Philippine Collegian Tomo 95 Issue 11

DUE TO FREE TUITION LAW LOOPHOLES

Hundreds still pay matriculation fees in UPD RAT SAN JUAN

AT LEAST 450 STUDENTS IN UP Diliman (UPD) continue to pay tuition and other school fees this semester, due to exceptions provided in the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Law (RA 10931), according to data from the Office of the University Registrar (OUR)’s Academic Information System Section (AISS).

Free tuition coverage excludes students who have not finished their degree within a year after the prescribed period. Other exceptions from the free tuition law include undergraduate degree holders, graduate students, Law and Medicine students, non-degree students, cross-registrants from a non-UP home unit, and special students without credit.

Around 3.75 percent of UPD’s currently enrolled 12,050 students were not qualified for free tuition coverage, according to the AISS. The figures reveal the weakness of the free tuition law in providing free tertiary education, said College of Education Student Council (Eduk SC) Chairperson Psalm Guevarra.

Eduk has the highest number of regular undergraduate students tagged as ineligible for free tuition in UPD (see sidebar 1). Many students in the college are delayed because they are shiftees from other courses or must balance their academic load with part time jobs, according to Eduk SC Rep. Patricia Jasmin. Some students of the college also struggle with mental health problems, she added, citing a prior meeting with the college dean.

A total of 77 students out of the 267 who enrolled in the college paid matriculation fees. “Delayed man o hindi, taga-Eduk man o mula sa ibang unibersidad, karapatan ng lahat na makatamasa ng libreng edukasyon,” said Jasmin.

The School of Library and Information Studies (SLIS) also shows the highest percentage of regular undergraduate students tagged as ineligible for free tuition, pegged at roughly 2 in 5 students paying matriculation fees.

Meanwhile, 90 percent of students who enrolled at the OUR, mainly non-UP cross-registrants and non-degree students, paid matriculation fees. In contrast, only 12 out of 97 students who enlisted at their office were qualified for free tuition.

Assessment points Students who do not qualify for free tuition are assessed using the base tuition rate in the university (P1500 per unit in UPD) unless they apply to the Student Financial Assistance (SFA) Online, according to the implementation guidelines issued by Vice President for Academic Affairs Ma. Cynthia Rose Bautista and Vice President for Planning and Finance Joselito Florendo.

The guidelines were sent to the offices of University Registrars (URs), College Secretaries, and Student Affairs personnel in UPD to assist with enrollment, in the absence of the Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR) of RA 10931.

The IRR is a document which aims to resolve disputes regarding RA 10931’s interpretation by stakeholders. Former Commission on Higher Education (CHED) Chairperson Patricia Licuanan reported that the IRR has been completed

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last December, although it is yet to be signed and published.

However, a zonal orientation on the IRR was organized by Unified Student Financial Assistance System for Tertiary Education (UniFAST) at the Tagaytay Country Hotel last December 19.

Free education is not possible so long as there continue to be exceptions, said College of Social Welfare and Community Development (CSWCD) Rep. Gabby Lucero, the only UP representative able to attend the orientation. Aside from tuition coverage exceptions, Lucero noted the problematic Student Loan Program (SLP) provisions in the presented copy of the IRR. All Filipino students may apply for the SLP if they pass their university’s admission and retention standards. However, they must secure a Tax Identification Number (TIN) from the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) and a Social Security System (SSS) number, as well as undergo financial counseling programs. Students are also required to have their parents or guardian as their designated guarantor to avail of shortterm loans (see sidebar 2).

Moreover, the SLP prioritizes students based on their cost recovery or capacity to pay, according to Rule 5, Section 35 in the unsigned copy of the presented IRR. Sixth-year Film student Josiah Gil Hiponia has been applying for tuition loans since his first semester in UP. “Laki na siguro ng kinita ng UP sa 'min dahil sa interest rate. Dati nga, wala pa yung option ng 100 percent tuition loan eh,” he said.

Hiponia is excluded from free tuition coverage this enrollment despite not violating the Maximum Retention Rule (MRR) of his degree because student number is also used by URs and College Secretaries during assessment. “Ang laking dagok sa pamilya namin na biglang P12,000 ‘yung tuition ko [ngayong sem],” he added.

Ongoing campaign Jasmin meanwhile highlighted the progress of the student movement in defending the right to free, accessible, and quality education but acknowledged the long road ahead, calling for the scrapping of the Socialized Tuition System (STS).

Financially-disadvantaged students are less likely to proceed to college and graduate, according to data from UniFAST (see sidebar 3).

“We are happy na marami ang natutulungan sa ating tactical win sa pagkakaroon ng free tuition, pero let's always remember na ang call ay ‘Free Education,’ hindi lang free tuition. ‘For all,’ hindi sa iilan lang,” Jasmin said.

SIDEBAR 1 TOP 10 UPD OFFICES WITH HIGHEST NUMBER OF STUDENTS TAGGED INELIGIBLE FOR FREE TUITION

SIDEBAR 2 HOW TO AVAIL OF A SHORT-TERM LOAN

SIDEBAR 3 EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT OF ADULTS (25+ Y.O.) IN THE PHILIPPINES

SOURCES ACADEMIC INFORMATION SYSTEM SECTION, 2017 UNIFAST PRESENTATION

Road widening, demolitions alarm UP Village B

PAG-ALALA

DANIEL LORENZO MARIANO

JOSE MARTIN V. SINGH

RECENT DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS in a residential area in the UP Diliman (UPD) campus have stirred mixed reactions from its residents. A road widening project along Village B, underway since July 2017, has damaged parts of the community dwellers’ homes.

More than 10 houses have already been affected by the project, which was under the initiative of the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), said Alyansa ng mga Samahan sa UP Diliman (ALSADiliman) Spokesperson Carmen Collado.

Among the houses severely damaged was Pat’s, after workers suddenly meddled in her residence even before she could try to stop them. The lack of fore-warning on the sudden extension of the measurement’s scope sparked pleas for explanation among the residents, supported by other parties including student and union leaders.

“Based dun sa guhit [na alloted para sa road widening] alam ko na hindi ako apektado nung extension sa kalye. … ’Yung alam ko lang na matatamaan ay yung gate ng bahay ko,” she said.

Pat however clarified that she approves of the road-widening project and hence was not angry for what happened, but she and other residents of Village B hope that due notice will be given before any changes in plans happen.

To address the issue, representatives from the UP administration, DPWH, and the local barangay sat in a dialogue with residents of Village B on January 18 and tackled concerns on the road-widening project.

The project is done in order to apply the set standards for a road’s measurements, said DPWH Engineer Ildefonso Rosete.

“Ang policy po ni DPWH Secretary [Rogelio] Singson na lahat po ng masasakop ng ‘road right-of-way’ ay dapat masakupan na. [This is] to avoid the encroaching on the 18 meters ’road right-of-way,’” he said, citing examples such as the prevalence of improper parking practices and the overlapping of informal settlers’ houses on the streets.

It was only implemented recently due to budgetary matters, he added.

Meanwhile, the legality of payments being made by Village B to the UP admin was questioned by residents and student leaders alike. It is among the ways of the UP admin to extract payments from employees and residents, said Almira Abril, chairperson of the Student Alliance for the Advancement of Democratic Rights in UP (STAND-UP).

“Ang pagsingil ay ‘di automatikong kahulugan ng pagkilala ng karapatan [sa lupa], kung hindi ay pagkilala sa lupang sinasaklaw,” she said, citing the Diliman Legal Office’s (DLO) explanation on the matter.

“Sinisingil tayo dahil ginagamit pa rin natin yung lupa ng Unibersidad na hindi natin pagmamay-ari. Hindi ibig sabihin legal yung pag-gamit niyo ng extension,” said Office of Community Relations director Karen Ann Jago-on. “Ang basehan po [ng pagsingil] ay hindi yung extension kung hindi ay yung original [na measurements ng bahay],” she added.

But if charging the residents is illegal in the first place, then there should have been no need to tax them, said Abril, citing the “confusing” process the UP Admin has set wherein the paid extensions are eventually demolished.

Collado meanwhile sees that the bigger issue is the relation of the road-widening project to the UP Master Development Plan (UP MDP), which was denied by the UP admin. The UP MDP is a strategic land use policy included in former UP President Alfredo Pascual’s 2011-2017 Strategic Planning Framework.

The UP MDP, however, is not focused on residential areas inside the UP campus, said Engineer Omar Marzan of the Office of the Campus Architect. The road widening is necessitated by the government’s decreeing through the DPWH, he added.

But informal settlers’ houses in and out of UP have been and are set to be demolished to make way for the MDP, said Collado.

“Sa ngayon ganun [ang stance ng UP admin],” she said. The UP admin’s attitude has been like that ever since: they fear creating scandals and being disturbed by issues like the ones being brought up, Collado added, citing that the MDP is really a dangerous prospect.

P L AY BACK Should the constitutional provision on free speech be amended?

“The Constitutional provision on free speech is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and therefore, should be preserved in our Constitution.

It is one of the provisions in the 1987 Constitution that highlights the struggles that led to EDSA I. Something Filipinos should be constantly reminded of!”

Dr. Rachel E. Khan

CHAIRPERSON, UP DEPARTMENT OF JOURNALISM

“Current moves to include the term ‘responsible exercise’ in reference to the protection of press freedom and other basic freedoms should be opposed for two main reasons: (1) The proposal is a veiled threat to crack the whip on ‘ irresponsible’ exercise of our basic freedoms; (2) We cannot trust an irresponsible government to define what is ‘responsible.’”

Professor Danilo A. Arao JOURNALISM PROFESSOR AT UP DILIMAN

"While rights are not absolute, the Constitution must be seen as a document wherein civil liberties empower and protect the people as the Republic's true sovereign. Restrictions, especially those proposed by the current crop of politicians, undermine the fiduciary power entrusted to them by the people as their representatives."

Professor Aries A. Arugay

POLITICAL SCIENCE PROFESSOR AT UP DILIMAN

Nagtatanghal ang Sinagbayan, isang kultural na organisasyon, sa Mendiola Peace Arch bilang pag-alala sa Mendiola Massacre, Enero 22.

Tatlumpu't isang taon na ang nakalilipas nang patayin ang mga magsasakang nagtipon sa Mendiola upang ipanawagan ang tunay na reporma sa lupa. Ilang pangulo na ang nagdaan ngunit ang hustisya para sa 13 na martir ng Mendiola Massacre ay nananatili pa ring mailap.

Mga magsasaka, lalong maghihirap dahil sa TRAIN, CHA-CHA: KMP CAMILLE LITA ANG MGA BAGONG PALISIYANG ipinatupad at balak pang ipatupad ng kasalukuyang administrasyon ay lalo lamang magpapahirap sa kalagayan ng mga magsasaka sa bansa. Ito ay ayon sa pagtatasa ng grupong Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas.

Kasabay ng pagpasok ng 2018 ang pagpapatupad ng Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion Law (TRAIN) sa buong bansa na nagbunsod sa pagtaas ng presyo ng mga produktong petrolyo, isa sa mga pangunahing pangangailangan ng mga magsasaka, ani Ka Danilo Ramos, tagapangulo ng KMP. Humigit-kumulang P3.00 ang taaspresyo sa mga produktong petrolyo gaya ng gasoline dahil sa pagpataw ng excise tax.

“Negatibo ang epekto nito para sa gumagamit ng hand tractor na ginagamit sa pag-aararo sa bukid, [at] sa mga gumagamit ng pump sa patubig. Dahil nagmahal pa ang petrolyo, halos wala nang kinikita ang mga magsasaka,” ani Ramos.

Ang sunud-sunod na pagtaas sa presyo ng produktong petrolyo noong 2017 ang nagdulot ng kawalan ng trabaho sa humigit-kumulang 803,000 katao mula sa sektor ng agrikultura, ayon sa pagaaral ng IBON Foundation, grupo ng mga mananaliksik.

Samantala, labis din ang pagtutol ng mga magsasaka sa Charter Change (ChaCha) na naglalayong amyendahan ang Saligang Batas.

Darami lamang ang foreign-owned lands at mga plantasyon sa bansa, gaya ng Dole at Del Monte plantations sa Mindanao, base sa mga probisyon sa ChaCha, ayon kay Ramos.

Ang ganitong uri ng kalakaran sa agrikultura dulot ng TRAIN at ng ChaCha ay pakikinabangan lamang ng US corporations, ayon naman sa pananaliksik ng IBON Foundation.

“Both the pro-business tax reforms of the Duterte administration and ChaCha for greater economic liberalization will further benefit US corporations. This includes lower corporate income tax that will be offset by heavier indirect taxes at the expense of the public, and the opening up of additional sectors of the economy for US investments and profits,” saad ng grupo.

Pinalala lamang ng TRAIN at ChaCha ang kasalukuyang kalagayan ng mga magsasaka at manggagawang bukid na patuloy na kumakaharap sa iba pang mga problema. Dagdag pasanin pa sa kanila ang kawalan ng sariling lupa, patuloy na pagtaas din ng presyo ng binhi at pataba, mababang sahod sa kaso ng mga manggagawang bukid, at ang patuloy na karahasan na kadalasan ay umaabot pa sa pagpaslang sa mga magsasaka.

Sa kasalukuyan, 110 mga magsasaka at manggagawang bukid na ang naitalang napaslang simula noong maluklok sa pwesto si Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte, ayon sa tala ng Karapatan. Karamihan sa kanila ay mga sumusuporta panukalang batas na Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB).

“Kahit patuloy ang pagpatay laban sa mga magsasaka, patuloy ang pakikibaka at pagsulong ng kilusang mambubukid sa buong bansa. Isa rito ang sama-samang bungkalan na nagaganap sa bansa,” dagdag pa ni Ramos.

Ito ang patuloy na binibitbit na kampanya ng daan-daang magsasakang nagprotesta sa Mendiola noong Enero 22, 2018, upang gunitain ang ika-31 anibersaryo ng Mendiola Massacre na naganap sa parehong petsa noong 1987, na kumitil ng 13 buhay ng magsasaka mula Hacienda Luisita na nagpoprotesta para sa pamamahagi ng lupa.

Isa si Guillermo Hernandez, 46, sa mga sumama sa paggunita ng anibersaryo ng Mendiola Masssacre. Mula Batangas, tumungo si Hernandez at ang kanyang grupo sa Mendiola upang ipanawagan ang pagpapasa sa GARB sa Kongreso.

Ramdam ng mga kagaya ni Hernandez ang hirap na dulot na kawalan ng lupa at baba ng sahod bilang manggagawang bukid.

Inaabot ng anim hanggang pitong buwan ang gawaing bukid nila sa Batangas, hindi sapat para maipangtustos sa pamilya.

“Nag-uuwi na lang kami ng P9 dahil 20 katao kaming naghahati sa P150, [katumbas ng] isang toneladang tubo na dalawang araw tinrabaho sa bukid,” ani Hernandez.

Kasama si Hernandez sa mga magsasaka at manggagawang bukid na nagpapatuloy sa panawagan laban sa mga palisiyang lalong nagpapahirap sa kanilang kabuhayan.

“Patalsikin ang peste sa mga magsasaka at salot sa masa na si Duterte dahil sa mga idinulot ng kanyang mga palisiya sa bansa,” saad ni Ramos.

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DUE TO ONGOING CRACKDOWN

Attacks on progressive groups worsen

ON ALL FRONTS

PL POBRE

BEATRICE PUENTE INCIDENTS OF ILLEGAL ARRESTS, killings, and human rights violations (HRVs) against activists and progressive groups have been at a steady uphill since the start of the year as President Rodrigo Duterte turned completely away from engaging in peace negotiations with rebel groups.

Two months since the official termination of peace talks in November 2017, Duterte has developed an even greater hostility toward legal activists and rebels, as Benito and Wilma Tiamzon of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), alongside Adelberto Silva from the National Democratic Front (NDF), are set to be rearrested based on a court order issued on January 11.

The Tiamzon couple as well as Silva posted bail on August 2016 and were eventually released to take part in the peace negotiations between the government of the Philippines (GRP) and NDF in Norway.

However, Duterte’s signing of Proclamation 360 which terminated the talks has eventually led to the witch hunt of NDF peace negotiators and consultants.

“The [release of] warrants [of arrest is] among the recent moves of the Duterte regime that undermine and sabotage the peace process and its negotiations with the NDF,” said Cristina Palabay, secretary-general of human rights group Karapatan, in a statement. Duterte’s refusal to push through with the peace talks more so manifests his insincerity to achieve just and lasting peace, she added.

But no one is really exempt from the government’s aggression because even progressive groups, human rights workers, and civilians who are left in the middle of the conf lict also suffer from different forms of attacks against human rights.

Intensified crackdown Farmers and peasants remain to be among the most vulnerable.

Peasant advocate James Flores from Tagum City, Davao del Norte was killed by an unidentified gunman on January 20, while a peasant community in Northern Samar suffered from indiscriminate firing launched by military men on the same date.

Similarly, Aaron Notarte, a civilian from Agusan del Sur, was killed by members of the 75th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army (IBPA) last January 21. On top of it, secretary-general Aniceto Lopez, Jr. of Kahugpungan sa mga Mag-uugma (KASAMA) in Bukidnon was gunned down by Oto Balopenios from the Philippine Marines on January 22.

“Those killed farmers are actively fighting for their land rights. They are civilians targeted by the Armed Forces of the Philippines,” said Chairperson Danilo Ramos in a statement of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), which also cited how farmers continue to be victims of red-tagging

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which leads to illegal arrests.

North Cotabato peasant activists Jarold Adiaton and Jane Solis of Balite Farmers Association were illegally arrested by alleged members of the 15th and 39th IBPA on January 9. A week later, farmers Celeste Arpaio and Venjie Catampo from Davao Oriental were abducted by alleged military men.

Even the indigenous peoples (IP) are not safe from the hostility. Last January 8, two unidentified gunmen attacked Ronel and Jingky Asay, Lumad members of an IP group Kayapan-Amihan in Agusan del Norte, but the latter were able to escape.

Meanwhile, a Lumad community in Surigao del Sur is also affected by the heightened military operation.

Explosions and gunfires were heard, and drones were spotted surveying the area on January 13 and 16.

Military operations are likewise conducted in Quezon province, causing fear to the people residing in the area. A fact-f inding mission was sent to investigate military presence in the area on January 17, but the delegates were blocked and harassed by military personnel.

“Pagpapakita [ang mga atakeng] ito ng totoong kulay ng Duterte administration, na walang pakundangan sa paglabag sa karapatang pantao,” said Atty. Ephraim Cortez, secretary-general of National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL), adding that the ultimate goal of Duterte is to silence dissent.

Stronger resistance One step in order for the people to understand the gravity of the matter is to educate them, said Palabay.

“Napakahalaga na malinaw kung ano ang karapatang pantao, kung bakit kailangan itong ipaglaban, at kung bakit ito ay isyu ng lahat lalong-lalo na ng mahihirap,” she added.

From July 2016 to December 2017, at least 235 individuals were illegally arrested and detained, while the other 272 were illegally arrested without detention, according to a recent report by Karapatan. The recorded cases of indiscriminate f iring and bombing reached 360,0 0 0, based on the same report.

NUPL continues to provide legal aid to these victims, and is positive that this can be resolved through the people’s will.

“Sa aral na rin ng kasaysayan, nanaig pa rin ang kagustuhan ng sambayanan na maging malaya. Hindi napatahimik ang mamamayan ng threat ng harassment,” said Cortez.

At the end of the day, Karapatan still sees peace talks as the ultimate solution to end the root cause of armed conflict.

“The prospects [may] look bleak [dahil sa] stubbornness ni Pangulong Duterte sa peace process. I think there’s always a chance [for the peace talks to continue] as long as steadfast ‘yung mamamayan para ipagpatuloy ‘yung efforts for just and lasting peace,” Palabay stated.

Students, faculty members and campus journalists gathered at the College of Mass Communication, January 18, to defend press freedom in a candle-lighting vigil. The protesters condemned the recent attacks on media practitioners, like the revocation of the registration of Rappler, the closing of 30 radio stations in Davao by the National Telecommunications Commission, and harassment of journalists and press freedom advocates.

BUS TERMINAL, PLANONG IPATAYO SA UP ARBORETUM

15,000 katao, mawawalan ng tirahan CAMILLE LITA

HUMIGIT-KUMULANG 9,000 pamilya o 15,000 indibidwal sa Barangay Old Capitol Site ang nanganganib mawalan ng tirahan dahil sa planong ipatayong istasyon ng bus malapit sa UP Arboretum, ayon sa mga opisyal ng barangay.

Ang paradahan ng bus ay tatawaging Metro Manila Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) Project – 1 (Quezon Avenue), na bahagi ng P1 trilyong Build, Build, Build Program ng administrasyong Duterte. Ang mga bus na bumabaybay sa ruta sa kahabaan ng Elliptical Road, Quezon Avenue, at España Blvd. ang nakatakdang gumamit ng nasabing istasyon, ayon sa Consolidated Projects, Programs and Activities, and Implementation status report ng Department of Transportation (DOTr).

Kasama sa maaapektuhan ang kalakhan ng mga residente sa buong barangay kung matutuloy ang proyekto, dahilan upang tuluyan nang alisin ang Old Capitol Site sa listahan ng mga barangay sa Quezon City.

Samantala, ang bahagi ng barangay na hindi maaapektuhan ay sasakupin ng Barangay San Vicente, ayon kay Kapitan Mauricio Gutierrez, Sr. ng Barangay Old Capitol Site.

Wala pang nakalaang relocation site para sa mga maaapektuhang residente dahil matagal na proseso pa naman ang pagdadaanan ng proyekto, ani Gutierrez.

Maraming naninirahan sa barangay ang

walang titulo na nagdudulot sa kanila ng pag-aalala sa banta ng demolisyon, dagdag pa niya.

Kabuuang 6.4 hektarya ang sasakupin ng ipatatayong istasyon sa loob ng 16 na hektaryang UP Arboretum, ayon sa mga opisyal ng barangay. Tinataya namang $109.4 milyon o P4.79 bilyon ang kakailanganing pondo para sa pagpapatayo ng paradahan na sisimulan sa 2019 at matatapos sa 2020.

Uutangin mula sa World Bank at Agence Française de Développement ang pondo para sa proyekto, na sumasalamin sa pagpasa ng responsibilidad ng gobyerno sa batayang serbisyo ng mga Pilipino, ani Gabby Lucero, Community Rights and Welfare Committee Head ng Konseho ng mga Mag-aaral ng UP Diliman.

May bakanteng espasyo ang Barangay Old Capitol Site sa likod ng Petron Station na magandang lokasyon para pagtayuan ng paradahan ng bus, ani Kenjee Gallardo, kawani ng Barangay Old Capitol Site.

Matatandaang dalawang beses nasunugan ang Barangay Old Capitol Site noong 2017. Napabayaang kuryente ang naging sanhi ng mga sunog kung saan dalawang bahay ang natupok noong Hulyo at mahigit 80 kabahayan o 130 pamilya ang nawalan ng tirahan noong Agosto.

Kabilang ang Barangay Old Capitol Site sa limang barangay na nasa loob

ng lupain ng UP Diliman gaya ng barangay ng Krus na Ligas, San Vicente, Barangay UP Campus, at Botocan.

Pinanghahawakan ngayon ni Gutierrez ang pangako ni UP President Danilo Concepcion sa mga kapitan ng barangay noong Setyembre na walang komunidad ang maaapektuhan ng demolisyon para sa mga proyekto ng pamahalaan.

Nilinaw naman ni UP President Danilo Concepcion na kailangang pagusapan ang mga planong administratibo at pangkomunidad sa pagpupulong ng Board of Regents, pinakamataas na lupong tagapagpaganap sa UP System. Sa kasalukuyan, wala pang inaaprubahang plano ang administrasyon ng UP kaugnay ng paggamit ng lupain ng UP Arboretum, ani Concepcion.

“UP will make it clear to the DOTr that any displacement of informal settlers in the area will have to be handled responsibly by the DOTr, meaning that the affected residents will be relocated humanely to suitable alternative sites, keeping their livelihood and well-being in mind,” dagdag pa niya.

Hiling naman ng mga residente ng Barangay Capitol Site na tulungan sila ng lokal na pamahalaan ng lungsod Quezon upang hindi matuloy ang planong pagpapalipat sa kanila, ani Gutierrez.

‘State U student kills self over unpaid tuition’ JUAN GREGORIO LINA

DESPITE THE LEGISLATION OF free tuition across State Universities and Colleges (SUCs), a student from Cagayan State University (CSU) died in an apparent suicide reportedly spurred by a struggle to pay for his studies, according to the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP).

Education major Rodolfo Urmanita, 19, had reportedly been battling depression brought about by difficulty in supporting the cost of his schooling. He took his own life on January 16 in his boarding home in Tuguegarao City, after an unpaid due from previous semester barred him from enrolling this semester.

Rodolfo believed that he had settled his first semester fees in its entirety, but discovered upon second semester registration that he had a pending balance. As he only had enough cash on hand sufficient for the payment of his second semester fees, he was ultimately unable to proceed with his enrollment.

For the current academic year, CSU still charges its students miscellaneous fees while some students are also charged tuition altogether, according to the NUSP. Meanwhile, for the second semester, CSU has gone to raising the cost of its miscellaneous fees which now stand at a total of ₱2,065 from ₱1,397.50 prior.

The student’s mother, Nanay Roginia Urmanita, was unaware that her son had not been able to register for this semester, according to the CSU Communicator, the university’s official student publication.

Rodolfo, who reassured his mother that he was already enrolled, later requested ₱4,500 from Nanay Roginia who believed it was for her son’s allowance and boarding home rent.

An alternate narrative The Communicator disputed the NUSP’s claim that CSU collects tuition from its students. “For eight years we [have been] a no-tuition university—the only one in the Philippines. What CSU collects from us are miscellaneous fees amounting

to ₱3,000 more or less per semester,” the Communicator told the Collegian.

However, while free tuition is in effect for CSU during the current academic year, the budget appropriated by the Commission on Higher Education for the university cannot adequately subsidize all CSU’s students, according to the Communicator. In the wake of free tuition, the CSU administration has reportedly adopted a scheme that prioritizes certain degree programs over others, with those in non-priority courses being compelled to pay.

On the other hand, the CSU’s administration has also contested that student fees could not have been the cause of the student’s death as it entertains promissory notes, and has called this narrative a “misinformation”.

“The relatives of the student who approached us [on January 17] for financial assistance admitted that our late student was suffering from deep emotional problems that would be inappropriate if disclosed here,” said CSU Vice President for Administration and Finance Ranhilio Aquino in a Facebook post.

The tragedy is not the first of its kind to befall the university, however. On February 27, 2015, then CSU freshman Rosanna Sanfuego also took her life in her family’s home, reportedly because of depression brought about by a similar incapacity to pay school fees that prevented her from taking her midterm examinations.

The CSU administration then also denied that Rosanna took her life because of outstanding dues, clarifying that Sanfuego had paid the downpayment for her tuition and was therefore qualified to take her exams. The administration’s claim, on the other hand, was belied by the student’s mother, Nanay Sophiya Sanfuego, who said that her daughter had repeatedly told her that she would not be able to take her examinations if she did not pay her fees.

By early February 2015, Sanfuego had dropped her subjects and returned

DUE TO IMPLEMENTATION OF TRAIN,

UPD vendors implement price hike BEATRICE P. PUENTE

PRICES OF FOOD AND BEVERAGE sold in UP Diliman increase by as much as P10 due to higher price imposed by the suppliers, following the recent implementation of the new Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) law.

“Ang pangunahing naapektuhan [ng TRAIN law] ay kaming mga maliliit na manininda dahil masyadong mataas ‘yung pinapatong na tax, lalo na sa mga softdrinks na umaabot sa P60 hanggang P70 [ang karagdagang presyo sa] bawat kahon,” said Edna Sinoy, President of Samahang Manininda sa UP Campus, Inc. (SMUPC).

The vendor group issued a new set of price list on January 22 indicating the adjustment. The amount added to each product varies depending on the price imposed by their suppliers. For instance, a 500-mL bottle of an iced tea drink increased from P28 to P38. Meanwhile, pancit canton, which was previously sold for P20, is now priced at P25 (see sidebar).

Aside from additional tax on sweetened

products, TRAIN law also imposes an excise tax on petroleum products, leading to around P2.50 and P7 price increase on diesel and gasoline. This directly affected transportation of goods, hence the price hike even on products that do not contain sugar.

In more than two decades of being a vendor in UP, Adolfo Anggoy is shocked by the sudden price increase due to the new tax system. "Ang mga mamamayan pa rin naman ang pangunahing maaapektuhan ng mga pagtaas sa presyo, hindi ang mga mayayaman na nasa itaas," he stated.

Sinoy is saddened with the negative impact this law brings to the people. “Marami namang pwedeng panggalingan ng pondo pero bakit ‘yung mga basic na pangangailangan ng mga tao pa ‘yung tinaasan? Pampatay na ito sa mga mahihirap,” she said.

The Collegian tried to get the side of the UPD administration regarding the issue, but Vice Chancellor for Community Affairs Dr. Nestor Castro has not responded to our queries as of press time.

home, telling her mother that she would not be able to pay the fees for her tuition, laboratory requirements, and lodging.

A failure of the law The incident is a telltale sign of the Free Tuition Law’s failure to uphold its purpose, said NUSP National Executive Board member Raoul Manuel, denouncing the flaws of Republic Act 10931 (see related article on page 2).

“The death of Rodolfo exposed the grim reality that up to this day, education in the Philippines remains commercialized because of state policy to deregulate fees and allow schools to devise schemes to earn profits,” Manuel said, pointing out other instances of students taking their lives in the face of inability to shoulder the costs for education.

UP Manila student Kristel Tejada took her life in 2013 after being forced to file for a leave of absence due to an inability to pay P10,000 she owed in tuition. Her appeals for a loan, an installment payment scheme, and a promissory note were all turned down by the university’s administration.

Meanwhile, Central Bicol State University of Agriculture (CBSUA) student Jessiven Lagatic ended his life in 2016 after he lost his scholarship and incurred a ₱7,000 balance to the university. “[With incidents like these], we are reminded that education is yet to be free, accessible, and for the best interest of the people,” said Manuel.

Murder, torture charges filed against Caloocan cops linked to Carl Arnaiz slay JUAN GREGORIO LINA THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE (DOJ) has filed double murder charges against two Caloocan policemen allegedly responsible for the deaths of 19-year-old former UP student Carl Angelo Arnaiz and his companion Reynaldo “Kulot” de Guzman.

Aside from double murder raps, Police Officer 1 (PO1) Jeffrey Perez and PO1 Ricky Arquilita were also indicted for torture and planting evidence before the Caloocan City Regional Trial Court after prosecutors found probable cause for the charges.

Carl had left his home on August 18 for a midnight snack with Kulot as his companion, but he was found in a morgue ten days later on August 28, 2017. He had supposedly died in a shootout with the policemen who apprehended him for the alleged robbery of taxi driver Tomas Bagcal.

Forensic examination by the Public Attorneys Office (PAO), however, revealed traces of handcuff marks on Arnaiz’s wrists in addition to bruises all over his body, according to reports, which also cited that a male witness identified as Joe Doe corroborated seeing Arnaiz handcuffed and kneeling before being shot by the suspects.

Meanwhile, the body of Kulot, Carl’s last known companion, was found at a creek in Nueva Ecija, several days after Carl was found.

Carl's father, Carlito Arnaiz, expressed relief that charges have finally been filed against the suspects. “Maganda ‘yun na nafile na nila nang mapatunayan na pinatay talaga nila anak ko,” Tatay Carlito said in an interview with the Collegian.

Tatay Carlito also noted that, thus far, the case’s progress has been steady.

“Mabilis nga ‘yung pag-file ngayon. Naunahan pa namin ‘yung kay Kian [Delos Santos],” he added, citing another death of a teenage boy due to police operations.

Seventeen-year-old Kian, who died two days earlier than Arnaiz, was also killed

by Caloocan policemen who claimed to be acting in self-defense after the boy had allegedly shot at them. The police’s report was disputed, however, after investigation by the National Bureau of Investigation and PAO found that the evidence used to demonstrate that Delos Santos had fought back were planted by the cops.

With reports from Camille Joyce G. Lita.

BEYOND THE CLASSROOMS

ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY Student Regent Shari Oliquino leads a protest calling for free education for all state universities and colleges in front of the Commission on Higher Education, January 24. The protesters, composed of students from different colleges from all over Metro Manila, demanded justice for all students who claimed their own lives after failing to pay tuition fees. This protest action came in light of the recent death of a Cagayan State University student who died in an apparent suicide after being forced to stop his studies.

SIDEBAR OLD AND NEW PRICES OF FOOD AND BEVERAGES SOLD INSIDE THE CAMPUS

MIYERKULES 7 PEBRERO 2018

5

BA LI TA

PRESS CHARGES MARK VERNDICK CABADING

IT WAS A TUESDAY NIGHT IN December 2017. Police officers were waiting for Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo to come out of a restaurant in Yangon after meeting with unnamed police officials. They were handed documents related to their investigation on the Rohingya Refugee Crisis. As soon as they come out, they were immediately arrested by the police.

Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo are accused of violating the Official Secrets Act (OSA)—an act from 1923 while Burma is under British rule. OSA prohibits sharing of information which the government deems ‘secret’.

Before the Reuters journalists, the most documented case of OSA violation was that of Unity journalists who exposed the underground chemical weapons facility in Myanmar last 2014. The chemical weapons facility scandal proved that the Myanmar government was keeping secrets from the public.

Before the arrest, the two Reuters journalists were active in covering the Rohingya crisis in Rakhine State last August 2017, where hundreds of thousands of Rohingya civilians fled to Bangladesh.

The civilians were forced to evacuate due to the military crackdown on the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). The crackdown was due to ARSA’s police post attacks on August 25, 2017 in response to the communal violence against Rohingya Muslims by the majority Buddhists of the Rakhine State.

Tension lingers in Rakhine State even after the military crackdown on minority Rohingya Muslims. The issue extends to the media which is continuously repressed by the government for exposing the issue on ‘ethnic cleansing’ where an estimate of one million Rohingya Muslims was either abused or rape which forced them to leave Rakhine.

"The charges filed against Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo represent a giant step backward for press freedom in Myanmar," said Shawn Crispin, senior Southeast Asia representative of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), in an official statement.

The case of the Reuters journalists shows the tenacity of the authorities and the lengths they would take to silence the media.

Myanmar exhibits the behavior no different from when it was under military rule.

With the transition from military rule to national democracy marked with Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s election as State Counsellor, democratic progress and reforms on media restrictions were expected by Rights groups like CPJ. However, the restrictions on different media platforms in Myanmar remained even after the transition from the military junta to Suu Kyi’s leadership. At least seven journalists have already been arrested since June last year due to rulings based from colonial-era laws like the OSA and the act on Criminal Defamation.

Burmese media could have served as the public eye and voice during crises like the

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crackdown on Rohingya Muslims, but the authorities silence their voices by denying access to Rakhine. The only time they got to witness the ‘ethnic cleansing’ was when selected journalists were accompanied by the military troops on a ‘guided tour’ around the Rohingya Villages.

Despite how big the crisis is, news about it spread slowly due to the restrictions imposed by the military. When it reached the international scene, Suu Kyi was strongly urged by the United Nations to stop the ethnic cleansing. However, Suu Kyi said, “There is a lot of hostility in [Rakhine] but ethnic cleansing is too strong a term to use.”

Suu Kyi also fails to address the issues on press freedom with Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo adding to the fallen preys of media blackout in Myanmar. The journalists were currently detained because of possessing “official and secret” documents about the situation in Rakhine that can be shared internationally. According to CPJ, Myanmar authorities have previously used the law to prosecute and imprison journalists who reported on military affairs perceived as sensitive.

Rights groups, including CPJ, express concern on the direction where press freedom is going in Myanmar.

The use of the state security charges to censor journalists is indicative of the unceasing influence of m i l it a r y forces on state decisions.

The media must not only make sure that it delivers what needs to be known by the people, but it must also fight for its freedom against repressive forces like the government.

As the military forces performed lethal clearing operations in Rakhine State to fight “Rohingya Muslim Militants”, entire villages were raided and burned. Pregnant women and children were reportedly raped and killed. Thousands of refugees are still on the search for shelter and safety.

The racial discrimination against the Rohingya Muslims are growing stronger with the military forces denying the “ethnic cleansing” as all the Rohingya villages were burned to the ground.

Journalists in Myanmar are forced to keep silent as all of these happen. The laws and the government of Myanmar continue to curtail the freedom of journalists within their jurisdiction. International media should not stay silent on the silencing of Myanmar media.

As Myanmar commits crimes against humanity and the Rohingya continues to be repressed, the fourth estate should not allow these stories to remain unheard.

UNDER PRESSURE MARK VERNDICK CABADING & RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

PRESIDENT RODRIGO DUTERTE BEGAN HIS interview with the media on January 16 with a rant at the online news organization Rappler. “Your articles are rife with innuendos and pregnant with falsity,” he said. “You are not only throwing toilet paper; you are throwing shit at us.”

This remark came as no surprise just a day after the news broke that Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) had ordered to shut down Rappler for allegedly violating the constitution.

This attempt to cow the media into silence reveals the state’s

2016

BEHIND ENEMY LINES

predilection for shooting the messenger while deliberately ignoring the message. This move is nothing short of a calculated project to stifle dissent as Duterte advances a constitutional shift to federalism.

However, the issue with Rappler is neither isolated nor the first in a series of attacks on the critical press since Duterte assumed the nation’s highest post. Below is a summary look at the documented press freedom violations under the President’s term that portend a brewing crisis.

2017

JUNE 2

DECEMBER 22

FEBRUARY 20

The international press freedom advocacy group Reporters Without Borders (RWB) urged the Philippine media to boycott Duterte’s press conferences until he apologized for his earlier remark about corrupt journalists being legitimate targets of killings. Duterte retaliated: “Kill journalism, stop journalism in the country. If you are worth your salt, you should accept the challenge.”

The Office of the Solicitor General, an autonomous office attached to the Department of Justice, requested an investigation into the registration of Rappler.

Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO) Secretary Martin Andanar slammed reporters for allegedly receiving bribes to cover the press conference of retired SPO3 Arturo Lascañas, who had confessed to have led the Davao Death Squad.

JULY 1

APRIL 17

Duterte accused the Prieto-Rufino families, majority owners of the country’s largest broadsheet Philippine Daily Inquirer, of incorrect tax payment.

Two weeks later, the Prietos sold their stake in the Inquirer group to business tycoon and Duterte’s close associate Ramon Ang.

Duterte threatened to block the renewal of ABS-CBN television’s franchise, which expires in 2020, after he accused the network of publishing biased stories against him.

JULY 24

SEPTEMBER 26

During his second State of the Nation Address (SONA), Duterte lashed out anew at ABS-CBN and Rappler, which he claimed to be foreignowned. Rappler has since debunked this claim and made public all of its financial records.

The Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) administration pushed for the revival of the Student Publication Office, which would control the funds, printing, distribution, and editorial policies of the university’s official publication, The Catalyst. This followed the replacement of former PUP Student Regent Karl Anareta, who was critical of the admin’s antistudent policies such as the plan to increase tuition, which is currently at P12 per unit.

NOVEMBER 7

OCTOBER 9

PCOO Assistant Secretary Mocha Uson categorized Rappler as ‘Social Media’, arguing that it has no print counterparts unlike other media outlets.

The Sentinel, Lyceum of the Philippines Manila’s official publication, condemned the college administration’s decision to stop collecting publication fee without consulting the publication’s editorial board. The Sentinel said that the removal of the fee was an obvious attempt to uproot the functions and operations of the newspaper.

NOVEMBER 25

NOVEMBER 29

PCOO Undersecretary Joel Egco blamed journalists for “inventing” extrajudicial killings. Egco serves as the executive director of the presidential task force on media security.

Columnist Mat Vicencio of the daily newspaper Hataw reported that he had received a death threat from Usec. Egco after writing a critical piece about a government official’s handling of the cases of slain journalists under the Duterte administration. The text message sent to him went, “Hindi ka aabot ng Pasko. Itutumba ka namin gago ka itigil mo banat sa akin.”

DECEMBER 14 Duterte told ABS-CBN and the Lopez group of companies that he was willing to forego the supposed unpaid debts the latter have with the Development Bank of the Philippines, if the network helps promote his campaign for a shift to federalism.

2018

JANUARY 15

JANUARY 30

The SEC revoked Rappler’s certificate of incorporation or its license to operate, citing that the social news network used “deceptive schemes” to evade rules regarding foreign ownership of mass media in the country.

At the second Senate hearing on the proliferation of fake news, Sen. Manny Pacquiao pushed for the licensing of bloggers and “control” of media. “There is freedom of expression but because of this freedom of expression, naabuso na kasi. Do you think the media in the country, we should control it, ” the senator said.

RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

DONALD TRUMP RAVED, GROWLED, digressed, forewent the teleprompter and just winged it. He spent much time slamming the media for their reports on his alleged ties with Russia. He snapped at CNN’s senior White House correspondent Jim Acosta, who tried to ask a question many times, to no avail. “No, not you, your organization is terrible. Quiet. Quiet,” Trump said. “You are fake news.”

This was in January 2017, at his first press conference since election day. Yet, even before he swore into office, Trump had called journalists “disgusting,” “dishonest” and “sick.” In public and on social media, Trump went so far as to brand the New York Times, NBC, and CNN as “the enemy of the American people,” a label that echoes a history of despotic states rather than of democracies.

A year into the presidency has not abated such tirades. At the core of this barrage against the free press is an attempt not only to delegitimize dissent but also to sow distrust in facts.

Discrediting the press weakens the public’s grip on informed judgement, said sociologist Henry Giroux in his 2017 study on Trump’s authoritarian tendencies. This is strategic for a government like Trump’s which struggles with popular opinion amid dubious policies, because it precludes the de-politicized public from holding leaders and institutions to account.

The impact of Trump’s incendiary rhetoric plays out even beyond the borders of the United States. Borrowing a page from Trump’s playbook, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has also assailed the press with charges of sensationalism and bias. Both leaders bank instead on propaganda from conspiratorial media outfits to counter mainstream institutions and to rally a loyal political base.

Backed by “alternative facts,” for instance, Trump has capitalized on the resentment of the radical right towards minorities of class and color. Just as he depicts Black and immigrant neighborhoods as cauldrons of criminality, Duterte dismisses the deaths of thousands of urban poor in his war on drugs as deserved and necessary. This narrative is normalized by his propaganda machine, which peddles the president’s promise of change by dispensing facts out of context, if not constant lies.

Litigation threats likewise tap into a trend as the two have forewarned actions against major media outlets. Trump’s threats of suspending certain news networks’ licenses remain legally unworkable, however, given the safeguards of the First Amendment, a legal framework in the US that protects the freedom of speech and of the press, among others. Meanwhile, in the Philippines, the online news organization Rappler has had its registration revoked for allegedly violating the constitution.

Such regulatory pressure on the press is more alarming in countries where legal protections can be bypassed, said Human Rights Watch media director Nic Dawes in his open letter in Columbia Journalism Review. Having worked in India where democratic checkpoints are even weaker, Dawes lamented the effect of Trump’s rhetoric on the vulnerability of journalists in more hostile regimes.

In the US in 2017, 34 journalists were arrested and 44 were assaulted, according to the US Press Freedom Tracker, a database created by more than two dozen media advocacy groups. Globally, the numbers are grimmer. At the end of last year, the international press freedom organization Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

found a historical-high of 262 journalists behind bars worldwide, mostly on anti-state charges and some for allegedly publishing “false news.”

The statistics reflect an escalating crisis of persecution against journalists. Trump’s denunciation of the press serves to embolden repressive leaders, who now co-opt the term “fake news” to incarcerate critical journalists at a record rate, according to CPJ. The group also decried Trump’s efforts to play up to strongmen, like Chinese President Xi Jinping and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, instead of pressuring them into improving the press freedom situation.

Encouraged by no less than the leader of the free world, this climate of aggression undercuts the accountability architecture of democratic societies, Dawes said.

Fostering participatory democracy would require state leaders to adopt and implement laws that create an enabling environment for the independent exercise of the watchdog role of journalism.

Now, more than ever, should journalists band together to craft a counternarrative to the mire of lies ever so rife with the rise of authoritarianism. For if being an “enemy” means weaponizing the truth, then there is no choice but to resist.

WASTE DISPOSAL RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

THE MOUNTAIN CRAWLS WITH children. They leap over heaps of rubbish, twisted metal, and slop.

They stop at a clearing where a man digs through garbage to expose the body of a boy lying face down in the muck. Maggots squirm where the boy’s heart, stomach, and genitals should have been. Another few seconds and the children run screaming from the clearing, having seen what was left of the boy’s face: jellied eyeballs and bones jutting out through a mess of muscles.

This is Payatas in 1997, but this image of abject poverty persists two decades hence, in a society where people who live in a towering mass of trash are themselves treated like trash. The film Smaller and Smaller Circles glimpses this shadow world in the fringe of the city, where boys turn up dead on every first Saturday of the month— their bodies eviscerated, their faces flayed.

Based on F. H. Batacan’s crime novel, it plays on the notion that a serial killer exists in our midst.

Yet, more disturbing than the idea of a serial killer on the loose or the images of dead children is the film’s depiction of violence as a consequence of personal madness.

Smaller Circles seems uninterested in showing how, in reality, injustices are borne of a social order that inflicts systemic cruelty upon the most vulnerable populations.

The poor youth who

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have fallen prey to a deranged murderer are doubly betrayed by the state in its insistence to regard their deaths as mere random acts of violence. Frustrated by the inefficiency, chronic bureaucracy, and corruption of police forces, Jesuit priest and forensic anthropologist Father Augusto Saenz, together with his protégé Father Jerome Lucero, seeks to avenge the victims abandoned by the very institutions that should have been their protectors.

The two priests keep running up against an intelligence community and a penal system that are indifferent to delivering justice. Part of this culture of complicity is a religious institution that perpetuates abuse and silences victims in the interests of a powerful few. Much of the film focuses on the struggles of Saenz and Lucero with the neglect of these state actors, to the extent that the marginalized characters themselves are effaced, reduced to mere body count.

It is telling, for one, that all of the victims lived in a dumpsite, the locus of disposal not only of industrial waste but also of what Polish sociologist Zygmunt Bauman termed “human wastes.” These constitute populations cast aside and deemed expendable as they cannot participate in a market-driven society.

Bauman asserts that the silence of this group equals their exclusion, as in a film where the fact of poverty is only skimmed w h i l e portrayals of wealth and excess abound, from priests who go to the opera to characters that listen to Bach and can

speak fluent French.

In Smaller Circles, the poor families who reside in Payatas belong to this throwaway population. Just as their stories are almost written out of the plot, in reality they are excluded as well from the rewards of the neoliberal state, deprived of social provisions, and dispossessed of economic and political resources that grant them alternative modes of agency.

In fact, around 10 million Filipino families considered themselves poor while an estimated 3.6 million families had nothing to eat, based on the latest surveys of Social Weather Stations.

These statistics are glaring in light of the supposed 6.7 percent increase of the country’s gross domestic product, compared to last year’s.

The film, however, does not seem cognizant of this social reality, and treats the poor as but part of the milieu without rounding out their characters. Segregated from the “productive” segments of the population, they are instead simply shown susceptible to

abuse, scorn, and criminality.

The poor young victims, for instance, service only the spectacle of the gruesome murders. The youth no longer embody a social investment but a dead weight in the human waste disposal industry, said cultural critics Brad Evans and Henry Giroux. Seen only as cadavers, the victims are depersonalized not just by the serial killer who peels the skin off their faces, but also by the film that omits their stories from the final cut.

This dehumanization of the youth resonates beyond the screen, amid a state-sponsored drug war that lays waste to innocent bystanders and marginalized neighborhoods with impunity. Smaller Circles could have underlined the madness in how even the poor youth are not spared in this spate of murders, and how the most vicious sort of violence is caused by much more than personal issues such as a traumatized childhood and moral frailty.

Though it shows how one form of violence breeds another, the larger focus is on the psychology of the individual, the serial killer, rather than the economic and political structures that allowed the traumatizing act in the first place. Prey to the same system that generates disposable lives like his victims, the killer is hunted down. Meanwhile, absolved of any wider blame are the roots of c r i m i n a l i t y, such as poverty, inaccessibility of public services, and state abandonment of low-income communities—all of which the film chooses not to address.

The details of the serial killings also do more than demonstrate brutality; they also understate the daily ways in which violence is normalized.

The film fails to highlight such acts that escape attention and condemnation but remain prevalent, from families lining up for feeding programs to children enduring inhumane working conditions.

More troublingly, Smaller insinuates

DIBUHO NI JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA DISENYO NG PAHINA NI KENNETH GUTLAY

that these conditions of suffering are par for the course in a society that is violent by design, where people are fated to be vulnerable. His efforts thwarted, Father Saenz ponders such fatalism in the words of French philosopher Voltaire: “We need to let the world go the way it is.”

While a middle-class audience can afford to agree with this thought, the poor do so with dismay and resignation. For they toil in the hopes of going beyond merely making do and scraping by, beyond a story where everything ultimately gets hauled away and discarded in a dumpsite.

References: Bauman, Z. (2013). Wasted lives: Modernity and its outcasts.

John Wiley & Sons.

Giroux, H. A., & Evans, B. (2015). Disposable futures: The seduction of violence in the age of spectacle. City Lights Publishers.

WHAT IS THE STUDENT FUND?

WHY CAN’T THE UP ADMIN JUST FUND KULE?

THE PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN (KULE) AND THE UNIVERSITY Student Council (USC) rely on the student fund for their continued operation. For Kule, P72.00 from the P78.50-student fund collected every registration period goes mainly towards printing expenses, remuneration for the auxiliary and circulation staff, maintenance of equipment, food subsidy, honoraria for the staffers, semestral trainings and seminars, utilities and other weekly operating expenses.

In the spirit of transparency, both Kule and the USC are mandated by their constitutions to issue a yearly financial statement to be read by the student body.

THE UP ADMIN CAN REPRESS KULE THROUGH THE FORMER’S PROVISION OF publication funds. It would serve as a basis for the admin to intervene, albeit indirectly, in what Kule can write about and publish. The admin also has the discretion to withhold the release of the funds, or not approve the publication’s request for budget if it so wishes.

This arrangement also presents a conflict of interests. For instance, how can Kule report on the flawed, anti-student policies of the UP admin if it is the latter that finances the publication’s weekly printing?

WHY DO STUDENTS STILL HAVE TO PAY THE STUDENT FUND DESPITE THE ZERO-TUITION COLLECTION?

IN 2006, UNDER FORMER EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Karl Castro's term, Kule’s funds were withheld due to the UP administration's insistence to lead a public bidding for the choice of the publication's printing press.

• The administration remained adamant in its interpretation that Kule funds were public or government funds and should thus be subject to the former’s discretion.

• This attempt to silence the publication came forth during the crucial months prior to the approval of the proposed 300 percent tuition and other fees increase (TOFI) and a restructured Socialized Tuition and Financial Assistance Program (STFAP) in December 2006, by the Board of Regents, the highest policymaking body in the whole UP system, despite staunch resistance from both students and faculty.

• The suppression of Kule’s printing funds resulted in a four-month hiatus, the longest suspension yet since the publication's three-week deferral under Martial Law. • Yet, the publication remained undaunted in its exercise of campus press freedom through searing statements on flyers, online petitions, and hand-painted placards, and even further embodied its militant spirit in the form of an underground publication, the Rebel Kule.

DOES THE COLLECTION OF STUDENT FUND HAVE ANY LEGAL BASIS? IT IS CATEGORICALLY STATED IN SECTION 5 OF CAMPUS Journalism Act of 1991 (RA 7079), that student subscriptions shall form part of the student publication fund.

Meanwhile, the UP Charter of 2008 (RA 9500), likewise affirms the role of the student body as the lifeblood of campus newspapers such as Kule. To wit:

"Subject to due and comprehensive consultation with the students, there shall be a student publication established in every constituent unit and college to be funded by student fees. Freedom of expression and autonomy in all matters of editorial and fiscal policy shall be guaranteed especially in the selection of its editors and staff.”

ISN’T THE STUDENT FUND THE SAME THING AS OTHER SCHOOL FEES (OSFS)?

IN UP, OSFS COMPRISE INTERNET AND ENERGY FEES, LIBRARY FEE, and cultural fee among others. Prior to the implementation of free tuition this academic year, OSFs along with tuition were collected in all SUCs and LUCs during enrollment in accordance to the Education Act of 1982.

The student fund differs from OSFs, as it is collected to sustain independent student institutions, namely Kule and the USC, instead of services and resources that are supposed to be provided by the university as already covered by tuition and OSFs. Unlike OSFs, it is neither dubious nor exorbitant. The admin, therefore, has no prerogative to stop the collection of student fund amid the implementation of free tuition in the university.

WHY SHOULD THE PUBLICATION’S FUND COME FROM STUDENTS? “THE ONLY SUPERIOR THE COLLEGIAN RECOGNIZES IS THE STUDENT body, to whose well-being and continued freedom it dedicates its existence.” – Philippine Collegian Editorial, March 5, 1955.

The Philippine Collegian is an institution created and solely financed by the students.

Its editorial board, made up entirely of students, sans a faculty adviser, is autonomous from any UP office, college, department, or unit such that its decisions, mechanisms, and publications are not subject to scrutiny by the UP admin. It is only to the students that Kule owes its allegiance.

Such commitment to uphold the rights and welfare of the student body has been well-documented in the history of Kule—from its call for greater state subsidy on education to its opposition to any divisive policy, skewed measure, interventionist practice, or act threatening to dismantle the public character of the university.

The fate of the publication as a vanguard of academic and press freedom hence lies in the collective involvement of the students, who are the primary stakeholders in this struggle to keep subverting regimes of repression and inequality as chronicled in Kule’s pages.

KULE COULD OPT TO TAKE ON PAID ADS, but that would compromise the integrity of the publication and could entail the gradual erosion of its brand of critical and fearless journalism.

To even allow commercial ads into its pages would mean yielding to business and private interests instead of furnishing spaces for students and marginalized sectors, whose voices the publication has vowed to amplify.

Thus, the full exercise of editorial autonomy and the guarantee of the publication’s pro-student and pro-masses orientation are impossible without fiscal independence.

HAS KULE BEEN FINANCIALLY REPRESSED?

SUSTAINABILITY OF BOTH STUDENT institutions has been in peril since the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education (RA 10931) was signed into law, hence legitimizing the implementation of free tuition in State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) and Local Universities and Colleges (LUCs).

To include the student fund in the coverage of R.A. 10931, although it does not constitute other school fees (OSFs), is to unduly stretch the purview of the law. Still, no such fee was collected from all UP Diliman (UPD) students this semester.

Thus, it is in the ambit of the law that Kule, as the official student publication of UPD, be solely paid for and subsidized by the students.

WHY CAN’T KULE JUST GENERATE THEIR OWN FUNDS?

RICHARD CALAYEG CORNELIO

The Philippine Collegian faces a financial crisis. The current editorial term lacks sufficient funds to sustain its weekly operation, especially for the succeeding years, as no student fund was collected for two semesters in a row now. At present, the publication seeks dialogue with President Danilo Concepcion and Chancellor Michael Tan to address this issue.

More than anyone, however, it is the sole publishers of Kule – the UP students – to whom the publication is indebted, and who thus deserve answers to questions they might have regarding the student fund.

Kule has adopted other solutions in previous terms.

• Various cost-cutting initiatives have been employed. For example, under Herbert Docena’s term (2000-2001), the honoraria of staffers were reduced. Under the terms of Om Narayan Velasco (2009-2010) and Pauline Gidget Estella (2010-2011), the number of issues released yearly was lessened to save on printing costs. The succeeding terms have since adopted the strategy.

• “Pwedeng dalawa o limang pisong increase lang muna; pero paano apat na taon mula ngayon? Paano ‘pag nagtaasan ulit ang presyo? Inflation ang kalaban natin, kinakailangan ng mas matibay na sandalan, mas pangmatagalang pundasyon.” – Ruben Carranza, Jr., EIC, 1989-1900.

Back in the term of Jude Esguerra III (1988-1989), a campaign was spearheaded to increase the student fund from Php 24.00 to Php 40.00. In the following academic year, under Carranza’s term, then UPD Chancellor Ernesto Tabujara signed off on the petition.

• The campaign for fee increase during Carranza’s term became precedent to another appeal to adjust the student publication fee, almost two decades hence, under Ma. Katherine Elona’s term (2012-2013). Begun during former EIC Marjohara Tucay’s term, the campaign aimed to solve the student paper’s monetary crisis and diminish the effects of inflation by increasing the fee to Php 72.00.

Kule gathered over 13,000 signatures, more than the majority of the total 24,000-student population in UPD then, and more than double the votes for any sitting USC officer in history. In the same year, based on a survey conducted by Kule, eight in ten UPD students reaffirmed the relevance of the publication in their life in UP.

WHY CAN’T KULE STAFFERS COLLECT THE FUND THEMSELVES? IT IS LOGISTICALLY IMPOSSIBLE FOR KULE STAFF TO COLLECT STUDENT fund from more than 20,000 students of UPD and its extension in UP Pampanga every registration period. This is to say nothing of the confusion it would cause among students, who in the first place have to contend with tedious processes, impractical deadlines and long lines for overbooked classes every enrollment.

It is also unreasonable for the admin to compel the understaffed publication, or any student institution for that matter, to collect the student fund when the former has fulfilled the same task for years through mechanisms already in place during registration. For the UP admin to renege on this task is an abandonment of its duty to support and ensure the uninterrupted operation of student institutions.

WEDNESDAY 7 PEBRERO 2018

9

LAT HA LAIN

W I T H F LY I N G COLORS JOHN DANIEL BOONE

To consider such acts honorable is not only an abomination to the definition of honor itself but more so, a grave disrespect to people who deserve such honors more.

THE FILIPINO INTERNET community went aflame last week. It started with the award for government service Mocha Uson received from the UST Alumni Association, Inc. (USTAAI). Suddenly, there was a burst of memes, “school pride” tweets, and witty Facebook statuses expressing outrage towards the giver and the recipient of the award.

Mocha has since returned the award, and the UST-AAI President has already resigned and issued a statement, saying that the “sole criteria (sic)” for the award was Mocha’s being an alumna. The fury in the internet kept the issue burning hot for days.

But the myopic point-of-view of most netizens — thinking the issue is all about Mocha and UST-AAI — is where we got it all wrong. The two parties were not the first to give and receive contentious awards.

Going back in April last year, the UP Board of Regents (BOR) offered an honorary Doctorate of Law degree (honoris causa) to Duterte just to keep the tradition of bestowing honors to the nation’s head of state. Never mind trampling upon another UP tradition which is a triumph paid for by long years of struggle: honor, excellence, and service to the people, all undermined with a move to pay tribute to a president whose records are stained with the blood of his very own constituents, thousands of whom killed, thousands more were victims of human rights violations.

Duterte (who refused the honors) however was just the top in a list of controversial people conferred with an honorary degree.

President Benigno Aquino III, despite his incompetence, received the award in 2011. Further back, in the late 1960s, the honors were given to Ferdinand Marcos himself. These manifest how the UP administration seems to be fond of giving high regard to people who do not deserve it.

Inside campus grounds, the College of Business Administration was renamed Virata School of Business, in honor of Cesar E.A. Virata, a Marcos crony. A whole campus, meanwhile, was built under the name of Henry Sy, Sr., the country’s richest man whose success in business is anchored on widespread contractualization.

These honors given to every president or huge donors of cash to the university mostly do not take into consideration the recipient’s past atrocities or current positions in power. All that matters is to “keep the tradition” and “pay personal debts of gratitude!”

To consider such acts honorable is not only an abomination to the definition of honor itself but more so, a grave disrespect to people who deserve such honors more. In the College of Mass Communication for instance, those who obtained a grade of 4.0 or 5.0 in their previous

semesters in UP will not receive Latin honors (i.e. summa, magna, cum laude), even if they obtain the minimum weighted average needed to graduate with flying colors.

Still fortunate, taking into account hundreds of students forced to drop out of school and not graduate at all.

Many of whom cite financial reasons.

Quite a number, however, choose not to pursue studying inside the four corners of classrooms but continue learning among communities in the countryside. The latter is one way of fulfilling UP’s mandate to serve the people, a continuing tradition carried on since the late 1960s when the time was high for student movement and one was proud to call himself an activist.

Like, 46 years ago, two UP students left the university, joined the underground movement, became militant leaders, imprisoned over trumped up charges, and released to participate in the peace process. They are Wilma and Benito Tiamzon, officials in the national democratic movement who dream of genuine social change.

After their release in 2016, UP Diliman welcomed them “home.”

Chancellor Michael Tan bestowed their sablays and delivered a powerful message: “We are more proud of them than we are of our other alumni.”

After all, no award shall match real honor and excellence judged by one sole criterion: service to the people.

SANNY BOY AFABLE

PUNONG PATNUGOT

ALDRIN VILLEGAS

KAPATNUGOT

SHEILA ANN ABARRA

TAGAPAMAHALANG PATNUGOT

JOHN DANIEL BOONE

PATNUGOT SA BALITA

ROSETTE ABODAGO JAN ANDREI COBEY ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY CHESTER HIGUIT

PATNUGOT SA GRAPIX

JOHN DANIEL BOONE

TAGAPAMAHALA NG PINANSIYA

JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA JOHN RECZON CALAY

KAWANI

IT’S 5 IN THE MORNING, almost just an hour after I slept from a pile of missed academic requirements and unfinished commissions, when I heard Lola’s waking voice. “Bangon na, Maaga ka pa.” I forced myself up and proceeded on fixing the bed, my face, and a cup of coffee.

"Parang ngayon lang kita makikitang magkape," Lola mockingly said as I fix my cup of coffee for breakfast. Little did she know that it was already my fourth coffee for the week, fifteenth for my entire 20 years of existence. "Ayaw mo 'yun, nag-re-rebrand na ako?" I replied, forcing a smirk on my restdeprived face.

The last three months, two years rather, have really been tough for me. It costed me my thesis, delayed graduation, series of breakdowns from juggling academic and financial responsibilities, and torn relationships before I figured that a glass of hot choco milk a day was not enough to keep me sane anymore.

Sitting across the dining table was Papa, sipping the remaining drops of his third cup of coffee for the morning. I sometimes wonder how many breakdowns did it took for him to realize that one cup of coffee a day was not enough anymore? Figured it must have been really tough raising a family without a decent-paying job at a time where the price of living keeps on rising. That is where I am supposed to come in—to start

O PIN YON

10

MIYERKULES 7 PEBRERO 2018

supporting the family so they could finally rest. But being the failure that I am, they must continue grinding at work for another year to support me and my sister's studies.

Shortly after a few sips and bites into the breakfast, Lola brought up the news she heard last night, about Rodolfo Urmanita, an education student from Cagayan State University who chose to take his life due to unpaid school fees. “Sayang naman, graduating pa man din.”

Perhaps, the same dilemma rang true to Rodolfo. He must have fought countless of sleepless nights, consumed liters of kopiko 78s, combo meals, and took down a mountain of academic workload while also trying to survive with ample amount of money to sustain his academic, boarding, and daily needs, all to pursue his dreams of becoming a teacher and providing for his family. Unfortunately, education still remains unattainable to a lot of students despite the passing of the Free Tertiary Education law, costing Rodolfo his lifelong dream of becoming the first teacher in the family.

Rodolfo is one of many students who still remain struggling for education. And he may not be the last one to lose his life in the process. All this under the nose of a government that claims to be for the poor as it go prioritizing on passing laws that are geared against them. From the Tax

Reform Law that makes even the basic necessities more inaccessible for those within and below average-wage earners due to price and bill hikes, to the revived Oplan Tokhang that has long been targeting the poor instead of actually weeding out the drug problem in the country.

By creating an environment that is masked with a false concern over the welfare of its people while at the same time blaming them for being poor, the government has cut short thousands of dreams and opportunities. There are no signs however of it waking up from its ignorance to the ballooning numbers of poor lives being taken because of this.

I proceeded on taking one sip after another, clinging to the comfort of what remains of my coffee’s warmth.

Each sip suddenly felt cold than the last. Perhaps it really is just getting cold today, or one cup of coffee a day is not cutting it anymore.

AMELYN DAGA

PINANSIYA

GETTING COLDER JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

GARY GABALES

TAGAPAMAHALA SA SIRKULASYON

AMELITO JAENA OMAR OMAMALIN

SIRKULASYON

TRINIDAD GABALES GINA VILLAS

KATUWANG NA KAWANI

KASAPI UP SYSTEMWIDE ALLIANCE OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS AND WRITERS’ ORGANIZATIONS (SOLIDARIDAD)

COLLEGE EDITORS GUILD OF THE PHILIPPINES (CEGP)

By creating an environment that is masked with a false concern over the welfare of its people while at the same time blaming them for being poor, the government has cut short thousands of dreams and opportunities.

PAMUHATAN SILID 401 BULWAGANG VINZONS, UNIBERSIDAD NG PILIPINAS, DILIMAN, LUNGSOD QUEZON TELEFAX 981-8500 LOKAL 4522 ONLINE kule1516@gmail.com www.philippinecollegian.org fb.com/philippinecollegian twitter.com/phkule instagram.com/phkule issuu.com/philippinecollegian pinterest.com/phkule

      

Smear campaign against Kadamay part of government crackdown vs left groups

MELTING POINT

WARREN RAGASA

KADAMAY NEWS RELEASE 2 FEBRUARY, 2018

TAMA NA ANG DRAMA* NABIBINGI AKO TUWING UP FAIR. Kulob ang tunog ng rakrakan sa sunken garden sa aking paboritong pwesto sa opisina ng Kulê. Malaya kong nakikita ang nagaganap sa baba kung saan sa isip ko, parang bumabagal ang galaw ng mga tao.

Parang masarap magdrama. Masarap gawing background music ang ingay ng fair at saglit na panabla mula sa hirap ng acads at iba pang mga isyu sa buhay. Ganitong-ganito rin ako noong isang taon, at noong nakaraan pang taon, at nang nakaraan pa.

Hindi na ako sigurado sa kung ayos lang bang maging single. Gaya ng lagi’t laging hindi ko pagiging sigurado kung sasama ba ako sa kaibigan ko sa fair. Nagkakasya na kasi ako sa malabong tunog ng mga awiting tanging naririnig dito sa opisina. Gaya ng pagkakasya ko sa katahimikan ng pag-iisa.

Ngunit tila nabibingi na ako. Parang si Elle iyong nasa baba, bitbit ang paborito niyang kape, at wirdong mga alaala. Sana nasa masayang tao na siya ngayon. O baka hindi, hindi niya kailangan. Nang inamin niyang gusto niya ako, naisip kong kasing tapang ng iniinom kong kape ang babaeng ito.

Na siyang kinaduwag ko. Ngayon ko lang nagawang tingnan si Elle, mula rito sa taas, sa loob ng opisina. Ilang buwang nahuli, mula sa araw na sana’y nabigyan ako ng pagkakataong tumugon sa kaniyang paanyaya. Sa araw na sana’y hindi ko nasayang ang pagkakataong maging pamilyar sa kakatwa niyang pagpili ng damit, gamit.

Pinili kong hindi na naman sumama sa aking mga kaibigan sa baba. Nakakaaliw din namang tumambay na lamang dito—dumarami na kasi ang nakikita kong kakilala. Gaya ng mga araw na rito ko pa tinatanaw si M. Isang tipikal na crush: inaabangan ko ang kaniyang pagdating at saka aaktong gulat na gulat pag bumungad na siya sa guest area ng opisina ng Kulê. Para kahit hindi gwapo, malaman kong kahit papaano’y handa akong makita niya. Wala naman atang hindi takot magmukhang pangit sa harap ng crush.

Nang mabingi na ako sa tuwing magkikita kami, doon na ako naging sigurado. May halina ang kaniyang bawat hakbang at dahandahang humihina, naglalaho ang paligid, parang sa TV. Sigurado na akong siya ang gusto kong yayain sa fair, makasama sa mga paglalaka tuwing hapon, isipin pag tinatambayan ng katamaran.

Baka tinatamad lang ako. Ngunit parang buong buhay akong nagpapahinga. Baka natatakot lang akong marinig ang ingay ng katotohanan—baka pinipili ko lang ang pagkabingi. Gumuguhit ang ilaw mula sa fair at sa tuwing tumatama ito sa bintana ng sinasandalan kong bahagi’y parang maluluha ako.

Parang nawili ako sa pagdadrama. Hindi nga siguro ito tungkol sa pagiging single, o kay Elle, o M, sa tapang ng pag-amin at pagtuklas sa damdamin. Magba-Valentine’s Day lang kasi, mabenta ang ticket sa pagiging malungkot, at pagmumuni-muni.

Kahit wala ako sa fair, huling-huli pa rin ako sa bitag ng selebrasyon.

Mabuti pa’y lumipat na ako ng pwesto kasama ang iba pang taga-Kulê.

Saka magmamaang-maangang hindi ako nagpadala sa ingay ng fair, hanggang sa lumingon-lingon na lang ako sa bintana ng opisina.

Hanggang sa tuluyan ng umunti ang tao sa baba. Hanggang sa bumalik na ang aking pandinig. Hanggang sa magdesisyon na akong matulog at gumising para pumasok sa klase. Pakikinggan ang katahimikan ng madaling araw, maghintay sa susunod na araw ng fair. *pasintabi sa Ang Bandang Shirley

 Vincent Marius MaglanqueI /vincent.marius

UP students are not mere observers, UP students are participants in our democracy. To silence them is to say that you are not for democracy; that you'd rather have silent drones for citizens.

1:22 PM - 5 FEB 2018

The National Housing Authority has taken their smear campaign a step further by saying that Kadamay is renting out hundreds of units from the occupied areas. This is the height of fake news coming straight from the government’s mouth says Kadamay who pointed out that renting the units would logically defeat the purpose of the entire occupation in the first place.

More importantly, the group says that this latest development is part of a slanderous campaign against Kadamay and the left.

“Hinahanapan ng NHA ng butas ang Kadamay palibhasa nabuking sila. Sa katunayan, walang napaparusahan sa kapabayaan nila sa pabahay. Daang libong pabahay ang hinayaang matiwangwang habang nilustay at binulsa ang bilyun-bilyon. Gusto nilang palayasin ang Kadamay at siraan ang mga progresibong naglalantad sa mga kasalanan nila” said Gloria “Ka Bea” Arellano, National Chairperson of KADAMAY. She added that “malaking posibilidad na sila mismo ang bumitag sa aming miyembro.

Sinamantala ang kanyang lugmok na kalagayan para i-setup ang paninira sa nilabas nilang video.

Tapos ngayon biglang nagpaparenta naman kami ng napakaraming pabahay. Huwag nila kaming itulad sa kanila, nasosobrahan na sila sa pagsisinungaling.”

Kadamay says that they have been branding the NHA for engaging in ‘negosyong pabahay’ for so long that the NHA finally decided to use it against the organization. Kadamay says that the NHA has been allowing and facilitating transactions with regards to socialized housing for so long, prompting Arellano to say “huwag silang magmalinis.”

In all relocation areas, poverty is still rampant and many resort to all manner of dubious and unfortunate transactions to survive. “Instead of looking for ways to blame Kadamay, the NHA should have done something to address the growing poverty in resettlement areas and not keeping the resources to do this to themselves.

Sinasayang lang ang pera ng taumbayan,” said Arellano. She noted the P1.8 billion convergence

BULL'S EYE

fund meant for services and infrastructure in relocation communities, however only around P400 million was used leaving the rest of the funds idle and returning to government savings.

In relation to all this, the group noted the recent surge in harassment, persecution and arrests of the left. Charges have been brought against Anakbayan, Bayan Muna and Bayan leaders on last year’s Trump protest. Government employee federation (COURAGE) head is reportedly being followed and harassed. While labor activist and NDFP consultant Raffy Baylosis was arrested on trumped up charges.

“The NHA would like nothing more than to be rid of Kadamay. But we will continue to expose every grain of deceit and corruption in the housing sector. They seek to shame the movements of the poor and homeless to fulfill their dreams of evicting Kadamay in Bulacan, something they also failed to do last year,” said Arellano.

PATRICIA LOUISE POBRE

DECEMBER 12 2017

 Bryan Gonzales @BuraiGonzaresu

Hindi lang tuition ang problema naming mga estudyante. Problema rin namin ang sahod at karapatan ng mga manggagawa, yung pagtaas ng mga buwis at presyo ng mga bilihin, pati mga batayang serbisyong pampubliko. Bakit? Mahal namin ang aming mga magulang. They don't deserve to suffer.

7:12 PM - 5 FEB 2018

BONIFACIO SHRINE

 Milenyal Ng Maynila @MillennialOfMNL

Analyses that only take gender into account barely scratches the surface. Duterte removes opposition in government regardless if they are men or women. We need to be more critical in our approach.

5:00 PM - 17 JAN 2018

STATUS QUOTES

MIYERKULES 7 PEBRERO 2018

11

COM MUN ITY

A B OV E T H E L AW

,,

For so long as dynasties, landlords, corporations, and foreign masters have every hand in our national affairs, attempts to rewrite the supreme law of the land would simply serve the violent status quo.

A FALLING REGIME IS YET AGAIN dancing the Cha-Cha at a desperate pace.

Amid rising protests calling for his ouster, President Rodrigo Duterte has suddenly become hell-bent on railroading the Charter Change (Cha-Cha). On January 16, without any substantial discussions, it was through shouting that Duterte’s supermajority in the lower house voted on and approved the resolution which allows the Congress to convene as a constituent assembly (con-ass), the body which will amend the Constitution.

All prospects of Cha-Cha over the years are raised not by genuine public clamor but by those in power, and always, these place the nation in a vulnerable position.

But Duterte’s Cha-Cha treads an even more dangerous path, one that lays his dictatorial ambition.

Shamelessly, the House version of ChaCha seeks to lift the term limits of elected politicians, and these officials can stay in power during the transition to Federalism.

Under the new form of government, Duterte may as well run twice for president, with power to appoint the prime minister and abolish the lower parliament “on certain conditions.”

This recalls not only previous administrations’ hankering for term extension, but also the same fear the people had when the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos also once explored the idea of

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

EDITORIAL

changing the government and revising the Constitution—only to take the law soon into his own hands.

Proponents of Cha-Cha are dancing their dangerous moves while singing the same, familiar rhetoric. As the ruling party PDP-Laban would like it to appear, the nation’s primary problem is the unequal distribution of resources between the national capital and the provinces, and the solution is a change from today’s unitary system to a federal-parliamentary one. This entails “decentralizing” power through the creation of 11 regional states.

Ironically, most of Duterte’s lapdogs in Congress come from political dynasties that have concentrated wealth and local power, while impeding growth in the countryside. To entrust them with greater power through a con-ass, and later, larger political bases through federal states is to surrender our nation to the most obnoxious families and traditional politicians.

The very existence of political dynasties already spells the failure of Federalism in the country. But absorbed in the “success” of Federalism in developed nations like United States and Australia, proponents of Cha-Cha gloss over the more chronic problems that plague us as a nation— including the continuing plunder of our resources primarily by the US. And yet, Cha-Cha even comes with the longstanding proposal from US business

groups to lift restrictions on foreign ownership of our lands, natural resources, public utilities, education, and media. This wholesale exploitation is endorsed by no less than Duterte, who told Lumad leaders that he would be finding investors for their ancestral domains which he continues to militarize.

Laws do not exist in a vacuum; they are shaped by dominant forces and prevailing ideas in the society. The 1987 Constitution, for instance, was crafted in the spirit of the anti-dictatorship struggle, and Duterte’s ilk are set to remove the constitutional safeguards against the dictatorship they are brewing.

For so long as dynasties, landlords, corporations, and foreign masters have every hand in our national affairs, attempts to rewrite the supreme law of the land would simply serve the violent status quo.

True change necessitates more than just constitutional or political reforms, but an alternative to a system that puts a few men and women above the law.

No effort in the past has ever succeeded in amending the 1987 constitution. Grand ambitions for power were all thwarted by days and nights of protests, by the broad united front of various sectors and institutions. Now that the nation is confronted once again with the same familiar evil, we are called to resist without cease.