Pardis june 2017 digital edition

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‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪Send an email to:‬‬

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‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫)ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪۵۰‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ـ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۲۸۰۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۵۷۰۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ‪ ۵۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﭘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻴﮑﻮ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ‪ ۲۲‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۶‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺷﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺫﺑﺤﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ‪ ۱۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪﻧﻲ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﮐﻔﺎﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﻖﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻌﻨﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ]ﮐﻨﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ[ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺷﻴﺪﻥ ‪ ۴۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ؟«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۱۰‬‬

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‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻟﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﻳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﮐﻬﻨﻤﻮﻳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮑﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﴼ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﻭﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻭﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ـ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻲ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﺎﺯ ﻓﺨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ )ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻥ( ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺗﺎﻭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﮎ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺱ ـ ‪ ۲۱۹‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺱ ـ ‪ ۲۱۹‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ]ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ[ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﮐﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۴‬ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮑﺘﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻃﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﺎﺯ ﻓﺨﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﺛﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺳﻼﻥ ﮐﻬﻨﻤﻮﻳﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻧﺘﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻬﻨﻤﻮﻳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﮏﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮏﭘﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪۱۳۸۷‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﻧﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺣﮑﻤﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻬﻨﻤﻮﻳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻠﮏﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻬﻨﻤﻮﻳﻲﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺱ ـ ‪ ۲۱۹‬ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪3‬‬

‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻣﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺱ ـ ‪ ۲۱۹‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ )ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ( ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺨﺮﻱ‬ ‫»ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﻭﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺨﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻲﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ )ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻊﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮐﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻤﺮﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﮎ )ﺗﻮﺭﺍﻥ( ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺛﻮﻕﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۰۲‬ﻭ »ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﺭﺿﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮊﻭﻫﺎﻧﺴﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﺴﻴﻨﮑﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﻧﮏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۶‬ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻔﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ‪،‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻴﮋﻩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ‪ ۱۳۵۸‬ﻏﻴﺎﺑﴼ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ )ﮐﻨﺴﺖ(‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻤﮑﺶ‪،‬‬

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‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﻨﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻲ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﻧﻮﺵ ﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺸﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﮑﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺛﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻞ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٣١٠٠‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۱۳۱‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۲۷۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲۵‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﭘﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ »ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺐﭘﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﭖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺐﭘﺮﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺁﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮐﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻧﺴﺘﺮﻥ ﺷﺐﭘﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺷﺐﭘﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺭﮐﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ‪٢٠١٧‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،۲۰۱۷ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺸﻲ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ ۲۹‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۱‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳,۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪۳,۵‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۷۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪۷‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۳۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۳۹‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۹۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱,۱‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻒ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ ۱۰۵‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۴‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻭ ‪ ۱۱‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﮔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻋﻀﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻟﮕﺎﻡ« )ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ( ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫»ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ »ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﻲ« ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ »ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ« ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ‬ ‫»ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ )ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﮑﺎﻧﻴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﮕﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺪﺭﻱ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺋﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﮊﺭﻓﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻃﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۱۶‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ‪ ۳۱‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪۱۱‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۳‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ‪ ۲۸۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۴۲۵‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۹۳,۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪۵,۳‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﮐﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ »ﻳﻠﺪﺍ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ‪ ۸‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻠﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ۷» ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۷‬ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ۷ .‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻣﻬﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﮏﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﮐﺠﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﺳﻂ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۱۵‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ‪ ۱۸۵‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺑﮑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﭼﺎﮐﺮﺯﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻀﻞﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﮑﻮﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺵ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺧﺎﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۳۱‬ﺯﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺵ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۷۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪۱۸۵‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺣﺸﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺸﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺐ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﮐﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻼﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۵‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ۶۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺐ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﮐﻨﮕﻮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۷۸‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۹‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۹‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻴﺪﻣﻲﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺼﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪﺭﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻫﺮﻣﺰﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺐ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﮐﻨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ(‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﭙﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺗﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻮﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺫﺑﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﭙﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺭﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻉ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺽﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۷‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻏﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۸‬ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺭﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﺻﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻨﻮﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻟﺸﮑﺮ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺩﻭ« ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ »ﺣﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﻲ« ﻳﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮐﻤﮑﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺻﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺷﻤﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺑﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻤﺮﻧﮓﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺸﺪ ﺷﻌﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﮕﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺟﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺟﺎﻭﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﮕﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﮐﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺟﺎﻭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﮐﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ »ﺧﺼﻮﻟﺘﻲ«‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺧﺼﻮﻟﺘﻲ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺩﻭ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ »ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ« ﻭ »ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٤٣‬‬

‫‪۷‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺯﺑﻴﮕﻨﻴﻮ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺯﺑﻴﮕﻨﻴﻮ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻓﺎﻟﺰ ﭼﺮﭺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺑﻴﮕﻨﻴﻮ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۷۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۹۸۱‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۹‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۷‬ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﮊﻳﻨﺴﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ‪ ۹‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

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‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻼﺱ »ﺟﻲ ‪ «۷‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﮐﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﻟﺤﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﻟﻮﮐﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺗﺮﮐﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﮐﺴﻞ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﮐﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻲ‬ ‫‪ «۷‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺘﻴﮏ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻲ ‪ «۷‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺖ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﮑﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖ ‪ ۵۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻴﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﮑﺎﻱ ﻣﭽﻪ‪ ۲۳ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ »ﻧﻔﺮﺕﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻈﻲ« ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻳﺠﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﺳﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻧﺪ« ﻭ »ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫)ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ( ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ »ﺟﺮﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ۵۰ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﮏﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﮏﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺟﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ ﭼﺎﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻻ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺒﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۵۸‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪ ﻭﻳﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫»ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ« ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻑ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺁﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﻮﺭﺗﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۸‬‬

‫‪۸‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٧‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺎﺩ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷﺪﻳﺪ« ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ »ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻲ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ‪ ۲۲‬ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۵۹‬ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۰۵‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ‪ ۵۲‬ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ« ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ« ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ »ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ« ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻐﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ۴ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ« ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺴﺎﺣﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻔﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺣﻔﺘﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻤﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻃﻲ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﻼﮐﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ۵۰» ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ »ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﮎﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺳﮑﻴﻼ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﮔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻫﺎﺁﺭﺗﺺ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﻫﺮﺗﺰﻭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﺶﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﮐﻞ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻼ ﻣﺮﮐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ »ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ«‬

‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﮐﻞ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ« ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ )ﺟﻲ ‪ (۷‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﮐﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻭﺑﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻣﮑﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﮐﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ؛ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻱ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺑﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﻲ ‪ «۷‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ »ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ »ﺟﻲ ‪ «۷‬ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﺟﻲ ‪ «۷‬ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﮐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ »ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‪،‬‬

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‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﴽ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ ۲۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ‪ ۷‬ﮐﻮﺩﮎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ »ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﮐﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﻭﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ‪ ۱۹‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﻧﺎﺋﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺟﺴﺪ ‪ ۹‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻳﮑﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﻧﺎﺋﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﻧﺎﺋﻮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﺗﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﻴﻠﻦ ﻫﭙﻴﻠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﺳﻴﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻨﺪﺍﻧﺎﺋﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻮﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ« ﮐﺎﻣﻼ »ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬

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‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻮﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﮏ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﻠﺮﺳﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻻﻻﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﺎﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ‪۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺳﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩﻧﺸﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺎﺳﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﻋﺎﺑﺪﻱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﮐﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٣١‬‬

‫‪۱۱‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫‪۱۲‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫‪۱۳‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫‪۱۴‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﮐﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ »ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ »ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺳﺘﺎﺭ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻨﺪ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﺮ ﻭﺻﺪﺍﻱ« ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٩٥‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ«ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ٢٠١٥‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪٢٠٣٠‬‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ١٧٧‬ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺪﻩﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﻫﻤﻪ ‪ ١٩٢‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٩٥‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ‪ :‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪ ٣٠٠‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ‪ ١٠‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ‪ «٢٠٣٠‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ« ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ٢٥‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ ١٣٩٥‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ‪ «٢٠٣٠‬ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ«‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ‪ «٢٠٣٠‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ »ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ »ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺰﺩﮔﻲ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻨﺪ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻳﻨﺖ )ﻧﺎﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ( ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟« ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻭ »ﺯﻥ« ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻮﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ« ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ »ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻱ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺘﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ«‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ »ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻔﮑﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ )ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ( ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠٣٠‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ »ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻢﭘﻮﺭ ﺍﺯﻏﺪﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۵‬‬

‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﮏ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺷﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﮑﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﮑﻬﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺁﺗﺎﻧﺎﺳﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﺱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﻮﻟﻲ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺰﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻂ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺁﺗﺎﻧﺎﺳﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﮎ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺁﺗﺎﻧﺎﺳﻮﭘﻮﻟﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﮐﺎﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻣﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﺴﺘﺮﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ«‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۹۵‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻠﺴﺘﺮﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪(.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﺰﻡ ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮐﻠﺴﺘﺮﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺣﺮﮐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﺍﭺ‪.‬ﺁﻱ‪.‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﭺ‪ .‬ﺁﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﭺ‪.‬ﺁﻱ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺎﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ »ﻻﻧﺴﺖ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺍﭺ‪.‬ﺁﻱ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﭺ‪.‬ﺁﻱ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﭺ‪.‬ﺁﻱ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﭺ‪.‬ﺁﻱ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۸‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۹۶‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺴﻼ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻼﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﮏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻼ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮎ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻮﻳﻮﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﮊﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺪﺭﻭﮊﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺴﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺴﻼ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺴﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺰﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﮐﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻴﮕﺎ ﻓﮑﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮑﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۲۰‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻴﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ ﻟﻘﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻴﮕﺎ ﻓﮑﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ »ﺗﺴﻼ ‪ «۳‬ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖ ‪ ۳۴۶‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ »ﮔﻴﮕﺎ ﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺴﻼ ‪ «۳‬ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻳﮑﻲ ﺗﺴﻼ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺴﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺴﻼ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﭘﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺳﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺸﻴﺪﻳﺴﻮ ﻣﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ‪ ۴۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ،،۲۰۱۵‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻻﻭﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ـ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪٢٠١٨‬‬

‫ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻱ‪.‬ﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ »ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﻧﺰﺑﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﻧﺰﺑﺮﻱ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﮊﻧﺘﻴﮏ‬

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‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﺑﻮﻻ« ﻭ »ﺗﺐ ﻻﺳﺎ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﻮﻻ« ﺍﺯ ﮔﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﮐﺴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻴﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺑﻮﻻ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻻ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺮﺱﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ]ﺍﻭﻧﺰﺑﺮﻱ[ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﮔﻴﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮑﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﮑﺎ« ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﭘﺮﺷﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﻘﺎﻳﺺ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﮑﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ »ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ‪ «۷‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﮑﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ »ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ‪ «۹‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ‪۳۵‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﺎﺗﺮ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ‪ ۳۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻦ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﮑﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻳﮑﻮﻥ »ﺩﻱ ‪ «۵‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻦ »ﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺩﻭ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮐﺎﻧﻦ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺩﻭ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻋﮑﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ‪ «۹‬ﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۴۸۰‬ﻋﮑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﭗ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺛﺒﺖ ‪ ۹۵۰‬ﻋﮑﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ‪ ۲۱۴‬ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ‪ ۳۶۲‬ﻋﮑﺲ ﺟﻲ ﭘﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ‪ ۹‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﮐﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ‪ «۹‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ۴۵۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻳﮑﻮﻥ ‪ ۵‬ﺩﻱ« ﻭ »ﮐﺎﻧﻦ ﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﮑﺲ ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺩﻭ« ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﻔﺎ ‪ ۹‬ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﮑﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻻﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺖ ﻓﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻳﻢ ‪ ۳۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺴﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻟﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﻮﻟﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۲۸‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮊﺍﭘﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﮑﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺞﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﮏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺳﮑﻮﺕ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﮑﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﺲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ«؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﮐﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻝ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪» ،‬ﺳﮑﻮﺕ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺱﺯﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﭙﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻱ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ »ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﮑﻮﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﭙﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﮑﺎﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻠﻲ« ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﮐﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻴﭙﻠﻴﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ »ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ«‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻟﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺫﮐﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ« ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬

‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻝ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺶ ﻣﺤﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ ١١‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﺍ ﺑﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻞ ﮐﻼﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬

‫‪ ۱۹۴۹‬ﮊﻧﻮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﺍﻭﺍ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﻻﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺶ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺨﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻡ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ ﻗﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪۱۸‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻴﺮﻩ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻒﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪/‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﮑﻠﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪۲۰۱۵‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﮐﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻫﻔﺪﻩﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۳۰‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۱۷‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬

‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ »ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻴﺮﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻪﻳﻨﭻ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺖﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻪﻳﻨﺞ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺯﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﭽﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻻ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

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‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺯﺍﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢﺍﷲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﺯﺍﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﭼﻮﭘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ‪ ۲۰‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻥ )ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺯﺍﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺮﮎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ـ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﻂ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﮑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﮐﺴﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻟﺘﻨﺒﺮﮒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﮐﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ »ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ ۱۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ ۱۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ‪ ۴۵۹‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ‪ ۳۹‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۴۰۰‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۳۰۰‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻊ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭﺭﺷﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۲‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۱۹‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﮏﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺷﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۲۰‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ۳,۵ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪۲۰‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۶۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»ﺯﻥ«؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ »ﺯﻥ« ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺯﻥ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺁﺫﺭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۷۰‬ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۴۸‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺭﻧﮕﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻡﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﮔﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ »ﺯﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻥ« ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻤﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ »ﺯﻥ« ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻤﻮﻳﻞﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ »ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺣﻖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺘﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ )ﮐﺮﻡ( ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﮏ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ »ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ« ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۶‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ ـ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۰‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪۸۹‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮐﺴﭙﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻧﺎﮐﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻦ ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ« ﻭ »ﺍﺧﺘﺎﭘﻮﺱ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺣﺲ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۲۷‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﮐﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺸﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ »ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۴۰‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺠﺎﺏﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ« )ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺗﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ )ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﻤﻴﻨﮓ( ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ۱۹۷۳‬ﻃﻮﻝ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﺎﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۵‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ »ﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺮﻱ« ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﮕﻮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﺧﺘﺎﭘﻮﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﮐﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ »ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﻳﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻧﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻟﺶ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺳﺮ« ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹۹۳‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﺶ »ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯ« ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﺟﻲ ﮐﻴﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﮕﺮ ﭼﺮﺏ ﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺟﮕﺮ ﭼﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﮕﺮ ﭼﺮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ‪ «۲‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﭘﺮﺵ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﺎﺷﻢﺧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫» ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﺠﺮﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬

‫ﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺼﻨﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﭖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺗﻮﻟﺘﻴﮏ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﮑﺎﻥ ‪CTV‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﮔﺸﺎﻳﺶ »ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ«‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﭘﻄﺮﺱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺎﭖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺪﺭﺱ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺱ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬

‫ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﮔﺮ‪/‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﮐﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ »ﮐﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻫﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۸۸‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻳﺘﻮ ﺩﺭ »ﺩﻭﻗﻠﻮﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﻪ ﻗﻠﻮﻫﺎ« ﺗﺎ‬

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‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻳﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﻧﺖ ﻓﻠﻴﮑﺲ« ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺖ ﻓﻠﻴﮑﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻴﮑﺲ« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻣﮑﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺰﻧﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻲﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﮑﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‬

‫»ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻴﻤﻞ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ‪ ABC‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻴﻤﻞ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﺩﻟﻮﮐﺎ« ﻭ »ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺩ« ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ »ﺍﻣﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮐﻴﻤﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻒ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺰﺍﮐﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺎﺩﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺗﺸﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ »ﺟﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻴﻤﻞ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻻﻻ ﻟﻨﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫»ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻧﻮﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻟﺒﻲ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ‪ ABC‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺸﺖ ‪ «۲‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻒ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﺨﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ« ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ »ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۲۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ »ﮔﺸﺖ ‪ «۲‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻳﺒﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺭﻭﺗﻮﺵ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﮐﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﻬﻴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ ۹۶‬ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﴽ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺭﻭﺗﻮﺵ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﻭﻩ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻳﺒﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺭﻭﺗﻮﺵ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻳﺒﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺗﻮﺵ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻳﺒﮑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﺮﺍﮐﻮﻑ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻳﺒﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺭﻭﺗﻮﺵ« ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻭﻩ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮐﻠﻮﺯﺁﭖ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۳۴۹‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۳۶۷‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ۱۴ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ »ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﭼﻪ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫»ﻣﺸﻖ ﺷﺐ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ »ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ« )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ( ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﭽﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ »ﮐﻠﻮﺯﺁﭖ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮐﻠﻮﺯﺁﭖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻮ ـ ﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﮐﻠﻮﺯﺁﭖ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻳﻨﺒﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ »ﺁﺭﺗﺲ ﭘﻴﮑﭽﺮ ﻫﺎﻭﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺒﺮﻳﺞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﮏ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ( ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺎﺟﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻣﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ »ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ« ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﮑﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۶‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﴼ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪﺳﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﻒﺍﷲ ﺻﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »‪ ۷۶‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ« ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺒﺮ« ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »‪ ۲۴‬ﻓﺮﻳﻢ« ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖﺍﺵ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪ MK۲‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﻲ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ‪ MK۲‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﮐﻦ ‪ :۲۰۱۷‬ﻧﺨﻞ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻠﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺑﻊ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﻦ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻠﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼﻱ ﮐﻦ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺮﺑﻊ« ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺘﻠﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻠﺲ ﺑﻨﮓ( ﭼﻴﺪﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺑﻊ« ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»‪ ۱۲۰‬ﺗﭙﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻠﻮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺨﻞ ﻃﻼﻱ ﮐﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﻞ ﻃﻼ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﺮﻭﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﺁﮐﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ»ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻱ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻓﻴﺎ ﮐﻮﭘﻼ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻮﭘﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﻳﺐﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻮﻝ ﮐﻴﺪﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬

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‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﺭﮔﻮﺱ ﻻﻧﺘﻴﻤﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﻴﻤﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﮔﻮﺯﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﻭ ﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻣﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻱ« ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ »ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻴﮑﺎ ﭼﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻥ ﺁﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﻨﺲ ﮊﻭﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﭼﺎﻥ ﻭﻭﮎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺋﻮﻟﻮ ﺳﻮﺭﻧﺘﻴﻨﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﮓﺑﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺪﺭﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﻮﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ«‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﻦ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﺮﺩ« )ﺑﺮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻨﺒﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺁﻥ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻟﺮﺩ« ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﻱ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺳﻬﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﻓﻮﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﮑﻪﺗﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢﺟﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻟﺮﺩ« ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮏﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻟﺮﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۲‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ‪ ۴۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ‬

‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱﮐﺮﺩﻥ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻤﺎﮐﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺧﺎﺋﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ »ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﺿﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ‪ ۱۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﺀ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﮑﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮏ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺻﺪﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﮑﻮﺱ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ]ﺩﺍﻋﺶ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ« ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۱‬‬

‫‪۲۳‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﻠﻤﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻮﮐﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﺎﻟﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺗﻒ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﻋﻘﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ!‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺯﻳﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻘﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻒﭘﻮﺵ ﭼﻮﺑﯽ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺺ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺳﻔﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻟﮑﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﺭﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻪ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺿﺪﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯽﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻗﺒﺾ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﯽﻧﻮﺷﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﺑﻠﻴﻂ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﻤﯽ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬

‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ!‬

‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﭽﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ!‬

‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩﺧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﯽ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﯼ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ!«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ‪:‬‬

‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﯼ ﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﯼ ﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺰﺍ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ‪:‬‬

‫ﮐﻠﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﯼ ﺑﻴﺶ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﺰﺍ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺛﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ‪:‬‬

‫ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ‪...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﺱ ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺒﻌﴼ ﻟﻴﺴﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﺪ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﯽﺍﺗﻴﻠﻦ ﻭ ﺩﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺴﻴﺪ ﺗﻴﺘﺎﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﯽﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﭺ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﭺ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﺭﻭﮊ ﻟﺐ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﭼﺮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽﮐﻪ ﻋﻘﺪﻩ »ﻧﺒﻮﺳﻴﺪﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﯼ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﺮﺯﺩﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻣﺶ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮊﻭﻟﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺐ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ!« ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﯼ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻠﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﺰﻧﯽ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻩ! ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﻧﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﺪﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺣﯽ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﺩﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﯼ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺟﯽ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻮﺳﯽ ﻭ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﯽ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﯼ؟ ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﻟﯽ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻠﺪﯼ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﻮﺧﯽ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮐﺎﻻ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﯽ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺒﺰﯼ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺑﻠﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻒ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭﯼ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﮑﺲ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﺮ ﭼﻪﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻻﺭﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺻﺪﻗﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻧﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﯽ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺯﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﻠﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﯽ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻫﯽ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ!«‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺵ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﻐﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﯽ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﯽﺁﻳﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺭﻳﻤﻮﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻳﮕﺮﺍﻫﺎﯼ ﮐﻮﻓﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭ!«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﯼ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﯼﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﺒﻮﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭼﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺵﺗﻴﭗ ﺑﻮﺩﯼ‪ .‬ﻻﻏﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﮑﻞ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻣﻮ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻧﻢ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﮑﺎ ﺯﺩ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺳﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪» ،‬ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﯽ؟« ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺩﻳﺪﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺕ ﭼﻴﻪ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻟﺐﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﭽﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﯽ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﯼ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺿﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺑﻮﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻻﺗﯽ ﺷﺪﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﯼ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ‪...‬ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻟﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﻥ ﺿﺮﻳﺢ؟«‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﺩ؟« ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻩ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﺩ!«‬

‫ﺑﺠﺎﯼ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﻧﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﯽ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻦ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻪ ﮐﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺯﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﯼ ﭼﺖﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﺵ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ! ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺑﺪ ﻧﮑﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﯼ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﯽﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﺬﺍﺭﯼ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻟﻮﭼﻪﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﯼ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ!‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭼﯽ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺳﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﯽ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﻧﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻮﻧﻮ ﮔﺮﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﯼ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﻢ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺣﺴﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺒﺎﺏ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺷﮕﻞﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺯﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻧﮓ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻐﻠﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻧﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺑﯽ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﯼ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺎ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﻧﻴﮏ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﯼ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮﯼ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﯽ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﯼ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻟﺌﻮﻧﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﮐﺎﭘﺮﻳﻮ ﻭ ﮐﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻠﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻔﺘﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﻧﻮﮎ ﮐﺸﺘﯽ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﻮﺭﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻧﮑﻦ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﻧﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﯼ ﭼﺖﺭﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻴﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻞﺍﻟﺨﺎﻟﻖ‪ .‬ﭼﺖﺭﻭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻃﺮﻑ‬

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‫ﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻭﻧﺠﻮﺭﯼ ﻫﻢ ﻣﯽﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺨﺪﺍ ﻧﻪ!‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺮﻳﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻧﻪ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ؟« ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪ! ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻻﺱ ﺧﺸﮑﻪ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﻪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻤﯽﺩﻭﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺩﻭﻧﯽ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓ ﻧﺰﻧﻪ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﯽﺭﻩ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﯼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﯽ‪ «.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ؟«‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺁﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﺭﻭ ﺗﻮﯼ ﻟﻮﺱﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﯼ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﯼ »ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﮎ» ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻮﺗﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﻨﺶ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺳﻦ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺵ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟«‬

‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﯼ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﯼﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻬﺪﯼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﯼ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻬﺪﯼ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﯼ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻦﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻻﮎ ﻧﺎﺧﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﯼ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽﭘﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﯼ ﺑﺪﻥ ﮐﻢ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﻮﺳﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺘﮏ ﻧﻤﯽﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻇﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﯽﻣﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺿﯽﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺗﻨﺒﻠﯽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻔﺶ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﺯﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺑﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﺴﯽ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺭﻗﺼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺷﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﯽﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﯼ ﻣﯽﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﯼ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﯽﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﯼ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﺀ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﻧﻤﯽﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻤﯽﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﯼ ﻣﻘﻨﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺁﺏﺗﻨﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﻮﺳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﭘﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﯽﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﯽﻋﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺟﺎ ﻗﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﯽﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺠﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﯽﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﯽﻋﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﯽﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﭘﺮﻭﺭﯼ ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﻣﯽﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﯼﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻘﯽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺗﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﮊﻭﺯﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮑﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﮔﻨﮑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۳۳‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﮔﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻭﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﺌﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮑﺘﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﻞ ﺯﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۱۹۰۱‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻧﺪ ﮊﺭﮊ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﺮﺕ ﻻﻣﻲ )ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ( ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ )‪ (۱۹۰۹‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﻭﺧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎ ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺘﺌﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮊﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺯﺭﻳﻨﻲﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪﻭﺭﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫»ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﮑﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﮐﺲ ﮊﺍﮐﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﮐﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻧﺎﻥ ﻟﮋﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۲۳‬ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺷﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻼﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﺷﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﮕﮑﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺘﺸﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﺘﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪ ،۱۹۲۵‬ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﮐﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺮﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻞ ﻣﻮﺗﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻫﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺣﮑﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻱ ﮐﻮﻣﻴﻨﺘﺎﻧﮓ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﻞ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺍﻧﮕﺴﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺍﻧﮕﮑﻮﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﮐﻮﻣﻴﻨﺘﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭼﻴﺎﻧﮏ ﮐﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﮏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺘﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۲۶‬ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻭﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ« ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ )ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ( ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ« ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﭼﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۰‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻔﺴﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻨﻘﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪......‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ« ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۳۳‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻨﮑﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺟﺬﺍﺏﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﻌﻨﻲﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۲۷‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﭼﻴﺎﻧﮓ ﺷﮏ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭼﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮐﻮﻣﻴﻨﺘﺎﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﮑﺸﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻗﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ« ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻟﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﻋﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ« )‪ (۱۹۳۵‬ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻌﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۷‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﮐﻮﺷﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ »ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺍﻱ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ »ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺷﮏ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺍﻱ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ« ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻔﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬

‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ‪:‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ )ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ( ]ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ[‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﻲﺷﮏ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ« ﻭ »ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ«‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ« ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ »ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺆﺍﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ« ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ »ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ »ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ«‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ« ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .۱‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺍﻱ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ«‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ«‬ ‫‪ .۳‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ« ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫‪ .۴‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ« ﻭ ﺑﺎ »ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ«‬

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‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺒﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺍﻱ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ« ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ! ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫»ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ«‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﺠﺎﻳﻲ؟ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻲ! ﻣﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ! ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻦ! ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻲ؟ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﮐﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ »ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺯﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺐ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﮑﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺣﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻲ؟ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ؟«‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺻﺮﻳﺢ« ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ« ﻳﺎ »ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻳﻲ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻟﻲ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ »ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩﺍﻱ« ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ »ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ )ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ( ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۸‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺨﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻭﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻠﻴﮏ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ؟‬

‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ‪۲۰۱۷‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﺘﻲﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﻭﻳﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ‪Sophos‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ‪ Avast‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ‪ wanna cry‬ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ؟‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺮﻡ )‪ (worm‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﮑﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﮑﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺮﻡ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺰﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﺶ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻓﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۱۷‬ـ ‪ ۰۱۰‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۳۹/۴۴۵‬ﻭ ‪ ۳۳۸۹‬ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﺎﻳﺮﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻧﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺝﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻨﭗﭼﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮ ﺩﻫﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬

‫ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﻭﻳﺮﻭﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺼﺐ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ۱۴۷۹ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ۹۰ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻮﮐﺎﺳﻞ ﺣﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﺪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﻮﺭﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﮐﺎﺳﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮊﺍﻳﺮﻭﺳﮑﻮﭖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺏﺳﻨﺞ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﮕﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺏ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۱۰‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﺳﺮﻓﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺟﻴﺘﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﭺﭘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺷﻴﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻟﭗ ﺗﺎﭖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۹۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭘﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺯﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۷‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ‪۱۸۹‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺮﻭﻡﺑﻮﮎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﭘﺮﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﮐﺴﭙﻠﻮﺭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۰‬‬

‫‪۲۹‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬؟‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬؟‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺫﮐﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺫﮐﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻻﻍ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂﮐﺸﻲ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻧﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍﻍﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻂﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻠﻒ ﻗﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪!.‬‬

‫ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺗﮑﺎﺀ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩﭘﻮﺷﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮐﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻣﺸﻖ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻏﻮﻃﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺫﮐﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻤﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺆﻟﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪!.‬‬

‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬

‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺳﻬﺮﺏ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺫﮐﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﺩﺯﺩ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺫﮐﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻄﻮﺭﻳﮑﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻤﻲﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ » :‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺁﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺟﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻘﺖ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ )ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ( ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﮑﻮﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻊ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻻﺕ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻲ )ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ( ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﮐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﮐﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﺮﻡ ﮐﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﻠﻴﻞﺍﻟﻮﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻡ ﺟﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﻠﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪(۱) ...‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬

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‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫)ﺩﻭﺭﻱ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﮕﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﻱ )ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ )ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﮑﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻋﻔﻮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺎﻧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﻱ )ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﮐﺎﺭ( ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺛﻤﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻐﻀﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺒﺲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪...‬ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻔﻮ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪(۲)...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻋﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺀ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻻ« ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺘﺐ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ )ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻒ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﺎ« ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻻﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻠﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺰﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ » ﻣﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫******‬ ‫‪ (۱‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.۲۰۵‬‬ ‫‪ (۲‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺀ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.۲۰۱‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﻘﻨﻦ«‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮑﻲﭘﺪﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ”ﻣﻦ“ ﻳﺎ ”ﻣﺎ“ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۰‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ‪١٦‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺧﻮﺑﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﻳﮑﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۵۲‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﭙﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﻪﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻲﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻨﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﮑﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﮐﻢ ﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻃﻮﻝ‬

‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺋﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﺒﻨﺪﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺷﮏﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﭘﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺸﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺟﺎﺋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﺩﻧﺠﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ـ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٢٨‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﺝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﺍﺱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺍﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ،۸‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻮﻧﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﻣﻮﮐﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﻱ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪۲۰۱۷‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ ۸‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ« ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮐﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ »ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ« ﻭ »ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ« ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ »ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ« ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺳﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۳۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ »ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ »ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ« ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۸۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱,۸۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﺮﻭﺳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﮎ ﺯﺍﮐﺮﺑﺮﮒ )ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ‪۴۵۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ »ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺍﺱ‪ .‬ﭘﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺞﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﮐﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﻤﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ‪ Home‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﭘﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ‪ SE‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻟﻤﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬

‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫‪ Progress‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ‪ Progress‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﮏ ﭘﻠﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ‪ Control Center‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻫﻮﻡ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ‪ Home‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ‪ Search‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻤﺲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﴼ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﭺ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻓﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻓﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻓﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺘﺮ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﭗ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻼﺋﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻑ ‪ e‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ‪ e‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﻴﺒﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻓﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻓﺎﺭﻱ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻤﺲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮑﻲ ﺗﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻓﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۱۰‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻳﻲﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﺑﺎﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏﺳﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻃﻲ ‪۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۳‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪۱۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ)‪ (GDP‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻟﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫‪۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪۱۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۲۲‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۹۳‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ‪GDP‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۷۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۸‬ﺗﺎ ‪۹۳‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ‪ ۶,۳‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۸,۵‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲﻫﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۹,۶‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۷۸‬ﺗﺎ ‪۹۳‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۱۳۷۶‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۸۳‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ‪ ۲۴,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۸۴‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۹۱‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۳۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۹,۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۳,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۹,۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﭼﺎﻕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻟﺒﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ‪ ۶۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﻼﮎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۷۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺛﺮﻭﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺮﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ‪۵۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۲‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺂﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۰۴‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۱۹‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺂﺗﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ »ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﻞ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ـ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺸﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻻﻥ »ﺗﺎﺗﺮ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ« ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۰۲‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﻼﺭﻭﺩ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۹‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺘﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺭﻍﺍﻟﺘﺤﺼﻴﻼﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۱۶‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻟﻮﻣﻪ« ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪ« ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﮑﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ‪» :‬ﺧﺴﻴﺲ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﺗﻮﻑ«‪» ،‬ﻟﻮﮐﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺯﻳﺎ« ﻭ »ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ« ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻭﻩ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﮔﺮﺩ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻱ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۶‬ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺱﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺩﻳﺮﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻮﺱﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۲۹‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻃﻼﺋﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻻﺕ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻫﮑﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﴼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺛﻤﺮﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻋﻤﻘﻠﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ«‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﺒﺎﺑﺎﺧﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻣﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻓﻮﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﺋﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۲۱‬ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺧﻄﻴﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺳﺎﺋﻲﻫﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،۱۳۶۹‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﮐﻲ )ﺗﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۷۶‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺟﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ« ﺳﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۱۳۷۱‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ) ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ( ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ »ﺁﻳﻴﻦ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‪» ،‬ﺁﺩﻳﻨﻪ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ«‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ«‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺎﺟﺮ« ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ »ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﮏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﮐﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺾ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲﺗﺮ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۷۵‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻﮐﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﮐﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۷۵‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﻴﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺝﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻖﺍﻟﻘﻤﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﭗ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﺍ“‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬

‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﻃﻖﻧﻮﺭﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ »ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۷۶‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖﺟﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻤﭙﺎﮊ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻗﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻬﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۶۶‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ‪ .۷۶‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﺜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ »ﻧﻪ« ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ )ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۱۳۷۷‬ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۷۸‬ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (۱۳۸۰‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ )ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ،۱۳۸۱‬ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۸۲‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪(۱۳۸۴‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺪﻗﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺶ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﺮ ‪ ۹‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

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‫ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﻳﻨﺮﻳﺶ ﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۷‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﺳﺤﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﺍﺷﮑﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺐ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۷۸‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻔﮑﺮﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺗﺮ ﻃﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻟﻔﻈﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۱‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻲ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺠﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ؛ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ )ﺑﺮﻩ(‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ(‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺴﺘﻦ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻔﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﮏ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ(‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺷﻴﺮ(‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺧﻮﺷﻪ(‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻨﺴﻞ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻴﻒ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺪﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﮑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﻝ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻳﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ(‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮ )ﺧﺮﭼﻨﮓ(‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )ﮐﮋﺩﻡ(‬

‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻭﺩ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻣﺎﻧﺘﻴﮏ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻓﺎﻳﻖ ﺁﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﮑﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﻗﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩ ﺟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ )ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻏﺮﻕ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺯﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻱ )ﺑﺰ(‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺟﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻼﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ )ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺗﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲ(‬

‫ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻢ ﮐﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺴﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۵‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻢﮐﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﺎﺍﷲ ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﺎﺍﷲ ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺟﻮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻑ ﮐﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۶۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ »ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ـ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ«! ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﺪﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺖﻭﺧﻴﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱﺍﺵ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺺﺗﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬

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‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮐﻢﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ـ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺼ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺥ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﮑﻮﻻﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻤﺮ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻱ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﺵ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ـ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻪﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ! ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪﺍﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻮﺭ ﮐﻼﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬

‫ـ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﷲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺫﮐﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺪﻧﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﮐﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻱ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ )‪(۲۰‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۶‬‬

‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﻠﺒﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﮔﻞﺍﺵ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﮔﻢ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﻔﻪﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺟﻮﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺞ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻮﭼﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﮐﺎﺥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﮎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﺋﮏ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩﻡ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻧﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺠﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﺭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﺴﻄﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﻪﺍﻱ ﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺴﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻋﺸﺎﻕ ﺳﺨﺖ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﻔﻜﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺟﻬﺪ ﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻀﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﻮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﻍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻡ؟‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﻡ؟‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻼﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺳﺰﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﭘﻨﺪﻡ‬

‫ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﻨﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺑﻮﺱ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﮐﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺠﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻣﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺗﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻱﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺸﺖ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﺸﻘﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺸﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﺣﻪ ﺷﺮﺣﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﺩﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮑﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺟﻮﻳﺪﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﮎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺗﻮ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻱ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﺩ ﮐﺪﻭﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻦ؟‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﮏ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﻟﮕﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻭﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﻩﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﻏﻲ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺯﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻫﺮ ﻟﻘﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺰ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺸﺎﺩﻳﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻋﻪﻱ ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﺳﺮﺩ ﮐﺪﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ؟«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺳﻤﻮﻡ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻳﻤﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮ ﺁﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻱ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻳﻤﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻥ« ﻭﻥ ﮔﻮﮒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﮔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝ ﻣﻌﻄﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﻔﺲ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻢ ﺩﻟﺘﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ‪» :‬ﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻟﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻮ ﺑﭽﺮﺧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻱ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮔﺸﺘﻪﺍﻱ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺶ؟‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺅﻳﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﺶ ﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻭﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﮎ ﻣﻲﮐِﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺮﻏﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺅﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﭽﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﺯ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﮐﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺤﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﭘﺎﺷﻲ؟« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ! ﺩﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻦ!‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺷﺘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ« ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻱ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﻊ ﮔﻮ ﺑﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻮﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ‪ ,‬ﺗﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻨﻪﻱ ﺑﻲﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻦ!‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺸﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻻﻥ ﮐﻮﻱ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺩﺳﺘﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻔﺘﻦ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻣﺶ ﺯ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﮏ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪,‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ؟‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺎ ﺩﻟﻢ ﭼﻮ ﻋﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺴﻮﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺷﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﮏ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻢ ﺯ ﻏﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻮﺭ ﮐﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ ﺷﺐ ﮔﻮﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺭ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﻨﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺤﺸﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻔﺘﻦ؟‬ ‫»ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺴﻮﺕ ﻋﻨﺒﺮﻳﻨﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ؟«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺯﻳﻮﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﭙﻢ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻱ ﮐﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺪﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻢ‪ ,‬ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻱ ﺳﻴﻔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﻏﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺠﺮﺕ ﺑﮑﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯﺕ ﻣﺼﻮﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻟﻪﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺑﺪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﺷﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺐ ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺮﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﻪﻱ ﻗﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻔﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﺪﻛﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺰﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺴﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫»ﮐﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺴﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮﺁﻟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺩﻝ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﮑﺒﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻲ؟«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﻮﺝ ﺷﻂ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻦ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺷﺶ ﺑﻮﻱ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻏﻢ ﻫﺠﺮ ﻣﮑﻦ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺭﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻓﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺻﺨﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻂ ﮔﻴﺴﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻢ ﺧﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ!«‬ ‫ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻗﺒﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻥﺑﺮﺷﺘﻪﮐﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﺵ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﺯﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻘﺎﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﻄﺮ ﻧﻔﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﮕﻪ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﮐﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺴﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺟﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﭼﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﺨﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻡ ﺭﻗﺼﻲ ﻣﻮﺯﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﮑﻲ ﭘﻨﺠﻪﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺯ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻠﺘﻤﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻦ ﭼﺸﻤﻪﻱ ﺯﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺷﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺸﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﮐﻤﻪﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻠﺒﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﻢ!‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﮐﺰ ﻗﻔﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮ ﺻﻴﺪ ﺩﻝ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﮕﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮ‬

‫‪۳۷‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ٢‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺷﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ١١‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ١٤‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺷﺐ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ٢٣‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ ١٧‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ٢١‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ ٢١‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ٢٣‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪ :‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪www.kanoon.info‬‬ ‫‪Phone: (404)303-3030‬‬ ‫‪Email: info@kanoon.info‬‬ ‫‪Address:‬‬ ‫‪3146 Reps Miller Road‬‬ ‫‪Norcross, GA 30071‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﻮﺗﺎﻧﻴﮑﺎﻝ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻥ‬

‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ١٨‬ﺟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻼﺩﻳﺲ ﻧﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ٧‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ٢٣‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻻﻳﻞ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ‪ ٢١‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠١٨‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﻭﺭﻫﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٣‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ‪ ٣‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ ٢٠١٧‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﺎﺗﺮ‬

‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ‪ ١٧‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ٢٢‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻴﺎ!‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ٢٩‬ﻭ ‪ ٣٠‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻨﮕﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ‪١١ ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻻﻳﺴﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۴۷۷۶‬ـ ‪(۴۷۰) ۳۷۵‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‪ Station‬ﻭ ‪ Room‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺸﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۰۴۴۶‬ـ ‪(۶۷۸) ۴۷۸‬‬

‫* ‪* HOME FOR SALE‬‬

‫‪BY OWNER‬‬

‫)‪VININGS (ATLANTA‬‬ ‫‪Cobb County‬‬

‫‪$995,000‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﺷﺮﮐﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (۱‬ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫‪ (۲‬ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫‪ (۳‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫‪ (۴‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫‪ (۵‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪ (۶‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺒﻲ‬ ‫‪ (۷‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﻔﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫‪(404) 583 Ü 2200‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﻳﻨﻴﻨﮕﺰ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪۴۲۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻔﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۲۲۰۰‬ـ ‪(۴۰۴) ۵۸۳‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻃﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻘﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺧﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﮐﺜﺮﺕ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺪ ـ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﭖ ـ ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳‬ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ـ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﻡ« ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۸۷۴‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ـ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۴‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﺧﻴﻄﻲ ـ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ـ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ـ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۵‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺗﺮﻩ« ـ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ‪ ۱۹۱۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﻧﻴﺎﮎ ـ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۶‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ـ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﮐﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ـ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺒﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۷‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ـ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﻢ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۸‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﮐﺮﺩﻩ ـ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﻪﺍﻱ ـ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻮﻣﻮﺑﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۹‬ﺯﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺎ ـ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺣﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﺮ ـ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ـ ﻳﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۱‬ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻣﺎ ـ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻪ ـ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۲‬ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ـ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻖ ـ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪.‬‬

‫‪fjallali@homesteadhospice.net‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۵۹۲۳‬ـ ‪(۷۷۰) ۸۲۶‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪.۸۸۲ – ۸۱۶ – ۷۵۱ – ۶۶۹ – ۵۶۸ – ۵۵۳ – ۴۵۳‬‬

‫‪ ۴‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪– ۵۹۹۲ – ۵۱۶۷ – ۴۹۸۷ – ۳۹۵۶ – ۲۴۳۳ – ۱۸۱۶‬‬ ‫‪.۹۹۲۱ – ۸۳۷۴ – ۸۱۷۳ – ۶۴۱۵‬‬

‫‪ ۵‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ »ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺁﺷﺘﻴﺎﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮊﺭﻓﺎﻱ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬

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‫‪۳۴۶۹۲ – ۳۳۸۸۹ – ۱۹۵۷۶ – ۱۷۹۳۲ – ۱۵۴۹۳‬‬ ‫– ‪۶۲۹۴۵ – ۴۸۹۳۹ – ۴۸۶۹۷ – ۴۲۱۶۹ – ۳۵۴۱۹‬‬ ‫– ‪۹۱۶۷۴ – ۸۹۱۴۶ – ۸۷۳۴۶ – ۸۲۷۴۲ – ۷۵۳۲۵‬‬ ‫– ‪.۹۹۴۵۷‬‬

‫‪ ۶‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪.۶۵۷۷۳۶ – ۲۸۶۱۹۴ – ۱۹۸۸۶۱ – ۱۴۳۵۸۶‬‬

‫‪ ۷‬ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫‪۳۲۹۳۴۴۷ – ۲۶۱۴۵۸۲ – ۲۴۱۳۹۵۷ – ۱۲۵۸۷۹۱‬‬ ‫– ‪۸۳۱۱۸۴۷ – ۷۹۷۶۶۷۸ – ۷۸۸۴۲۳۱ – ۵۵۹۳۳۱۵‬‬ ‫– ‪.۹۷۷۶۵۲۱ – ۹۷۵۹۸۱۲ – ۹۴۷۵۶۳۵ – ۸۳۱۹۷۲۲‬‬

‫‪ .۱۳‬ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ـ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻦ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ـ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺵ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۴‬ﺣﻮﺽ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ـ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻃﻼﻕ ـ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۵‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﺭﺁﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺍﻭﺭﻟﻴﺎ« ـ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ »ﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﮕﺮ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰﻫﻮﺷﻲ ـ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ ـ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺏ ـ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۸۲۱‬ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﺑﻮﺍﺭﻱ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۳‬ﺗﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ـ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺰﺍﺕ ﮐﻤﻴﺎﺏ ـ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۴‬ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺨﺖ ـ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ـ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ـ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۵‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻮﺍ ـ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﻧﮓ ـ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۶‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻲﺣﺴﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﻫﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺒﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۷‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎ ـ ﻭﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭ ـ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻲﺟﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۸‬ﺩﺍﻧﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻴﻢﺗﺮ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ـ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۹‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﮔﻮﺵ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ ـ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﺛﺮ »ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﻳﻒ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻳﻮﺟﻴﻦ ـ ﺯﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۰‬ﺧﻂﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ـ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺭﻧﮓ ـ ﻗﻄﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۱‬ﻭﺭﻡ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻠﻮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ـ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ـ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۲‬ﻏﺬﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ـ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﺭﻳﺪﻫﺎ ـ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻲ ـ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﺍﺩﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۳‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ـ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۴‬ﻳﮑﺼﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ـ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ـ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱۵‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ »ﺍﻟﮑﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﺴﺘﻮﻱ« ﺩﺭﺍﻡﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۸‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

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‫‪۳۹‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻋﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﮑﺮﺁﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ‪ .‬ﺭﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﻫﺒﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟« ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ‪» ،‬ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫»ﺭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺴﺘﺎ« )ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻡ(‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻡ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺗﺰﻳﻮ‪ «.‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮐﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﮑﻮ ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪۷۸۶‬ﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﺶ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻻﺗﺰﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻼﮐﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﭽﺴﮑﻮ ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﮐﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۱‬ﮔﻞ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻠﺰﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻼﮐﺎﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﺮﻱ ﺁ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۵۴‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۲‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﭘﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﺍﺷﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪۲۵‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺁ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۴‬ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ‪ ۳۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻴﮕﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﮔﻞ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۰۶‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﭘﺎﺱ ﮔﻞ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ )‪ ،(۲۰۱۶‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻳﻨﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺗﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۲‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﺦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺯﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ »ﻣﺸﮑﻮﮎ« ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۱‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻡ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺰﻭﻻ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻼﻭﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﻴﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﻲ‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻲﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺮ ﺍ ﻛﺘﻮ ﺭ ﺳﺎ ﺯ ﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﺱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺑﻴﮓﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﺱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﺘﻮﺭﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻜﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ‬

‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻜﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻓﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺯﻛﻲﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻗﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﮑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺟﻢ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﺷﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺰﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﮐﻬﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ‪ ۳‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۲‬ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ‪ ۵‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۴‬ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۴‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۳‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺪ ﺳﻮﻳﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﮎﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﮐﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﺎﻣﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺁﺩﻳﺪﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮑﺶ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻠﻪ ﮔﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻞ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻔﺶ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﻳﮕﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ ﮔﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺭﻭﺯﻳﻨﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺗﺎﺭﻳﻨﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺗﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫»ﻣﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺷﻤﺴﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۳‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﻴﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﮑﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۴۰‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺮﻕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﻲ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺣﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭖ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻴﻮﻩﭼﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﮔﻴﻮﻩﭼﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪۸۶‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﻮﻩﭼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۶۲‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﻫﻠﺴﻴﻨﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ‪ ۱۹۵۸‬ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﻣﻠﺒﻮﺭﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﻮﻩﭼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ )ﺗﺎﺝ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ( ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ )ﻓﻴﺪﻩ( ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪ ۵۴۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ )ﻓﻴﺪﻩ( ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ ۶۳‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۲۷‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ‪ ۵۴۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻄﺮﻧﺞﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﻟﻮﭼﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻭﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻔﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﭽﻲﺳﺎﺯ ﻗﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺗﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺘﺢ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۷۱‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۷۹‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻲﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﺎﻛﺎﻫﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻧﮓ ﻛﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻼ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۵‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﮏ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺜﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﺎﻧﺎﺗﺎﺭﻭﻑ )ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۴‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻒ )ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ( ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺰﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۸۶‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﺘﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﺭﻩﺟﺎﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﻮﻟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻭﺯﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻻﺱ ﻭﮔﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۹۷‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﺎﮔﻮﻣﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﮔﻴﻤﻒ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯﺑﻜﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺒﻲ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻮﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺤﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﮐﻮ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻭﭘﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﮏ »ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺕ« ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ‪ ۲۱۱‬ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﺯﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﮊﻭﺩﻳﭽﻠﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ“ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺗﺢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻄﻒ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ »ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻮﺟﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺷﺎﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺐ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ »ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺭﺍﭘﻮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﻤﺒﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﺂﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺷﺎﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﭽﻲﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﻠﻪ ﻟﻮﺗﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻤﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮐﭙﺴﻮﻝ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺗﺴﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻴﭽﻲﺳﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﺗﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ‪۸۵۱۶‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮐﭙﺴﻮﻝ ﺍﮐﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻲ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻼﮐﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﭽﻲﺳﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩﭘﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻮﻻﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻧﮕﺎﭘﺎﺭﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﭽﻦ ﭼﻮﻧﮕﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺷﺮﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺎﭘﻮﺭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻲ‪ ،۲‬ﻣﺎﻧﺎﺳﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﮐﺎﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮ ﺁﻳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﺎﭘﺎﻧﮕﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺗﺴﻪ ‪ ۱۴‬ﻗﻠﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۹۶‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻟﻮﺗﺴﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﭽﻲﺳﺎﺯ ‪ ۳۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻞ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﻨﻬﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﺴﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮐﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻢ ﭼﺎﻧﮓ ﻫﻮ )ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ( ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﻗﻠﻞ ‪ ۱۴‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﮐﻮﭼﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﭽﻲﺳﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮐﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﻠﻪ‪ ۱۰ ،‬ﺳﮑﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﮎ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﮑﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺯﻭﺭﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۴۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺳﻤﭙﺮﺍﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺻﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ »ﺷﻮﮎ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ )ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ( ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻤﻨﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﮔﺎﺭﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺟﺶ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﮑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺁً ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺍﺵ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﮔﺮﻧﺪﺍﺳﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﮑﺴﺎﻧﺪﺭ ﺯﻭﺭﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۴‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ‪ ۶‬ﺑﺮ ‪ ۳‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻭﺭﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﻴﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻴﺲﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﮎ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﮎ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺯ ﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻨﻴﮏ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺭﺍﻓﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﮐﻮﻭﻳﭻ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺱﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ )ﻻ ﻟﻴﮕﺎ( ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ‪ ۲‬ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻻﮔﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ )‪ ۳‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ( ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ‪۳‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺮﻭﺗﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪۴‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ« ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ )ﺳﺮﻱ ﺁ( ﺻﺪﺭﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻮﺋﺠﻲ ﺑﻮﻓﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺪﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺪﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻧﺪﺱﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﻃﻌﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻗﻠﺐ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﺪﻳﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺵ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻭﻧﺘﻮﺱ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪۴۵‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴﻴﻮﺱ ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻼﻣﻴﻨﮕﻮ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ‪۴۵‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻼﻣﻴﻨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻻﻟﻴﮕﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻼﻣﻴﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﻠﺰﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴﻴﻮﺱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻓﻼﻣﻴﻨﮕﻮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺗﻠﺘﻴﮑﻮ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

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‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۴۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﺎﮐﻮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻧﺎﮐﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﺳﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ ﮊﺳﻮﺱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺧﻪ ﻣﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﮐﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﻭﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺣﮑﻤﺶ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺧﻪ ﻣﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺼﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﮔﺒﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﮔﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺣﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻳﻴﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﮔﺒﺎ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﮔﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮﻳﻮﻧﺎﻳﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻟﻴﮓ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﮊﺍﮐﺲ ﺁﻣﺴﺘﺮﺩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﮔﺒﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﺞ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﮑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﭘﻮﮔﭙﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﺞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﮑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬

‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺰﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ ﺗﺪﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻥ ‪ ۷۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﮐﺸﺘﻲﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ‪ ۷۴‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﺒﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ »ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺪﺭﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ )‪(۲۰‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬

‫‪۴۲‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ »ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﮑﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﻗﺎﻡ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻣﻨﻀﺒﻂ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﮏ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﮔﻠﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻧﺮﺥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﺷﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻟﻲﺍﻟﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ‬ ‫ـ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺴﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺬﺏ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪:‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻃﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺐ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺩ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺖ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﺮ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﻮﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﺘﻠﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﭖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺘﮏ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ‪ ۱۳۷۶‬ﻭ ‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﮎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍﻱﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻱ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺲ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻠﻴﻠﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﮐﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ؟ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻧﺶ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۳‬‬

‫‪June 2017‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۱۳۹۶‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﮐﺎﻇﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۱‬ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ )ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍ )ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺷﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۲‬ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﺗﺘﻠﻮ( ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ »ﺍﺻﻮﻝ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺭﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺘﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺘﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻏﻴﺮﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﻩﻫﺎ )ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ »ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻠﻴﻢ )ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ( ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊﺗﺮﺍﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺍﺵ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺸﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ـ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪» .۶‬ﻧﻪ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬

‫‪ .۳‬ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻭﻱ )ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ(‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺩﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ـ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ـ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻃﻌﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﭖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺶ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ )ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﮑﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ( ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ؛ ﻭﺿﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮐﻢ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫»ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ« ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ (۱۳۶۷‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ« ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻧﻪ« ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ‪ ۶۷‬ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﮐﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ« ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ »ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ«‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺃﻱﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺯﺵ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .۴‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ‪ ..۷‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬

‫‪ .۵‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٦‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۵۰ ،۱۳۸۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ »ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ« ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ۴۴‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻓﺴﺦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺩﻫﻲ ﮐﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ ٣٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ ۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۳‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ‪ ۱۰ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﻘﻒ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺪ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۳‬ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۲۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺒﻮﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۸۹۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ »ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ »‪ ۱۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‪۲ ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۴۸۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ۹۳۰،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‘Beautiful Military Equipment’ Can’t Buy Middle East Peace

is more peer pressure. Many young people believe that the thing to do right now is to build start-up companies, and some by disposition are suited to entrepreneurship and startup while others are not. I think the desire to do something like starting your own company these days stems not from our Persian culture, but rather from interest as well as peer pressure.

5. What is your advice to a young Iranian-American who wants to be successful in a career in science?

Well again, know for sure whether you are going for applied science or not. If you are doing applied science, then you might look at potentially collaborating with others to start your own company. If it is more science research and publishing, then you would go into academics.

People usually ask me for this advice, and it is difficult because there is no cookie cutter piece of advice I can give. You have to tailor your advice to each individual. So, when people ask me for career advice, I spend a lot of time listening to them to better understand their preferences, their strengths, and their capabilities. It is only after listening that I give them my input. There is no general advice that applies to everyone.

6. What was the most challenging part of your work related to the “Curiosity” mission to Mars?

My major contributions to the landing rovers on Mars was when I served as the Program Manager on twin rovers Spirit and Opportunity that were launched in 2004. I also started the work on the Curiosity mission but I got promoted to be Associate Director of JPL and moved on. When managing large complex programs, you soon realize that challenges are as much sociological as technical. All of these missions have about a thousand people working on them, so it is having the skill of keeping a thousand people motivated which becomes the major challenge. The pressure is so high that at some point everyone hits a physical or mental wall, and so it is your job as a leader to inspire them past that point. Of course there are always major technical challenges to overcome but under a project manager, there are other lower level managers that deal directly with the technical aspects. I would say for large projects, the major challenge is providing inspiration and a vision for people to go off of.

7. The young Iranian community in the US is very fortunate to have successful people like you as role models. What do you think these role models should do to strengthen our IranianAmerican communities?

For first 2-3 decades after the initial wave of immigration, most of the Iranian-Americans were after individual success, which is why you see Iranian-American success stories, one after another, in several different fields. It has been only lately—I would say the past decade—that we have come to realize that all the individual successes do not translate to a collective voice and success as a community. I think we

www.nytimes.com The Opinion Pages By MOHAMMAD JAVAD ZARIF MAY 26, 2017

have realized that we need to act more as a collective group, as many other diasporas have done before us. So at this point, I put most of my effort into national organizations that try to bring Iranian-Americans together. These organizations try to shine a positive light on Iranian-Americans and promote their interest before policy makers and defend them against policies which may be biased against them.

I think only then the community will mature and come of age, i.e., when we translate all the individual successes into a community success.

My personal passion is to work with the younger generation, the emerging leaders of the Iranian American community. I have started a by-invitation-only group that is called the Iranian-American Emerging Leaders. These are particularly accomplished young IranianAmericans in their mid-careers who have very high potential. My intention is to make sure they are given the chance to network with one another. I see down the road 200 to 250 highly accomplished Iranian Americans working collectively to press forward the interest of our diaspora. It is an investment in the future. I am also participating with currently recognized leaders in the community to address the problems which are here and now facing our community.

8. You are here in Atlanta at the invitation of the Professional Organization of Iranian Americans (POOIA) and to support the Persian program at Georgia Tech. How do you feel about the Persian programs that are coming up around the country at different universities?

I live in Los Angeles, where around us, both UCLA and USC offer Persian studies.

In fact, USC is trying to offer not only the language or a course, but a degree in Persian studies. I think it is very important particularly because there is a lot of misinformation about Iran and Iranian contributions, and when you are silent, other people define you. So, it is your job to define yourself as to who you are, which makes me very much supportive of these studies that are conducted at different universities. There are now quite a handful of them across the country that operate at different levels, some as basic as offering Farsi language courses and others much more comprehensive in terms of history and culture.

They are all very worthwhile efforts deserving of all our support.

As President Trump was being feted in the palaces of the Saudi royal family after concluding a historic arms deal, Iranians were celebrating the outcome of a hard-fought election. The vote manifested the determination of Iran’s electorate to continue on the path of moderation and constructive engagement based on mutual respect that brought the world the nuclear deal in 2015.

If past performance is an indicator of future success, another $110 billion worth of weapons will neither reduce “the burden” on the American military nor support “the long-term security of Saudi Arabia,” as the State Department argues.

The last time the Saudis spent that kind of money was when they provided billions to the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein in the 1980s to arm his war of aggression against Iran. Look what that bought them and the world.

At best, Mr. Trump is extorting our Saudi neighbors, milking them for money they do not have. At worst, he could be turning the United States into Saudi Arabia’s mercenary in the Middle East, a rather ignominious position for America considering where 15 of the Sept.

11 hijackers came from. A security crackdown in Saudi Arabia before Mr. Trump’s visit — as well as the Bahraini regime’s deadly attack on a sit-in immediately afterward — suggest that the region’s despots feel that they’ve been given carte blanche to stamp out peaceful dissent.

In other words, something deeply rotten is unfolding in our part of the world.

To avoid the spread of terrorism and militant extremism, responsible leaders in regional and world capitals alike must step up and tackle the momentous challenges at hand. Sword dances and lavish banquets aside, fundamental contradictions must be addressed.

In Yemen, Saudi Arabia is attacking the Ansar Allah group, the one force that has proved adept at beating back Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, the most lethal of the global terrorist network’s franchises. The Saudi-led coalition’s Western backers explain their motive as support for “democracy,” even though the concept finds little favor either in Riyadh or among other Arab allies of the United States.

The absurdities of the tragedy in Yemen are sadly echoed in Syria. There, the forces fighting Wahhabi extremists on the front lines also face perils from Western counterterrorism policy, which is often arbitrary in its distinctions between allies and enemies.

Let me be clear: What President Trump called “lots of beautiful military equipment” won’t drain the swamps in which terrorism and extremist militancy fester. Neither will golden chains or glowing orbs provide a magical solution to the socioeconomic and political challenges that drive radicalization. What will work is a genuine effort to forge inclusive engagement among the regional powers based on a policy of coexistence and acceptance that military solutions are futile.

While Saudi Arabia spends countless

millions promoting fear of Iran to distract from its global export of Wahhabism — which inspires the extremist ideology of Al Qaeda, the so-called Islamic State and many other terrorist groups wreaking havoc from Karachi to Manchester — Iran has been aiding the victims of extremism in Iraq and Syria. By helping to prevent the Islamic State from seizing Baghdad and Damascus, Iran is actively promoting a political solution to the conflicts in both countries.

In 2013, Iran proposed an immediate ceasefire and a plan to end the war in Syria. For over two years, Saudi Arabia categorically rejected the premise that the Syrian conflict had no military solution, clinging to the illusion that its extremist proxies would achieve victory on the battlefield by dragging the United States into the war. Innumerable lives later, in 2015, our Syria plan became the basis for United Nations Security Council Resolution 2254.

More recently, the dialogue initiative led by Iran, Turkey and Russia, while far from perfect, has also proved effective as a de-escalation mechanism. The twin-track diplomacy on Syria, where fighting has abated and counterterrorist efforts have made progress, provides a credible formula for conflict resolution elsewhere in the region.

In Yemen, since the first days of hostilities over two years ago, Iran has proposed a four-point plan to end the war, which Saudi Arabia boasted would be over in two weeks. The proposal entails securing an immediate cease-fire, dispatching emergency humanitarian aid, promoting dialogue among Yemeni groups and helping them to establish an inclusive government of national unity with the support of neighbors.

With seven million Yemenis on the brink of a man-made famine and virtually half of Syria’s population displaced, the crises are too urgent to waste time pointing the finger of blame at the parties responsible. Rather, to find a long-overdue end to these calamities, the regional powers must recognize and address the underlying issues that fan violent extremism.

In this vein, the United States and its allies face two choices. They can continue to lend moral and material support, and encourage the perpetrators to intensify their war efforts, though this has proved futile and only brings more death and destruction and further complicates the path to a lasting solution. Or, as Iran has stated from the start, these governments can focus on helping to forge inclusive political solutions with the participation of all the political groups involved.

Back in 1990, when I was a young diplomat, I witnessed how, in the aftermath of Saddam Hussein’s decision to turn against his Arab financiers and invade Kuwait, the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia and its Arab allies failed to respond to their Iranian counterpart’s offer to explore an inclusive arrangement for regional security. With billions of dollars wasted on arms, and after years of bloodshed, we are back to square one.

If we don’t break this cycle, we will leave only the same momentous task to our children and grandchildren. We must be the generation that learns from history rather than be condemned to repeat it.

Mohammad Javad Zarif is the foreign minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

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Avideh Zakhor:

The brains behind Google Earth and Street View

By ETHAN BARON mercurynews.com BERKELEY — For one of Silicon Valley’s most important inventions, we can thank Avideh Zakhor, creator of the technology that brought us Google Earth and Street View.

Before there was Google Earth and Street View showing us around the world, there was Zakhor and her team driving a truck loaded with sensors around Berkeley and flying in a helicopter overhead to gather imagery, mapping part of the city in three dimensions.

And then there was Zakhor, a UC Berkeley professor of electrical engineering and computer science for nearly 30 years, turning her research into a Defense Department-funded startup. After the funding ended she sold the company to Google for a price she declined to reveal. Google turned her innovations into Earth and Street View, used it to advance Google Maps and is pushing it forward into a future in which cars drive themselves.

But before all this there was a girl whose life in Iran was thrown into turmoil by revolution, and who ended up in the United Kingdom, then at Caltech, and then at MIT for a Ph.D. in electrical engineering.

Today, the entrepreneur and UC Berkeley professor of electrical engineering and computer science is also at the center of two flashpoints in today’s tech industry: she’s a woman, and an immigrant.

She has thoughts on both.

And of late, Zakhor has turned her intellect and energies from outside to inside, founding Indoor Reality to create maps of building interiors she says could provide a last-mile solution for Amazon drone deliveries, build architectural models where no blueprints exist, and enable cutting-edge virtual real estate tours. She talked to us recently about her startup, her ground-breaking technology, her experience as a woman in a male-dominated field, and the tech industry’s need for foreign talent. Her comments have been edited for length and clarity.

Q When you invented the technology that would lead to Google Earth, what problem were you trying to solve?

I became really interested in 3-D modeling of cities. You put some sensors on top of some cars and you drive around and you make 3-D models of all the buildings and objects that you see around you.

We managed to produce a complete 3-D model of a four-by-four block

in downtown Berkeley.

DARPA (the Pentagon’s research arm) heard about this project. There was a tremendous amount of interest in mapping Baghdad. Two years into the DARPA program, Google came and acquired our technology. I felt that Google would be a good company.

They have essentially a volcano of cash — they can put enough resources into it to actually map the entire globe. We (had) invented a fast, automatic way of generating 3-D models of cities, and that is one of the key components of Google Earth. When you’re using Google Maps … you can switch from Maps to satellite view to Street View to Earth — Google has bundled them all together.

Q What are the primary applications for Indoor Reality?

Pretty soon package delivery companies like Amazon are going to use drones to deliver your packages to the outside of big buildings — then you want to have robots that deliver those indoors, so you need indoor maps. Virtual reality and augmented reality — if you want to use those indoors it’s important to have indoor mapping.

Architects need what are called “as-built” models of existing buildings, but for 80 to 90 percent of buildings in the U.S. there are no up-to-date architectural drawings, there are no up-to-date blueprints.

It can also be used for commercial real estate where without being in the building you can see in the building and you can virtually navigate it. If you want to buy a home without going there, you can do that. Energy audits of buildings is another one.

Q How serious a problem is the lack of gender equality in tech?

It’s a very serious problem because in this country we need more science and engineering, more STEM professionals, and if you don’t have enough women going into the professions, nearly half the population is being discarded. And these are high-paying jobs.

When I was an undergraduate at Caltech there were many classes where I was the only female — if I was late the professor would come in and say, “Where is she?” It’s not an insult, maybe you could think of it as flattering.

It would be good if at an early age we could convince girls to become interested in STEM

NASA Prominent Scientist Dr. Firouz Naderi Speaks to Iranian Community in Atlanta Roxana Hojjatie Student writer, Georgia Tech

fields. Maybe then we wouldn’t in Silicon Valley have a shortage of STEM workers — it makes it very hard for tech companies to operate; the labor market is very tight. The products that we make in tech companies are going to be used by the entire population. If you have a group of men between 20 and 35 designing this product, in the end the use case for the masses will not be taken into account. One could also take the view that perhaps the style of management by women is slightly different from men.

Q How can more girls be brought into the tech pipeline?

Outreach to elementary schools, middle schools and high schools. Girls are pretty interested in science and math all the way into the end of elementary school and maybe middle school, but when they get to high school, somehow the interest goes away and the numbers drop. Maybe the high school teachers are not as supportive as they should be.

If you can just make the pipeline noto dwindle at high school, we’re all set.

Q What’s your view of the debate on skilled foreign workers in the tech industry?

These highly skilled immigrants coming to the U.S. are vital to our economy — they start companies, they pay taxes, they contribute a lot. Their countries have already invested hundreds of thousands of dollars in educating them — turning them away is a really big mistake economically and from every angle you look at it.

I wish we had more-nuanced and more-refined policies and didn’t look at immigration as one basket, one size fits all. Even within the H-1B category it’s good to have skilled workers coming to the U.S., but I see the other side of it because many families discourage their children from studying science and engineering because they think that wages are going to be depressed by the influx of H-1B people.

Dr. Firouz Naderi is an IranianAmerican engineer/scientist who spent over thirty years in various technical and executive positions in NASA’s JPL. He held such visible positions as NASA’s Mars Exploration Program Manager, JPL’s Director of Solar System Exploration, and serving as the Associate Director of JPL. During this time he contributed to many robotic space missions conducted by the United States. By the time of his retirement in 2016 he had earned a number of awards including NASA’s Outstanding Leadership medal and also NASA’s highest award Distinguished Service Medal. When he retired from NASA/JPL in 2016, an asteroid was renamed asteroid Naderi for his contributions to space exploration. He was invited to Atlanta by the Professional Organization of Iranian Americans (POOIA) to give a series of lectures on his activities at NASA. In addition to a lecture at Persian Cultural Center (Kanoon) on April 20, he took part in a very successful fundraising effort on April 21 to support Persian Language program at Georgia Tech. During his stay in Atlanta, Dr. Naderi answered a few questions regarding his educational journey, his involvement with NASA, and the future of Iranian-Americans.

work, I was very curious about learning new disciplines and as I said before, a large portion of my learning came after college while working.

I also had to make a decision on whether I wanted to go narrow and become an expert in a particular field, which would allow me to be a published researcher for ten to twenty years, or whether I wanted to be broad across many disciplines so that I could manage large multidisciplinary teams. Space exploration inherently is multidisciplinary, and so in order for me to lead a large team, I had to go for the breadth rather than the depth. But the integral under the curve is the same, whether you go deep or whether you go broad.

1. What was your journey to becoming a rocket scien3. Were you inspired by anytist like? one, like your teachers or Education is a lifelong learning your parents? process, and you certainly don’t graduate from a university and immediately become a rocket scientist. In university, you get the basics of a chosen field, then you learn throughout your career as technology evolves and the nature of your job changes.

So, when I look back on my career, of what I know now—whatever that is—I would say about 5% of it goes back to my formal education and the other 95% is onthe-job learning. This is particularly true if you go into a multidisciplinary endeavor like I did, which is project management and space exploration.

These days, I often hear from young people that they view me as a role model; I find it terrifying that I would be anybody’s role model. But I know that I learned from many different people; I did not look at anyone specifically as a role model, but I tried to learn a little bit from everyone I crossed paths with. I mentor many young people and often times I find that I learn from my mentees. So, you can learn good traits and good insights from many different sources, some of whom are your seniors and some your juniors. Overall, I’m inspired by a lot of different people.

electrical engineering. I did all three of my degrees—Bachelor’s, Masters, and PhD— in electrical engineering, but probably practiced it only for the first few years in my career. I did my dissertation on digital image processing. That was a long time ago, when the computer capability was not as it is today, and so most of the complexity came from the way we wrote the software. I practiced in my PhD area for about three to four years before I began to branch out. When people ask me specifically why I succeeded, my answer is simply: curiosity. Once I started my

Going way back, I don’t know whether I went towards engineering due to family pressure, or just gravitated towards it by interest. What is for sure is that my specific career has been a product of personal choices. I have been involved in things that I thought I would personally enjoy doing, and I would say that is probably a main requirement for success. I am not even certain that today, at least in America, it is family pressure that drives you towards a particular field. Right now, I would say it

2. Could you tell us about your field of education at 4. Many Iranians desire to the University of Southern become a doctor or an enCalifornia and other unigineer. How much of your Persian heritage has influversities? enced you in your career?

My formal education at USC was

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CONTINUED FROM COVER PAGE

Trade Trumps Values Trump and his Secretary of State Rex W. Tillerson believe that values, especially the emphasis on human rights, impede trade and close relations with Middle Eastern and other autocrats. American foreign policy since the 1970s has endeavored to balance American values-good governance, liberty, gender equality, and human rights in general-with its interests. President Jimmy Carter initiated the State Department annual human rights reports, which US embassies were required to submit about the human rights practices of the host countries. Even dictators paid attention to those reports.

The Carter administration and successive Republican and Democratic administrations, while adhering to the reporting requirement on human rights, vigorously pursued American interests in commerce, security, arms sales, and counterterrorism.

President Trump on his maiden international trip seems to throw this policy out the window. He was silent about the thousands of Shia political prisoners in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, and implicitly gave the Gulf Arab potentates the green light to proceed with their repression and discrimination. In fact, right after he left Saudi Arabia, Bahraini security forces conducted a raid on the home of Ayatollah Isa Qasim, Bahrain’s top Shia cleric, in the village of Diraz, killing at least five peaceful protesters and arresting nearly 300. Saudi security forces in the Kingdom’s Eastern Province, where most Saudi Shia citizens live, act more like an occupation force. In the weeks before President Trump’s visit, Saudi security forces arrested scores of Shia activists in that region.

Freedom of expression has been completely muzzled in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain. Equally severe conditions also prevail in Egypt whose autocratic leader has forged a warm relationship with the American president.

The Shia majorities in Bahrain and in the Eastern Province view the reference to “values” in Trump’s speech as a depiction of the values shared by two wealthy, dictatorially inclined families-one runs a private family business, the other a palatial desert monarchy. As Gulf and other Arab populations under authoritarian rule listen to President Trump glorifying the shared values with his newfound Saudi friends, they see their fellow citizens suffer from illegal detentions, torture, and sham trials and convictions.

More importantly, Iran was holding free and open elections, which resulted in an impressive victory for the moderate president Hassan Rouhani. The elected president is committed to rapprochement with the United States and with the West in general. President Trump’s speech to the mostly Sunni leaders of Arab and Islamic states assembled in Riyadh-the head of Azerbaijan was reportedly the only Shia leader at the gathering-was almost a call to arms against Iran even though most of the terrorist “evil losers” trace their radical ideology to the Saudi Sunni interpretation of Islam, not to Shia Iran. The Iranian presidential and municipal elections were a stark reminder that Iran is one of the rare Arab Muslim countries that holds frequent and relatively free elections.

Deeper Implications of Taking Sides President Trump’s apparent alignment with Sunni autocrats has thrust him in the middle of the centuriesold Sunni-Shia sectarian divide. This is unwise and in the long-term harmful to American interests and presence in the Muslim world. The president seems clueless about the history of Islam and the different schools of jurisprudence in Sunni Islam. Nor is he aware of, or perhaps cares about, the fact that the most conservative and intolerant of these schools is the basis of Saudi Islam. How can an American president share “values” with a country that proselytizes a hateful, narrow-minded religious ideology intolerant of Jews and Muslims, disrespectful of women, and scornful of human rights?

By taking sides, President Trump has plunged the United States into the wars of Islam in support of one sect against the other. America remains involved in Iraq although most the population are Shia. By doing so, Trump has undercut America’s role as an unbiased broker of possible reconciliation between Iran and its Arab neighbors. Even within Sunni Muslim countries,

Nine Iranian American Receive Ellis Island Medal of Honor Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans( PAAIA)

Island Medals of Honor and recipients’ names are listed in the Congressional Record. Six Presidents of the United States, Nobel Prize winners, athletes, leaders of industry, artists, and others are among the remarkable group of individuals to have received the award.

On May 13th, 2017 nine highly accomplished Iranian Americans, including IA-100 member Mohammed Farzaneh, were awarded the 2017 Ellis Island Medal of Honor for outstanding achievement in their personal and professional lives, as well as their commitment to the preservation of their Iranian culture and heritage and noteworthy citizenship to the United States.

Established in 1986 by the National Ethnic Coalition of Organizations (NECO), the Ellis Island Medal of Honor ranks among the nation’s most prestigious awards, paying annual tribute to the ancestry groups that comprise America’s unique cultural mosaic.

The Medals are presented on Ellis Island to American citizens of diverse origins for their outstanding contributions to their communities, their nation, and the world.

The U.S. Congress sanctions the Ellis

Hormoz Ameri: Hormoz Ameri heads the Naftex group of private companies engaged in the business of exploration and production of crude oil and natural gas in the United States.

Dr. Abbas Ardehali: Director of Heart and Lung transplant at UCLA for 15 years, Dr. Ardehali has led one of the largest and most successful Heart and Lung transplants in the United States and the world.

Dr. Hossein Eslambolchi: Dr. Hossein Eslambolchi is Chairman and CEO of 2020 Venture partners founded in 2006, with the goal of providing technology and operations

the president’s growing cozy relations with wealthy, corrupt Muslim autocrats-whether in the Levant, the Persian Gulf, or Central Asiawill surely alienate him and America from Arab Sunni publics.

President Trump’s Riyadh speech on terrorism and radicalism also reflects his lack of knowledge of the factors that drive terrorism.

He is correct in pointing out that the countries of the region must participate in the war against terrorism and deprive the terrorists a safe haven in these countries. Ideology, however, is only one factor. Other equally important factors involve regime policies of repression, corruption, poor economic policies, and lack of job creation.

Selling arms to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, or Bahrain, for example, helps produce jobs in America but does not produce jobs for unemployed Saudi, Bahraini, or Egyptian youth. If the president were interested in promoting peace and stability in the region-and at the same time proclaiming American values of hard work and productive citizenship-he should have talked more about entrepreneurship, job creation, innovation, and the freedom to experiment and innovate.

If President Trump is truly committed to countering extremism, he should realize that it cannot be done through the establishment of military alliances or the opening of such

media-hyped institutes as the Global Center for Combating Extremist Ideology or the Terrorist Financing Targeting Center, which he touted in his speech.

The president correctly told his audience that millions of young Arab Muslim men and women “seek great futures to build, great national projects to join, and a place for their families to call home.” But he neglected to remind his listeners that these expectations begin with dismantling autocratic, corrupt regimes and opening the gates of freedom to their people.

Curiosity, inquiry, and the search for a better future based on dignity, honest work, and the freedom to experiment must begin with lifting the yoke of repression and corruption.

The first Arab Human Development Report in 2002 identified three major “deficits”freedom, women’s empowerment, and human capabilities/knowledge-that Arab regimes and governments must address if the region is to realize its potential. A decade and a half later these deficits have largely been unaddressed because regimes focus on their own survival and wealth accumulation with only the slightest concern for their citizens.

President Trump did not dare to look his adoring audience in the eye and explain these inconvenient truths. He needed to be adulated, and they obliged him. He took the

The 2017 Iranian American honorees are:

consulting to Private Equity Firms and Venture Capitalists in the areas of Telecommunications infrastructure, Network intelligence and information and communications technology.

Mohammad Farzaneh: After his graduation from University of Oklahoma in 1981, Farzaneh followed his father’s steps as a master builder and started his career as a homebuilder. In 1994 Mohammad and his brother Jalal found Home Creations, a company that has grown to be Oklahoma’s largest homebuilder today.

Andy Madadian: Andy Madadian, is an international recording artist also known as “The Persian Bono.” His albums have sold millions around the world and he is known as one of the best Armenian artists globally.

Azita Raji: Azita Raji is an American diplomat, banker and philanthropist. She was nominated by President Barack Obama to serve as the United States ambassador to the Kingdom of Sweden. She was the first female U.S. ambassador to Sweden and the first Iranian-born American to serve as a U.S. ambassador.

Maggie Soleimani: Maggie Soleimani is the first Iranian-American woman appointed to two high-profile Commissions in Los Angeles County and an advocate for children and young adults with special needs.

Dr. Shaheen Tedjarati: Dr. Tedjarati is the Associate Director of OB/GYN and Chief of Gynecologic Oncology & Robotic Surgery and an Associate Professor at New York Medical College and Westchester Medical Center Health Network.

Cumrun Vafa: Cumrun Vafa is the Donner Professor of Science at Harvard University. Vafa is a string theorist. His research is focused on the nature of quantum gravity and the relation between geometry and quantum field theories.

PAAIA congratulates this year’s medal recipients and thanks them for their countless contributions to the richness and diversity of American life. Please click here to see a list of previous Iranian American Honorees, and please click here to view a full list of 2017 Ellis Island Award recipients. easy way out by saying “We are not here to lecture-we are not here to tell other people how to live, what to do, who to be, or how to worship.” The President went to the region as a deal maker and a salesman for American weapon manufacturing. He talked about Islam, terrorism, Iran, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict without the benefit of expert advice in any of these areas. After great showmanship in Riyadh, Jerusalem, and Bethlehem, he and his family left the region without much to show for or to benefit the people of that war-torn region.

President Trump should have addressed the “deficits” head on by urging his assembled autocrats and potentates to open their societies to freedom, empower their women, and advance inquiry and knowledge. He did not and as such lost a historic opportunity to help reshape the Middle East.

About the author: Emile Nakhleh is an expert on Middle Eastern society and politics and on political Islam. He is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and a Research Professor at the University of New Mexico.

He previously served in the Central Intelligence Agency from 1993-2006, first as scholar in residence and chief of the Regional Analysis Unit in the Office of Near Eastern and South Asian Analysis and subsequently as director of the Political Islam Strategic Analysis Program.

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Trump's Alignment with Sunni Autocrats Masks Shallow Understanding of Region

By Emile Nakhleh (source: LobeLog)

President Trump’s visit to Saudi Arabia has engendered endless press reporting and analysis. Two key points stand out in the media coverage. First, the trip was mostly show than action. Second, the Saudis played up to Trump’s craving for adulation and narcissism. They knew he was a fickle showman and acted accordingly.

He of course loved it, and they proved that rich princely Bedouins could capture the world stage, at least for a fleeting moment.

What projects, centers, institutes, and deals Trump announced in Riyadh were either already in the works before he took office or were merely memoranda of understanding, not actual deals

involving money on the table. He talked about the “splendor” of Saudi Arabia, bashed Iran, deplored “Islamist extremism,” and described the fight against terrorism as a “battle between good and evil.”

President Trump touted a Saudi-American

partnership “based on shared interests and values” and grounded his envisioned doctrine in what he called “principled realism.” Unfortunately, what emerged from the visit was a “partnership” based solely on interests not values. He failed to mention the miserable human rights record of his

hosts and their Bahraini and other neighbors.

Although he admired Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s shoes, Trump did not chastise the Egyptian dictator for the thousands of political prisoners languishing in Egyptian jails.

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