet minister who tapped into the groundswell of interest in political openings. The government soon improved relations with its own people as well as the outside world. Iran had, temporarily, a freer press, freer speech, wider debate, relaxed social restrictions and a burgeoning civil society. But parliament failed to legislate reforms. And by the end of Khatami’s two terms, a political schism had developed between the regime headed by the supreme leader and the government headed by the president. Phase four:

The fourth phase began

in 2005 with the upset election of the little-known mayor of Tehran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, over Rafsanjani. The emergence of hardliners reﬂected three broader shifts: Disillusionment with politics led many, especially young Iranians and women, to boycott the poll. Public anger swelled against the clergy, especially Rafsanjani, for corruption and failing to improve the average Iranian’s life in a quarter century. And a second generation of revolutionaries hardened by the Iran-Iraq War, largely laymen, began to challenge the clerics who ended the monarchy.

Domestic crisis Through each phase, Iranian politics increasingly splintered. In the early 1980s, Iran was a virtual one-party state. The Islamic Republic Party dominated all branches of government. But the infighting quickly became so serious that Khomeini publicly rebuked its officials, “Stop biting one another like scorpions.” The divisions became a chasm; the party was dissolved in 1987. Three decades later, Iran had more than 200 parties, factions and political groups—many of them still squabbling. A common political axiom in Tehran joked: “Where there are five Iranian Shiites, there are six political factions.” The depth of the divide among the original revolutionaries was witnessed after the 2009 presidential election. Mir Hossein Mousavi, the prime minister who led Iran throughout the IranIraq War, charged the regime with massive fraud in his loss to Ahmadinejad. He also warned that it was turning into a dictatorship—the dictator being Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who as president had been his colleague in running the government during the 1980s. The post-election protests were the biggest threat to the regime since the revolution. Beyond the immediate election issue, they reflected the degree of public daring, the diversity of political thought, and the growing unease about the system, even among those inside it. And the internal turmoil did not end with the regime’s crackdown. The splintering continued, as conservatives began to turn on Ahmadinejad’s core of hardliners for abuse of power.

People power The more dynamic part of the domestic crisis, however, was the spontaneous display of people power. Since the mid-1990s, the Iranian public—rather than any specific politician—had spurred the movement for political change. It was always an amorphous, leaderless body in search of a head that tapped into the limited number of candidate choices allowed to run after vetting by the Guardian Council. The embryonic reform movement first put Mohammad Khatami into the presidency in 1997 and then turned to Mousavi in 2009. Both men were adopted by the movement; neither was the original inspiration for reform. The demonstrations were in some ways a logical next step in a longstanding debate over Iran’s political system. After the shah’s ouster, the revolutionaries were divided between ideologues and realists on the shape of a new government. Ideologues argued that the first modern theocracy should be a “redeemer state” championing the cause of the world’s oppressed; restoring Islamic purity and rule in the 57-nation Islamic world; and creating a new Islamic bloc to defy both East and West. Realists argued that Iran should seek legitimacy by creating a capable Islamic state and institutionalizing the revolution. They, too, wanted a new political and social order independent of the outside world, but they also wanted to be realistic about Iran’s need to interact economically and diplomatically with the world. PLEASE GO TO PAGE 45

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April 2015 - Vol 21 - Issue 257

Unpacking The Iran Sanctions RFE - by Luke Johnson

easily they could be lifted.

Iran has been targeted by a steady dose of economic and military sanctions over the past 35 years, resulting in a maze of red tape intended to compel Tehran to end its support for international terrorism, improve its human rights record, and to assuage concerns that it is seeking to develop nuclear weapons. Now, with a possible nuclear agreement with world powers on the horizon, comes the very real prospect that sanctions relief will be part of the deal. Here is a rundown of the types of sanctions imposed on Iran, who imposed them, and how

Routes To U.S. Sanctions There are two ways that the United States imposes sanctions: by congressional legislation and presidential executive orders. Most sanctions involving Iran were issued by executive order. Since the 1990s, the U.S. Congress has passed sanctions on Iran to counter concerns such as nuclear proliferation, terrorism, human rights abuses, and money laundering. These sanctions have targeted everything from military sales to Iran’s energy sector to Iranian banks. The 2010 Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, And Divestment Act (CISADA) prohibited most

exports and imports to or from Iran altogether. U.S. President Jimmy Carter issued the ﬁrst executive order in 1979, declaring a “national emergency” with respect to Iran and blocking Iranian government property subject to U.S. jurisdiction. Subsequent presidents -- including Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama -- have issued executive orders relating to sanctions against Iran.

U.S. Sanctions Relations between the United States and Iran deteriorated sharply in the wake of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, particularly after the Iran hostage crisis (or the “conquest of the

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American spy den,” as it is known in Iran). The hostage-taking of 52 Americans at the U.S. Embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979, led U.S. President Jimmy Carter to impose what would be the ﬁrst sanctions against Iran. By executive order (12170), all Iranian government assets held in the United States were frozen, as well as any assets outside the United States controlled by U.S. entities or individuals. As a result, Iran was deprived of access to more than $12 billion in holdings and property. More sanctions followed under the administration of U.S. President Ronald Reagan, including by executive order, after Tehran was implicated through its ties to the Lebanon-based militant group Hizballah in the deadly 1983 bombing of a Marine base in Beirut. Iran was added to the U.S. list of countries that support terrorism, barring U.S. foreign aid and “dual use” technologies from going to Iran. PLEASE GO TO PAGE 46