Pardis august 2017 digital edition

‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺹ‪۳‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪۴‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪۷‬‬

‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ‬

‫‪Send an email to:‬‬

‫‪pardismag@gmail.com‬‬

‫ﺹ ‪۱۴‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ‪۱۵‬‬

‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ‪۲۰‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪۳۸‬‬

‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ‪۲۶‬‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺹ‪۴۲‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺷﻬﺮ ‪۳۸‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ‪۳۶‬‬

‫ﺹ ‪۴۳‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪۳۹‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝ ‪۳۳‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ“ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﭘﻤﭙﺌﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻠﺮﺍﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻤﭙﺌﻮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻳﺴﮏﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻤﭙﺌﻮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۱۰‬‬

August 2017

1396 ‫( ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬770) 973-0506 :‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬

Don’t be fooled by the…

“I’ve Got a Low Rate”

SaLeS HuStLe! Low Rate Does Not equaL

Low Monthly Bill!

Every day we find Merchants who have a low rate but because they are not set up correctly, they are paying way too much. As much as 60% too much! eVance Processing's incredible growth and stability has come from steadfastly adhering to the simple vision of our founder - Provide Value to the Customer! eVance sets itself apart by focusing on Customer Service! We apply our knowledge of the extremely complex Bank Card Processing regulations to custom tailor a Merchant Account to fit your specific needs. We don’t stop there - we will work with you in this ever changing environment to ensure that you keep the most of what you have worked for. Call today, start saving your hard earned money tomorrow!

For more information contact me : 950 North Point Parkway, Suite 400 Alpharetta GA 30005

Phone: 678.670.8242 or 678.293.8347 www.eVanceProcessing.com

msamiei@evanceprocessing.com

eVance Processing, Inc. is a registered ISO/MSP of Merrick Bank, South Jordan, UT

۲

2

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﮐﻮﻩﻫﺎ ﮐﻮﭼﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﮐﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﺴﻦ« ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ« ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺯﺭ« ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ ﻭ ‪ ۵‬ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻤﮏﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﻴﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﭼﻮﺏﺁﻻﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﮐﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﭼﻮﺏﺁﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫‪۳‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺍﮐﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺼﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺯﺍﮔﺮﺱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺨﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻼﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﮐﺮﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫‪ ۷,۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﺴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺧﺸﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮐﺮﺑﻦ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﭘﻲ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻨﻔﺲ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻟﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ ﻃﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺎ‬

‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪» ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﮏ ﺁﺏ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻂﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮐﺎﺭﻟﺴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۳۶۰‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ« ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻨﺪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﻣﺎﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺯﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۹‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ؛ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺮﮐﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻠﻮﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺨﻴﺰﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫‪4‬‬

‫روﯾﺪاد‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫‪۴‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ »ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺼﺮﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۹‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺩﻳﺴﮏ ﮐﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۸۸‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۸۹‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ »ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﻟﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۸۸۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴‬ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۲,۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺰﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺼﻼﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ( ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ )ﻧﺴﺒﻲ( ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫)ﺧﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪﻳﺪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۶‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۴۸۹‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ« ﺷﺪ‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﺩﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ« ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻓﺒﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻓﺒﺎﻓﻲ ‪ ۴۴‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۶‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﺮﻓﺒﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﻞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺍﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﻐﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻓﺒﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻠﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﻫﻤﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮐﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻓﺒﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝﺯﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ‪۵۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺑﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ ۸‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺿﺎﺭﺏ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﮐﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺻﻔﺮ« ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺼﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻧﺤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ(‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ »ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺳﻮﺝ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻬﮑﻴﻠﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻩ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ »ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺫﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫)ﭘﮑﻦ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺯﻱ ﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﮓ« ﺫﮐﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ“ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ“ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ »ﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﮎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ )ﺩﻭﻡ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﮏ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻱ )ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ( ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ“ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪۱۳۵۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻔﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ »ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺭﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ« ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﺸﻤﻮﻟﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻟﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﻮﺩﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﻪ ﻫﻢﺗﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪) ۱۹۹۴‬ﻫﻨﮓﮐﻨﮓ( ﻭ ‪) ۱۹۹۵‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ( ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۹‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺗﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﮏﻣﻮﻟﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﭘﺎﭘﻴﻮﻻﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۳‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﺒﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﭙﺎﺗﻴﺖ ﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ۳۰۰ ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻗﻠﻢ »ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺻﺎﺣﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ]ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ[‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﻏﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺰﻫﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۶‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎ“ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ....‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﮐﻨﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ« ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ »ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻴﺎﻩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﮒﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻼﺳﮑﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺸﻬﺮﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﻌﻬﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺘﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ“‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺴﺖﻭﺷﻮﻱ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ! ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻫﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﮐﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻡ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ »ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﮐﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ« ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۲۵‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺁﻣﻴﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻭﺗﻴﭗ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﺯﻡﻧﺎﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺑﺮ »ﻧﻴﻤﻴﺘﺰ« ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﻧﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﭼﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮏﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ »ﻧﺎﻭﺗﻴﭗ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ـ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ« ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ« ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪۳۰‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪۷‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫روﯾﺪاد‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎن‬

‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬

‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ )ﺁﻱ ﺍﻡ ﺍﻑ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ ۱,۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪۲‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ ۲,۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ‪۲,۳‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ »ﺁﻱ ﺍﻡ ﺍﻑ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ ۱,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪۲,۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲,۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ ۳,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪۳,۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ »ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺁﻱ ﺍﻡ ﺍﻑ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ‪ ۱,۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۷۵۵‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪۴۵۵‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﮑﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﻢﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ‬

‫ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﮔﺌﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺑﮑﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ‪ ۴۱۹‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ‪ ۳‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻕ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺳﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﮔﺎﺯ »ﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫‪ «۲‬ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻓﻖ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﻮﻧﮓ ‪ ،۱۴‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻨﺰﻭ ﺁﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ »ﻗﺎﻃﻊ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐﺍﻓﮑﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦﺩﺍﺭﻱ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ« ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬

‫ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ”ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ“‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۸۸‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ‪ ۹۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪7‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ »ﻭﻳﻨﻲ ِﺩ ﭘﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ »ﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩ ﭘﻮ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺑﻼﮒﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩ ﭘﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻴﻤﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺱ ﺑﺎﻣﺰﻩ ﺗﭙﻞ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﭼﻴﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼﮒ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻲ ﺟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻲ ﺟﻴﻦﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻨﺰﻭ ﺁﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺬﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻮﺭ« ﻭ »ﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩ ﭘﻮ« ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻒ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ »ﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩ ﭘﻮ« ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺤﮏ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺩ ﭘﻮ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺧﻠﻖ )ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ( ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻲ ﺟﻴﻦﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﮐﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﻮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﺴﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﺴﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﺴﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﺴﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﮑﺪﻩ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﮏ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٧‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۸‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮔﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ( ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮔﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮔﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻤﺮﮔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻑﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ‪۳‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۷۴۷‬ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ‪۱,۸‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۴۶۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ‪.‬ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻳﮏ »ﺩﺍﻟﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺕ ﮐﻮﻭﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﻭﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻟﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ »ﺑﻲ ﺟﻲ ﭘﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﺍﻟﻴﺖ«ﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻲ ﺁﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻧﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﮐﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﻨﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﮐﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﻭﻳﻨﺪ ‪ ۷۱‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎ )ﺑﻲ ﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺪ )ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮔﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺮﮐﻮﮎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﮐﺲ ـ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ـ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﻴﻤﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺒﺮﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۸‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ »ﻫﺎﻳﻨﺰﻣﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﭙﺴﻮﻥ ﺳﭙﺲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﻝ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻝ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮑﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻄﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۳‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﮐﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻓﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ »ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﮎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﮎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻻﻗﺼﻲ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴﻮ ﮔﻮﺗﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ »ﻋﻤﻴﻘﴼ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻒ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺣﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ« ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬

9

For Advertisement Call:

Űš

PA

I

‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫‪۱۰‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ“ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺎ ﻗﺒﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ »ﻧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﻢ ‪ «۲‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺑﮑﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ »ﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮐﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ـ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻞ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫‪ ۹۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ـ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻑ‪ .‬ﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺻﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻡﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺿﻴﺎ ﺁﺗﺎﺑﺎﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺸﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ« ﻭ »ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪۸۲‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ‪۶۳‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﺳﭙﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۴۳‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ! ﭘﺲ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ!‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﻨﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺿﻤﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺮﺍﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ـ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﺧﺮ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﭘﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ۴۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪۳۲‬‬

11

For Advertisement Call:

۱۱

PA

I

‫‪12‬‬

‫‪۱۲‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

13

For Advertisement Call:

۱۳

PA

I

‫‪14‬‬

‫‪۱۴‬‬

‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻟﻤﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ‪ ۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺑﻴﮑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻔﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺪ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺸﻜﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ »ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪» ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺑﭽﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ »ﻗﺎﺗﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫)ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﮔﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻛﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻛﻲ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻼﻱ ﻧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﺁﺗﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ؟ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻛﻢﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﭘﻮﺷﻲ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﺎﻥ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻞ( ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻮﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ]ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ[ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﺑﻲﺷﺮﻑ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﻚ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪» 1393‬ﺗﻌﺮﺽ« ﻧﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ 6‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ »ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻃﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﻨﺪ ‪ «2030‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ )ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ‪ (1396‬ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺧﻮﺩﺍﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1390‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻠﻚﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﺑﻲﺣﺠﺎﺏﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻋﺮﻕﺧﻮﺭﻫﺎ« ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺧﺸﻜﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ« ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﮓ »‪ #‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻪ ـ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺥ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﭼﺮﺥﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1394‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 12‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﺭژﺍﻧﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 94‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1381‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪1388‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ‪ 54‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 49‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1390‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻧﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۱۵‬‬

‫ﮐﻤﮏ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ‬

‫روﯾﺪاد‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﺑﺘﻲ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺳﻴﭙﺮﻭﻓﻠﻮﮐﺴﺎﺳﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺮﻭﻣﺎﻳﺴﻴﻦ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﻒ‬ ‫»ﺳﻔﺎﻟﻮﺳﭙﻮﺭﻳﻦ« )ﺍﻱﺳﻲﺍﺱﻫﺎ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻱﺳﻲﺍﺱﻫﺎ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺑﻴﻮﺗﻴﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﺧﻴﻢ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﮑﺮﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﮎ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﮕﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺭﺣﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻭﻟﻮﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ )ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ـ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻲ( ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۹‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰۲۱‬ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ »ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ« ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ‪) PSU‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﻴﻮﺑﺮﮔﺮ ﻫﺎﻝ« ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫)ﻭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ( ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ،PSU‬ﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻮﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ PSU‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ MIT‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻠﻴﺴﻨﺲ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۰‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ۷۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ‪ PSU‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﺮﺍﮐﻮﻑ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ۹ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۷۰۰‬ﻫﮑﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻭﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﺰﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﺮﺍﮐﻮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺴﻼ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۷‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻼﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﮏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ ۳‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺴﻼﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ ۳‬ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ‪ ۳۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﺴﻼﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﮐﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻼ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۴۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ‪ ۸۸۹‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ »ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﺲ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﺗﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻠﻲ »ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‪» ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ‪» ،‬ﺁﻝ ﻧﻴﭙﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻭ »ﮐﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﻔﻴﮏ« ﻫﻨﮏﮐﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ »ﻟﻮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻧﺰﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪» ،‬ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺮ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۵۳۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﮐﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﻴﻨﮓ ‪ ۷۷۷‬ﺳﺮﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﺍﻝ ﺁﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ‪ ۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۱۷۳‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ‪ ۴۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۴‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۹۲‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ۲۲۲‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ« ﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺟﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮ« ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ »ﺟﺖ ﺑﻠﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﻼﺱ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻧﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺁﻝ ﻧﻬﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﻼﺱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ‪ ۳۸۰‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻼﺱ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺰﻧﺲﮐﻼﺱ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮ« ﺍﻭﻝ‪» ،‬ﺁﻝ ﻧﻴﭙﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ« ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ »ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﻏﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﮐﻢﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﻥ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻻﻏﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﻼ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺪﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ‪ ۶۵۰‬ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺪﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ« ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﺩﺍﺭ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺰﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺯﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ( ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﻟﻔﻮ ﺩﻳﺰﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺍﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺯﭘﻠﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺫﮐﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻﻏﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻻﻏﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮊﻧﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ )ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ (.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۲۰۰‬ﮐﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮊﻧﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۶۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﻨﺎﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺏﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﮐﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﺭﺍ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۰‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۷,۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻫﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻭ »ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ »ﺩﻱﺍﻥﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﺴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺒﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﮎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮎﺳﭙﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺶ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﻼﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻨﺰ‪ ۶۱ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺶ ﻗﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ »ﺩﻱﺍﻥﺍﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﻴﮕﺮﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﮏ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ؛ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﻠﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﮕﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻨﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪۱۷‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫‪17‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۵‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺑﻌﻴﺪ« ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﺒﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺭﻭﺱﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﻮﺍ ﺩﻳﺎﮐﻮﻧﻮﺍ )ﻣﻠﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻻ( ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۹‬ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ« ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ »ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹۶‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻧﻲ ﺿﺪ »ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ »ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ« ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻧﻲ ﺿﺪ »ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﻄﻔﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻓﺮﺍﮔﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻏﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺣﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۸۷‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮊﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪۹۵ .‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۷۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺷﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﮎ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ۵۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﺮﮊﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﭺﺁﻱﻭﻱ«‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﮐﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺌﻮﻧﮓ ﺳﻮﻧﮓ« ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻟﻮﻣﻴﻨﻴﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻣﻐﻨﺎﻃﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﮑﺎﻥﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻣﻐﻨﺎﻃﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻠﻪ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻣﻐﻨﺎﻃﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪18‬‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﯾﯽاز‬

‫‪۱۸‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫»ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻃﻦ« ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫‪News from Afghanistan‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﻟﻤﺎﺱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺿﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻞﺁﻏﺎ ﺷﻴﺮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﺣﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ‪/‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻤﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﺨﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺿﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ 28‬ﺣﻤﻞ‪ /‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺿﻠﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪ 1393‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺷﺨﺼﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻜﻮﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪ 1393‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺭﺍء ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 45‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺝ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ”ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻃﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 25‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫»ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻃﻦ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺴﺎﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1383‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻃﻦ« ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺠﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻃﻦ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻃﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1365‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭﻃﻦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ )ﺧﺎﺩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻜﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 116‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻜﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻃﻒ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﻳﻜﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 60‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ )‪ 77‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ( ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺮﻳﻜﺖ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ‪ 2‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻌﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2016‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺍﻓﺰﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻜﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻟﻄﻔ ًﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 30‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ‪/‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪ 30‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ‪ /‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻳﻮﺗﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺯﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ‪ 15‬ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ‪ 37‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ‪ 40‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻮﻳﻮﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻄﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ‪ 18‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﺪ ‪ 15‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻲﺑﻮﺱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﻌﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 150‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 6‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1600‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2009‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ( ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2017‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ‪ 1662‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪ 3581‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬

‫‪۱۹‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫‪19‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 174‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ‪ 436‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩﺍﻣﻴﭽﻲ ﻳﺎﻣﺎﻣﻮﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 150‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ‪92‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪2009‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 26‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ 500‬ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪49‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﻋﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«..‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﺩﻫﺎﻗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ 3‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪ 3‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﻛﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺬﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺮﺕﺑﺨﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫‪۲۰‬‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫روﯾﺪاد‬

‫ﺳﯿﻨﻤﺎﯾﯽو‬

‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫»ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﺮﻗﺒﻪ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻻﻧﺪﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﻟﻔﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﭘﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻻﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1988‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﺶ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻩ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻻﻧﺪﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺩ ﻭﻭﺩ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 27‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻠﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ‪ 27‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﺟﺰ« ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 7‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ 105‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ 13‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻳﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻪﻟﻮﭘﻪ ﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 31‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻼﺭﺍ ﻓﻦ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻟﻴﻨﮕﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﻮﻟﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻻﻧﺪﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ« ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻻﻧﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 89‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ »ﻳﻮﺳﻲﺍﻝﺍﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻻﻧﺪﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1995‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺩ ﻭﻭﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻻﻧﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﺎﺁﺭﺗﺺ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ 180 ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ‪ 60‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻮﺩ ﻟﻨﺘﺴﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﮔﺎﺭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺎﻳﺲ ﮔﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2013‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ‪ 150‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ »ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ »ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 2015‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺣﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ« ﻭ »ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺗﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »‪ 24‬ﻓﺮﻳﻢ« ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﺎﺁﺭﺗﺺ« ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ‪ 60‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2013‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2013‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮء ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻛﺖ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ؛ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻭﺱ ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2014‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2014‬ﻧﻴﻜﻼﻭﺱ ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﮔﺮﻭﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1960‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2005‬ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﮔﺮﻭﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺯﻭﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺸﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺷﺶ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﻛﻼﻍ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍ«‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻪ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺷﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺳﮓ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻲ« ﻭ »ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﻢ« ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻑ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻃﻼﺟﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻨﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺟﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﻛﻼﻍ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« ﻭ »ﺳﮓﻛﺸﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻪ«‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺷﻮ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﻃﺮﺏﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻭ ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻃﻼﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺸﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2014‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ )ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ »ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ« )‪ (1367‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1375‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭگ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺁﺋﻮﻳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1389‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺩﻭﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﺵ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺭﺩﺍﻭﻳﺮﺍﻑﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻭ »ﻃﺮﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۱‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﻨﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺭﻭﻣﺮﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻲ‬

‫ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺭﻭﻣﺮﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﺷﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 77‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻣﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1968‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ژﺍﻧﺮ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻲ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻡﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﺍﻣﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻛﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻱ ﻭﻭﺩﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 114‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ‪ 30‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻣﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻃﻠﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪40‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻛﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ« ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﻤﺲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ )‪ 25‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ( ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ« ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺎﻛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﭘﺎﻟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2013‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ« ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻩ »ﮔﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺎﺭﺩﻳﺲ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ« ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ« ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 12‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ« ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮ« ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﭘﺎﻟﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢﺍﻟﺨﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﻲ ﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺘﻴﻢﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﺪﻝ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓ ًﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻩ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺑﺰﺭگﺁﻗﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻗﺒﺎﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺙ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡﺁﺷﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺯﺍﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻠﻴﺎ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻧﺪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﻛﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺟﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ‪ 150‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ«‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺟﻼﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻪﺁ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺻﻔﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ‪ 40‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ 100‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 10‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﺯﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬

‫»ﭼﺮﺥ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ« ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻡ« ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺻﻮ ًﻻ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ﺷﺎﻫﺪﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻴﻨﺪﻩ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺭﻳﭙﻮﺭﺗﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﭼﺮﺥ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ« ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻧﻮ ﺗﻤﭙﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﺒﺮﻟﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ« ﺍﻳﻮﺍ ﺩﻭﻭﺭﻧﻲ‬

‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩ ﺯﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﻲ ﻫﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻂ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺥ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ« ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﻟﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻛﺎﻓﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﺎﻳﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2016‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ »ﭼﺮﺥ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻴﻨﻜﻠﻴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺥ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮ ﭘﺸﺖ »ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ« ﻭ »ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﻨﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﻛﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2019‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2019‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﻛﺮگ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2019‬ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺩﺍﻛﺸﻨﺰ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﮔﻠﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﺮ« )ﺍﻡﺟﻲﺍﻡ( ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﭽﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ 2019‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻮ ﺍﻛﺸﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺩﻳﻮﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ )ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻭﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 6‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﻛﺮگ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﭙﻜﺘﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻛﺮگ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻛﺎﺯﻳﻨﻮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻝ« )‪ (2006‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ »ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭگﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۲‬‬

‫‪22‬‬

‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻱ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ« ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺗﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺒﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻛﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ »ﺑﻬﺘﺮ« ﻳﺎ »ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ«ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻤﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻻ ﻧﻔﺲ »ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻥ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﻱ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺺ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ »ﺯﻭﺝ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻮﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ »ﺯﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ« ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺗﻬﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﻠﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺭﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺭﻱﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻃﻼﻕ! ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﻼﻕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﻗﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﺌﺰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺑﻪﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺳ ِﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺒﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ« ـ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺒﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ )ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺴﻮﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚﻫﺰﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﺭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ )ﭘﺎﺭﻙ( ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺎﺭﻡ« ﺍﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭﻱ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ »ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻲ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻧﺎﺭﻧﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﭼﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ »ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫»ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯﺵ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻦ! ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1394‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1395‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺁﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪۲۳‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫)ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﺸﻮﺭﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ )ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ( ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺟﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ »ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻝ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﴼ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﮑﺮ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ )ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ( ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺸﻤﮑﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ« ﺑﻪ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ »ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﴽ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ »ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬

‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ »ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ »ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ »ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺠﻮﻻﻧﻪ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﻳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ »ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪24‬‬

‫‪۲۴‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

25

For Advertisement Call:

Finding a house you love feels terrific.

Masoud Hosseini Mortgage Loan Officer 301.961.0908 Office 301.537.8897 Cell

۲۵

PA

I

Even better: Knowing it’s within your reach.

When you know your price range ahead of time, you can be sure a house that makes your heart happy will also please your budget.

See us at SunTrust Mortgage. We’ll estimate how much you may qualify to borrow when you’re ready to apply for a mortgage. (Of course, you’re the one who decides how large a loan you’d feel comfortable with.)

Once pre-qualified,* you can house-hunt more wisely—and feel confident about making an offer when the time is right.

Contact me for a free pre-qualification.Together, we can help make sure the home you really like will be one you can afford.

NMLSR # 532675 masoud.hosseini@suntrust.com suntrust.com/masoud.hosseini *Pre-qualification is based on non-verified information and is not a commitment to make you a loan by SunTrust Mortgage, Inc. Loan approval will be subject to, but not limited to, verification of all income, asset and liability information provided by you, satisfactory property appraisal, compliance with SunTrust Mortgage’s loan program guidelines and all required closing conditions such as survey and title examination.

Equal Housing Lender. SunTrust Mortgage, Inc. - NMLS #2915, 901 Semmes Avenue, Richmond, VA 23224, 1-800-634-7928. CA: licensed by the Department of Business Oversight under the California Residential Mortgage Lending Act, IL: Illinois Residential Mortgage Licensee, MA: Mortgage Lender license #-ML-2915, NJ: Mortgage Banker License - New Jersey Department of Banking and Insurance, NY: Licensed Mortgage Banker —NYS Department of Financial Services, and RI: Rhode Island Licensed Lender. ©2017 SunTrust Banks, Inc. SunTrust and SunTrust Mortgage are federally registered service marks of SunTrust Banks, Inc. Rev: 7.3.17

‫‪۲۶‬‬

‫‪26‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻤﯽ‬ ‫روﯾﺪاد ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮژيو‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲ ‪ iOS‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺁﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺱ« ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ »ﺍﭘﻞ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫» ﺳﻴﺮ ﻱ « ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮐﻮﺭﺗﺎﻧﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻟﮑﺴﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻏﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،۲۰۱۸‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻮﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﭘﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ« ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﭘﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ »ﺁﻭﻳﻮﺍ« ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ »ﺗﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺁﻭﻳﻮﺍ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫‪Halide‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﮐﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺆﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﺆﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﺐﻭﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻳﻨﺴﺒﺮﻱ« ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫»ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ« ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ »ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﺍﮐﻮ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺴﺐﻭﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻪﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ )‪ (۲۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻛﻮﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﻛﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎ)‪ ،(focus peaking‬ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﭘﺘﻴﻜﺎﻝ )‪ ،(ISO‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺖ ‪ RAW‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﺴﺘﻮﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫)ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ( ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ‪ 3‬ﺩﺭ ‪) 3‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺮﺑﻊ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ 7‬ﭘﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺯﻭﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫‪ iOS‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﻮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻴﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪Snapseed‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﺳﻨﭗﺍﺳﭙﻴﺪ« ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ‪ Raw‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ‪ RAW‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ‪ RAW‬ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ‪ DSLR‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪VSCO‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ‪ VSCO‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ‪ VSCO‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎ ‪ Store‬ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻜﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪TouchRetouch‬‬

‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﺴﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ‪ Retouch‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺭﻳﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ‪ Line Removal‬ﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪SKRWT‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ‪ SKRWT‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ SKRWT‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺠﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺵ )‪ (crop‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ SKRWT ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪Over‬‬

‫»ﺍﻭﻭﺭ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﻧﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺷﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ‪ IOS‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺵ )‪ (crop‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻭﻭﺭ« ﻳﻚ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﭙﻴﭙﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪Annotate‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﻼﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻠﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪Instagram‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﻜﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻜﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۲۷‬‬

‫‪27‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺦ »ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺴﺦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ »ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ«‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ« ﻭ »ﭘﻮﺭﻥ ﻫﺎﺏ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺦ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺘﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﻫﺮﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ )ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ( ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﮔﻨﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﮐﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ »ﮐﭙﻲﮐﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ »ﮐﭙﻲﮐﺖ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ »ﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ« ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫)ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﺖ( ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ »ﭼﮏ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮐﭙﻲﮐﺖ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﮐﭙﻲﮐﺖ« ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﺣﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ۵۵ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ۱۸ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪ ۱۲ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ۸ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ »ﭼﮏ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﭘﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﺸﻴﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ »ﮐﭙﻲﮐﺖ« ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﮐﭙﻲﮐﺖ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ »ﭼﮏ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ‪ ۷‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻓﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺸﻦ« )‪ (Fan Edition‬ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ۲۰۰ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ‪ ۳۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲﺁﻣﭙﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻓﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺸﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺕ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ۳۵‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲,۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻠﺖ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ‪ ۷‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ‪ ۵,۷‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۶۴‬ﮔﻴﮕﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﮕﺎﭘﻴﮑﺴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻮﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺪﻝ ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﺱ ‪ ۸‬ﻭ ﺍﺱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﭘﻼﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻮﺕ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ‪ ۸‬ﺳﺎﻣﺴﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻠﮑﺴﻲ ﻧﻮﺕ ‪ ۸‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۸‬‬

‫‪28‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻮﺩ ﻭﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺮﺩﺳﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﺎﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻬﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺵ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﻴﺞ ﻭ ﺭﻏﺒﺖ ﺯﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻧﺎﺗﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺳﺨﻦ« ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۳۷‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۴۳‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺗﮑﻠﻒ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺠﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﮐﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺸﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ« ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻃﻮﻝ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺭﻳﺮ ﻟﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۶‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬

‫‪۲۹‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺧﺸﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺟﻼﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ" ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺶ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ" ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ" ﻧﺎﻗﺺﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺎ" ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ! ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻏﻤﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻏﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻏﻮﺷﻲ ﻏﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺛﻤﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻠﺒﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻨﺪﺁﺏ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻢ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﻮﺩ‪!.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺸﺮﻱﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ "ﺑﻨﻲ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻧﺪ"‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ )‪(1‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪ )‪(2‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﻚ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻴﻚ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺗﻮ ﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﭼﺮﺥ ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ )‪(3‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻲﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺸﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺣﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ )‪(4‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻏﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻛﻨﻲ ﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ!‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺳﺒﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻡ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ" ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪29‬‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻗﺮﻩﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻻﺭﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭگ ﺗﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺣﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﻧﻨﻬﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ "،‬ژﺍﻧﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ" ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ! ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻼﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮژﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻧﺎﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺥ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ . . .‬ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ "ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ" ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻴﺨﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎء ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻲ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻏﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺤﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1264‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 81‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ ‪. . .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺷﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ‪ . . .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻓﺴﺦ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺰء ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ "ﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺎﷲ" ﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺒﺎء ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ "ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ" ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ "ﺣﺠﺎﺏ" ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﭼﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻏﻠﻮﺁﻣﻴﺰﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﮔﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ " ﺗﻘﻴﻪ" ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﺎ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ‪ . . .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻲﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺑﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(5) .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﻬﺪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺗﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫*******‬ ‫‪ 1‬ـ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 2 .55‬ـ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 3 .552‬ـ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.35‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ـ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 5 .671‬ـ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭگ ﺗﺎﻙ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 218‬ﻭ ‪.219‬‬

‫‪30‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ‪۱۸‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﻮﺑﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﻟﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۵۲‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻏﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﺭ‬

‫‪۳۰‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻴﮏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺬﺭ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭘﻮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻘﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺐ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﭘﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻼﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﻠﻪ ﺷﻘﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﺸﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺪﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻩ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﮏ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻳﺨﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻔﮑﺮﺍﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻏﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻳﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻓﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ! ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮐﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺿﺠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺞ ﺟﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﻪ ﻏﺼﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻡ ﻧﻴﺰﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻘﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻧﺞ ﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﮏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﺭﻗﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮔﻤﺸﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺕ ﺳﺘﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻟﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﮑﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﻃﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﻃﭙﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮔﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﺕ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮔﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻲ!‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻢ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻨﻢ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺴﺎﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٦‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺍﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻲ« ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﮑﻬﻠﻢ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ )‪ ۷۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺾ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۳۱‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍً ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ«‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﺾ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺸﺪﻱ ﻋﺒﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﺧﺴﻴﺲ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺟﻤﻌ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪22‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻞ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻮ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1380‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻘﻨﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ »ﻛﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻮ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1302‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﺰﻝﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻐﻤﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻮﺭ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪،1320‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﺒ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻐﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ »ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻝﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ًﻻ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ‪HIS MASTER VOICE‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺩﺍﺵ ﻣﺸﺪﻱ« ﻳﺎ »ﻛﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺎﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻤﻠﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﺟﺎﻫﻞ« ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1323‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻳﻠﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻘﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﻃﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ 150‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷﻴﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﻔﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻟﻜﺶ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ )ﺍﻳﺮﺝ( ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻊﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻄﺎﻭﻝﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ »ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ«‪ :‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪120‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺍً ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ‪ 130‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ« ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،1323‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺪﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ »ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺫﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺎﻫﻪﺳﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻬﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺻﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﻛﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫)ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻛﺎﻥ )ﻭﻳﻠﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ )ﻗﺮﻩﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ )ﻓﻠﻮﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ )ﺗﻨﺒﻚ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻴﻦ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺻﻮﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻬﺬﺍ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ »ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﻱ‬

‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﺭﺍً ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻨﺰﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﮔﻞﭘﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ« ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﭼﺎپ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 70‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ »ﮔﻞﭘﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۲‬‬

‫‪32‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻗﺒﻀﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻃﻠﺒﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻧﻔﻮﺫﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ٢٨‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪١٣٣٢‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﻮﻕﺳﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺗﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ؛ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﺪﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﺴﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ٢٨‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺶ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ« ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ »ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺬﻟﻪﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞﮔﺸﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ٢٧‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻝ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﺎﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪) ١٣٢٩‬ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ‪(١٩٥١‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻄﻤﻴﻊ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬

‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ ٢٨‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪) ١٣٣٠‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ‪ ،(١٩٥١‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ »ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١٤‬ﺩﻱ ‪) ١٣٣٠‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ٥‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ (١٩٥٢‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻲﻧﺰﺍﮐﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻟﺤﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ؛ »ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﻴﺴﻪﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻟﺬﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺠﻮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ٢٠‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪) ١٣٣١‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ١١‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ‪ (١٩٥٢‬ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﻱ )ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ؛ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻟﺞ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﮎ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭﺗﺮﺵ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻱ ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ـ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ‪ ١٧‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ‪) ١٣٣١‬ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ (١٩٥٢‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ »ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ـ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﮔﺎﺯﻳﻮﺭﻭﺳﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ١٩٥٣‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺒﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪۱۰‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺠﻮﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺠﻮﺷﺪ! ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﻧﭽﺴﺐ »ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬

‫ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺯﻳﻮﺭﻭﺳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫‪ ١٩٨٠‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ـ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ‪ ١٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫)ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﮔﺎﺯﻳﻮﺭﻭﺳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ )ﺩﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎ(‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﮑﺘﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮒ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻗﻮﮐﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﮑﻮ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻓﻮﻕﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫‪ ٢٨‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ! ﺑﺰﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ!« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ! ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻲ!« ﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ!‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻜﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺷﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻼﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻠﻮ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺒﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺁ ﻣﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ! ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ »ﻣﺎ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ« ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻳﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﭘﻮﺯﺵﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ!‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪۳۳‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ )ﺑﺮﻩ(‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻢ ﮐﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﺸﻬﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ(‬

‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﴼ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻣﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ(‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﺨﺮﺟﻲ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺋﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮ )ﺧﺮﭼﻨﮓ(‬

‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺮﺣﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﮑﻤﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ؛ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮐﺲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪33‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺷﻴﺮ(‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﮑﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺧﻮﺷﻪ(‬

‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻃﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺴﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺮﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭﺷﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ(‬

‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﮐﺶ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )ﮐﮋﺩﻡ(‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﮊﺭﻑﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﴼ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺧﻠﻮﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﮑﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ )ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻱ )ﺑﺰ(‬

‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ )ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲ(‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﭙﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪34‬‬

‫‪۳۴‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﺰ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﻌﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﯽ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﯽ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﯽﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻠﻮﮐﺒﺎﺑﯽﻫﺎﯼ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻮﺗﯽ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽﺍﺵ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﯼ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻠﯽ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻣﯽﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ «.‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﯽ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺨﻨﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻦ ﺟﺪﯼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ! ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﺘﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻋﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﯽ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻤﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﯽ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪«...‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬

‫ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﯽ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ‬

‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﯼ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﯼ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﻠﯽ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﮐﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﯽﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﯼ »ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ« ﻭ »ﺗﻮﻳﺘﺮ«‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺗﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺦ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﯼ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻮﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﯼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺭﯼ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺰ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺗﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺭﻳﺸﻮﯼ ﺑﺪﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﺗﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﮑﻠﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻧﺒﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﯼ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﯼ ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﯽ ﺯﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﯼ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﺗﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻖ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﯼ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﮏﺁﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺲﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﯼ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺒﺰﻡ ﻋﺮﻕﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﻮﺍﺵ ﻳﻮﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﺁﮊﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺲﻫﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﯼ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﯽﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺿﺮﺑﺪﺭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﭙﺮﯼ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﯽ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﯼ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﯼ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺰﯼ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻬﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺸﻮ ﻭ ﮊﻧﺪﻩﭘﻮﺵ‪ .‬ﮐﺖ ﺁﺑﯽ ﺳﺮﻣﻪﺍﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﮔﻨﺪﻣﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﯼ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻬﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﯼ ﻋﺮﻕ ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﮐﻤﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﮐﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺟﻴﺒﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻏﺬﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﯽﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻌﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮎ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﯽ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺁﻗﺎ!‪ ...‬ﺁﻗﺎ‪ .«...‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﺐ ﮐﺖ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺧﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﯼ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﮔﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻢ ﺗﻮﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺶ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺰﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ!« ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻳﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻢ ﺳﻴﺦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻒ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪﯼ ﻻﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﯼ ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ‪...‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻄﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﯽﺳﻮﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﯽ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻣﯽﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ؟‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﮐﺴﭙـﺮﺱ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ(‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﮐﺴﭙﺮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻟﻴﻤﻮﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﯽ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺭﺍﻧﺘﯽ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺒﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻒ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﮐﻴﺘﺮﻳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﭙﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﺑﻂﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﯼ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥﺷﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﯼ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﯼ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺑﻼﮒ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻳﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﮎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﺮﯼ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﻠﻤﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﮏﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻼﺏﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﯼ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﯽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻢ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﮐﺮﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪﺍﯼ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭙﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﯽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﻕ ﮔﺎﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺭﻭﯼ ‪۴۵۱‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﯽﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻗﻔﺴﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺸﮑﺮﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻼﺱ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﻕ ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﻘﻔﯽ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻢ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻴﺖ ﻫﻠﯽﮐﻮﭘﺘﺮﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﯽ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻼﻕﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮐﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺭﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻫﯽ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﯽ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻣﯽ ﮐﺮﻩﺍﯼ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻩﺍﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ )ﺑﻠﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩﺍﯼ( ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻭﻧﯽﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﻮﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ‪ :‬ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻭﻧﯽﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﻮﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺋﻮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ‪ :‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺋﻮ ﺍﺭﺯﻭﻧﯽﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﻮﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﯽ‪ :‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ‪ :‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﯽﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﯽﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﻮﻥ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﻣﺎﭺ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﯼ ﻳﻮﺍﺷﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﯽﺍﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ ﺟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺟﺎ ﮐﺘﮏ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﯽ ﻧﻮﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ!‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻣﻠﻮ‬

‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﻊ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﯼ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪...‬‬

‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﯼ‬

‫ﮐﺴﯽ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﯽﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺑﻨﺪﻡ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻔﺖ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﭽﻪ ﻗﺮﺗﯽ!‬ ‫ﺍﯼ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﮐﻮ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﮐﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺒﻨﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻢ ﮐﻮ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻼﺧﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻢ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺗﺮﺳﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺼﺎﺭﮎ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪...‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫‪۳۵‬‬

‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻮﯼ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺴﻠﻔﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺗﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻻﯼ ﮐﻠﻪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﯼ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺒﯽ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﻕ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺴﻮﺩﯼﺍﺵ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﮎ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﭼﭗ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻟﺞ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺳﻴﻨﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﯼ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺰﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﺍﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﯽ‪.‬ﺁﯼ« ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻩ!« ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ!« ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﯽ ﺍﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻢ ﮐﻮﻓﺘﺖ ﺑﺸﻪ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﯽﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﭘﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻻﺭﯼ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﮏ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮊﻭﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲﻫﺎﯼ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺸﻤﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻏﻠﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﯽﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﯼ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭘﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﯼ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﯽﺁﻳﻴﺪ؟« ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﯼ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﮐﺮﻩﺍﯼ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﭗﺗﻴﺰ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻮﭘﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺟﻴﺒﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺧﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻗﺎﯼ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻣﺒﻞ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﻮﺭﻭﺍﺟﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺭﯼ ﭘﺨﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺰﻩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﯼ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﯼ ﺑﺪ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻳﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻣﻮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﭘﺎﮎ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍﯼ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻳﺎﺋﺴﮕﯽ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻋﺴﻠﯽ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮔﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﮐﻮﺑﯽ ﺑﻨﻔﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﻧﺠﯽ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﯽ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻧﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭﯼ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﻟﯽ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﭽﮕﯽ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﯼ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﻮﯼ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺲ ﭘﺮﻳﺴﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺩﻟﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﯼ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﯼ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﮑﺴﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﮐﭽﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﻟﯽ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﯼ ﮐﭽﻞ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻤﺎﻟﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﯼ ﭼﺮﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﯼ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﯽ ﻣﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺳﻮﺧﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺱ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺸﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﯽ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺳﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺸﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻴﺲﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺷﺎﻣﭙﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺸﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﮐﻴﻨﮓ «‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻖ ﺑﺮﺱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﺍﯼ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻪﺍﻡ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺵ ﮐﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺭﻭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺪﻩ!« ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺟﺎﺵ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﯼ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮐﻨﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻻﻟﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﮔﻮﺷﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻦ! ﺯﻧﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮔﻮﺵﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﭺ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﮐﯽﻭﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﭘﻦ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻔﻢ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﯼ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﯼ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﮕﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪...‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﯼ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﯼ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﯽ؟« ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪»،‬ﺁﺭﻩ ! ﺁﺭﻩ!« ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺯﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ! ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﻣﺎﺱ ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺭﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻢ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﯽﺁﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺑﺰﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﻧﯽ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻥ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺗﻮﯼ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ؟« ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺰﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺷﻌﻪ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻪ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺵ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﯼ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﮐﯽ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﺷﺪﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﭼﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺨﺘﺸﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﺕ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻳﻪ؟« ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ! ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﯽ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺑﮕﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺷﺐ ﻣﯽﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﭘﻮﮐﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﯼ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻦ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺸﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﮐﻨﯽ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺝﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺗﯽ ﺑﺨﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺒﺮﻩ؟«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﯼ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﯽ ﻭﻟﺨﺮﺟﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﯼ‪ «.‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ« ﺑﺎﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺮﺍﺝﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﯼ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺩﻟﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺵ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺭﺵ ﻗﻮﺭﻣﻪ ﺳﺒﺰﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﯼ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﻓﺲ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺵ ﻗﻮﺭﻣﻪ ﺳﺒﺰﯼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺵﮐﺮﻓﺴﻪ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺨﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺸﺘﺖ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻧﻬﺘﻪ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺖ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﮑﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺵ ﻗﻴﻤﻪﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻗﻪ ﺯﺩ ﺗﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﻮﻓﺘﺖ ﺑﺸﻪ! ﻏﺬﺍﯼ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﻭﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻧﯽ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﮐﻮﯼ ﺳﺒﺰﯼﺍﺕ ﺭﻧﮕﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻧﮑﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﯼ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻤﮑﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﭙﺨﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﯽ ﻋﻘﻠﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﺷﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﮐﻮﯼ ﺳﻴﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺳﺒﺰﯼ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺪﻭﻍ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﯽ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺵ ﻭ ﺳﻮﭖﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﯼ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﯽ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻪ!‬ ‫ﺁﺵ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫***‬

‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﺘﻠﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻮﺵ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮓ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ!« ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺕ؟ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻟﺐ ﻧﺰﺩﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻕ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ! ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺶ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪«...‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻟﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ‪ ...‬ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻣﺠﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﯼ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﮐﻨﻪ ﺑﺬﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻮﯼ ﻓﺮﻳﺰﺭ؟«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﭼﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﻣﯽﭘﺰﯼ؟« ﺳﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺯﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ!« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﯽ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﯽﺧﻮﺭﯼ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫»ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻲ« ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﮐﻨﯽ« ﻧﻤﯽﺧﻮﺭﻡ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﺮﻭﯼ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺕ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺨﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺗﺨﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﭘﺎﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﯽ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺁﺧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺁﺑﺠﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﯼ؟«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻘﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﯽﺗﻮﻧﯽ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﯽ ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻟﯽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻢ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺷﺐ ﭼﯽ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ؟« ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ! ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺷﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ »ﻓﺮﻳﺰﺑﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻡ ﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺰﺑﯽ ﭼﻴﻪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ؛‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ﺩ ﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ!«‬

‫‪35‬‬

‫‪۳۶‬‬

‫‪36‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺯ ﻋﺸﻖﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﮐﻬﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺰ ﺑﺎﻡ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﺠﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺖ ﺁﻥﮔﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻐﺾ ﺑﻲﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪﺵ ﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺕ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﮑﻪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺣﺸﺖﺯﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺘﺎﻧﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻘﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﻭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻌﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﺣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺍﺣﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺗﮑﻪﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺮﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﮐﻨﺞ ﻋﺰﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﺯﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺲ ﭼﻮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺲ ﭼﻮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺯﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ؛ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺲ ﮐﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻨﮓﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﺁﺭﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻍ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺮﺩ ﻳﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻞ ﺑﺪﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺻﺪ ﭘﺮﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻳﮏ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻳﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﻩﭘﻮﺵ ﻋﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺠﺐ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺯ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﻨﺠﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻔﺖ ﮔﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯ ﺩﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﮔﻪ ﺯ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺗﻘﻮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ ﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﮕﺸﺘﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﺭﻱﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻦ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﻳﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﻞ ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺷﺒﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﻠﺮﻧﮓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬

‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﭼﻮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﮔﺴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺁﺏ ﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻏﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻴﺒﻴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻨﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﮔﺴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻤﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﻠﺢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺱ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺂﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻨﻢ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﺨﺸﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻟﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺷﻨﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺳﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮔﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻨﮕﻢ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺭﺑﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺐ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻳﻦ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻧﻲ ﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﻃﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﮐﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻴﻢ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺧﺸﮏ ﮔﻢ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻠﻴﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺵ ﻛﺴﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﮕﺮ ﺳﻮﺯ ﻣﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻊ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﻧﻔﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻄﺮ ﺩﻣﺎﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺮﻧﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻃﻌﻢ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻏﺮﻕ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺘﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﺪﺧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﻏﺮ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﻙ ﻛﻬﻨﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻙ ﺯﺭﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺷﻪ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻏﺮ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺯﺩﺍﻳﺪ ﺯ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻜﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺒﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺒﻮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﺴﺐ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺖ ﻣﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﺨﺒﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺼﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺴﺖ ﻧﺮﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮎﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ ‪ ....‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﮑﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﭘﺲ ﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻳﺮ ﮐﮋﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ‪ ...‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﮐﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﮎ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺧﺶ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮ! ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻝ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﺎﮎ ﻭﻃﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ـ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻃﻦ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺰﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺵ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻴﺐﺍﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﺨﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻢ‬

‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺳﭙﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﻲ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﻭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺮﺍ ﭘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻻﻥ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﻟﻐﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯﻡ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯﻡ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺴﺘﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻋﻄﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﮔﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﮎ ﻋﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺮﭼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻋﺸﻖ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﻣﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻋﺸﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻒﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﭙﺶﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺷﮑﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻴﺨﺒﺮﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺼﻪﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺸﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯﻡ ﺍﻭﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﭙﺶ ﻗﻠﺐ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻣﻲﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﻮ‬

37

For Advertisement Call:

۳۷

PA

I

‫‪۳۸‬‬

‫‪38‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺗﺎ ‪ ٢١‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ٢٠١٨‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﻭﺭﻫﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٣‬ﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ ٣‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ١٠‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ ١٢‬ﻭ ﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪www.kanoon.info‬‬ ‫‪Phone: (404)303-3030‬‬ ‫‪Email: info@kanoon.info‬‬ ‫‪Address:‬‬ ‫‪3146 Reps Miller Road‬‬ ‫‪Norcross, GA 30071‬‬

‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ٧ ،‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻨﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺞ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ . ۱‬ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ _ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻟﻲ« ﻧﻘﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺋﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ _ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ _ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻲ _ ﻟﮕﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻨﻪ _ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۴‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ _ ﻓﺎﺿﻼﺏ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ _ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۵‬ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ _ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۶‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ _ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ _‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۷‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ _ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﮔﺮ _ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺠﺜﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۸‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ _ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻲ _ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﮕﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۹‬ﻋﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥ _ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ _ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۰‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺮﮐﻲ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺩ ﻋﺼﺒﻲ _ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۱‬ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ _ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ _ ﺁﻓﺖ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۲‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺯﻱ _ ﺳﻮﻏﺎﺕ ﮔﺠﺮﺍﺕ _ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۳‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍ _ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ _ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ _ ۱۴‬ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﺍﻥ _ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫_ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۵‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۷۸۸‬ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪Couture for Charity Event‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻟﻴﻼ ﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ( ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ‪ UGA‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠﮏ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻳﺎﺳﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢﺁﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻨﮓ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﺯﻭﻝ« ﻭ »ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺗﺎ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﻣﻬﻨﺎﺯ« ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ٢٢٦٦‬ـ ‪(٧٧٠) ٨٦٦‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺁﻓﻴﺲ ‪ /‬ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ‪ ۱۴۴۸‬ﺍﺳﮑﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻳﺴﺖﮐﺎﺏ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪) $۱۶۰۰‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ( ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ١٥٢٨‬ـ ‪(٦٧٨) ٥٢٣‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺴﺖﮐﺎﺏ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﻔﺎ" ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪ ٤٣٦٩‬ـ ‪(٤٠٤) ٦٦٧‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫‪ ۲‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ _ ﺧﺎ _ ﺁﺏ _ ﻫﻢ _ ﺳﺖ _ ﺳﺮ _ ﻳﺎ _ ﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺏ _ ﺍﺑﻮ _ ﺍﺗﺎ _ ﺗﺎﻡ _ ﺍﺷﺮ _ ﺑﭙﺎ _ ﭘﺮﻱ _ ﺁﻗﺎ _ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫_ ﺍﺳﻒ _ ﺭﺑﺎ _ ﺩﺍﻱ _ ﻭﺍﻝ _ ﻋﺪﺕ _ ﺁﺭﺩ _ ﺷﺨﻢ _ ﭘﻬﻦ‬ ‫_ ﺍﺳﻢ _ ﻋﺒﺎ _ ﺁﻓﺖ _ ﺑﺪﻝ _ ﻭﺩﺝ _ ﺍﺯﻥ _ ﻧﻄﻖ _ ﮔﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۴‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻲ _ ﮐﺎﻧﺎ _ ﺗﺎﻧﻲ _ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ _ ﺑﺮﻧﺎ _ ﺑﻴﮑﺲ _ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ _‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺵ _ ﺍﺷﻬﺪ _ ﻣﺮﺷﺪ _ ﺍﺟﺎﻕ _ ﻋﺮﻋﺮ _ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ _ ﺗﻌﻤﺪ‬ ‫_ ﺷﺮﺟﻲ _ ﺍﺑﻌﺪ _ ﭘﻼﻥ _ ﺑﺸﻴﺮ _ ﺧﺘﺎﻡ _ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ _ ﺍﺑﻴﺾ‬ ‫_ ﺍﮐﻮﻝ _ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ _ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺱ _ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ _ ﺩﻣﺴﺎﺯ _ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻂ _ ﻣﺮﺗﻌﺶ _‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﮓ _ ﺗﺎﻻﺏ _ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ _ ﮔﺎﺭﺳﻦ _ ﻫﺸﺖﭘﺎ _ ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫_ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ _ ﺁﺩﺍﻣﺲ _ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻱ _ ﺑﻮﺭﻳﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ _ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰ _ ﺍﻻﮐﻠﻨﮓ _ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ _ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺎﻣﻪ _‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ _ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ _ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ _ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﮑﺎﻝ _ ﻣﺨﻤﻠﺒﺎﻑ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻦ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮑﺘﺐ ﺍﻭ »ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﺴﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫_ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺭﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺎﺵ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ _ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﻤﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﻃﻌﺎﻡ _ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ _ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳‬ﺩﻻﻭﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ _ ﻧﻔﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ _ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۴‬ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﻮﺏ ﺁﺑﻲ _ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ _ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۵‬ﻧﻴﻠﻮﻓﺮﻫﻨﺪﻱ _ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ _ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۶‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﻪ _ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ _ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۷‬ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ« _ ﻻﻏﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ _ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۸‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ _ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ »ﭼﺎﺩ« _ ﻭﺳﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۹‬ﺧﺮﮔﻮﺵ _ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﻮﻩ _ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ _ ۱۰‬ﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻮ _ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻟﺬﻳﺬ _ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۱‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ _ ﺑﻮﺯﻳﻨﻪ _ ﺭﻃﻮﺑﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۲‬ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ _ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ _ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﮎ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۳‬ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﻠﻪﮔﺮ _ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ _ ﺩﻳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۴‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ _ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ _ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﺎﺗﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۵‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ »ﻭﺳﺘﻮﮎ« ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ _ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫‪۳۹‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺶ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﮐﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﮑﻔﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﮐﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻱ ﮐﻼﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮊﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﻪﻧﮕﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﮑﻴﻨﮓ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺩﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۸۹۳‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﮏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﮎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﮐﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ۳۰۰ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۱۹۸۶‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ۲۳۱ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪،۴۴‬‬ ‫ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ۴۵‬ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ۵۱‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻌﺮ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻫﺎﻣﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻳﺘﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﮕﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺎﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ »ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۲۱‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۶۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ) ‪ ۵۴,۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ( ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ‪ ۳۶۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻧﻬﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺋﻴﺐ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺩﺍﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﮐﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻣﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﮐﺎﮐﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۷۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻲ )‪ ۳۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۰۴‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ۲۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺩ« ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﻣﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﺩ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﻠﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﻠﻴﭻ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻠﻴﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﮔﻴﻢ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﻀﺶ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻧﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺟﺮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻬﻮﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻠﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻋﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﻭﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬

‫‪39‬‬

‫ﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﺶ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻠﭻ ﺑﻲﺭﻣﻖ ﻭ ﻏﻢﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۱‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﮕﻮﻥﺑﺨﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻒ ﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻠﻴﭻ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺶ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﮏﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻮﺭﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﮒ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ‪ ۱۹۷۶‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺎﺭﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﮔﻮﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﻳﻨﺲ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﮔﻮﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۵‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫»ﺳﺖﭘﻮﻳﻨﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺶ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺭﻣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮔﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ‪ ۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﮔﻮﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﭘﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫‪۴۰‬‬

‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺮﻧﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﮔﻮﺭﺳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺳﺮﻧﺎ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭﻳﻨﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﻮﻧﭽﻴﺘﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻨﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﮔﺎﺭﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻮﮔﻮﺭﻭﺳﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺮﻳﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ‪ ۳۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ »ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۵ ،۲۰۱۳‬ﻭ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪ ۳۵۴۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۸۶‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ‪۵۵‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺭﻳﮕﻮﺑﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻭﺭﺑﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ »ﺗﻮﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺭﻳﮕﻮﺑﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻭﺭﺑﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪۵۴‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۲‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﮐﺮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ »ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﻱ »ﺩﻳﻼﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﺋﻨﻮﮔﻦ« ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ۱۹۸ ،‬ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﻠﺪﺭﻭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮋﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﮐﺰﺍﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﻩ ﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻭﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪۲۰۲۲‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺿﺪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۲۲‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺴﻲ »ﺩﻟﻮﮐﺎﻝ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۸۵‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻔﺎﻧﺘﻴﻮ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ‪ ۱۳‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﻨﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻗﻄﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﺴﺮ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺯﻧﺪﻱﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﻳﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺩﺯﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻧﺠﻴﻨﮓ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﮑﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺷﻴﮑﻮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ ۵‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۵۴‬ﺻﺪﻡ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮓﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ »ﻳﻮﺯﭘﻠﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﮔﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺟﻴﺘﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﮐﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﺯﺭﺩﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﮏ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻮﭖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺧﻠﻴﻞﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ )ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﺧﺎﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ‬ ‫)ﺳﻴﺎﻣﮏ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ( ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻲﻃﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﻨﮕﭽﻲ )ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺧﺮﺍﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺵ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻝﮐﺜﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﻩﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﮑﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﭘﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﺎﺩﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﻲﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪﺟﻼﻝ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﮑﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻔﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮑﻮ ﺍﻳﻮﺍﻧﮑﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺭﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺐ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ‪۲‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۵۷‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۱‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻭﮐﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺜﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪۶۵‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ‪ ۷۴‬ﻭ ‪ ۸۴‬ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻲ ﺑﻠﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻭﮐﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۷۱‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺵﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺍﺵﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۹۷‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﮔﻠﻴﺞ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﮑﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺷﮏ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۶۶‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۱‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻠﻔﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻋﺒﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻻﺳﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺪﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺮﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺯﺍﻥ ‪ ۸۵ ،۸۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۹۸‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪۱۱۰‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟‬

‫‪۴۱‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬

‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ »ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ‪۲۸‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺠﺜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ »ﺩﻳﺴﮑﺎﻭﺭﻱ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ« ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺴﮑﺎﻭﺭﻱ« ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺳﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﮔﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻼﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺴﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺑﺰﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺻﺪ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳۶‬ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ ﺩﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ ۳۸‬ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﻠﭙﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺍﻟﺠﺜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺳﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻳﺴﮑﺎﻭﺭﻱ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﻞ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺟﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﮐﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﮑﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺍﻱ ﺍﺱ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻥ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻟﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻓﺴﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﮕﻮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺲ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭﻱ ‪ ۳۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ »ﻓﻮﺭﺑﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﮑﺘﺒﺎﻝ ‪ NBA‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۲‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ‪ ۴‬ﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪۴‬‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ـ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﮐﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺬﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻪ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫‪41‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﺎﺭﻧﺴﺐ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﮑﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪42‬‬

‫‪۴۲‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ؛‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻼ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﺪﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮگ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﮔﺶ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺑﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺶ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ«‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻮء ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ 1385‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 1‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ 1385‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 1060‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 1060‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻼ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ‪ 1385‬ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1385‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ« ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ (770) 973-0506 :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1396‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 1385‬ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ـ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ـ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 1385‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1394‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 49‬ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1395‬ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 23‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 976‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ 3‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ 60‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ »ﻣﺎﺩﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪976‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 976‬ـ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ـ »ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 976‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 1‬ـ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ـ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬ـ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 4‬ـ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ـ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻫﺠﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬ـ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ـ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ـ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ‪ 4‬ﻭ ‪ 5‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪August 2017‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﻓﺎﺭﻥ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ‪ 419‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ 3‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫)ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ( ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ »ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺂﻻ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻴﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 180‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 26‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪) 1+5‬ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ( ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺘﻤﺘﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻛﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 74‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 78‬ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺭﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ »ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ« ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻳﻢ؛ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ )ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

‫‪PA‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻑ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ )ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ(‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻲﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 2‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺴﺎﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ »ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻣﭗ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ 2238‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1273‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ژﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻛﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﮔﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪380‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۳‬‬ ‫‪581‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 139‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺎﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪398‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ‪ 11‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪400‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺮﻟﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺮﻟﻴﻚ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻳﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺮﻟﻴﻚ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1130‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﺍﺑﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 1058‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻤﻮﻧﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺐ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ 400‬ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻮﺷﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﻚ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ‪ 2400‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪999‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 1100‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻞ ﺁﻭﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ 22‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ‪24‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ 21‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﺎ ‪ 67‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺠﻴﺴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻛﺲ ﻧﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻮپ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪،،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﻘﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺁژﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ‪ 32‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻛﺲ ﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪For Advertisement Call:‬‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺪﻝ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻟﻴﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻛﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﺌﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺳﻲﺁﻱﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺍﻻﻟﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﺎﻓﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ »ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺍﻻﻟﻮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ژﺋﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻛﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ »ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﮕﺎﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 1990‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ »ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ« ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1388‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺟﺎﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬

‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺸﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ«ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ )ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ »ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭچ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،1954‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﺯﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺁﻳﺰﻧﻬﺎﻭﺭ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺰﻧﻬﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ...‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻛﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻻﺭﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺎﺯﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻧﻮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1980‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻛﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ًﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

August 2017

Iranian TV Personality Who Promoted Compulsory Islamic Dress Under Fire Over Photos For years, Iranian TV star Azadeh Namdari has promoted the wearing of Islamic dress. (file photo) Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Golnaz Esfandiari A well-known Iranian television personality has been accused of hypocrisy after images of her in which she is not adhering to the country's Islamic dress code surfaced online.

Presenter turned actress Azadeh Namdari has for years promoted compliance with the hijab, which in Iran refers to Islamic dress that covers the hair and body.

In particular she has touted the wearing of the black chador, a garment that covers women from head to toe, leaving the face exposed.

In a 2014 interview, she said she was proud to be a chadori, an expression used in Iran to refer to women who choose to wear the chador, which has been praised by conservatives as offering women the best protection.

Women’s dress has been heavily scrutinized in the Islamic republic since the 1979 revolution, when adherence to an Islamic dress code became compulsory.

The dress code dictates that women's hair and body must be covered in public.

According to the Islamic rules, women are not required to wear the hijab when at home and among close relatives.

Morality police launch regular crackdowns on those who are not fully respecting rules relating to the hijab.

«You have to believe to be a chadori.

[Otherwise] you’ll be exposed,” she said in the interview with the hard-line Vatan-e Emruz daily.

“Thank God that I went on air, I was a chadori. I felt safe and I felt respected. All of these are blessings that the chador has brought me,” Namdari said in the interview.

“I apologize for saying that, but I’m more beautiful with this chador,” she added in the front-page interview.

On Instagram she often posted pictures of herself wearing a black chador. During a recent trip to Geneva she posted a photo of herself wearing her black chador outside the United Nations Office.

۴۴

1396 ‫( ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬770) 973-0506 :‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬

44

Rights Groups Urge Rohani To Drop Justice Minister In Second Term But leaked images, apparently from the same trip, showed her not only without the chador, but with hair exposed while wearing a jumpsuit outdoors.

The images prompted a backlash, with many Internet users accusing her of deceit and telling lies. Namdari has responded to her critics by claiming that her head covering had slipped away for a second, and noting that she was among close relatives.

«I apologize to my friends, to those who have been surprised and have paused after seeing these images. I just want to give them a brief explanation: I was with my relatives in a green location,» she says in a video posted online.

She then appears to suggest that her head scarf fell briefly as she was pushing her 10-month-old baby in a stroller.

The online attacks against her have continued, nevertheless.

«It's your issue if you're a chadori or not. But telling people something and doing something else is [wrong],” a comment on Twitter said.

«Our problem with Azadeh Namdari is that she lied. Whether she respects the hijab or not is not our business, but her lies are an insult to the people, « a Twitter user said while posting pictures of the presenter with and without the hijab side by side.

«Namdari is the perfect symbol of the Islamic republic, the republic of hypocrisy where officials chant <Death To America' while sending their kids to study in the U.S.,» wrote one Facebook user in a comment.

Namdari has accused those who posted her photos online of invading her privacy.

But Internet users have said that the park in which she apparently was photographed without her head-covering is a public space.

They've also said that compulsory Islamic dress is not a private issue in Iran.

«The hijab has never been a private issue. It is always in all societies a social and political issue,» wrote prominent women's rights activist Asieh Amini on her Facebook page.

«But most importantly than whether the hijab is private or not, is the issue of lies,” Amini wrote with the hashtags No To The Hijab and No To Lies. «Promoting something that we don't believe in and using all media and public facilities to promote that lie.»

Over the past three decades, Iranian authorities have used media campaigns, force, and harassment to push women to respect the hijab, while depriving them of the right to choose what they wear and how they appear in public.

State-controlled television has been among the major tools used by Iranian authorities to promote compliance with compulsory Islamic dress.

Golnaz Esfandiari is a senior correspondent with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. She can be reached at EsfandiariG@rferl. org

Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty With reporting by Golnaz Esfandiari Eleven human rights and media freedom groups have called on Iranian President Hassan Rohani not to reappoint Justice Minister Mostafa PourMohammadi, whom rights advocates have accused of involvement in the killings of dissidents in 1988.

In an appeal to Rohani on July 20, the organizations said that «considering PourMohammadi’s record, renewing him in his position does not reflect the promises you made and the trust many voters have placed in you.»

«Ahead of your upcoming second term that begins on August 5, we call upon you to appoint a new Minister of Justice with a proven commitment to the principles of human rights,» said the statement from the groups, which included Human Rights Watch (HRW), the New Haven, Connecticutbased Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, and the London-based Small Media.

The executions were carried out in the last days of the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War, following a fatwa by Iranian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

According to some reports, more than 5,000 members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO), leftist groups, students, and others were executed in the span of a few months.

PourMohammadi was the Intelligence Ministry's representative on one of the three-member committees in charge of interrogating political prisoners prior to the 1988 executions.

The committee, dubbed the «death commission,» questioned prisoners who had already been sentenced to prison about their political and religious beliefs.

According to survivors and other accounts, prisoners were asked questions such as «Do you

pray?», «Are you willing to go to the war front and fight the Iraqis?», and «Do you recant your beliefs?» Those who gave unsatisfactory answers faced execution.

Call For Investigation In their appeal to Rohani, the rights groups also called on his government to investigate the allegations against PourMohammadi «in a serious manner.»

“With Pourmahammadi serving as the Minister of Justice, it is hard to imagine that an impartial and transparent investigation can be led by the administration,” the statement said.

PourMohammadi has been also accused of involvement in the killings of several dissidents in 1988, blamed by Tehran on «rogue agents» of the Intelligence Ministry.

Rohani, a relative moderate, won a second five-year term by a wide margin in a May 19 election.

During the campaign, he criticized his hard-liner rival Ebrahim Raisi, who has served in senior positions in the judiciary, over past killings and executions of dissidents. Human rights and opposition groups say that Raisi condemned many political opponents and opposition activists to death in the 1980s.

In a May campaign speech, Rohani said that voters did not want someone who in the four decades since Iran's revolution has only known how to «execute and jail.”

Rohani has also faced pressure to appoint women to his cabinet.

On July 20, 175 lawmakers called on the Iranian president to appoint «competent and capable women» to his cabinet as ministers.

45

۴۵

For Advertisement Call:

Snapp:

PA

I

how Tehran's answer to Uber is changing how people travel, and live Users can enjoy a lowcost ride without having to share their taxi, but the app is also challenging Iranian notions of customer service and even female employment In Tehran’s chaotic metropolis, sharing taxis is the norm. But “Darbast», meaning literally “doorclosed”, is the word to shout if you want one exclusively for yourself.

That long-standing tradition is now giving way to its modern substitute: Snapp, Iran’s version of Uber, which is also offering something unique – a fleet of female drivers for women and children.

For years, international sanctions have kept global companies out of Iran, which has, in turn, spurred a tech start-up boom as local experts build a range of homegrown services from Digikala (Iran’s answer to Amazon) to WashMash, an online laundry service.

In the past three years, Snapp has revolutionized the way Tehrani’s live and travel in the city. “Right now Snapp has become synonymous with giving a ride. What used to be called darbast, it’s now known as Snapp,” says the company’s CEO, Shahram Shahkar, a 32-year-old Iranian entrepreneur who now has 500 staff with an average age of 24.

Just a year ago he had 60 employees.

Shahkar, who left Iran at the age of 17 to study in the UK and then in Canada, quit his job at the software company SAP four years ago to return to his home country and explore its untapped technological potential.

Snapp’s CEO, Shahram Shahkar.

Photograph: Mani Lotfizadeh

“When I wanted to come back to Iran, my parents were furious,” he remembers. “They were like ‘are you crazy? We sent you abroad to study and make a good life’. You know how parents think. They said ‘you want to leave all of that and return to Iran?

What the hell?’”

Shahkar, however, wanted “to give it a shot”. It initially started as a six-month sabbatical, but as soon as he joined the Snapp team in early

Iranian teams grab 16 titles in RoboCup 2017 A Snapp driver checks the app on his mobile in Tehran.

Photograph: Atta Kenare/AFP/Getty Images

2016, it became one of the country’s most successful start-ups.

“People thought I’m crazy, but now more people are coming back, and nobody is surprised anymore. People see it as a good thing – they have some international experience and some education abroad, and now they say ‘let’s go back to Iran and let’s see what we can do there.’ There’s been a lot of change. Reverse brain drain.”

Over five million passengers have registered with Snapp in the Iranian capital as well as three other major cities – Karaj and top tourist destinations Isfahan and Shiraz. In a few week, Snapp is launching in Mashhad, in eastern Iran. More than 100,000 people are currently working as drivers with the app, and 50 million rides have been completed since 2014 when it was first launched.

Arya, 25, a student in Tehran, uses Snapp on average about six times a day. “The first thing about it is the price; it’s much cheaper compared to agency taxis,” he says.

A route from Tehran’s science ministry in the city Centre, to Velenjak, an affluent area in the northwest, costs around 300,000 rials (about $8) with agency taxis, Arya says, while Snapp charges about 140,000 rials. “It’s quick too. You’ll order, and it’ll be with you right away.”

Tehran has expanded its underground metro network since early 2000, with its current six main lines carrying more than 3m passengers on an average day. According to Peyman Sanandaji, a municipality official, more than 7,000 buses operate in the capital, each taking around 1,200 passengers a day.

But despite these public transport improvements, using taxis is still popular. Shahkar says Tehran’s population of 12 million people previously did not have access to reliable, affordable and convenient transportation all in one form.

There are 200,000 freelance drivers in Tehran as well as 80,000 licensed drivers in green and yellow taxis, and there are an additional 80,000 agency drivers. “That’s a total of 360,000 drivers offering rides only in Tehran, if you really want to compete, we also had to give quality customer service experience.”

Not everyone in Tehran has been pleased with Snapp’s operation. The new service and its rival, TAP30, which operates on a smaller scale, both faced enormous difficulties in securing

their necessary licenses. Taxi drivers in Tehran have staged protests in front of the Iranian parliament, Majlis, complaining that traditional agencies are becoming bankrupt and drivers are losing their jobs.

But a factor behind Snapp’s rising popularity is its customer service – one user said this was a totally new concept in Iran. “For the first time in Iran, the priority is with the customer, you can leave feedback, and it’s taken seriously, we’ve never felt like that before in Iran,” Reza (not his real name) said. And most drivers have a second job. “I have friends who’re doing a master’s degree at Sharif University or other universities, and they’re Snapp drivers,” he said.

MTN Irancell, the telecommunications group, is Snapp’s major investor. The taxi app is currently offering several services including Snapp Plus, which features rides with better cars, and Snapp Box, a courier service to send and receive parcels on motorbikes. Unlike Uber, Snapp drivers accept both online payments and cash.

Snapp also has a service called Snapprose, offering female drivers for women and families. Writer and commentator Sharmine Narwani was visiting Iran earlier this month. She posted on Twitter at her surprise at having a female driver.

"Used Iranian mobile app Snap (Iran's homegrown version of Uber) in Tehran today & my driver was a lovely young woman!"

Not all Snapp’s female drivers work exclusively for its womenonly service. Some work alongside male drivers under the app’s various offerings, giving a ride to male passengers, too. Female riders often have male drivers as well. But in Iran’s conservative society, Snapprose gives more flexibility to those with strict religious beliefs or under pressure from their husbands.

Shahkar said that, traditionally, female drivers earning an income is not a very common form of business in Iran. “Some of the female passengers feel more comfortable at times to be driven by a female driver or want to support female drivers who are doing this for their income or support their families or themselves,” he said.

Source: Mehr News Agency Iranian teams managed to scoop 16 titles in the biggest and most reputable robotic competitions in the world held this year in Japan's Nagoya from 27 to 31 July. After four days of intense competitions, Iranian robotic teams managed to win 16 titles in Japan's RoboCup 2017 in the two junior and adult categories.

Adult category In Rescue Simulation League, MRL from Qazvin Islamic Azad University landed first, while Yazd IAU team won first place in Rescue Robot League, which is considered one of the most difficult leagues of the international competition.

AUT team landed second in Rescue CoSpace, while Tabriz University team won the second place in Rescue Simulation League. Ilkhchi IAU team landed third in

Prominent Iranian Activists Defy State Ban on Visiting Hospitalized Opposition Leader Mehdi Karroubi Source: Center for Human Rights in Iran With roses in hand, a group of prominent former political prisoners and civil rights activists defied a state ban on visiting Iran's detained opposition leaders when they attempted to visit Mehdi Karroubi in the hospital on July 31, 2017.

Karroubi and fellow opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard have been under extrajudicial house arrest since 2011 for leading the peaceful mass protests against that year's disputed presidential election.

The group who visited Karroubiincluding former political prisoners Mostafa Tajzadeh, Bahareh Hedayat and Amin Ahmadian, as well as women's rights activist Fakhrolsadat Mohtashamipour-left the flowers with the hospital guards who

Adult Size Humanoid league, and MRL won third place in Rescue Robot League.

Also, Tabriz University team finished first in the technical competition of Rescue Simulation League.

RoboCup Junior The only title won in the main competition of this category was by Kavosh Danesh team which landed first in the Rescue Line League.

Allame Helli High team landed first in advanced soccer LW league, Sina team won first place in CoSpace, Kavosh team won finished first in Rescue and Salam Eslam team landed first in the junior soccer league.

Also, Kavosh and Allaem Helli won the best presentation, while Salam Eslam won world champion and novice team.

In the previous edition of the international event, Iranian teams won 13 titles. prevented them from entering the Rajaei Cardiovascular, Medical & Research Centerin Tehran.

Karroubi's hospitalization on July 24 for low pressure was met with an outpouring of support on social media, with users in Iran renewing their calls for an end to the more than six-year-long house arrests of the opposition leaders.

His family issued a statement on July 31 holding the state responsible for the opposition leaders' failing health.

"We state unequivocally that alongside the person of the supreme leader and the broken judiciary, the president and the intelligence minister are directly responsible for the lives of those under house arrest," said the statement.

"The 'moderate government' [of Rouhani] may see no need to give priority to responding to the people's demand to end the house arrests or to create the conditions for the existence of political and civil liberties and free dissidents from prison," continued the statement. "Nevertheless, it has a duty to respond to the illegal and inhumane actions by its agents, such as a man named Foroughi, who has made it his mission to gradually take the lives of Karroubi and [Mir Hossein] Mousavi."

August 2017

1396 ‫( ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬770) 973-0506 :‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬

Iran's economy a masterpiece of structural ambiguity' Professor ALI DADPAY

The economy dominated Iran’s recent presidential election. Hassan Rouhani, the incumbent, argued that integration into the global economy is the only path to prosperity and job creation, while his rivals accused his administration of having ignored the poor. Rouhani's opponents also promised to create millions of jobs, double the size of the economy and triple monthly cash payments to low-income families. In the end, most Iranian voters preferred Rouhani's path. Whether President Rouhani can deliver on his promises remains unclear, as does whether the head of

government is powerful enough to realize any pledge to fundamentally revive the economy.

The distinct division between the public and private sectors of national economies as generally understood by economists does not apply in Iran.

Iranian university professor Amrollah Ghadiri wrote in a May 1 editorial for the leading daily Donya-e Eqtesad, “It is time for us to separate the government as the executive branch from the state and organizations affiliated with the state in studying the economy.” In short, the study of the impact of government policy must take into account the so-called quasi-state sector in Iran.

The quasi-state sector consists of businesses registered as private entities under Iran’s Commerce Code but in reality, are either wholly or partially owned by actors like the military, foundations (bonyads) and pension funds. This sector has continuously expanded since the early 2000s, entering such areas of telecommunications and banking. Indeed, when Irancell won the right to become Iran’s second wireless provider in 2005, nobody missed that Iran Electronics Industry, a Defense Ministry company, held a 51% stake in the venture. Last year, one report estimated that 19,000 companies comprised the quasi-state sector.

The quasi-state sector emerged following the end of the Iran-Iraq War (1980-88) when

۴۶

public institutions began to establish companies, and military organizations set up businesses.

For instance, Khatam al-Anbia, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' (IRGC) business conglomerate, was founded as a military headquarters for reconstruction in 1989. These quasi-state entities — some of them public or part of the political system — established businesses of their own and registered them as private firms. For instance, the Kish Free Trade Zone Organization (KFTZO) set up the Kish Free Trade Zone in the late 1980s and serves as its administrator. KFTZO then founded Kish Airlines, assumed ownership of property on Kish Island and became a major player in the tourism industry.

When the Iranian government initiated privatizations in 1989, as part of President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s policies to jump-start the economy, the quasi-state entities bid for shares in state firms. In effect, privatization became a process of transferring public property to companies defined as private businesses but belonging to public organizations. The story of Iran Aseman Airlines is a case in point. Created in 1980 through the merger of four formerly private airlines, the Iranian government transferred its 100% stake in the company to the Civil Servants Pension Organization (CSPO) in 2002.

Researchers consider Iran’s Social Security Organization (SSO) and CSPO to be among the chief beneficiaries of the privatizations. In 2013, Iranian legislators estimated that more than 1,500 trillion rials ($46 billion) in shares had been transferred to quasi-state entities as part of the privatization process, which intensified in 2005 following a decree by the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. In several cases, there was no

CONTINUED FROM COVER PAGE

France. But Europe no doubt hopes that these early defections won’t be followed by still more egregious efforts to undermine the trans-Atlantic consensus.

An abrupt sprint away from the Iran deal — a deal negotiated by all five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, Germany and the European Union — without evidence of serious violations could represent a point of no return. Presumably, the rest of the signatories will insist on maintaining the deal, setting off a cascade of diplomatic and economic recriminations against Europe and souring relations for years to come.

And then, of course, there’s what decertification would mean for the Middle East, and the likelihood of a renewed showdown with Tehran. Mr. Trump has already taken steps to isolate Iran, aligning closely with Saudi Arabia and right-wing forces in Israel, who have long made torpedoing any agreement a key goal in their relationships with Washington.

Mr. Trump seems eager to please them, even at the risk of regional destabilization. Granted, Tehran has capitalized on regional unrest to extend its influence. But decertifying Iran would almost certainly increase the already considerable suspicion and hostility between Tehran and Washington — and this time, America will not be able to count on Europe, Russia, China and the rest of the world as a diplomatic partner. This would be a high price to pay for aligning the United States with our Gulf allies in a Saudi-inspired attempt to settle scores with Tehran.

Finally, when the president starts directing his White House staff to concoct facts and arguments for ill-considered policies, that is usually a sign of bad things, including illegal acts, to come.

Both Richard Nixon’s “plumbers” and Ronald Reagan’s Iran-contra fiasco began with a president frustrated by laws, facts or conditions he could not control. More recently, George W. Bush’s White House, bent on removing Saddam Hussein from power, cherry-picked intelligence in making a case for the presence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and trying to establish a link between Hussein, Al Qaeda and the Sept. 11 attacks. Under circumstances like these, somewhere, someone, is likely to step — or be pushed — over the legal line.

When that happened in the Nixon and Reagan White Houses, one president was forced to resign when the White House tapes confirmed he had personally directed illegal actions; the other saved himself by convincing the American people that he was unaware of the illegal shenanigans happening within his White House walls, aided by senior

advisers unwilling to turn on their boss. President Bush left office with his, and America’s, credibility in tatters and Iran’s influence over the region growing rapidly.

With recertification being gamed to wreck the nuclear deal, the clock will start ticking on President Trump, too.

Steve Andreasen, the director for defense policy and arms control on the National Security Council staff from 1993 to 2001, is a national security consultant who teaches at the University of Minnesota’s Humphrey School of Public Affairs.

Steven Simon, a professor at Amherst College, was the senior director for the Middle East and North Africa on the council from 2011 to 2012.

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Twitter (@NYTopinion)

46 bidding. Rather, the government transferred its shares in state-owned enterprises to CSPO or SSO or banks upon Cabinet decrees or to satisfy budget obligations.

Today, Iran’s economy is a masterpiece of structural ambiguity. It is near impossible to draw clear lines between the public and the private.

Compounding the structural challenges that Rouhani faces are the bonyads. These foundations have vast holdings in real estate, agriculture, energy, transportation and banking, but they refuse to pay taxes, arguing that they have a public mission. During the recent presidential campaign, conservative candidate Ebrahim Raisi, head of Astan Quds Razavi (AQR), Iran’s wealthiest foundation, was asked why his employer does not pay taxes.

Raisi’s response was that the AQR is exempt due to a decree issued by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic. This prompted Kamel Taghavinejad, head of the National Tax Administration, to issue a statement reminding Raisi that exemption does not extend to value added tax and other tariffs, which AQR refuses to pay.

According to the Central Bank of Iran, “institutions and foundations of the Islamic Revolution” in the period March-November 2016 paid only 15% of projected taxes.

For decades, the mainstream view among observers has been that the Iranian economy is the domain of the executive branch. The government indeed remains the owner of sizeable enterprises and properties. It also regulates the economy. Its numerous committees and councils address issues ranging from the quality of bread to industrial standards for fire-resistant materials. The emerging quasi-state sector, however, has been challenging the executive branch’s dominance in the economy and defying its authority as the regulator. This has created a new reality on the ground, one that must be considered when assessing the government’s performance or predicting the impact of its policies.

The existence of a quasi-state has caused differences over policies and the direction of Iran’s economy. For instance, the Rouhani administration would like to see Iranian banks join the global banking network and establish digital platforms for online payments. The quasi-state apparently begs to differ.

Last December, Terrapinn, an international events company, was set to hold the Iran Payments 2016 Conference in Tehran, to focus on the future of banking, online payment systems, and governance.

Many observers viewed it as a first step toward facilitating partnerships between foreign and Iranian banks to modernize the banking sector.

Instead, Nasim Online, a news agency linked to the security services, claimed credit for having exposed a “British-Zionist” plot to infiltrate Iran’s economy. One day before the opening of the conference, Terrapinn received word that it had been canceled. Moreover, when the governmentowned Iran Air began negotiations to acquire Airbus and Boeing aircraft in 2015, quasi-state firms called for the domestic production of passenger jets or the purchase of Russian-made Sukhoi planes.

Addressing the business community in June, Rouhani expressed his frustration. “We wanted to transfer the economy to the people, instead we took parts of it from an unarmed government and gave them to an armed government,” he said. “This is not privatization.” Thus, while the president won reelection, it is clear that his opponents can still very much frustrate his plans and that his promises of structural reform face a formidable challenge.

Ali Dadpay is a professor of economics at St. Edward's University in Austin, Texas, where he focuses on commercial aviation among other things.

A regular contributor on economic affairs for the past two decades in Iranian media, his analytical pieces have appeared in Donya-e-Eghtesad, Tejarat Farda, Financial Tribune Daily and Farheekhtegan.

47

For Advertisement Call:

۴۷

PA

I

Pardis Publications, Inc. P.O.Box 5867 Canton, GA 30114

August 2017 - Vol 23 - Issue 285

Tel: (770) 973-0506 Advertisement: Ext. 1 Billing: Ext 2 Fax: (678) 550-9999 E-mail: pardismag@gmail.com

Is Trump Scheming to Kill the Iran Deal?

By STEVE ANDREASEN and STEVEN SIMON The New York Times Opinion section As if the steeply rising tensions on the Korean Peninsula weren’t enough, President Trump seems determined to kill the Iran nuclear deal, against the near unanimous opinion of his closest foreign policy advisers.

According to a recent article in Foreign Policy, after he grudgingly agreed to recertify the deal a few weeks ago, Mr. Trump assigned a team of White House staff members to develop a case within the next three months for declaring that Iran had violated the agreement.

With this new initiative on Iran, Mr. Trump puts the world, and his presidency, at great risk.

For one thing, it brings to a boil the simmering conflict between the president’s official foreign policy advisers on the National Security Council staff and in the State and Defense Departments, and a circle of advisers led by the radical unilateralist Stephen Bannon. The latter group will handle the president’s Iran assignment, and while anything could happen, it’s a good bet that they will cherrypick facts to give the president what he wants: an

excuse to scuttle the Iran deal.

Will Secretary of Defense James Mattis, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, Gen. H. R. McMaster, the national security adviser, or Gen. John Kelly, the White House chief of staff, let this happen? Some might resign; these are not men known for their willingness to tolerate such shenanigans. But whether they resign or try to stick it out, a political decision to decertify Iran

would signal a clear defeat for the administration’s foreign policy professionals, and a victory for the ideologues.

Decertifying Iran in this way could also mean an even more serious rupture with our European allies. Walking away from the Paris climate agreement and clashing with Europe over trade have already created a fissure with Germany and PLEASE GO TO PAGE 46