Pardis july 2018 digital edition

‫ﺁﻳﺎ »ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺹ ‪۱۵‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪۴‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺹ ‪۱۳‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ‪۸‬‬

‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪Send an email to:‬‬

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‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ‪۲۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪۳۴‬‬

‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ‪۳۰‬‬

‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪ 10‬ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺹ ‪۱۷‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮ ‪۴۱‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ‪۴۰‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪۳۵‬‬

‫ﺹ ‪۱۴‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝ ‪۴۲‬‬

‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ« ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻭﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﮑﺎﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ« ﺗﺎ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻗﺺ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺿﺪ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﻟﺴﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﴽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ‪ FATF‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۶‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۶‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻧﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‬

‫ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻧﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﺏ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪» ،‬ﺑﻄﺮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ۳۵۰۰‬ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺻﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻧﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺷﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺁﺏﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺏﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﺸﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷﻌﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺎﻧﺪﺭ« ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۹۰۰‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ‪ ۱۷‬ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ٬‬ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲﺁﺫﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۹۱۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻗﺖ« ﻭ »ﺣﻤﻞﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪٬‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۳۹۲» ،۹۷‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ »ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ٬‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﮐﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ«‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲﺁﺫﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺸﻤﺖﺍﷲ ﻓﻼﺣﺖﭘﻴﺸﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‪،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ »ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ« ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ‪ ۶۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﮏ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‪ ٬‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ‪ ۵۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻓﻀﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻠﻴﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻻﺱ ﮐﻴﮕﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻻﺱ ﮐﻴﮕﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۶۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۶۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ( ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ »ﻫﺮﺍﻧﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۶۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬

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‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ »ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪۱۳۸۹‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ‪ ۲۰ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﮐﻼ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﮐﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﮐﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻩﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮎ ﺷﺠﺮﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﭘﺮﮎ ﺷﺠﺮﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﻦ ﺳﻴﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﻦ ﺳﻴﮕﻮ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺟﺮﻭﺯﺍﻟﻢ ﭘﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ )ﺷﻴﺐ ﺑﺖ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻦ ﺳﻴﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻦ ﺳﻴﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻔﺎﮐﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ‪۳۳‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۶‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻨﻮﻳﻪ ‪۹‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺗﻦ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ »ﮔﺮﻭﻫﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﭘﺎﮐﭙﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻨﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﮐﭙﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ ۷‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﻼﻱ ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻼﻱ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﻳﻼ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻭﻳﻼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۷۵‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﭙﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻨﻮﻳﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻭﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﺁﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻗﻮﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﺁﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻨﮕﺮﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﮏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺯﭘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻧﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۰۱‬ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۶۴‬ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﺋﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۵۴‬ﮐﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۲۸‬ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﺘﺢﺍﻟﻤﺒﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺣﻴﺪﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ »ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ« ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﻫﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻣﭙﺌﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻳﺎﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ‪ ۴۷‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ )ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺟﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻨﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻬﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۹‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫روﯾﺪاد‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬

‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۵۰۰‬ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۸۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮏ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻼﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻴﺴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ »ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﻤﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭﻣﺼﺮﻑ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ‪ ۶‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺫﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺐﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎ ﺩﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۵۰‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﻭﺣﺶ‬

‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﭼﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﻧﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﺗﮏ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻭﺱ« ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ »ﺑﺎﮔﻴﺮﺍ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻭﻟﻨﺎ« ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻫﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺘﺎ ﺷﻮﺷﺎﻳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺘﺎ ﺷﻮﺷﺎﻳﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻗﻼﺩﻩ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ »ﺑﻲﺟﻴﺰ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻱ ﮔﻴﺐ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺑﻲ ﺟﻴﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺥ ﺑﺎﮐﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻧﺲ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ »ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻱ ﮔﻴﺐ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﭖ ـ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﮎ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﮐﻪ »ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ« ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺑﻲ ﺟﻴﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻲ ﺟﻴﺰ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻳﺴﻨﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮐﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﺟﺮﺯ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺗﻮﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺭﺍﺱ« ﻭ »ﺳﻠﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻱ ﮔﻴﺐ« ‪ ۷۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ »ﮔﻠﺴﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻱ« ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﻳﺴﻲ ﻭﻭﺩﺭﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ )ﺁﻧﭽﻮﻭﻱ( ﺧﻮﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟‬

‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺰﺍﺱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ۳۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪۹۲‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ‪ ۷۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺭﻱ ﮔﺴﮑﻴﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ )ﺍﻣﮕﺎ ‪ (۳‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺏ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ )ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻮﻥ( ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻣﮕﺎ ‪ ۳‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺟﻴﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺭﻓﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﮑﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﻮﺯﻥﺳﻮﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﺼﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺘﺰﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺰﮔﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺐ ﮔﻴﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺏﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺯﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﺴﮏ ﮐﻤﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺘﻲﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﮑﻠﺮﻭﺯﻳﺲ )ﺍﻡﺍﺱ( ﻳﺎ ﭘﻠﻲﻧﻮﺭﻭﭘﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻲﻧﻮﺭﻭﭘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺛﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۸۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۹‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻏﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺐ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺟﻪﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﮐﻠﺴﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻴﺮﮔﺎﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻮﻧﻮﺗﺮﺍﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺶ ‪ ۷۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۵۸‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺗﺮﺍﭘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬

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‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‪،‬ﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺷﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۹‬ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺏ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﻲ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺷﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺸﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ )ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ( ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ« ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺷﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻼﺹ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺷﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺀﻇﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

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‫ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﮑﻢ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۱‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﮑﺮ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﮑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻠﻮﮐﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﮐﺘﻮﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﺑﻮﻫﻴﺪﺭﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﮑﺮ ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ »ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﻮﻟﻴﻦ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺪﺭﻡ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﮏ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺏﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ‪ ..‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۲‬ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﻣﻐﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻞ ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﮔﺮﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺌﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﻍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻢﻣﺮﻍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۳‬ﻓﻴﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻴﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻴﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻮﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۴‬ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﺎﻱ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﻨﺠﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮒ ﮐﺎﻣﻠﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻﻧﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭼﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻱ ﻧﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۵‬ﺗﺤﺮﮎ‬

‫ﺑﻲﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﺪﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﮐﻲ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۶‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ‬

‫ﻳﻮﮔﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﻴﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﮐﺸﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪۳۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﻮﮔﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﻴﺸﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۷‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﺎﺕ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ )ﻫﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮑﻤﻲ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﻀﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻼﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﻫﻴﮑﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۸‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺷﮑﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﮑﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻐﺬﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۹‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺏ‬

‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ ۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۸‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ‪ ۲۵۰۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ ﻣﻴﻢ ﻧﺎ ﭘﺬ ﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻡﺑﻴﺪ‪ ۲۰ ،‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺎﺭﮔﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ »ﮔﻨﺞ« ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺀ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺧﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻕ ﮐﺸﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺣﻤﺰﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﭽﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻧﺴﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺐﻏﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻞ ﺧﺸﺘﻲ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻣﺮﺩﻩ )ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺩﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻤﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﮎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻍ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻌﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻔﺖ ﺩﻣﭙﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ« )ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ‪ ۱۵ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫‪.(۱۳۹۷‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۸‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۵‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ )ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺳﺪﻫﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﺭﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻮﺩﮎﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۶‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺍﻟﻒ«‪ ۱۶ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪.(۱۳۹۷‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺎﮎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺍﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻨﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﻮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﭙﻮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ( ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻠﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺭﺍﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺯﻭﺩ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺎﻟﻮﭖ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۴۲‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ ۴۹ ،۵۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۴۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﮐﻴﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﮐﻼ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﮐﻼﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺎﺭﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ؟ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ )ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﮑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ«ﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ »ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ« )ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮐﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻠﺒﻪﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭙﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻼﮐﺖ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ؛ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺀ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻱ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ )ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ( ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﭙﺎﻳﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻐﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺟﺮﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺋﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ )ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺱ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺒﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﭗﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻲﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻼﺧﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۴‬‬

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‫‪JULY 2018‬‬

‫‪١٠‬ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﻭﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۱‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﺨﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭ ﻻﻓﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﻣﻴﮑﻴﻨﮓ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪ (۲‬ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﭺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮑﺸﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻳﻨﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻼﻝﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺯﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﻞ ﻣﮏﮐﻮﺭﻣﮏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ »ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﭺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ »ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ« ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۳‬ﮐﺮﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻧﻤﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﻤﮏ؟ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺮ ﺟﺮﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﭘﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﻲﻧﻤﮏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻤﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮐﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﮏ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻃﺒﺦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﭺﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﻲﻧﻤﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﭽﻞ ﻣﮏﮐﻮﺭﻣﮏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻤﮏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﭘﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻱﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﮏ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ!«‬

‫‪ (۴‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﭘﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﭘﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﴽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺨﭽﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۵‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﭙﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﺷﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﭙﺎﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﭙﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺷﺎﻣﭙﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﮏ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻱﺍﮐﺴﻴﺪﮐﺮﺑﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻄﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻃﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﻃﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻗﻮﻃﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۶‬ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﮐﻠﺰﺍ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻻ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﮐﻠﺰﺍ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻻ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﻨﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺁﺷﭙﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ »ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ« ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻏﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﮎ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﺎﻭ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﮐﻠﺰﺍ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﻌﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﮐﻠﺰﺍ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻻ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻏﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎﭘﺰﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۷‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺘﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺧﻨﮏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﮏ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺘﻦ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻨﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻗﻮﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﺑﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺫﺍﺋﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﮏ ﻧﺎﺯﮎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺑﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۸‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ؟ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰﻳﺠﺎﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻢ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﮐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻓﺲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻑ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻒﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﮔﻞﮐﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻓﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﻻﺭﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻏﻼﻑ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻌﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﭖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺩﻟﭽﺴﺒﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻧﺲ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﭖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻏﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ!«‬

‫‪ (۹‬ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻌﻢ ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻌﻢ ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﻃﻌﻢ ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﺏﭖ ﻧﺒﻪ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻦ ﺧﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﭙﮏﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻀﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺗﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺁﻱ« ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻱ ﮐﻠﺮﻭ ﺁﻧﻴﺴﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﭼﻮﺏ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﺱ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ (۱۰‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺴﺒﻨﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﭘﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ»ﺁﻝ ﺩﻧﺘﻪ« ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻝﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﮔﺘﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﻞ ﻣﮏﮐﻮﺭﻣﮏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺁﻳﺎ »ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ »ﻣﻮﻻ«‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ« ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮊﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﮏ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ«‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﮑﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺗﺮﮎﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﮕﻲ »ﻟﻮ ﭘﻮﺋﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﮑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﻧﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ »ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ« ﻳﺎ »ﭘﺎﺭﺱ« ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭ )ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ( ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮊﺭﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ« ﻭ »ﻣﻠﺖ ﺯﺭﺩﺷﺖ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻲﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪ ۱۹۳۵‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ« ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻕ‪ ...،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪«....‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ »ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ« ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻟﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﮐﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۵‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻫﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ؟‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۳۱۴‬ﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﮑﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﻴﺒﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺧﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﻴﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻫﺨﺎﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ »ﭘﺮﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ‪ Persian‬ﻳﮏ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫‪ Persian empire ،Persian Art ،Persian poetry‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ Persian cat‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‪Persian‬‬ ‫‪cat‬ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻭﻳﻞﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻭﺩﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﺀﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻭ ﮐﮋﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺗﺌﻮﺳﻮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻠﻮﺍﺗﺴﮑﻲ‬ ‫) ‪(Madam Blavatsky‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﺷﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ـ ﭼﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫‪JULY 2018‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ »ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﮐﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﻼ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻴﻆ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۳۸۱‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ ۱۳۲‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۸۸‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﺳﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻗﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮐﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﺳﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»‪ «FATF‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻡ ﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻈﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻗﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎ »ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻱﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻼﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻼﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻘﺸﺒﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ )ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻝ ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻡﮐﻲﺍﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺸﻨﺎﻝ( ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۳‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﮏ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﮐﻴﺘﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ )ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ( ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺷﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ‪ ۲,۷‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻘﺸﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻘﺸﺒﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ »ﻣﺒﺮﻭﮐﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ ۳,۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻘﺸﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﺶ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﭘﻠﻲ ﺁﮐﺮﻳﻠﻨﻴﺘﻴﺮﻭﻝ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﺒﺮ ﮐﺮﺑﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻨﮓﮐﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﻣﺒﺮﻭﮐﻪ« ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻘﺸﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﻀﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻘﺸﺒﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻘﺸﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﻀﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ »ﺍﻑﺍﻱﺗﻲﺍﻑ« ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۱۷‬‬

‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ »ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ »ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ »ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﻓﺎﻗﻲ« ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﮐﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﮑﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ »ﺟﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ« ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ »ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ« ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﮑﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﻳﻢ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻲ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﮑﺮﻳﻢ ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﻻﻫﻴﺠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ‪-‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺣﮑﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ »ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺟﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﮑﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﮐﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ »ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ« ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ »ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۷۲‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻃﺮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬

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‫از‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﯾﯽ‬

‫‪News from Afghanistan‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮐﻠﻴﻞ ﺣﮑﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۳‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻴﻤﻲ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻲﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻴﻤﻲ ‪ ۵۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻴﻢ ﮐﺘﻮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺘﻮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺘﻮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۱۷‬ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻮﻡ »ﺑﻞ ﺧﻴﻞ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﮋﻳﮏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﮑﺘﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺮﻡ ﺍﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺮﻡ ﺍﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮑﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻼ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺯﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ‬ ‫‪ ۱۵‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﻠﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻗﻲ )ﺗﺮﻗﻪ( ﻭ ﮐﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﻱ )ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﻱ(‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﮑﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮐﻮﺩﮎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ )ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ( ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ﺍﻟﻲ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳,۷‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺩﮎ‪ ،‬ﭘﮑﺘﻴﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﮔﺎﻥ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺠﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮐﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻞ ﺧﻀﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫‪ ۸۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻼﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﺩﻳﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﮏ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ »ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﮏ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻨﭻﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺞﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ »ﺗﺴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﻠﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻨﺞﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻤﻮﻧﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﮑﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ ـ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﮏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۱۳۵۷‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ؛ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﴼ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﴼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﺞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﭘﻤﭙﺌﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻤﻮﻡ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ »ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﺟﻮ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﮏﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ »ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ«‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺗﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻤﭙﺌﻮ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ »ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﮎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

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‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ )ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻲ ـ ‪ (۷‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ‪۲‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﺿﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﮏ ﻓﺎﺭﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺖ« ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬

‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺮﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ«ﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱+۵‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻟﺞﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠﮑﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻮﺑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺕ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺘﺬﮐﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫روﯾﺪاد‬

‫ﺳﯿﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽو‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ« ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻣﻄﻠﻌﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﻓﺎﺳﺪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ ﻣﻴﮑﺎﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻣﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺻﻒ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻱ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﻄﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﺁﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ »ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻗﻴﺼﺮ«‪» ،‬ﮐﻨﺪﻭ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﺗﻪﺩﻻﻥ« ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ! ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﺶ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺧﺐ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ!«‬

‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۱۵‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﭼﻴﮑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻠﮏﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺴﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻐﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺶ ﺭﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﮑﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ )ﺧﺎﭼﻴﮑﻴﺎﻥ( ﮐﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺮﻡ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺷﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ«‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ«‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮏﻣﻄﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺳﭙﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺛﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﭼﻴﮑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺎﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻗﺎﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺧﺎﻥ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ« ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺎﻝ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﻠﺐ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺋﻲ »ﻟﻮﻓﺖ ﻫﺎﻧﺰﺍ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﻲ »ﻻﺋﻮﺭﺍ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﮑﺮ ﮐﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﻮﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﮐﻮﭼﻴﻨﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ‪،‬‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻠﮏ ﮐﺘﺰ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﻋﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﮐﻮﭼﻴﻨﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ »ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﮑﻮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺗﺮﻧﺞ ﻳﻘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ« )‪ (۲۰۰۷‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻦ ﻭﻧﮓ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ ﭼﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﻮﮐﺎﺭﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻴﻠﺪ« ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻟﻮﮐﺎﺭﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻳﺎ ﻭﻭﻧﮓ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮓﮐﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﺱ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ« ﺧﺮﺱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺖﻭﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ )‪ (۲۰۱۴‬ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﺎﮐﺴﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺠﺸﮏﻫﺎ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﺮﺱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺱ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۹‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺳﻠﻴﮏ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ »ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻲ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﺟﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮐﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺍﻭﻧﺠﺮﺯ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻔﻴﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪Avengers: Infinity‬‬ ‫‪War‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ ۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺰ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۲۱‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﭙﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪۲‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪Infinity‬‬ ‫‪War‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۲,۷۸۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﮏ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۲,۱۸۷‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۲,۰۶۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ ۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶۵۵,۷‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ‪ ۱,۳۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ‪ «۴‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ Infinity War‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ Avengers‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﮏﻓﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ«‬

‫ﮐﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﻳﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺯ ﻟﺰﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ« ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﮕﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻼﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﮑﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺑﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺯ ﻟﺰﻟﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺮﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﺰﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۴‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﻳﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺖ ﻫﺮﻳﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻭﮒ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ« )ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ(‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ »ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﻠﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۹۲۸‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ« ﺷﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺟﺰ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻄﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ seven skies entertainment‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫»ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﮎ« )ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ(‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۹۲۸‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۹‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻴﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﻟﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ«‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻧﺠﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻤﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﻮﺭﺩﻭﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺵ ﺻﻤﺪﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺳﮑﻮﺕ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺎﻩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۳۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫»ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﮐﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ »ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ »ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺪ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »‪ ۲۱‬ﻟﭙﺲ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ »ﻭﺭﻭﺩ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﻮﻧﺖ« ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ »ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ« ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ »ﻧﺘﻔﻠﻴﮑﺲ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »‪ ۲۱‬ﻟﭙﺲ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ »ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﻣﮑﺴﺖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ »ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ« ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ »ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮐﻮ« ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ـ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﭙﺎﺩ )ﺩﺭﻭﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﺶ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ »ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺑﺮﺑﻴﮑﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ »ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺣﻮﻣﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ـ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫»ﮐﭻ ـ ‪ «۲۲‬ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ »ﻫﻮﻟﻮ« ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻞ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ« ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻻ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺍﻟﮑﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ« ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻢ ﻣﻨﺪﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺳﻢ ﻣﻨﺪﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻢ ﻣﻨﺪﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮﮒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺶ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۱۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ »‪ «۱۹۱۷‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮﮒ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻨﺪﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ‪ ۵‬ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ »ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﮑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻠﺒﺮﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫* ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﮋﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﮑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﺎﺳﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻣﺸﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ...‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺁﻻﺕ ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺷﺮﮐﺎﺀ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻮﭘﺰ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ...‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺯﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻳﮋﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﺻﻮﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺎﮊ ﻋﺘﻴﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ »ﺁﺏ ﺑﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺷﺎﺧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻳﺰ!« ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪:‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﻩ؛ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻲ؟ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟« ﺷﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ! ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﻱ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻡ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻔﺖ ﮐﻔﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺮﻱ‪ «.‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮕﻲ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻴﻒ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺨﺮﻡ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ! ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪۶۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۷۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۴۰۰‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪۹۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ!‬

‫ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟‬

‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺿﺮﺑﺘﻲ »ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ »ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ« ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟« ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻠﻤﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺸﺘﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ؟« ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ؛ ﺣﺎﻻﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ!«‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻲ »ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺗﻮﺭ«‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﮑﺎﺭﺍ‪ :‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺧﺬ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺒﺮﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻟﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫* ﺑﺮﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﻲ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫* ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‪ ...‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺘﻴﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻟﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺘﻴﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻋﮑﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ )ﻣﺜﻼ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﮐﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻔﺮﺍﷲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ!(« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﺘﻴﺰﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ!« ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻭﻳﭻ ﮊﺍﻣﺒﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﮎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﻼﺱ ﻭﻳﺴﮑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺑﺠﻮﻱ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺘﻴﺰﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ!« ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﮊﻩ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ« ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﮔﻞ ﮐﺎﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻮﮎ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻡ! ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﮑﺶ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮐﺶ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﮑﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﮑﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺿﺮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ؟« ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﺎﺵ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ!«‬

‫ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻩ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﮐﻴﻮﺳﮏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﮐﻴﻮﺳﮏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ‪ toll‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﮐﻴﻮﺳﮏ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ!« ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﭘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮﻡ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ!« ﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﺷﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻋﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ »ﻓﺴﺖ ﻓﻮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﻮﺑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻻﺭﻳﺶ ﺭﺍﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﻴﻮﺳﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻼﺣﻲ‬

‫* ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﮐﺎﻟﺒﺪ ﺷﮑﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫* ﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻲ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﮐﺮﻡ ﺷﺒﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫* ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪«...‬‬ ‫* ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺼﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﭖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻒ ﻣﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻏﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺶ ﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﺍﺯ ﻏﺼﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﮐﺞ‬ ‫ﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟« ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺣﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﻥ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﺶ؛ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪«...‬‬ ‫* ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻗﺖﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫* ﺳﮓ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﮒ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻔﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﮓ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﮒ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺻﻔﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﮒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻌﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫‪۱۰‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺮ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ ۹‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫‪ ۸‬ـ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺜﻼ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻴﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﭙﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫‪ ۶‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ )ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ(!‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ ۴‬ـ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺭﺍﺏ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻨﺪ!‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬

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‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﮏ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺒﺮﮔﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟«‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ۱‬ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﭽﻮﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻟﺨﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‬

‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﺰﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺰﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﮑﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻠﮏ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺒﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻟﮑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫)ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻱ( ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻴﻠﻨﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶۵‬ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻟﻦ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺗﺎﺗﺎ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺗﺎ ﮐﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻪﺍﻡ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻓﻴﻞ )ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻫﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﮎ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﮐﻠﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻨﻪ«‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻴﮑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻫﻮﺭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﮑﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﺪ؟ ﺗﻮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﺵ ﮐﻦ‪ «.‬ﻓﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺵ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻩ‪ «.‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪ «.‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭘﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻴﺦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺑﻐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻟﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻴﻎ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻠﻘﻠﮏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻬﻮ ﺳﮑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻻﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﻨﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻼﻏﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ!‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﭘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻭﻝﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺮﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﭘﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻗﺼﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺠﻮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻋﺮﻕ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﺭﺍﺏ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻠﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﭺ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻩ »ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ« ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻗﺼﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﮏ ‪ ۲۹‬ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺕ ﺑﻠﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺕ ﺑﻠﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻡ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫»ﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﭗ ﺗﺎﭖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﻂ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻮﺵ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺳﻂ ﭼﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻠﻴﮑﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﻃﻨﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﮑﻴﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﻗﺼﻴﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮑﻴﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﮑﻴﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﻗﺺﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﭖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﭖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺐﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﭽﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﮑﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻢ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺨﻢ ﺟﻦ! ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭼﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻱ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﮑﺎ ﺯﺩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻧﮕﻮ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻟﺐﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻠﻮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻟﭗﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟« ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪...‬‬

‫‪۲۴‬‬

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‫‪JULY 2018‬‬

‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﴼ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۶۰‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﮑﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ )ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ( ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ )ﻳﮏ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﮐﻢ ﺑﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ( ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ )ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻦ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ۴۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺻﺎﺩﻕ« ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻔﮑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﮐﻢ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﭽﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺗﻠﻔﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﺠﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺗﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻓﻮﻗﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۹۶‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻢﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ ـ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻗﺪﻭﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﻳﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ«( ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻳﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ »ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ »ﻓﺮﺻﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۹۷‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۹۶‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ »ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻏﺮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ـ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ »ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ »ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﺒﺸﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﴼ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﮑﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﻲﺩﻟﻴﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﮐﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻻﺋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﮐﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺮﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﺠﺎ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ؟« ﻳﺎﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ... .‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۴۰۰‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﴼ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ »ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ« ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ )ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﮐﻮﭘﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺴﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ“ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﮐﻠﻴﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﮐﺘﻴﮏ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ )ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﻫﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ( ﺭﺍ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺪﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﮐﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﴼ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﴼ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺒﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺁﺷﺘﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ؟ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﮑﺎﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ »ﺁﺏ« ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﮏ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ )ﺳﺮﺑﻨﺪﺭ( ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﭻ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۲۲‬ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺶﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﭻ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏﺁﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻭﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﻼﻡﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺗﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﺘﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮐﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺛﺎﻣﺮ ﮐﻨﻌﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮏﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﻤﻊﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺸﮑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺎﺏ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۱‬‬

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‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪۸‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۲‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﮏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۶۱‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻗﺼﻲﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺮﻡ« ﺭﺑﻂ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻪ »ﺩﻋﻮﺕ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺣﺮﻡ«ﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻮﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮐﻨﻴﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﻳﺪﮐﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۷‬ﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۸۱‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻑ ـ ‪۴‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪۱۹۸۰‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﻱ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻧﺎﺷﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﻓﮑﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺪﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ »ﺩﮐﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﴼ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۴‬ﺩﻫﻪﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﮑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ »ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮐﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻓﺎﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﮐﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻲ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫»ﻇﻬﻮﺭ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫)ﻋﺞ( ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﻋﺞ( ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ‪ ۶,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۱,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﻉ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ »ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﻉ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ« ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﮑﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻓﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ »ﺭﻫﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻪﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﮐﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ »ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺯ« ﻭ »ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ« ﺭﺍ »ﺣﻖ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻔﻆ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ »ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ« ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺟﻌﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﺪﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ »ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﮊﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻣﺮﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻱﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻮﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻫﻴﭻ »ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ«ﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻏﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻴﮕﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﮐﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫»ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ« ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۹‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﮐﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ »ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ۳۰ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ ۱۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۶‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺩﺑﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ »ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺩﺑﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻴﺮﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۵۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺟﺮﻱ ﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻳﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺎﺋﻖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﺭﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﺭﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ۳‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺀ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﭙﮑﻮ ﺍﺭﺍﮎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﺭﻭﮔﺬﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺸﮑﺮ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﭙﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۴‬ﺭﺍ ‪ ۴۰۲۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۲,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰۰‬ﺗﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ‪ ۱,۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۹‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ۹۶‬ﺗﺎ ‪۱۵‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺸﮑﺮ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﭙﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺪﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺸﮑﺮ ﻫﻔﺖﺗﭙﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .«.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻏﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﮏ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮐﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮐﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۸‬‬

‫‪28‬‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ‪۸‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﮐﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﮑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻥ ﮐﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﮐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻢ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﮔﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ! ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﻄﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻔﺮﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻔﺲ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺮﺍﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻟﻄﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺗﻤﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻟﻴﭽﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﮎ ﻓﻀﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﭼﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﺵ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻐﺰﺵ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻻﺋﻲ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﮎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺍﮊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻃﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﺭﺍﮊ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻫﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﮏ ﭼﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩﭼﻲ ﻳﮏ ﭼﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﺵ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﺥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻢ ﮐﻮﺑﻴﺪﻱ؟ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﻮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﮑﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺶ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﮐﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮊﺍﻥ ـ ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮊﺍﻥ ـ ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺴﻤﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﺪﻭﮐﺎﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮊﺍﻥ ـ ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ‪ ۱۸۲۴‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫»ﻭﺳﻮﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ »ﺍﻭﺗﺴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۴۰‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻻﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮﺭﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻤﭙﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﮑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﻟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻻﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﮔﻠﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۴۶‬ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻴﮏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ!!!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺎﻟﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۸۴۷‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﮔﻠﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻮﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺗﻴﻪ )ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬

‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﮑﺘﻴﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﮊﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﻻﺭﻭﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۵۶‬ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻳﺎﻧﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻴﮏ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۶۱‬ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﮑﻴﻨﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺪﻥ ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻴﮏ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺐ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺳﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﻠﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﮐﺮﻭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۵۳‬ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻧﺘﺮﺩﺍﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮊﺭﮊ ﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﮑﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺲ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺎﮐﻮﻣﻮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻴﻮﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺗﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﮔﻨﻴﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۵۴‬ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺰﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﺳﻦ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻭﮊﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﻮﻣﭙﻴﻦ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۷۳‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺠﻨﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ« )ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ( ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺸﻴﻠﻴﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻟﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ »ﺳﺎﻟﻦ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ )ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺯﻧﺪ!!«‬ ‫ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﮑﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺶ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﮔﻼﺩﻳﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫‪ ۱۸۷۸‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۸۶۵‬ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻟﮋﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸۶۹‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ »ﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻳﺰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮊﺍﻥ ‪ -‬ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ۱۹۰۴‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻣﺒﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ )»ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ«( ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻴﺘﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﻦ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﭙﺎﺭﻧﺎﺱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ« ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ ﮊﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﮊﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﮑﻮﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﻋﻠﻤﯽ‬ ‫روﯾﺪاد ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮژيو‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ،۱۰‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺻﻔﺤﻪ« ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢﻻﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻨﻮﻱ ‪ Task view‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻢﻻﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺭﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺁﭘﺪﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ ،۱۰‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۷۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ،۱۰‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۴۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۷‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫)‪(instagram tv‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺮﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺮﻭﻡ‪» ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻱﭘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﻗﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻥﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻑﺑﻲﺁﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻑﺑﻲﺁﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮑﺶ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﺁﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺱ« ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﺗﺶ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺭﻗﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ »ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ«‪» ،‬ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻨﺠﺮ« ﻭ »ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﺍﭖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻨﭗ ﭼﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ‪ ۳۳۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﻬﭙﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻼﻭﺩ )ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺑﺮﻱ(‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻬﭙﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﭘﻞ »ﺁﻱﺍﻭﺍﺱ ‪ «۱۲‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻦﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﻱﺍﻭﺍﺱ« ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ‪ ۳,۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﮊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ‪» ۱۲‬ﺁﻱﺍﻭﺍﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﮎ ﻓﺪﺭﻳﮕﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﭘﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺁﻱﺍﻭﺍﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ »ﺁﻱﺍﻭﺍﺱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ‪ ۳۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻳﭗ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ‪ Measure‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﻮﺟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ‪ Memoji‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻤﻮﺟﻲﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۱۰‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻡ ﺳﻴﻠﻮﺭﻻﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۸,۱‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۱۰‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻣﺪﺍ« ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻣﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺭﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺳﻴﻠﻮﺭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻡ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﻮﺋﻨﺖ ﺩﻳﺰﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺩﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﮐﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۶‬ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﺖ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻞ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‪LTE‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﻭ ‪ ۵‬ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﻭ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﮎ ﺑﺎ‬

‫‪۳۱‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺪﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻟﻨﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ »ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻣﺪﺍ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲﻓﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﮎ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻳﭙﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﺖ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ‪۴۰۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ‪ ۲‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ »ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﻮﻻ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﮕﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﻠﻴﮑﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺴﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺴﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﮕﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﮕﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﭘﺮﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ۲۰۲۰‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼﮒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲,۳,۷‬ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ‪ IOS ۷‬ﻭ‪Nokia S۴۰‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ‪ ۰,۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺗﺴﺎﭖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ »ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﻧﻴﭽﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺰﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺳﺮﺥ )ﻣﺎﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ( ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻻﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺘﺎﺑﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺷﮕﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۲۵‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻢﺍﻻﻧﺒﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ »ﻏﺪﻳﺮ« ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﻣﻮﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﮑﻌﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﻣﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺮﻣﮑﻌﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪۱۲‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﻣﻮﺱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﮑﻌﺐ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻋﻤﻼ ﻣﻌﮑﻮﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﮕﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﺣﻤﺖﮐﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ »ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻻً ﺣﻖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺷﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»:‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ‪،‬ﮐﺘﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﺮﻓﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۷۹‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬

‫‪۳۲‬‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ! ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﺠﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ »ﺟﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻭﻝ« ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ! ﭘﺲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﮑﺰﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ! ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۵۰۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ“ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎ“ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﮐﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻄﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﮑﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ‪ ۴۰۰۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻤﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮐﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪!.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﺼﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ !.‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ‪ ۴۱‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۴‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ!‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢﺗﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮏﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﮑﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ »ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬

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‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻬﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۷۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ »ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ« ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﺛﺎﺑﺖ« ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻲ ﮐﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﮏ ﺗﮏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮑﺎﺕ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻳﮏ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺭﭺ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺩ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺮ »ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﮑﻼﺱ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺯﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ـ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻀﺤﮏﺗﺮ »ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱـ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ـ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮑﺎﺕ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ــ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ــ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺭﻗﺼﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﻫﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺭﻗﺼﻲ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻀﺤﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻫﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﮐﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﻟﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﮐﺎﺯﻳﻨﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﻮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ‪ Home Depot‬ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ »ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺕ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﺘﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻬﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟﺴﻮﻥ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﮐﻮﺱ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﺭﮐﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ »ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﺩﻟﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﻮﺱ ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺌﻮﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻞ ﺍﻭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﻬﺒﺪ ﺍﭺ ﺍﺭ ﻣﮏﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺭﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﻣﭙﺌﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻣﭙﺌﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﺮﻳﺘﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮑﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﭘﺴﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻣﭙﺌﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ »ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۱‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺌﻮﮐﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺣﻨﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻲ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﮐﺎﺭ« ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺸﻌﺸﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ـ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ«“ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺳﻲ« ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﮐﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ‪ ۱۳۵۷‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻲـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺩﻟﺴﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ »ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎﷲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﺲ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮊﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﮒ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮑﻢ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮐﻤﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﮑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻴﺐ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﻭﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﮔﻮ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻲﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۲‬‬

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‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﮐﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ !.‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ٪۱۰‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻟﻘﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ!‬

‫"ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ" ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ" ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ" ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺀ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺠﺎﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﮐﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﻫﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪(۱) ".‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫********‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻠﮏ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ؟‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺯ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ؟‬ ‫**************‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻢ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﮐﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫**************‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻍ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﻤﮕﻲ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺯ ‪. . .‬‬ ‫**************‬ ‫‪ . . . .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺠﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﻧﮓ!‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ‪ . . .‬ﻭ ‪. . .‬‬ ‫********‬ ‫‪ (۱‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‪ ۱۰۲‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ "ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ" ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۱‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪.‬ﻭ ‪.‬ﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫_ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲ _ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ _ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺁﻏﻮﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ _ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ _ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﻧﻬﻴﺐ _ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ _ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۵‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ _ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ _‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۶‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎ _ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯﻱ _ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺳﻠﻢ« ﻭ »ﺗﻮﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۷‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻟﺐﻫﺎ _ ﻏﻴﺐﮔﻮ _ ﺗﻨﮕﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۸‬ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ _ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ _ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۹‬ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ _ ﮐﻔﺶ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ _ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﮊﻳﺪ« ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪۱۸۶۸‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ _ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﺪﺭﭼﻴﻦ _ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﺭﻣﻖ ﺁﺧﺮ _ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻮﺭﺍﻣﺰﺩﺍ _ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۲‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ _ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻠﺪﻱ _ ﮔﻞ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۳‬ﮐﺜﺮﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ _ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۴‬ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﺡ _ ﻗﻤﻘﻤﻪ _ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۵‬ﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ _ ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪:‬‬

‫ﺣﻞ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫‪ – ۱‬ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ _ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﻥ _ ﺭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺴﻮﺕ _ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﮑﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ _ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺯ _ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﮏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ _ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻭ _ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۵‬ﺻﻮﺕ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ _ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ _ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۶‬ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺻﻨﻮﺑﺮ _ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﻮﺵ _ ﻗﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۷‬ﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ _ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ »ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ« _ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۸‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﭼﺎﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ _ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ _ ﭼﭗﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۹‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ _ ﺑﺎﻧﮓﺷﺘﺮ _ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﻳﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻴﺖ _ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ _ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﮑﺸﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﻻﻑ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ _ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ _ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺹ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۲‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ _ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ _ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۳‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻄﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ _ ﻣﻠﺦ _ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۴‬ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ _ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻞ _ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۵‬ﻧﺎﭘﺪﺭﻱ _ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺷﻒ »ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﮏ _ ﮔﻢ _ ﺭﺵ _ ﻫﺪ _ ﺑﺎ _ ﻓﺮ _ ﺯﻱ _ ﺟﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩ _ ﮐﻮﺩ _ ﻳﻨﻲ _ ﺗﺮﺍ _ ﮔﺎﺭ _ ﺑﺎﺯ _ ﺍﻟﻢ _ ﻧﺮﺩ _ ﻧﺎﻱ _ ﻟﺮﺩ‬ ‫_ ﮐﻴﺎ _ ﭘﻴﻞ _ ﺭﺍﻡ _ ﻧﺎﮎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۴‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻱ _ ﺭﺍﻣﻲ _ ﺭﺍﻟﻲ _ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ _ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ _ ﻣﺎﻳﺎ _ ﺭﺧﺎﻡ _ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ _‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭙﺎ _ ﻣﻨﻬﻲ _ ﺭﮔﺒﻲ _ ﺁﭘﻴﺲ _ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ _ ﺍﻫﻮﺍ _ ﺍﻳﺮﺍ _ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ _ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺞ _ ﺧﻤﻴﺮﻩ _ ﺳﻨﺪﺍﻥ _ ﭘﺎﻣﻴﺮ _ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ _‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ _ ﻻﻧﺪﺍ _ ﺩﺍﺭﺳﻲ _ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ _ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﻲ _ ﻧﻤﺎﺑﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۶‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ _ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﺍﻡ _ ﭘﺎﻳﮑﻮﻩ _ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ _ ﺷﻮﮐﺮﺍﻥ _ ﺳﺎﺭﺑﺎﻥ _‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ _ ﺩﻳﻮﺳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍ _ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ _ ﺑﻴﺴﻤﺎﺭﮎ _ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫‪۳۵‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻗﻌﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ B‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۴‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫)ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ( ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ‪ ۳۱‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻧﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۴‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ« ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲﻓﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۲۲‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ B‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪۲۰۱۸‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻳﮏﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۴‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻗﻮﭼﺎﻥﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺸﻨﮕﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻫﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﭖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ! ﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻮﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﮕﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻢ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺳﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻡ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﻧﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻢ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﺭﻭ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺗﻮﻥ ﺍﺯﻡ ﻳﻪ ﺳﺆﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻭﻧﻢ‪....‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﻮﻧﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻘﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺖ ﺭﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺗﮏ ﺗﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﻤﻲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﮏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۶۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۹۷۳‬ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﭘﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﺖ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۷‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﺱ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﻮﻧﺎ ﻫﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۲۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻧﺰ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﮑﺲ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ؟‬

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‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺳﮑﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺐ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺳﮑﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺐﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ(؛ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﮑﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻲﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ‪ ۳۱‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۴‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻼ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۲۶‬ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﭘﭗ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺩﻳﻮﻻ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻮﺷﻴﭻ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮﺯﮔﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۰‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪۲۰۲۶‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍﻱ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۷۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۹۸۶‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۴‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ۱۳۴ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۶۵‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۲۶‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۴۸‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪۸۰‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫‪۳۶‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻓﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻮﺵ ﺭﺍﻭﻧﻴﭻ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ )ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ( ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ‪ ۳۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﮏ ﮐﻴﺮﻳﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ‪ ۲۰‬ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ؛ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻤﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺳﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻞﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺩﻡﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۶‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۱۳‬ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ‪ ۱۱‬ﮔﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺷﺶ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪ ۱۲‬ﮔﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺻﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ‪ ،۲۰۲۰‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ« ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ »ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﮐﺲ« ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ،۲۰۱۸‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ۳۰ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ‪ ۲۲۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮊﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۴‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﺎﻡ ‪ ۸۱‬ﮔﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۰۹‬ﮔﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﻮﺷﮑﺎﺵ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۸۴‬ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﮑﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﮑﺎﺵ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ‪ ۲۴‬ﮔﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰۹‬ﮔﻞ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ‪ ۳۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ‬

‫ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﴽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ ‪۱۰,۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۶,۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ«‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺭﮐﻴﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫‪ ۳۹۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻃﻲ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰۲۳‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۲۶‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰,۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺗﻴﺴﺘﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۴۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۹‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪ ۷۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎ ‪ ۴۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺮﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ۲۷ .‬ﻫﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ۱۳ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ‪ ۱۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﮐﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﮑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ۱,۶ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬

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‫‪۴۰‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﺒﻼﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﮔﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻨﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻴﺪ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻪ‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻬﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﺒﺾ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻘﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﮐﺸﻲﺍﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻧﺠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻣﺪﺍﻣﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺼﻪﻱ ﻏﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﺮﮒ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﻟﻨﮕﺮﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ!‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻡ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺪﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﭘﺮﭘﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺣﻼﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻏﻲ ﺣﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻀﻄﺮﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻱ ﺻﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﻱ ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻟﮕﺪﮐﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪﺕ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻦ ﮐﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﮑﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺋﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻧﻢ ﮔﻠﺒﺮﮒﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻜﻪ ﭼﻤﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻠﻨﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﻚ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻧﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﭼﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺶ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﭼﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺤﺮ!‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻮﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺯﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻫﻮﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺒﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ؛‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻱ »ﻻﻣﭙﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻱ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺩ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﻥ ﮐﺒﻮﺗﺮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﻌﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻌﺮ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻐﻀﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻴﺪﻡ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺯﻻﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻋﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ!‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻲ »ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ـ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ـ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﮕﻮﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺳﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺗﻮ ﻋﺎﺷﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭ ﮐﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺯ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺸﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﻴﻀﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﮑﻨﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻭ ﺳﻬﻲ! ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻫﻲ«‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻤﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺷﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻡ ﺷﮑﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﮐﺲ ﻭﻟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﮑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺤﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ ﺩﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﮕﺮ ﻟﻴﮑﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﮑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﮎ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺳﺎﻕ ﮔﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﮐﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻣﺶ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﮑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﺒﺚ ﻣﻲﭘﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺲ ﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﮑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺍﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻡ ﺩﻫﮑﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﮑﻨﺪ‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻻﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺯﺩ‬

‫ﺯ ﺑﺴﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﭘﺮﺁﻓﺘﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﺎﺳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﻴﻤﺘﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺵ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺘﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻡ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺮﻭﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﮏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻡ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺘﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻟﻮﺡ ﻋﺒﺮﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺂﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺴﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ« ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻩ ﮔﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺶ ﻣﮕﺬﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺬﻭﺭﻡ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﺭﺩ ﻏﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺯ ﺧﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺯﻟﻔﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﮑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻪ ﻭﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺍﺭﻏﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﻂ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﮑﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻩ ﺷﺒﺮﻧﮓ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﺭ ﮐﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﻴﺮﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻴﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺧﻤﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺯ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻔﻼﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺰ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻜﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻃﻌﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺁﻩ ﺟﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻜﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺷﻚ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻩ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺶ‬

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‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺴﺖ‬

‫‪۴۱‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺵ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮔﻴﺴﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻼﮐﻮﻳﻲ )‪ ۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺷﺐ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻼﮐﻮﻳﻲ )‪ ۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻼﮐﻮﻳﻲ )‪ ۶‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۹‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﴼ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۸‬ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭﻭﺩﺭﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ (۶۷۸) ۳۵۷-۳۵۷۲‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۱‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ«‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻪﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﺎﺯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﻭ »ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﮐﻤﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ« ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪www.melodyshekari.com :‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ »ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﮐﺒﺎﺏ«‬

‫ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ »ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﮐﺒﺎﺏ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‪ (۶۷۸) ۴۵۶-۸۰۸۲ :‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻲ«‬

‫ﺳﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﷲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫)ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺎﺯ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ »ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻨﮓ ـ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺷﭙﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺭ ‪ ۵‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۹‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۳۳۳۳‬ـ ‪(۷۷۰) ۳۳۷‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ )ﺍﻳﺴﺖﮐﺎﺏ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺏ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۶۹۹۸‬ـ ‪(۶۷۸) ۲۳۲‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻻﻧﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﮏﮐﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ » ‪«Suwanee‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۱۶‬ـ ‪ (۴۰۴) ۹۲۵‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﺒﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ »ﺩﺍﻭﺳﻮﻧﻮﻳﻞ ـ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎ« ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﻱﻭﻱ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۴۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۴۶۱۱‬ـ ‪(۶۷۸) ۴۶۴‬‬

‫‪۴۲‬‬

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‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ )ﺑﺮﻩ(‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ(‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﮑﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ(‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺭﺧﺸﺪ ﻃﻼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﴽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﴽ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮ )ﺧﺮﭼﻨﮓ(‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪JULY 2018‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺷﻴﺮ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﺗﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺧﻮﺷﻪ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻏﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﮑﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﻠﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )ﮐﮋﺩﻡ(‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ )ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﮏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻱ )ﺑﺰ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﺦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﮐﺶ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ )ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺍﮊﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲ(‬ ‫ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﮐﻤﮏﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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I

Insider’s Guide to Top College Admissions Extracurriculars - Part III

Requirement 3: Design experiments in order to answer the above question (3 months) Requirement 4: Perform experiments to gather data to answer your research question. (1-2 years)

Hasan Khosravi, MD

Gordon Bae, MD

In our last article, we showed you the strategies that can help you get the most out of your extracurricular activities. Now that you understand the big picture idea, we will go into a more detailed step-by-step guide for achieving your goals, as this is something that many parents and students ask us about.

The first step is to take some time and think about which activities you are most passionate about in the prior listed categories of Academics, Athletics, Arts, Volunteering, Work, and Hobbies. You should plan to commit to these activities for at least 2-4 years to achieve the best results and gain meaningful experiences. Furthermore, we suggest that you pick activities from several different categories to allow you to explore different fields and help you become a more well-rounded person. As mentioned before, sometimes this can be done effectively through combination activities that may integrate aspects such as academics, arts, volunteering, and work.

Now, once you have picked about 5-10 activities that you are passionate about, you should start to create specific goals that you wish to achieve and character/ skills you wish to develop within those activities.

These goals and characteristics should be as specific as possible. Several characteristics that are frequently looked for in applicants by admissions officers include commitment, competence, effectiveness, high energy level, adventurous nature, responsibility, curiosity, perseverance, teamwork, maturity, passion, and (most importantly) leadership. Below, we will discuss one model for activity selection, timeline formation, and goal setting to acquire these desired personality characteristics.

Activity: participating in novel cancer research Characteristics: commitment, passion, intelligence Skills: data analysis and scientific writing Overall goal: publish two scientific papers in a national peer-reviewed journal and present research in one national conference Now that you have set a clear goal for your activity, you can break it down into smaller steps.

Requirement 1: Join a laboratory at a local university or hospital that currently has ongoing research projects in oncology (6 months to 1 year) Requirement 2: Determine a research question that the current scientific community has not yet solved and come up with a hypothesis. (6 months)

Requirement 5: Analyze experimental data, create conclusions, and write up findings in a scientific format for submission.

(6 months) Each of the requirements can further be broken down into a series of actionable steps. For example: Sub-requirement 1: Create a list of local oncologists that have published 1-3 scientific papers in the past year Sub-requirement 2: Create a professional cover letter and resume that you can send to the list of oncologists.

Sub-requirement 3: Contact the oncologists to express enthusiasm for their work and see if they would be willing to mentor a high school student in a research project.

Sub-requirement 4: Complete necessary on-site training and onboarding forms that will allow you to work in a hospital/lab.

If you just had a vague idea that you would like to be involved in scientific research during your high school years, you will most likely never even take the first step of joining a laboratory. By setting clear goals and breaking the goal down into small actionable steps, you can get the most out of each activity, develop lifelong skills, and accomplish significant results.

However, unless you have had experience in certain activities, it may be very difficult to set a goal that is significant but realistic to achieve within 2-4 years.

Furthermore, you may not know how to adequately break down your goals into specific steps that should be taken in order to achieve these goals. This is where a mentor would come in handy, and we are able to provide this service to you by creating individualized plans for your needs.

In our next article, we will talk about the personal statement and how you can write about these extracurricular activities that serve as examples of your personality characteristics, leadership, perseverance, and passion. As always, for more detailed counseling and assistance, please visit www. thementorshipinstitute.com.

Hasan Khosravi, MD .

Gordon Bae, MD

CONTINUED FROM COVER PAGE

saving it to import basic consumer goods. By squeezing the supply of foreign currency for what it considers non-essential uses, the government is limiting the risk of an uprising by the poor and the middle class.

So, rather than a sign of imminent economic collapse, the high price of the dollar is a sign of government prudence that may pay off in the long run.

The media, both inside and outside Iran, refer to the rise of the price of the dollar in the black market as the loss of value of the rial. This is also misleading. The real value of the rial is the amount of goods and services, not black-market dollars, that people can buy with it. As such, the fall in the value of the rial is better measured by the rate of increase in the consumer price index and not the exchange rate in the black market. As it happens, the rise in the consumer price index is much slower than the hike in the black-market exchange rate. Consumer prices have risen by six percent since the beginning of the Iranian year (March 21, 2018) while the dollar has more than doubled in price. Nevertheless, for consumer prices, this is a high rate of increase in three months (27 percent annual rate) and an indication that President Hassan Rouhani’s economic program, which was centered on bringing inflation down to single digits, has collapsed.

As in the past, inflation will slow as the effect of devaluation passes through the economy and the uncertainty regarding the new round of sanctions resolves, but economic growth will remain far below its historic five percent range.

There is considerable uncertainty whether Europe can find a way to keep trade and financial flows with Iran open, and if China and India, which together import half of Iran’s oil exports, will defy Trump and continue their purchases. But there is reason to believe that sanctions will not be as effective as they were under Obama when Iranian oil exports dwindled to fewer than half a million barrels per day and were heading down even further.

Back then the US extraterritorial sanctions had more bite because of a global consensus over the need to slow down Iran’s nuclear enrichment program.

Today, with Iran in full compliance with the international nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and the US condemned for its unilateral withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal—not to mention the ill will the Trump administration has generated globally by trashing other international agreements and starting tariff wars— it may be harder for the US to force other countries to comply with its sanctions. The US ability to punish countries and companies that continue to trade with Iran has not diminished, but the moral force behind it has. Established companies will not risk stiff penalties or the loss of access to the US market by breaking the sanctions, but others would feel less guilty for helping Iran get around them.

But external sanctions are only one side of the story. In Iran, people speak of internal sanctions, by which they mean domestic obstacles to economic growth. Several factors make Iran’s present situation more perilous than in the past.

First, in 2012 oil prices were 50-60 percent higher than they are today, so the little oil that Iran sold brought in more money than it would now. Oil prices may recover somewhat as Iran’s oil exits the market. Barring unexpected disruptions in global supply, however, they are unlikely to reach their pre-2014 level.

Second, Iran’s banking system is in much worse shape now. In 2012, as the recession was starting, the assets of the banks, many of them linked to real estate, were losing value and the banks were sliding into insolvency. Today, five years later, these banks are unable to lend because they are still struggling to shake off their bad loans.

Finally, last month I found the mood in Iran much less optimistic than it has been for a long time. In the past, people habitually grumbled about the poor state of the economy but displayed optimism at election times, as in 2013 and 2017, when they elected the moderate and reformist government of Rouhani.

And now, with the collapse of the nuclear deal, and with it Rouhani’s economic program, Iranians do not know what to hope for. The display of public anger, which we see in sporadic protests over diverse but real issues such as water, failing banks, lost wages, and most recently the rising price of the dollar, may be an indication of this lost hope.

Djavad Salehi-Isfahani conducts research on the economics of the Middle East and is currently a professor of economics at Virginia Tech. He is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institute and is also serving as the Dubai Initiative fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government.

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JULY 2018

Her heart and home were open and boundless.

After meeting her husband, who immigrated to the United States from Iran, she welcomed over 35 young Iranians into her home over the years as they got settled and found their way in America.

In her life, she touched thousands of people.

Always with grace, kindness, and selflessness.

Indeed, perhaps most remarkable, she never once uttered a negative word about anyone, quick to remind those close to her, «If you don't have something nice to say, don't say anything.»

She loved Augusta, Georgia, flowers, strong women (especially, Hillary Clinton), James Brown, the author Janise Ray, the beach, and CONTINUED FROM PAGE 45

Iran's Chabahar Port:

Beth Farokhi, prominent Georgia educator, dies at 70 Dr. Beth (Dupree) Farokhi, aged 70, died peacefully on June 22, 2018, at her home in Kennesaw, Georgia, after a swift struggle with cancer. Born February 16, 1948 in Augusta, Georgia, the only daughter of Helen and Walker Dupree, Beth lived a life of humility and altruism that nurtured those around her and challenged the status quo. As a young woman in Augusta, she graduated Richmond Academy, where she starred on the basketball team.

She graduated from LaGrange College before moving to Marietta to teach elementary school.

Soon thereafter, she began graduate studies in education, receiving degrees from Emory (MA) and University of Georgia (Ed.D.). In 1973, she married Dr. Nasrolah Farokhi.

Married until her death, they raised two sons and a daughter and built a life in education and political and social action.

Beth built a 24-year career at Georgia State University, where she coordinated curriculum development for more than 50 degree programs in the College of Education.

While at GSU, she established a women’s leadership program, founded and published an international gender equity newsletter, and served in state and national leadership of the American Association of University Women. Upon her retirement in 2005, Beth’s purpose took flight. She ran unsuccessfully for Cobb County School Board and Georgia State School Superintendent before serving as Head of School at The Galloway School.

She also served as President of the LaGrange College Alumni Association and a member of its Board of Trustees. In 2018, she was awarded

LaGrange College’s Distinguished Service Alumni Award. She was active in Democratic politics, serving as chair of the Education Committee for the Georgia Federation of Democratic Women and was an active member of the Cobb County Democratic Party. An eighth-generation Georgian, Beth was deeply proud of her state and spent the last few years interviewing women across Georgia

commercially viable,” said an Indian official.

Indian Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj insisted last month that her country would not bow to US pressure to adhere to the Trump administration’s sanctions. “India follows only UN sanctions and not unilateral sanctions by any country,” Swaraj said.

Beyond the port’s economic importance for Iran, it will also likely allow the Islamic republic to increase its influence in Afghanistan at a time that the United States and Saudi Arabia are stepping up economic cooperation with Kabul in a bid to isolate both Iran and the Taliban.

For its part, Afghanistan sees the port as a way to reduce its transport dependence on Pakistan with which it has strained relations.

Despite the US cloud hanging over it, Chabahar’s potential significance goes beyond whether it will contribute to the Iranian effort.

India hopes that its US$500 million investment in the port will offer it a gateway to Afghanistan and land-locked Central Asia that constitutes an alternative to infrastructure related to China’s Belt and Road initiative, including the $50 billion-plus China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and an antidote to Chinese investment in Indian Ocean ports.

If geopolitics did not already amount to a

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Rudy Giuliani calls for ...

who had made a difference in their communities.

But perhaps nothing gave her as much joy as working to help other women succeed, mentoring countless others as they pursued their professional and political ambitions.

More important than her professional accomplishments, Beth was a mother and a wife.

She taught her children patience, selflessness, joy, perseverance, an unwavering curiosity for the world and to love and respect all people, no matter what. She and her husband lifted each other up at all times, supporting each other's pursuits and passions. She was an ardent supporter of Morris Brown College, where her husband has worked for 38 years, and Atlanta's Persian community.

The guest of honor at last year’s NCRI conference was John Bolton, who has since become Trump’s third national security adviser.

Bolton told the 2017 rally US policy should be to make sure the Islamic Republic “will not last until its 40th birthday” – 1 April 2019.

The policy of the Trump administration is not officially to call for regime change, though top officials have often hinted at it. Outlining his approach in May, the secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, said it was up to the Iranian people to relieve the pressure on the country by changing their government.

Giuliani was one of 33 senior US officials and military brass at the year’s conference on Saturday. Bill Richardson, former US ambassador to the United Nations, US energy secretary and Democratic governor of New Mexico, was also in attendance.

Stephen Harper, former prime minister of Canada, also delivered a speech advocating regime change in Iran.

It was unclear if the speakers at the conference were paid. The NCRI and MEK

44 chocolate.

Beth is survived by her husband, Nasrolah Farokhi, sons, Arman Rashidfarokhi of St. Louis, MO, and Amir Farokhi of Atlanta, GA; a daughter Sanaz Rashidfarokhi of Los Angeles, CA, and her brother, Len Dupree of Blairsville, GA. A private graveside service for immediate family members was held in Augusta, GA on June 25, 2018. The family invites you to join them in celebrating Beth's life at a public memorial service on July 7, 2018 at 2pm at Ebenezer Baptist Church, 101 Jackson St NE, Atlanta, GA 30312.

full plate, Chabahar is likely, together with a host of ports in Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, Oman, and Qatar, to challenge the longstanding dominance in the Indian Ocean of Dubai’s Jebel Ali port.

Commercial competition between ports has been reinforced by the Saudi-Iranian battle for regional hegemony as well as the Gulf spat between Qatar and a Saudi-United Arab Emirates-led alliance that a year ago imposed an economic and diplomatic boycott on the Gulf state and the war in Yemen.

As a result, commercial, military and geopolitical drivers for port investment in the region have blurred and expanded the multiples rivalries into the Horn of Africa with the UAE and others, including Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Qatar jockeying for position in Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Yemen and Djibouti.

Said NATO Defence College analyst Eleonora Ardemagni: «The political rift in the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) weakens economic integration prospects and as a consequence cooperation among commercial ports. The Qatari crisis opened a new chapter in intra-GCC relations marking the emergence of latent nationalism in the Arab Gulf region: the rising geopolitics of ports is going to further unveil this trend.»

About the author: Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, co-director of the University of Wurzburg’s Institute for Fan Culture, and co-host of the New Books in Middle Eastern Studies podcast.

have been known for paying very high fees.

Most observers of Iranian politics say the MEK has minimal support in Iran and is widely hated for its use of violence and close links to Israeli intelligence.

In sweltering temperatures, about 4,000 people arrived by bus at the Parc des expositions centre. Many were draped in the MEK flag, which replaces the sign for “Allah” on the Iranian flag with a yellow lion. Others wore yellow sun hats displaying the hashtag “#Maryam Rajavi”.

Around half of the attendees were Iranian.

The other half consisted of an assortment of bored-looking Poles, Czechs, Slovakians, Germans and Syrians who responded to a Facebook campaign promising travel, food and accommodation to Paris for a mere €25.

Hundreds of Syrian refugees settled in Germany also attended. Many snoozed under trees during speeches.

“We saw the deal on Facebook and we agreed to come on a holiday,” said a young Syrian mother as she sat on the conference floor, fanning her two young children. “I have never seen Paris. I don’t know anything about the MEK.”

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Rudy Giuliani calls for Iran regime change at rally linked to extreme group

By Arron Merat & Julian Borger www.theguardian.com Trump lawyer speaks at Paris event staged

by MEK, once listed as terrorist organization and widely seen as a personality cult Donald Trump’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, addressed a rally staged by an extreme Iranian opposition group in Paris, calling for regime change in Tehran.

Giuliani spoke to the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), an umbrella coalition largely controlled by the Mujahedin-e-Khalq (MEK), which was once listed as a terrorist organization in the US and Europe and is still widely viewed as a Marxist-Islamist cult built around the personality of its leader, Maryam Rajavi.

“We are now realistically being able to see an end to the regime in Iran,” Giuliani told a crowd of about 4,000, many of them refugees and young eastern Europeans who had been bussed in to

attend the rally in return for a weekend trip to Paris.

“The mullahs must go, the ayatollah must go, and they must be replaced by a democratic government which Madam Rajavi represents,” Giuliani said. “Freedom is right around the corner … Next year I want to have this convention in Tehran!”

The former New York mayor, who became a cyber security adviser in the White House before being named as Trump’s personal lawyer in April, is one of a long line of American conservative hawks to attend the NCRI annual conference.

Another prominent guest on Saturday was Newt Gingrich, a former House speaker and a close Trump ally.

In his speech, Giuliani said the fall of the government in Tehran would be brought about by economic isolation.

“When the greatest economic power stops doing business with you, then you collapse … and the sanctions will become greater, greater and greater,” he said.

Rudy Giuliani speaks at the National Council of Resistance of Iran event in Paris. Photograph: Zakaria Abdelkafi/AFP/Getty Images Bullet-Freedom is right around the corner!

Next year I want to have this convention in Tehran! Rudy Giuliani In May, Trump abrogated the 2015 international nuclear deal with Iran and ordered a campaign of intense economic pressure, threatening sanctions against any foreign company doing business with Iran and calling for an end to trade in Iranian oil

by November. Giuliani suggested that the current

wave of protests in Iran was being orchestrated from outside.

“Those protests are not happening spontaneously,” Giuliani said. “They are happening because of many of our people in Albania [which hosts an MEK compound] and many of our people here and throughout out the world.”

It was unclear whether “our people” was intended to mean the US or the MEK. PLEASE GO TO PAGE 44

Iran's Chabahar Port: Where Asian and Middle Eastern Rivalries Collide

By James M. Dorsey, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer Iran's Indian-backed port of Chabahar, inaugurated months before the United States re-imposed sanctions on the Islamic republic, is where Asia and the Middle East's multiple political conflicts and commercial rivalries collide.

Chabahar was destined to become a player in geopolitical and economic maneuvering between China, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Central Asian states even without the re-imposition of sanctions.

The sanctions have, however, significantly enhanced its importance as Iran struggles to offset the likely punishing impact of US efforts to force the Islamic republic to alter its foreign and defense policy and/or achieve a change of regime.

Iran sees the port together with the Indian-backed Chabahar Free Trade Zone, that hopes to host a steel mill and a petrochemical complex, as the motor of development of the Iranian section of the Makran coast. Iran's province of Sistan and Baluchistan shares the coastline with the Pakistani province of Baluchistan, home to the Chinese-backed rival port of Gwadar.

Saudi Arabia sees the Pakistani region as a launching pad of a potential effort by the kingdom and/or the United States to destabilize the Islamic republic by stirring unrest among its ethnic minorities, including the Baluch. Saudi Arabia has put the building blocks in place for possible covert action but has to date given no indication that it intends to act on proposals to support irredentist action.

A study written by Mohammed Hassan Husseinbor, an Iranian of Baloch origin, and published by the International Institute for Iranian Studies, formerly known as the Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies, a Saudi governmentbacked think tank, argued that Chabahar posed “a direct threat to the Arab Gulf states” that called for “immediate countermeasures.”

Husseinbor said Chabahar would enable Iran to increase market share in India for its oil exports at the expense of

Saudi Arabia, raise foreign investment in the Islamic republic, increase Iranian government revenues, and allow Iran to project power in the Gulf and the Indian Ocean.

Saudi Arabia, months before the US re-imposition of sanctions, already sought to thwart the development of Chabahar by stopping South Korea's POSCO Engineering & Construction from moving ahead with a $1.6 billion agreement with Iranian steelmaker Pars Kohan Diar Parsian Steel (PKP) to build a steel mill in Chabahar. Saudi Arabia's Public Investment Fund has a 38 percent stake in POSCO. «This project mandatorily requires the decision of the board of directors.

However, as relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia rapidly grew worse after a severance of diplomatic ties last year, outside directors in the board meeting are having negative stances on

Iran projects, especially those requiring investment and JVC (joint venture company) establishment,» POSCO said in a letter to PKP. POSCO said it had difficulty «convincing and reaching consent on the unfavorable opinion from the outside directors.»

The POSCO letter signaled that Chabahar's success would depend on the political will of governments with India and Iran in the lead rather than on any hope to attract private sector investment.

India was earlier this month forced to drop a demand that the winner of a bid to manage the Chabahar port pay an upfront US$8.52 million premium.

“We were charging a premium from the successful bidder to meet our preliminary expenses. But the shortlisted bidders said that the project is of strategic importance and is not PLEASE GO TO PAGE 44

JULY 2018

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July 2018 - Vol 24 - Issue 296

‫ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﺸﺘﻲ‬: ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬:‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬

Bazaar Protest Sign Of Iranian Pessimism

by Djavad Salehi-Isfahani www.lobelog.com It’s not every day that Iran’s bazaar merchants close their shops to protest high prices. They are of course not protesting the high price of bread or chicken, whose prices have not increased, but of dollars, which have become scarce, hurting import businesses. In April, the government stopped the supply of foreign currency to private moneychangers and required all foreign-exchange transactions to go through the Central Bank.

Millions who relied on the so-called free market for their foreign-exchange needs—travelers, people sending money to their families abroad, businesses

with foreign transactions, and those taking their money out of the country—were suddenly forced to deal with smugglers.

Within days of the decision to outlaw unofficial transactions, a black market emerged registering a high premium over the official rate of 42,000 rials per dollar, an increase of more than 100% this

week. Many observers have erroneously used this rate as a barometer of the state of Iran’s economy.

The conservative Cato economist Stephen Hanke predicted in Forbes that Iran’s economy is on “a death spiral,” and The New York Times described it as in “free fall.”

The reason why these dire predictions are wrong

is simple: the influence of the black market on consumer prices in Iran is limited because only a small proportion of Iran’s foreign exchange passes through it. The government earns the bulk of the available foreign exchange and is PLEASE GO TO PAGE 43