Philippine Collegian Tomo 95 Issue 15

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Business for SC concessionaires at a slump after blaze FROM THE ASHES

LUCKY DELA ROSA

Annabel Villanueva, 42, looks after their new temporary stall after a fire that razed the Shopping Center forced them to set up shop near the Old Tennis Court, March 16. Villanueva, originally from South Cotabato, has been working at D’Holy Book at the Shopping Center since 2010. The blaze not only claimed around 3-5 million pesos’ worth of supplies but also forced the book store to lay off six out of their nine workers.

New Clark City to displace more than 20,000 Aetas, peasants

JUAN GREGORIO LINA ALMOST TWO WEEKS AFTER THE fire that burned down the UP Diliman Shopping Center (SC) on March 8, several affected stall owners expressed their frustration over lagging business operations and perceived inaction on the part of the university administration. “Dati, pwedeng iwanan ng mga customer ‘yung ipapa-photocopy nila pagkatapos balikan [matapos ng ilang oras]...hindi na ngayon,” said Hidee Laroa. The longer time needed to produce photocopies--three days in Laroa’s case-has driven customers away, Laroa added. Moreover, the new and complicated logistics behind the stalls’ operations have not helped the weakening sales, Laroa noted. In the absence of a permanent location to set up shop, some stall owners have to shuffle back-and-forth from holding areas where salvaged copy machines have been stored, she said, adding that the stalls at the old tennis courts near the SC’s ruins function as a mere receiving area for print jobs. A permanent relocation site for some affected businesses is still pending discussions, said UPD Chancellor Michael Tan. Thirteen stalls are still awaiting the approval of the Office of the Chancellor for transfer, but three stalls, on the other hand, have been granted permission by the said office for transfer to the Acacia Residence Hall, said Business Concessions Office (BCO) Director Raquel Florendo. The BCO is an office organized under the Office of the Vice Chancellor for Administration and directs the collection of rental fees from businesses including those in the Shopping Center, the U.P.

Town Center, and other enterprises that rent land from the university. Meanwhile, investigation by the Bureau of Fire Protection (BFP) has yet to pinpoint the exact cause of the conflagration, Tan added, also stressing that the probe on the cause of the Faculty Center fire last April 1, 2016 took nearly two years to complete. The Bureau of Fire Protection’s findings in its initial investigation of the fire pegged the total value of the items consumed by the blaze at P500,000. Stall owners, however, disputed this claim. There were 48 stores in total operating in the SC. An average stall was probably worth at least P1,000,000, said Roger Encina, another affected shop owner. “Isang photocopy machine pa lang ‘yan,” Encina stressed, referring to BFP’s estimates. Furthermore, stall owners claimed that they are insured by the BCO, with P29.13 worth of insurance premium being paid to the office during the monthly collection from the SC’s business concessionaires. “Sabi ni Ma’am Florendo [noong consultations pagkatapos ng sunog sa SC], wala lang yang insurance na ‘yan,” Encina added. The Collegian reached out to the BCO regarding this issue, but the office has not made any comment as of press time. With the future of the SC’s business concessionaires still shrouded in uncertainty, stall owners reiterated their appeal to the university community for assistance. “Sana mabigyan kami ng pwesto. Mahirap kasi yung takbo kami rito, takbo roon... ‘di mo naman pwedeng kalimutan na may mga buhay na umaasa sa mga negosyong ito,” Laroa said.

BEATRICE P. PUENTE

MORE THAN 20,000 AETAS AND peasants in Tarlac may lose their lands and livelihood in the face of the New Clark City project, according to the indigenous people’s rights watchdog Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (Katribu) - Central Luzon chapter. The figure is based on the 2016 census of Bamban, Tarlac, among the communities affected by the project. With other Aeta and peasant communes in Porac, Mabalacat, and Capas, the actual number of affected people may be higher according to progressive group Kaisahan ng mga Artista at Manunulat na Ayaw sa Development Aggression (Kamandag). “Yung New Clark City, itinuturing namin siya bilang koleksyon ng mga proyektong layon ay burahin ang mga Aeta sa mapa,” according to a Katribu officer. Escaping the metro The 9,450-hectare New Clark City is an initiative of the Bases Conversion and Development Authority (BCDA), a government-owned and controlled corporation that oversees the transformation of former US military bases for public use. The proposed community traces its beginnings back to a PublicPrivate Partnership Project under the administration of Benigno Aquino III, where it was then known as the Clark Green City. The National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) first approved of

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the project in 2014. Congress later bared support for the project in 2015 with the passage of House Resolution 116. The project is the product of the leaders’ realization of the need for development outside the traffic-plagued and flood-prone Metro Manila, said then BCDA President and CEO Arnel Casanova in 2016. Meanwhile, Casanova also underscored the looming earthquake threat to Metro Manila as another impetus for the community’s construction. He also pronounced New Clark City’s intended location as the safest from natural calamities, even with Mount Pinatubo situated nearby. “It has high elevation and is protected on its sides by mountains,” he said in earlier reports. The BCDA had also envisioned New Clark City as a preemptive measure to avoid the paralysis of government in the event of an earthquake striking Metro Manila, according to Katribu. Under the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte, the New Clark City has become among the priority projects of his administration’s multi-billion peso “Build, Build, Build” infrastructure overhaul. For the intended metropolis, at least P150 billion will be needed to fund construction, according to early budget estimates from the BCDA. Some road work for the intended city, which began in 2015, has reportedly been completed according to a survey of the area in January this year. Locals, however, were allegedly not made aware by developers of the true intentions for the road-laying, but have eventually come to understand that the roads are part

of a larger scheme to build the city in their communities, according to Katribu. Powering a community The development of the New Clark City, on the other hand, has given rise to a need for a power and water source which the close-by Balog-Balog MultiPurpose Project (BBMP) and a proposed geothermal power station will serve, according to Katribu. A project of the National Irrigation Administration (NIA), the 39,400-hectare BBMP aims to provide irrigation for around 39,150-hectares of surrounding farmland. The construction of the BBMP’s second phase which began late last year, however, is set to affect some 970 families in the area, according to reports. In compensation, NIA has extended assistance to affected denizens which includes relocation to Barangay Sula, San Jose. Katribu, however, deemed NIA’s compensation insufficient, given what the Aetas stand to lose. “Di lang siya simpleng pagpapaalis, pagpatay na [siya] ng lahi ng mga Aeta. Wala nang matitira sa kanila. ‘pag sinabi mong relokasyon, dapat equal siya. Kung ano ang kukunin mo, dapat ipapalit mo sa anong kinuha mo,” the group stated, adding that the Aeta will only be housed in 30 square meter homes. A planned geothermal power plant to be run by Aboitiz Power is also feared to further displace Aetas in an area spanning Nabuclod, Pampanga and San Marcelino, Zambales. While the project has yet to come to fruition, the company has already applied for permits to explore some 20,000

THE PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN is looking for

Umakyat na sa Room 401 ng Vinzons Hall at magdala ng portfolio.

hectares of land for a geothermal power source, according to Kamandag. Unscrupulous methods In the wake of the development of the New Clark City, affected residents have allegedly been subject to deception and harassment in a bid to drive them away from their lands. Unauthorized clearing operations for the construction are reportedly accompanied by armed military escorts as intimidation. Purported outreach programs or relief efforts to Aeta communities, on the other

hand, would allegedly require Aetas to sign documents that developers would later on repurpose as proof of their free, prior and informed consent, according to Katribu, also questioning the role farmers and indigenous people play in the future should the development come to pass. “‘Yung [New Clark City], bagong urban design ‘yan talaga na multi-use yung city: may industrial area, institutional area, nandoon yung mga schools…may condo units, tsaka residential [housing]…asan doon yung papel ng mga magsasaka at mga katutubo?” the groups stated.


Groups call for justice over killing of environment activist MARVIN RAEL TENECIO

A TOTAL OF 39 INDIGENOUS PEOPLE have already fallen prey to Duterte’s iron fists ever since the president assumed office in 2016. The data comes from the most recent monitoring of indigenous rights watchdog Katribu Kalipunan ng Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (Katribu). The most recent case was of environmental activist Ricardo Mayumi, who was brutally shot by at least two unidentified gunmen. He was found dead in his native town in Ifugao on March 2, after receiving multiple gunshot wounds in different parts of his body. The victim was a member of the Ifugao Peasant Movement (IPM) and was known for his firm opposition to the mini-hydro dam project which is said to be covering three areas in Tinoc, the town where Mayumi resides. Mayumi also advocated the protection and promotion of domain land, life, and resources of the Tinoc Kalanguya people. “Mayumi's killing is yet another crime committed by the state against farmers and indigenous peoples,” said Danilo Ramos,

chairperson of peasant group Kilusang Mangbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP). “Imbis na pakinggan, pinapatay ang mga indigenous people. Pinapaslang sila ng mga ahente ng militar para matigil ang kanilang pagtutol,” said Jigs Clamor, Deputy Secretary-General of human rights watchdog Karapatan. Clamor lambasted the military’s use of weapons against indigenous peoples, saying that such measures justify illegal arrests, aerial bombings in indigenous communities, and killings. Clamor also said that Mayumi’s murder completely dismantles the camaraderie and opposition of the community against the mini-hydro dam project. But Mayumi’s case is not an isolated one (see sidebar). Indigenous peoples have already been targets of killings over the past years. Since 2012, unidentified agents have been sending IPM members pictures of “gamong,” an Ifugao death blanket, which serve as threats to them. Some IPM members like Mayumi were included in the target list of the 86th Infantry Battalion according to Rai

Paglobo ng bilang ng mga napapaslang na magsasaka, kinundena

Coquilla from Katribu - UP Diliman chapter. Coquilla also cited the case of IPM human rights officer William Bugatti who was gunned down by unidentified gunmen on March 25, 2014. Meanwhile, in South Cotabato, eight members of the Lumad tribe were reportedly shot dead by military forces while the victims were harvesting there produce on December 3, 2017. One of the victims was Datu Victor Danyan, a Lumad tribe leader. Katribu strongly condemns the killings of indigenous activist and environmentdefender Mayumi, as well as of other indigenous peoples who have long been marginalized in the country. Another indigenous group, Cordillera Peoples Alliance(CPA), also denounces the harassment against members and leaders of the IPM, baranggay officials, local organization, as well as indigenous peoples’ rights advocates. “The activists are not terrorists; resistance is legitimate,” said CPA Secretary General Sarah Dekdeken, also calling on the government to stop

the attacks against indigenous peoples, human rights defenders, and other activists that only pursue the struggle for genuine social justice. The increasing number of indigenous peoples getting killed somehow serves as proof of the “target list” of the military, said Clamor. The recent cases are therefore blatantly obvious, especially that most of the victims come from the island of Mindanao where the imposition of martial law was extended until this year’s end, he added. “Hindi pagpaslang ang solusyon [suliranin ng mga indigenous peoples], huwag silang idawit sa mga terorista, nagsusulong lamang sila ng mga lehitimong karapatan,” Clamor said.

SIDEBAR: IP

ATTACKS BY THE NUMBERS

98

Indigenous peoples illegally arrested

100+

Indigenous peoples facing trumped-up criminal charges

22

Indigenous peoples detained under Duterte administration

39

Indigenous peoples currently in jail as political prisoners

39

Indigenous peoples already killed under Duterte administration whom were accused as being 26 of supporters/members of the NPA 36 of whom are Lumad

12

Incidents of bombings in indigenous communities affecting

1,168

families

6,354 individuals

34

Incidents of forced evacuation due to military operations affecting

6,979 families 24,766 individuals

EMBERS

DANIEL LORENZO MARIANO

MARVIN RAEL TENECIO

LALONG DUMARAMI ANG BILANG ng mga pagpatay at paglabag sa karapatang pantao ng mga magsasaka, ayon sa pinakahuling tala ng Unyon ng Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) at ng Karapatan. Apat na magsasaka mula sa National Federation of Sugar Workers (NFSW) ang pinaslang nito lamang Pebrero 21, sa tinaguriang “Siaton Massacre” sa Negros Oriental. Kasama sa pinaslang sina Jessebel Amantillo-Abaylem, 34, Carmelina Garingo-Amantillo, 57, Consolacion Esparcia-Cadevida, 66, at Felimon TorresMolero, 66. Isa pang biktima ang naging kritikal ang kondisyon. Nasa plantasyon ng tubo sa Brgy. Napacao ang mga biktima nang paulanan sila ng bala ng ilang mga guwardiya. Samantala, nagsampa naman ng reklamo noong Marso 2, 2018 ang ilang magsasaka sa Compostela Valley, kasama ang Karapatan, sa Commission on Human Rights (CHR) hinggil sa kauna-unahang naitalang kaso ng pagtortyur ng militar mula nang ipatupad ang martial law sa Mindanao noong Mayo 2017. Ikinulong umano ng militar ang mga magsasakang sina Janry Mensis, 22, at Jerry (‘di niya tunay na pangalan), 17, matapos silang pagbintangan bilang mga rebeldeng komunista. Dumanas ang dalawa ng matinding pagpapahirap sa loob ng walong araw. Tinangka pa umano silang sunugin nang buhay upang paaminin na mga kasapi ng New People’s Army (NPA). “Dapat may managot diyan at magkaroon ng katarungan sa dalawang biktima. Patunay lamang ang karumaldumal na ginawa sa kanila ng yunit ng militar: sa pagtortyur at tangkang pagpatay

sa mga biktima,” ayon kay Anakpawis Partylist Representative Ariel Casilao. Ang naturang mga insidente ay malinaw na pang-aabuso at paglabag sa karapatang pantao sa Mindanao kung saan halos isang taon nang umiiral ang Batas Militar, dagdag pa ni Casilao. Ang mga naturang insidente ay hiwalay pa sa mga humigit-kumulang 110 bilang ng mga magsasakang napaslang sa ilalim ng administrasyong Duterte hanggang Disyembre 2017, ayon sa tala ng grupong Karapatan. Ang pagpaslang sa mga magsasaka ay walang pinagkaiba sa Oplan Tokhang at sa dumaraming kaso ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao, ayon kay Karapatan Deputy Secretary General Jigs Clamor. Tila nagiging legal din umano ang pangaaresto sa mga magsasaka, maging ang aerial bombing sa mga probinsya, lalo pa’t mga ahente ng militar ang gumagawa nito, dagdag niya. “Kapag tiningnan natin ang killings sa ilalim ng rehimeng US-Duterte makikita agad natin na halos lahat ng mga ito ay mula sa sektor ng mga magsasaka,” ayon kay NNARA-Youth UP Manila Chairperson Alison Zoe Caballero. Ang mga pagpaslang sa mga magsasaka sa ilalim ng kasalukuyang administrayon ay pawang pulitikal at hindi nagkataon lamang, dagdag pa niya. Noong bagong upo pa lamang si Duterte bilang pangulo ay napakarami niyang mga pangakong binitawan sa mga magsasaka, mula pamamahagi ng coco levy funds hanggang sa tunay na repormang agraryo, ngunit sa halip na tulungan ang mga magsasaka ay isa-isa niya silang pinapatay, ani Caballero. “Ang peasant killings sa ilalim ng

Students light candles for human rights and civil liberties during the Black Friday protest, March 16, at the AS Steps. Along with the condemnation of numerous human rights violations under President Rodrigo Duterte’s administration, students also commemorated Kristel Tejada’s 5th death anniversary. Tejada was a student from UP Manila who took her own life due to unpaid tuition fees that forced her to drop her subjects. Though the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) already released the Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR) on the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act, the students condemned the several loopholes found on the said rules.

administrasyong ito ay isang klarong manipestasyon kung gaano kaayaw ng mga nakaupo sa puwesto na magkaroon ng tunay na reporma sa lupa,” aniya. Bukod sa pagpatay, suliranin din ng mga magsasaka ang kawalan ng lupa at kawalan ng tulong mula sa pamahalaan. Iniinda pa nila ang kakapusan ng kinikita sa pagbebenta ng mga aning palay. Nanatiling mababa ang presyo ng kanilang mga produkto dahil patuloy pa rin ang pambabarat sa kanilang mga produkto na nagiging dahilan para ‘di nila mabawi ang mga nagastos sa kanilang pagtatanim.

“Ini-equate sila agad sa mga komunista, NPA, and yellow army, kaya pumapangit ang kaisipan ng publiko [sa mga magsasaka]. Sasabihing lahat ng legitimate issues ng mga magsasaka, sulsol daw ng NPA, kaya nagiging biktima sila ng pagpaslang,” ayon kay Unyon ng Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA) Secretary General John Milton Lozande. Dagdag pa niya, kawalan ng judicial process ang nagiging dahilan ng pagkatakot ng mga magsasaka na magsumbong sa kinauukulan. “Nananawagan kami sa gobyerno na itigil na ang pagpatay sa mga

magsasaka na tanging hangad lamang ay mapangalagaan ang kanilang karapatan, Hiling namin na magkaroon na ng tunay na reporma sa lupa,” ani Lozande.

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‘House bill to strengthen free expression a sham’

FIRES OF OUTRAGE

PATRICIA LOUISE POBRE

JOSE MARTIN V. SINGH A NE W BILL SEEKING TO strengthen freedom of expression and its practice has become another mask to stifle dissent, human rights lawyers’ group National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL) warns. The said bill, known as the New Public Assembly Act or House Bill (HB) 6834, was passed by Congress on February 5 this year. It repeals the Public Assembly Act of 1985 or Batas Pambansa (BP) 880 which was passed during Ferdinand Marcos’ martial rule. Primarily authored by former Kabayan Partylist representative and now Presidential spokesperson Harry Roque, the new bill seeks to strengthen the constitutional rights of free expression and the practice thereof through assemblies, rallies, and the like. It contains provisions removing the former need to acquire permits to hold such activities under certain instances. However, rights watchdogs and progressive groups deem the bill to be restrictive. Stiffer penalties “While it is good that a permit is no longer required to hold a rally under the new bill, it still provides stiffer penalty for violation of its provision,” said NUPL secretary general Atty. Ephraim Cortez. “The deletion of the permit requirement cannot window dress the fact that it still provides conditions for the exercise of the right to peaceably assemble. It is a form of curtailment of the constitutionally guaranteed right,” he said, citing Section 4, Article III of the 1987 Philippine Constitution: “No law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech, or of expression, or of the press, or the right of the people to peaceably assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances.” Under HB 6834 rally organizers are required to give the local government unit (LGU) due notice three working days before a demonstration will be held, according to section 9 of the bill. “Any person or group who intends to

organize and hold a public assembly in a public place shall serve a notice to the city or municipal mayor who has jurisdiction over the place where the assembly is to be held,” states Section 8 of the bill. The said factors are believed to make the provisions of the bill dubious because it only changed its face but not its scheme. “Under the new proposal, a mere notice to the LGU, days before the rally, should be enough. But the LGU can still modify the location of the rally, which is tantamount to denying the permit,” said Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) secretary general Renato Reyes, Jr., adding that a rallyist is always held liable for such instances. Some rallies are urgent and the new bill may deny the protesters the right to express dissent because of its penal provisions, Reyes said, adding that this is also manifested even in the former bill’s presence. “Even the old provision that a permit is deemed granted if not acted upon in three days, is not respected by authorities,” Reyes said, citing instances of unreasonable suppression by authorities from his experience as a rallyist. Reyes was among a group of progressive leaders who were filed for arrest charges after the 31st All Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit rally fiasco in November 2017.

Christopher and Blesilda Tejada light candles at the Quezon Hall in commemoration of the 5th death anniversary of their daughter and former University of the Philippines Manila student Kristel Tejada, March 16. When she started her college life in UP Manila in 2012, Kristel struggled to make ends meet. Resorting to selling newspapers and pawning properties, their family’s hard-earned cash was not enough to support her education. Forced to file a leave of absence, Kristel Tejada was not only stripped from her education but her life. Kristel's narrative continue to fuel the fight for greater government subsidy for all educational levels.

Stifling dissent HB 6834 also excludes certain assemblages like picketing, strikes by workers, and holding political meetings and rallies during election campaign periods. “Public Assembly excludes political meetings or rallies allowed and held during election campaign periods, as provided by law, and picketing and other concerted action in strike areas by workers and employees resulting from a labor dispute,” Section 3 of the bill states. Moreover, the old provision on imprisonment was stretched. From one to six month-imprisonment due to violations of provisions, the penalty is now six months to six years. “It must be further stated that the [said] penal provision is an added arsenal for the State to stifle dissent,” Cortez said.

In the midst of past demonstrations, violence was almost always present. Militant and police groups clashed in the 2012 and 2013 State of the Nation Address rallies. In 2016, a police van overran protesters in front of the United States embassy. During the 31st ASEAN summit rally in November 2017 police used a sonic weapon to stop protesters. Unfortunately, the state never looked kindly on any form of dissent, and it always seeks to curtail the right to practice such, but in a democratic setting that kind of attitude is already a showing of the opposite, said Cortez. These happen even under the protection of Section 18, Article III of the Constitution stating that a person shall not be detained based solely on his/her political beliefs or aspirations. With HB 6834 on its way, personal

knowledge also qualifies as evidence to withhold public assemblies, as stated in Section 10 of the bill. “The authorities have always found ways to make it difficult for protesters to exercise their rights,” said Reyes. The right to public assembly cannot be denied based solely on intelligence reports, he said. There must be concrete evidence provided by authorities for such, he added. It all boils down to the suppression of free expression. “Any law that seeks to penalize the exercise of the right to peaceful assembly is problematic,” said Reyes. “[The law] can always be abused. You give the State an opening and it would find ways to expand the curtailment of rights,” he added. The transition from the old to new bill poses an uncertainty due to its

implementing rules. The enactment of BP 880 was never used to protect the right to peaceably assemble as its provisions were used to curtail its exercise, said Cortez. “Under the present context [with the new bill], we will not expect that the state will provide protection for the free exercise of the right [to free expression]. The people will have to assert the exercise of the right,” he added.

mas i-intensify ang militarization sa ating campuses,” said Raoul Manuel, Deputy Secretary-General of the youth group National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP). The survey was intended only for UPM students, which aims to gather information regarding their awareness on the existence of alleged violent extremist publications on social media, its impact on their behavior, and the support they give on these materials. “Maco-consider natin na threat ito sa safety ng students dahil ‘yung magiging results nu’n, kung makaka-gather sila ng vital information, ay pwede talagang gamitin sa pag-aaral nila kung paano pwedeng i-threaten ‘yung mga estudyante sa karapatan nila sa pag-oorganisa at pamamahayag,” Manuel stated. Given the sensitivity of the topic, UPM Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs Dr. Nymia Pimentel-Simbulan, in a statement, discouraged the students

from answering the survey, emphasizing that their office did not approve the study material to be distributed among the students in the first place. In order to address the issue, officials from the UPM College of Arts and Sciences (CAS), together with some student leaders, immediately held a meeting on March 12 to look into the matter. The researchers were found to have clearly violated the rules of the university, as they proceeded with the conduct of their survey even if their papers were not approved yet, said Lhen Balolong, CAS Associate Dean for Research, based on an earlier report. With this, stricter security is set to be implemented in the university. “Patunay ito na real ‘yung crackdown ni Duterte dahil handa s’yang tiktikan ang kabataang lumalaban,” said UP Student Regent Shari Oliquino, adding that the students will continue to fight even if the Duterte administration continues to repress student activists.

The conduct of the survey happened only five days after UP Cebu alumna Myles Albasin and five other companions, referred to as the “Mabinay 6,” were arrested and detained in Negros Oriental Provincial Detention and Rehabilitation Center for illegal possession of firearms. Albasin and her companions were merely discussing with a group of farmers in a village in Mabinay, Negros Oriental when they got into an alleged firefight with the 62nd Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army (IBPA). Moreover, the group was also tagged as members of the New People’s Army (NPA), which the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) falsified. Various groups have warned of possible intensified campus militarization after the Mabinay 6’s arrest. Armed and uniformed policemen, for instance, were seen roaming inside the UP Cebu vicinity on March 14. Presence of state forces inside the campus violates the existing

agreement signed between UP and the Department of National Defense (DND) in 1989 banning armed military forces from entering the university without the permission of UP officials. Such could instill fear on the part of the students, given the kind of political situation we currently have, according to Kabataan Partylist Representative Sarah Elago. “Nakakabahala ‘yung intelligence gathering sa mga eskwelahan … [dahil] kung nakakagawa sila ng listahan para sa drug war, maaari rin nilang gawin ‘yun laban sa mga progresibo sa loob ng mga pamantasan,” she said. But no matter how intense the attacks could turn out to be, student and youth groups vow to strengthen their resistance. “Ang ating magiging sagot [sa mga patuloy na atake sa karapatang magpahayag] ay hindi pagkatakot kundi ang mas pagpapaigting pa ng ating kaisahan at ng ating paglaban,” Manuel said.

Youth groups condemn militarization, surveillance in UP campuses BEATRICE PUENTE

NO SPACE CAN NOW BE considered safe from possible student surveillance and military presence. University of the Philippines Manila (UPM), for one, is not exempted, as survey materials for a study conducted by a group of students from the National Police College were distributed among several UPM students. Although this might seem harmless, various groups found the study problematic, as it seeks to identify the role of social media on violent extremism and insurgency. “Sa konteksto ngayon na umiigting ang fascist attacks ng gobyerno [laban sa mga progresibo], hindi talaga natin made-detach ‘yung survey sa steps para

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Labor groups push for EO banning contractualization BEATRICE P. PUENTE

THE PRESIDENT’S SINCERITY WHEN it comes to fulfilling his promises is once again put into question. Duterte, who once vowed to end contractualization, has just refused signing an executive order (EO) that seeks to ban the scheme. Jointly drafted by labor groups Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) and Nagkaisa Labor Coalition, the EO is an attempt to end the decades-long struggle of laborers against contractualization. Duterte promised to sign the EO on March 15 but he still failed to take any action on this, even after meeting with the groups for four times since February last year. “Sa suri namin, walang plano [si Duterte] na pirmahan ang executive order. Gusto lang n’yang ipakita sa publiko na ine-entertain [niya ang hiling namin],” said Jerome Adonis, KMU secretary-general, emphasizing that if Duterte is true to his promise to end contractualization, he would have agreed to the initial draft made by the workers right away. Duterte even admitted in recent reports that he cannot end contractualization, as it is the prerogative of the business owners if they would like to implement the said system. A compromise should instead be made in order to resolve the issue, according to the president. Despite this, the workers will continue to forward their version of the EO that aims to totally reject contractualization, which existing laws and department orders (DO) merely regulate, like the Department of Labor and Employment’s (DOLE) DO 174. Compared to this, the workers’ drafted EO seeks to provide the laborers with security of tenure, as well as grant them their right to organize, which they are deprived of in the current system. Tighter bounds At least 1,190,697 individuals in the country are considered as non-regular laborers, which includes contractual workers, according to the Integrated Survey on Labor and Employment of the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) as of June 2016. Although the figure declined by eight per cent from 2014, the labor groups are still bothered by this large number. Contractualization is a system where one enters a job that is limited only to several months, where the length depends on the contract he signed. Although the contract can be renewed, labor unions reiterate that these workers have no security of tenure, which means that they could be removed from their post anytime. They also get lower wages and no benefits unlike regular employees, despite doing the same type of work. Mary Rose Esquivel, an employee in telecommunications company PLDT for three years, is just one among the millions of contractual workers in the country. Esquivel earns a monthly income of P15,000 which she is unable to fully get due to wage deductions done by the contracting agency where she is employed. But aside from unjust cutting of wages, some contracting companies in PLDT also failed to give their employees

benefits indicated in the Labor Code, according to a press release by DOLE. In PLDT, around 7,500 employees remain in contractual status despite the order from the DOLE to regularize them. The contractors, on the other hand, are likewise directed to give the workers monetary benefits worth more than P66 million, which they are unable to fulfill up to date. “[Ang patuloy na kontraktwalisasyon] ay tinitingnan naming pananamantala sa lakas-paggawa,” said Charlito Arevalo, president of Gabay sa Unyon sa Telekomunikasyon ng mga Superbisor sa PLDT (GUTS PLDT), citing the workers’ right to receive just wages, benefits, and security of tenure. “Sana marinig na nila ang hinaing ng mga manggagawa at sana ‘wag nang hadlangan ng PLDT [ang pag-regularisa sa mga manggagawa] upang maayos na ang lahat,” Esquivel said. Heightened resistance Labor groups are disappointed with how the events turned out and how insincere the current administration is in abolishing contractualization. The passage of House Bill (HB) 6908 or the Security of Tenure bill on its final reading last January 29, is a way to add to the workers’ burden. HB 6908 amends several provisions of the Labor Code but maintains contractualization. Under the said bill, labor contracting is prohibited while job contracting could be allowed, provided that it is allowed by DOLE. The contractor should not only serve as a recruiter of workers for the company, which is what labor contracting implies. Rather, the contractor must function as the employer that is responsible in providing the workers with compensation and other benefits. “The secretary of labor and employment … shall, by appropriate regulations, restrict or prohibit the contracting out of labor to protect the rights of workers established under this code,” the amended Article 106 of the Labor Code reads. “Nakakalungkot na habang nagaassert kami ng makatwiran at makatarungang kahilingan to junk contractualization, naipasa sa Congress ang HB 6908 na nagbibigay-pahintulot sa mga kumpanya para [ipagpatuloy ang kontraktwalisasyon],” Adonis said. But even if the Duterte administration shows no intention to end contractualization, the labor groups will continue to forward their version of the EO, along with their calls to urge the administration to fulfill all its promises. Aside from the campaign to end contractualization, KMU and other labor groups are also pushing for higher minimum wage that would suffice for a family’s living expenses. “Sa ganitong pagkakataon, walang ibang maaasahan ang mga mangagawa kundi ang assertion ng aming rights … sa pamamagitan ng sama-samang pagkilos upang ipakita sa gobyerno na ang aming panawagan ay makatwiran,” Adonis said.

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FACES UNFAZED

PATRICIA LOUISE POBRE

Student leaders and mass organizations staged an indignation protest against the jeepney phaseout at the Palma Hall lobby, March 21, after sudden suspension of classes within Metro Manila. The mobilization aims to address pressing issues such as free education, the jeepney phaseout and Martial Law extension in Mindanao

Kadamay fights to occupy AFP/PNP idle houses PAMELA ADRIANO

URBAN POOR GROUP KALIPUNAN ng Damayang Mahihirap (Kadamay) continues to fight for the implementation of Senate Joint Resolution No. 8, which will reallocate housing units surrendered by uniformed personnel, after it was passed both by houses on January 17. The joint resolution authorizes the National Housing Authority (NHA) to award to beneficiaries housing units which include those with respective titles canceled by the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), the Philippine National Police (PNP), the Bureau of Fire Protection (BFP), the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology (BJMP), and the Bureau of Corrections (BOC). For instance, in Bulacan alone, 80 percent of housing units awarded to the police and military were left unoccupied because the housing units were far from the area of service of their benefactors, according to the data from the Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC) then chaired by Vice President Leni Robredo. Early March last year, Kadamay was successful in taking over more than 5,000 idle government housing units in Pandi, Bulacan, in what is now known as the “Occupy Pandi Movement.” Meanwhile, several parameters are set by the joint resolution. To be a legal awardee of a housing unit, one should be a Filipino citizen and be below the poverty threshold or those with less than P9,640 monthly income for a family of five. Additionally, the beneficiary must not have been awarded previously any government housing. Senate Joint Resolution No. 8 is considered a triumph by the Kadamay

because the administration was pushed to face the housing problem of the country. Although it is not deemed a comprehensive solution, it is still a positive step in solving the country’s housing crisis, according to Kadamay. “Sa katunayan, hindi lamang ito pabor sa Kadamay. Mas malaking ganansya ito para sa napakaraming homeless sa bansa kapag tuluyang patirhan na sa kanila ang libu-libong tiwangwang na AFP/PNP pabahay sa buong bansa,” Kadamay Public Information Officer Michael Beltran said, adding that there are around 4.5 million homeless Filipinos based on the latest data from the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA). As early as March 5, KadamayClark chapter members have already submitted their housing applications to NHA Pampanga. “NHA staffers accepted our applications. We don’t know the process that we should undergo to be able to get the units but it is certain that we shall be going back here to make noise until we are given the units,” Kadamay Metro Clark Leader Elvie Edona said in earlier reports. NHA set a housing beneficiary selection process for programmed relocations, which prioritizes those living in danger areas and government infrastructure sites. There will be a profiling of affected Informal Settler Families (ISFs), followed by a posting of Census Master List of households for transparency and stakeholders’ participation. Once the list is validated by NHA, there will be a formulation and approval of the code of policies by the Beneficiary Selection, Arbitration, and Awards Committee (BSAAC). After this, a resolution of appeals for

program inclusion will take place. The final steps are preparation of master list of qualified and disqualified households and approval of Master List of Households (MLH). These housing units that will be granted to qualified beneficiaries will be on available inventories nationwide. At present, there is no exact number of ready housing units, as NHA projects are still in the process. Strictly a single housing unit will be awarded to one family. “In relation to Kadamay members, only the unoccupied/unawarded AFPPNP housing units will be made available to the Kadamay members who illegally entered the NHA Bulacan sites,” NHA Spokesperson Elsie Trinidad said. The NHA has returned the Senate Joint Resolution 8 to the Office of the President. As of press time, the Office of the Deputy Executive Secretary referred the Joint Resolution for NHA’s comments. Meanwhile, the NHA remains firm in its position that the non-AFP/PNP housing units the Kadamay “illegally occupied” will still be disposed to ISFs from danger areas in Metro Manila. Kadamay, on the other hand, vows to fight for affordable housing in the country. “Sana’y dumami pa ang dumamay sa Kadamay at sa lahat ng maralita’t homeless sa ating bansa. Hindi mga kriminal, mga tamad at paasa sa gobyerno ang urban poor. Hindi kasalanan ng mahihirap ang kahirapan, may nagpapahirap kaya sila umabot sa ganito,” Beltran said.

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BA LI TA


DECRYPTING CRYPTOCURRENCY IYA GOZUM

FORMIDABLE STRUCTURES LINE Wall Street. The infamous eight-blockstreet houses the well-known financial institutions that control the wealth of the world. In other parts of the globe, the same names proliferate their financial districts. From a feudal history of bartering and small-time merchants, finance became monopolized by states, banks, and corporations. But in the digital age, when technological advancements are more or less democratized, people are trying to create a more decentralized currency, one whose value is not controlled by these traditional institutions. Cryptocurrencies are virtual currencies that utilize cryptography to secure transactions from third parties. It is used to exchange and transfer assets or “coins.” As opposed to the old financial structures, cryptocurrencies are decentralized, and transactions are recorded in a public database called “blockchains.” Currently, Bitcoin is valued at

around $138.6 billion and is the leading cryptocurrency in a market full of competing cryptocurrencies such as litecoin, ethereum, dash, and ripple. But behind the hype, its popularity, and wild price surges, Bitcoin is changing the game, but not in ways it promises. Making of the Mania The value of each bitcoin is now pegged at $8,585.43. Its value, while fluctuating wildly, peaks at very high prices. This captured the imagination of many, and more and more people are investing in Bitcoins in hopes of profiting easy money. High prices, and its accessibility afforded by its independence from third parties, is changing the game. Bitcoin warrants the hype and raging optimism afforded by its investors. Its volatile and unpredictable vertical growth is one that was not seen in other currencies. But there is huge possibility of bursting in the near future. Critics had labelled bitcoin as a bubble waiting to burst. And when it bursts, the veil of opportunity and profit will go along with it. But behind this veil hides problems of money laundering, criminal and terrorist transactions. Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) Christine Lagarde referred to the case of AlphaBay, a criminal marketplace which billed up to $1 billion in transactions and was recently shut down by the US government. Moreover, more Internet giants, such as Facebook, Google and Twitter, are pulling out cryptocurrency ads. But they are not the only one to clamp down Bitcoin, as China is cracking down on cryptocurrencies and South Korea is planning something along the lines as well. This might be seen as critiques to fend off the game-changing nature of cryptocurrencies. However, these are valid reasons that expose the vulnerabilities of such an “alternative” currency, and these reasons betray cryptocurrencies as symptomatic of the very system it claims to subvert. Baring the Bubble Many critics are only waiting for the bitcoin bubble to burst. Bubbles happen when a commodity’s price inflate higher than its real value. When bubbles expand and eventually burst, they carry with them massive losses for those who put their faith

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in the market through their investments. Economic bubbles had pervaded history and stagnated economies. The US housing bubble, for example, left many people homeless and burdened with debts larger than the prices of houses. House mortgages were sold to investors. When the prices of houses plummeted because of defaulting buyers, investors are left with house bundles that have no value. The large banks, which were deemed “too big to fail”, had to file bankruptcy only to be saved by taxpayers’ money. The housing bubble was one of the causes of the Great Recession of 2008, a global economic decline whose effects are still felt until today. Yale University economist Stephen Roach, one among many financial experts who are critical of the intangibility of bitcoin and cryptocurrencies, warned that the rapid rise of bitcoin and cryptocurrencies is a precursor to a crisis where billions of dollars are to be lost. “This is a dangerous speculative bubble by any shadow or stretch of the imagination,” says Roach in an interview for news television channel CNBC. The symptoms of a bubble are seen with the volatile nature of Bitcoin. The intrinsic value of the bitcoin is always in question, as it apparently does not follow the three basic definitions of money which are: a unit of account, a medium of exchange, and a storehouse of value. It is pure speculation, one whose value fluctuates violently. The bitcoin bubble keeps growing with its wild price swings and the general popular reception from around the globe. It is infamous for the significant change of price in a short period of time. The past year, bitcoin’s price reached $7,178.69, then in just six months, price plummeted to $4,129.42. Alongside this is the fear and the expected consequences when the Bitcoin bubble finally bursts. Calculating the Crisis “Bitcoin is still seen less as a financial asset and more as a speculative barometer of the political and populist forces that are shaping our times,” writes Harvard economist Dr. Lin. In true capitalist fashion, the psychology of the people is to join the hype. This is considered true for the ‘digital gold rush’ currently being seen in Bitcoin and cryptocurrencies. Distrust in financial institutions and government regulations following the recent financial crisis may have led to the

appeal of Bitcoin and cryptocurrencies as a financial system run by the public. But with its volatility and foundation of pure financial speculation, Bitcoin and cryptocurrencies seem to be less of a gamechanger, as they play by the same rules under the capitalist game. Like all other commodities sold and bought in the market, Bitcoin will crumble under the inevitability of financial crises inherent in a system that is always looking for the next source of profit. While Bitcoin may have “anarcho-charm” because it supposedly “democratizes” currency, a system without checks or accountability cannot be truly called democratic. The effects of the past bubbles rippled across the globe. With the advent of the Internet which knows no geographical boundaries, there is only speculation of what how much damage it will cost.

The Economist noted how the financial system is not merely prone to crises, but is inherently shaped by it, and the aftermath builds from the vestiges of the crisis. And this is the self-destructive nature of late capitalism—crises on the global scale, illusions of democratized systems that promise to prevent such crises to happen again. For those who have disposable income and are looking for opportunities to prosper, the question on whether it is worth riding the hype or not still stands. There is merit in joining the bandwagon, but Bitcoin had proved itself empty— both of value and the alternative system it promises. There is nothing new, but only permutations of the old, adapting to the pulse of the people.

ILLUSTRATION BY ISAAC RAMOS PAGE DESIGN BY KARLA SANTAMARIA


BROKEN VOW MARK VERNDICK A. CABADING ILLUSTRATION BY GUIA ABOGADO

THE CLOCK REVOLVED A little bit too early than usual. It was only 5 am and Loren* was already drenched in sweat. Michael* watched Lauren very closely as she clenched her fists while she went to labor for the first time. Unlike most 18-year-olds, Lorna was no longer under her parents’ care. After getting pregnant, she was disowned by her parents and has been living with Michael since then. Michael’s parents took her in only under the condition that they will have to get married before her child is born. Having no other choice, Loren submitted to their demands and married Michael three months before giving birth. Loren and Michael vowed in front of the altar and promised to be together for better or for worse. For the 25 year-duration of their marriage, Loren endured the worst as her husband abused her physically and emotionally. It came to a point that she was coerced to undergo tubal ligation after she gave birth to her fifth child. After multiple incidents of violence, she gathered the courage to seek for help and leave. Loren immediately tried to separate from her husband however with the lack of legal counsel and the financial incapacity to pay for an annulment, Loren remains tied to Michael in paper. Despite wanting to be legally separated from her husband, Loren can’t possibly act on it without a divorce law in the country. However, with recent progress on the final reading of the Absolute Divorce Act of 2018 last March 19, the pleas of women under challenged marriages and domestic violence are closer to being heard. For better or for worse The Philippines remain to be the only country without a divorce law, along with Vatican City. Based from the Family Code of the Philippines, the only legal options available to married couples seeking for separation is annulment. Unlike divorce which ends a legally valid marriage, annulment nullifies a marriage and treats it as non-existent. However, the Catholic Church argues that divorce disrespects the sacrament of marriage. But contrary to what conservatives suggest, rights groups such as the Gabriela Women’s Party believe that divorce does not break the sanctity of marriage, but addresses consequential problems arising from marriages that can make it dysfunctional. Before the current progress on the establishment of a divorce bill, Gabriela filed the bill six times, the first of which was on 2005. The current bill is the farthest a divorce law proposal has reached in the legislative process. Gabriela seeks a divorce law for women like Lorna whose welfare is threatened by a dysfunctional marriage. Despite the enactment of the Anti-Violence Against Women and their Children Law in 2004, there have been 35,093 reported cases of abuse, according to 2016 data from the Philippine National Police. This rose steadily from the 6,271 reported cases in 2004. The occurrence of domestic violence can significantly decrease with the enactment of a divorce law according to a study by Florida State University Criminal Justice professors Stolzenberg and D’Alessio. If the legal option of divorce is to be guaranteed in the country, the same effect might be observed on the occurrence of domestic violence. Because spouses most likely live together, an abusive partner has ample opportunities to commit physical harm against his spouse. When divorced, the abusive partner has reduced opportunities for physical violence.

For richer or for poorer Having a divorce law is also pivotal in reducing the cases of violence against women and children. According to the Center for Women’s Resources (CWR), there is a correlation between the recurring cases of domestic abuse and the absence of a divorce law in the country. With the absence of a divorce law, the only option for women under abusive relationships like Lorna to be legally separated from their spouses is annulment. The annulment process takes almost a decade for some cases. It also costs around P165,000200,000 and is therefore not financially affordable for women from poor households. The 2017 National Demographic and Health Survey revealed that around 31.6 percent of women from poor households have experienced emotional, physical, or sexual violence compared to the 18.3 percent of women from the highest income quintile. Loren, who sidelines as a laundrywoman and manicurist, cannot afford the cost of an annulment with her daily salary of around P300 to P500 which is just enough for her to sustain the needs of three of her kids who are still under her care. “Hindi ko naman kaya yang annulment. Wala akong choice kundi lumayo,” Loren said. Divorce can serve as an option for women like Loren who cannot find another way out of an abusive relationship other than severing ties that harm more than help. From this Day Forward The current progress on pushing for a divorce law shows awareness by Filipinos regarding the possible impacts of divorce on marital issues such as domestic abuse. In a survey released by the Social Weather Station on March 9, 53 percent of Filipinos agree to legalizing divorce in the country due to increased observations of irreconciliation between some couples. Gabriela Representative Emmi de Jesus, one of the authors of the divorce bill, asserts that having a divorce law will provide a remedy to abusive relationships. "We have always said that divorce will not weaken marriages. Rather, socio-economic factors such as forced migration and labor export, the prevailing rotten misogynist culture, [and] lack of decent jobs, among others, contribute to the weakening of marital relations," she added. In the case of domestic violence, the recurrence of cases can be prevented with the availability of an option such as divorce which is financially possible even for women from low-income households. The establishment of a divorce law will help women like Loren avert further damage inflicted to them and their children by their irreparable marriage. With the availability of divorce, an end to violence is not guaranteed but its recurrence can be lessened. Further action can be done such as requests for civil protection orders for additional protection. On the other hand, the lack of state support for abused women also contributes to the problem of women from abusive relationships, according to CWR. Having access to enough resources that can help them support their families despite being under difficult circumstances will not only help their welfare but their children’s as well. Giving women in abusive relationships the legal option of divorce combined with sufficient state support will give them the power to break from oppressive structures that harm their well-being. For in a country besieged with numerous cases of domestic abuse, legalizing divorce can give the oppressed a recourse to cut the vicious cycle of violence. *not their real names


Hirayang ‘Di Mawari

PANGUNGUNAHAN NI LAKAS ANG pagsakop sa mga taga-Patag. Isa na siyang ganap na bagani, isang katuparan sa pangako niya sa yumaong ama. Sa kaniyang paglalakbay patungo sa bayan ng mga magsasaka, magku-krus ang landas nila ng taga-Patag na si Ganda. Hindi pa man umeere, laman na ng social media ang “Bagani,” isang fantaseryeng pinagbibidahan nina Enrique Gil at Liza Soberano. Nagsasalimbayan ang mga papuri’t pagpuna rito, lalo pa’t ayon sa mismong manunulat ng teleserye’y unang beses itong pagtatangka sa mala-Game of Thrones na uri ng kuwento, kung saan ang mga tauhan ay hinango sa mitolohiyang Pilipino. Maituturing mang bago ito sa panlasa ng madla, problema pa rin ang pagkahiwalay sa materyal na pinagbasehan nito, at ang paggamit sa salitang may malalim na kasaysayan sa laban ng mga katutubo. Bagong Daigdig Bubungad sa mga manonood ang payak na pamayanan ng limang rehiyon sa “Sansinukob.” Bawat rehiyon ay may kabuhayan ayon sa heograpikal na lokasyon. Sinasabing pinakamayaman, pinakamalaki at pinakamakapangyarihan sa lahat ang mga tagaKalakal, lalo’t sila ang nasa sentro ng Sansinukob. Bagaman ipinagmamalaki ng Bagani ang pagkakaroon nito ng “local color touches,” nananatiling malayo sa kamalayan ng mga manonood ang “fantasy universe” na nais ipakita ng palabas. Ipinagmalaki pa nga ng ABS-CBN sa mga manonood na ang teleserye’y “isang orihinal na konsepto para sa lahing Pilipino.” Pangunahing sakit ng teleserye ang tila kawalan ng koneksyon nito sa kulturang siyang pinaghalawan ng inspirasyon. Depensa naman ni Mark Angos, isa sa mga pangunahing nagsulat ng Bagani, kathang-isip lamang ang teleserye’t anumang pagsandig sa realidad ay kabalintunaan dahil para sa kaniya, umiiral ang teleserye nang labas sa totoong buhay. Ngunit hindi totoo na walang koneksyon ang piksyon sa realidad. Ayon kay Wolfgang Isler, isang Alemang kritiko, kung ikakawing ang piksyon sa realidad ito ay magkaugnay dahil hindi ito ang kabaligtaran ng isa—pamamaraan ang piksyon upang magpahayag tungkol sa realidad. Samakatuwid, kahit ang mga kathang-piksyon ay sumasandig sa pinagbatayang kasaysayan ng teksto. Dahil may pinaghalawan itong kultural na tradisyon, imposibleng umiral ito nang walang konteksto.

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MARVIN JOSEPH E. ANG DIBUHO NI FERNANDO MONTEJO

Halaw ang salitang “Bagani” sa wikang Higaonon ng mga Manobo na nangangahulugang “mandirigma” o “bayani.” Mahalaga para sa isang pamayanan ang kani-kanilang mga bagani, sapagkat ito ang pumuprotekta sa kanilang lupain. Kaiba ang bagani o bayani sa popular at kanluraning konsepto ng “heroe” na mala-diyos, may espesyal na kapangyarihan at kumikilos magisa—tinitingala tulad ni Superman. Sa kabilang banda, esensyal sa isang bagani ang kanyang bayan at pamayanan, gaya ng mala-komyunal na rehiyon sa Sansinukob at kani-kaniyang mandirigma nito. Kung gayon, hindi totoong kayang umiral mag-isa ng Bagani bilang isang tekstong walang pagsangguni sa kasaysayan. Representasyon Pagkakataon ang mga palabas tulad ng Bagani upang maipakita sa mga manonood, partikular sa mga bata, ang uri ng pamumuhay na mayroon ang Pilipinas noong hindi pa ito nasasakop. Sa ganitong paraan, nakikintal sa mga manonood ang lalim, kulay, at kasaysayan ng ating pagka-Pilipino. Hindi ito ang unang pagkakataon na may pagtatangkang isa-telebisyon ang katutubong pamumuhay ng mga Pilipino. Noong 2011, umere sa kabilang estasyon ang teleseryeng “Amaya.” Tampok sa kuwento ang pamumuhay ng sinaunang pamayanang Visayas noong ika-16 siglo. Humugot ng inspirasyon ang teleserye sa mayamang kultura ng Panay-Bukidnon, partikular sa mga binukot at mandirigma nito. Katulad ng Bagani, naging sakit din ng teleseryeng Amaya ang ilang mababaw at maling representasyon ng kultura. Pinuna ng Gawad Manlilikha ng Bayan awardee na si Federico Caballero ang teleserye, partikular ang biglang pagiging mandirigma ni Amaya, kahit na siya’y binukot na bawal maarawan, ni tumapak sa lupa. Malaking isyu rin para kay Caballero, isang eksperto sa panitikang oral ng Panay-Bukidnon, ang mga kasuotang ginamit sa Amaya, lalo pa’t karamihan sa mga ginamit dito’y lumilitaw ang balat. Dito, makikita ang malaking hamon sa paglikha ng mga seryeng halaw sa kultura ng isang partikular na katutubong pamayanan–ang pagiging malikhain habang isinasaalang-alang, higit sa lahat, ang kulturang pinaghalawan at itinatanghal. Kaya’t hindi na nakakagulat kung bakit labis na umani ng puna ang bagong teleserye. Unang mapupuna sa palabas ang mismong mga bidang aktor—mga mistiso’t mistisang kinulayan ng lila, makikinis ang balat kahit pa ang kanilang trabaho’y maghapong pagbibilad sa araw at pagbubungkal ng lupa. Sa pahayag na inilabas ng ABSCBN, binanggit nilang ang pangunahing layunin ng teleserye ay patampukin ang mga mandirigma’t bayani na nagtataguyod ng tunay na kulturang

Pilipino. Bagaman natumbok ng teleseryeng Bagani ang pagiging bihasa ng mga bagani sa pakikidigma, naikubli naman ang tunay na digmang binabaka ng mga katutubo sa kanayunan. Digma Kasado na ang lahat – handa nang sakupin ng mandirigmang taga-disyerto ang mga taga-Kalakal. Ngunit nagbabantulot si Lakas dahil para sa kaniya, hindi ito ang tamang gawin. Repleksyon ito ng mga internal na tunggalian ng mga katutubong naglalaban-laban sa lupa at kabuhayan. Hanggang sa dumating ang pagkakataong nagkaisa na rin ang mga dating magkakalabang tribo. Nagkaroon ng tinatawag na “tampuda” ang mga Manobo’t Mamanwa na nagsisilbing “peace pact” upang magkaisa na ang mga tribo, lalo pa’t nagbabadya ang pagpasok ng mga multinasyonal na kompanya ng pagmimina at pagtotroso sa kanilang lupain. Panibagong uri ng laban ang kinahaharap ng mga katutubo – inaarmasan ng estado ang mga paramilitar upang palabasing ang mga patayan sa kanayunan ay bunsod ng internal na pag-aaway ng mga katutubo. Noong 2015, binuo ng AFP ang grupong “MagahatBagani” na umatake sa mga katutubo sa Lianga, Surigao del Sur. Sa ganitong paraan, naikukubli ang katotohanang estado mismo ang pumapaslang sa mga katutubo para sa kanilang mayamang lupain. Mahalaga sana ang papel ng midya upang magsilbing daluyan ng kamulatan, lalo para sa mga katutubong humaharap sa diskriminasyon at panunupil. Subalit sa ngayon, patuloy na kinakasangkapan ang media upang palabnawin, o di kaya’y itago ang mga karahasang ginagawa ng estado, katulad ng ipinapakita sa isa pang programang “Ang Probinsyano.” Higit pang mas marahas kaysa sa teleseryeng Bagani ang kuwento ng mga katutubong Lumad sa kanilang pagtatanggol sa lupa. Sa huli, magkakaroon lamang ng silbi at katuturan sa lipunan ang Bagani kung lalampas ito sa puwang at buong tapang na isasalaysay ang kuwento ng mga tunay na bagani.


SHEILA ABARRA TULAD NG MGA TINGIN NI JAKE, diretsong nakararating sa mga manonood ang mga nais sabihin ng pelikula—simula pa lamang, sinabi na niya ang tema, paksa, lahat—walang pagtatangkang mag-“show don’t tell” na pangunahing kautusan sa bawat malikhaing katha. Kung kaya higit pa sa dahilang nasa iisang sinehan kami nina Bienvenido Lumbera, Ricky Lee, at iba pang batikan sa kanikanilang larangan, kaabang-abang ang kalalabasan ng pelikula dahil ito ang likhang iniharap ng direktor nitong si Mike De Leon sa kanyang pagbabalik matapos ang 18 taon. Maraming inihain ang Citizen Jake, at sa dami ng sinabi ng pangunahing tauhang si Jake Herrera (ginampanan ni Atom Araullo), iisa lamang ang tunay na “thought-provoking”: Ano ba talaga ang nais niyang sabihin? Ipinakilala ang Baguio sa mga unang bahagi ng pelikula. Binanggit kung gaano karami ang mga pelikulang gumamit sa Baguio nang walang malinaw na koneksyon sa kabuuan ng pelikula—tulad mismo ng Citizen Jake, dahil hindi lang naman sa Baguio ang balwarte ng mga Marcos. Talagang mayaman lang si Jake: sa lamig ng Baguio niya pinapakalma ang muhi sa kaniyang pamilya, sa kalinga ng mga katutubo niya ipinapahele ang pagod niya sa pagiging mayaman. Dahil si Jake ang nagsasalaysay, nakikipag-usap lamang ang iskrip ng pelikula, in taglish. Hindi matatawaran ang husay ni De Leon sa cinematography, kung kaya hinahanap ko ang galaw ng kamera na mala-Kisapmata, pelikula niya noong 1980. Sa halip, puro montage, fades, at mga larawang may teksto sa gawing kanan ang aking nakita.

Nakapokus lamang kay Jake ang kamera at mahihinuha sa teaser ng pelikula na si Jake ang Pilipinas— dinadalaw ng diktadurang Marcos si Jake sa panaginip. Ipinakilala ni Jake ang sarili bilang isang mamamahayag na tutol sa katiwalian. Gayunman, ang mala-blogger niyang pagsusulat ay nakatuon lamang sa kaniyang pamilya—sa kaniyang ang ama na isang senador at dating Marcos crony, at sa kongresistang kapatid na kurakot at mamamatay-tao. Punung-puno ng kontradiksyon ang katayuan ni Jake bilang isang mamamahayag. Binigyang-kahulugan niya ang aniya’y “citizen journalist” bilang isang manunulat na nakakulong lamang sa interes ng kaniyang uri. Patunay nito ang pag-atubili niyang imbestigahan ang pagkamatay ng isang estudyanteng biktima ng gulo sa pagitan ng mga makakapangyarihan. Bilang isang mamamahayag, malaking insulto ang pagpapakilala ni Jake sa larangang ito. Hindi dapat ihiwalay ang laban ng mamamahayag sa laban ng mamamayan. Lalo pa akong nadismaya na hindi nagmula kay Jake ang determinasyong mag-imbestiga; kumilos lamang siya nang lumapit ang isa pang estudyanteng sangkot sa kaso. Kung gayon, ang laban ni Jake ay hindi ang nakilala kong laban ng mga mamamahayag sa paglimot at pananahimik. Nariyan ang mosquito press noong panahon ng diktadura na patuloy na tumuligsa sa Batas Militar sa kabila ng walang habas na pandarahas. Ito ang alternatibong pamamahayag—hindi ang pansariling blog. Bukod sa pamamahayag,

hindi rin nabigyan nang nararapat na paliwanag ng pelikula ang pagiging isang aktibista. Hindi sapat ang karakter ni Lucas, isang aktibistang tinortyur noong Batas Militar, upang bigyangpagpupugay ang mga beterano ng diktadura. Nasa mga protesta pa rin, kasama ng mga kabataan, ang mga gaya nina Alan Jazmines, Bonifacio Ilagan at marami pang iba. Sa huli, walang matibay na dahilan ang pagdakip kay Lucas; hindi binigyang-hustisya tulad ng sagad-sagarang panghahamak sa mga babae sa pelikula. Ipinakilala ni Jake si Mandy, ang kaniyang kasintahan, bilang matalinong propesor. Gayunman, hindi ito nakita sa pelikula, at tila pangungutya pa sa kababaihan ang pagiging iyakin ni Mandy at ang pagsuko sa pagiging katuwang ni Jake. Dagdag pa rito ang karakter ni Rosemarie Velez na mas kilala sa mga aklat bilang si R.V., isang starlet noong diktadura. Ang kapalaluang ganti ni R.V. ay hindi man lang naitama, bagkus, isinumbat lamang kay Jake—na sa halip na ipakitang higit pa ang kayang gawin ng babae ay muling nagbalik sa mga isyu tungkol sa kaniyang ama. Ito marahil ang strongman rule na sinasabi ng pelikula—palamuti lamang ang laban ng kababaihan sa katampalasan ng mga naghahari-harian. Ang pakikipagtuos ni Jake sa kaniyang ama na punu’t dulo ng kaniyang laban ay nagbunga ng isa pang kontradiksyon. Isinarado niya ang kaniyang konsepto ng moralidad sa pagpatay bilang “greatest sin.” Patunay na hindi tiyak ni Jake ang kaniyang laban— ang hindi niya pagpatay sa kaniyang ama

ay nangangahulugang hindi niya kilala ang kaniyang kalaban. Marahil ito ang nais sabihin ng pelikula— hindi kilala ng Pilipinas ang kaniyang kalaban. Kung kilala man, nagbubulag-bulagan. Ngunit hindi, ang mga tulad lamang ni Jake ang nagbubulag-bulagan, dahil hindi bulag ang mamamayan sa araw-araw na patayan at katiwalian ng mga nakaupong opisyal. Kung kaya matapos ang “thoughtprovoking” stage ng pelikula, tulad ko, mamumuhi ka sa mga gaya ni Jake. Hindi dapat nagtatapos ang tungkulin ng mamamahayag sa paglilinaw kung ano ang totoo at piksyon. Pumapanig ito sa katotohanan para sa mga patuloy na inaapi at pinagsasamantalahan. Hindi si Jake ang Pilipinas. Si Jake ang Jake na anak ng senador at kapatid ng kongresistang kurakot. Walang lugar ang mga gaya ni Jake sa piling na mga mamamayang lumalaban, walang lugar sa mga akda ng pakikibaka ang naratibo ng mga tulad ni Jake na hindi umiigpaw sa interes ng kaniyang uri. Tunay nga ang kalapastanganang pinangangatawanan ng pelikula—ako, sampu ng mga kasama kong mamamahayag ay namumuhing tumayo sa aming mga upuan palabas ng teatro. Nagpupuyos ang damdamin; marami pa kaming gagawin.

KONTRA[P]IKSYON DIBUHO NI GUIA ABOGADO DISENYO NG PAHINA NI MARVIN JOSEPH ANG

MIYERKULES 21 MARSO 2018

9

KUL TU RA


S A U L O N G M G A B A L I TA SANNY BOY AFABLE

Ririndihin tayo, kinokondisyon para sa mga susunod pang balita, paulit-ulit hanggang sa mabingi, hanggang sa hindi na natin alam ang totoo at hindi.

BUKOD SA SINIGANG, O DI KAYA’Y ginataang tambakol, paborito ko tuwing hapunan sa bahay ang mga usapan namin sa harap ng hapag-kainan. Nakaharap kasi ang mesa sa telebisyon kaya lagi kaming may mapag-uusapan, madalas ay kung anong maririnig namin kay Noli o Korina. Palibhasa’y minsan lang ako umuwi sa bahay, para ko itong “catching up” sa pamilya. Dito ko nalalaman ang buong araw ng mga kapatid at magulang ko, o di kaya’y mga tsismis sa kapitbahay. Dito ko rin madalas nililinaw ‘yung mga isyu at iba pang bagay na madalas ay hindi naipapaliwanag sa balita, tulad ng kung bakit may rali na naman sa UP. Maliban na lang noong mga nagdaang gabi. Napansin ko lang, football na ang pinapanood ng tatay ko sa TV. Kung nababagot na sila, ililipat nila ‘to sa naka-dub na pelikula, o di kaya sa shopping channel— basta’t malaktawan ang balita hanggang sa sumapit na ang ‘Ang Probinsyano.’ Hindi ko naman talaga masisisi ang mga kasama ko sa bahay. Matapos ka nga namang bugbugin ng buong araw na trabaho, hindi mo na gugustuhing marinig ang headline ng binugbog na kawatan. Matapos kang maipit sa pila at trapik, aba’t mabubulunan ka kapag sinabi nilang “good news” nang hindi nagkaaberya sa MRT. Hindi ko sila masisisi, tulad ng marami pang sawa na sa karahasan ng balita. Panggagahasa ng pulis sa isang buntis noong Huwebes, withdrawal sa ICC noong Biyernes, Napoles bilang state witness sa sumunod na araw, pinalayang mga drug lord

noong isa pa, bantang phaseout ng jeepney, at biglaang pagkansel ng klase kahapon. Para bang unlimited ang suplay ng malalaki’t masasamang balita, ‘no? Ririndihin tayo, kinokondisyon para sa mga susunod pang balita, paulit-ulit hanggang sa mabingi, hanggang sa hindi na natin alam ang totoo at hindi. O alam naman talaga natin ang totoo—na niloloko tayo at harapharapang binobobo—pero parang wala namang magbabago, parang hindi na ‘to magbabago. “Pare-pareho lang sila,” sabi ng nanay ko na minsang umasa kay Duterte, at kay Noynoy, at kay Gloria. Bangungot ang hindi managinip. Trahedya ang hindi manabik sa kuwento at mga balita. Tinawag itong “hypernormalization” ng isang Rusong manunulat: alam nating bogus ang sistema, patuloy tayong bibiguin ng mga pulitiko, ng mga institusyon, ekonomista at mga eksperto, pero magpapanggap tayong para bang ayos lang ang lahat dahil sa kawalan ng iba pang mapagpipilian—o palagay lang natin ‘yun. Kung ihuhuli ang balita ng magkapitbahay na nagsampalan, kung tatanggalin ang balita ng artistang nagbakasyon, kung bibigyan ng konteksto at higit na atensyon ang hinaing ng mga drayber at iba pang nagwewelga, matitira ang kuwento ng mga taong patuloy na tumatanaw sa isang alternatibong mundo. Hahabulin ko lagi ang hapunan. Kapag napawi na ang pagod ng mainit na sabaw, saka ako tityempo para sa nakasanayang kuwentuhan.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN SANNY BOY AFABLE

PUNONG PATNUGOT

ALDRIN VILLEGAS

KAPATNUGOT

SHEILA ANN ABARRA

TAGAPAMAHALANG PATNUGOT

JOHN DANIEL BOONE

PATNUGOT SA BALITA

ROSETTE ABOGADO JAN ANDREI COBEY ADRIAN KENNETH GUTLAY

PATNUGOT SA GRAPIX

JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

KAWANI

AMELYN DAGA

PINANSIYA

GARY GABALES

TAGAPAMAHALA SA SIRKULASYON

AMELITO JAENA OMAR OMAMALIN

SIRKULASYON

TRINIDAD GABALES GINA VILLAS

KATUWANG NA KAWANI

KASAPI UP SYSTEMWIDE ALLIANCE OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS AND WRITERS’ ORGANIZATIONS (SOLIDARIDAD) AMA, PATAWARIN MO SILA SAPAGKAT HINDI NILA NALALAMAN ANG KANILANG GINAGAWA.

SINASABI KO SA IYO, NGAYON DIN AY ISASAMA KITA SA PARAISO.

BABAE, NARITO ANG IYONG ANAK. ANAK, NARITO ANG IYONG INA.

DIYOS KO, DIYOS KO! BAKIT MO AKO PINABAYAAN?

SIETE PA L A B R A S JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA

COLLEGE EDITORS GUILD OF THE PHILIPPINES (CEGP) PAMUHATAN SILID 401 BULWAGANG VINZONS, UNIBERSIDAD NG PILIPINAS, DILIMAN, LUNGSOD QUEZON TELEFAX 981-8500 LOKAL 4522 ONLINE phkule@gmail.com www.philippinecollegian.org fb.com/phkule twitter.com/phkule instagram.com/phkule issuu.com/philippinecollegian pinterest.com/phkule

      

UKOL SA PABALAT

DIBUHO NI JOHN KENNETH ZAPATA NAUUHAW AKO.

O PIN YON

10

MIYERKULES 21 MARSO 2018

NAGANAP NA.

AMA, SA MGA KAMAY MO, IPINAGTATAGUBILIN KO ANG AKING ESPIRITU.


OCG Counselors sent to UP Diliman dormitories

MELTING POINT

WARREN RAGASA

SELF-IE MUNA NAKA-DALAWANG PAKETE NA KO NG KAPE AT LIMANG stick ng sigarilyo ngayong umaga. Hindi ako kumain kagabi, at noon pang isang gabi. Ilang araw na rin akong walang gana—o napilitan na akong mawalan ng gana dahil Combo 17 lang ang kaya kong bilhin sa tanghalian. Tatlong araw na rin pala akong nasasadlak dito sa opisina ng Kule, at ubos na ang katiting na honorarium na bumubuhay sakin dito gabi-gabi. Pinagtatawanan ako ng mga editors ko, siyempre. Ano nga naman ba ang tumae ng apat-na-raang salitang pupuno sa munting espasyong ito? Nasabi na ‘to ng halos lahat ng naging pa-cool at pahipster na kolumnista ng Kule, kung paanong dumarating sa puntong wala ka nang masasabi rito. Nasaid na ang balon mo ng mga hugot, mga kuwentong pag-ibig (na hindi naman na-materyalisa, kaya heto’t nagda-drama ka), mga paandar na kikiliti sa mambabasa, ang posisyon mo sa mga bagay-bagay— ikaw na ang tanging puhunan sa espasyong ito ay ang personal na bagahe linggo-linggo. May nagsulat ng mga paborito niyang sipi sa bawat libro. May humingi ng tawad sa editor dahil wala raw sophistication ang linggwahe. Mayroon namang nagpapaka-meta, tulad ko. Pahingahan ko sana ang kolum na ‘to, pero patagal nang patagal, mas nagiging pasanin ‘to sa akin. Dagdag pang kailangan kong makipagsabayan sa social media, kahit kabagotbagot nang magbukas ng personal mong account ngayong mga araw. Alam mo na, para sa mga performatively introvert tulad ko, performative din ang pagpo-project ng isang imaheng cool at matalino sa birtwal na daigdig. Bad trip pa nang minsang may nag-mensahe sakin. “Hi Warren. I love how well you’re able to express your thoughts in words.” Kikiligin na sana ako. “I’m just curious though, are you lesbian?” Mahal ko ang mga lesbian at iba pang kasarian. Pero anak ng. Siguro ay may mga nagdududa pa rin sa identidad ko (at salamat dahil, wow, binabasa niyo pa rin ang kolum ko), pero tiniis kong hindi magpagupit ng ilang buwan para mamintina lang ang mala-Edward Chris von Muir na dating ko sa nag-iisang portrait ko sa Kule. ‘Di bale, baka magpagupit na ako bukas. “Be yourself ” ang espesyal na payo sakin ng walang sinuman sa mga kapwa ko manunulat dito. Hindi raw fixed ang sarili at ang pagkakakilanlan. Lagi’t lagi, may ninanais kang itanghal na sarili, may pinopostura kang repleksyon sa salamin, gusto mong manalo sa eleksyon, may iniidolo kang mga manunulat o karakter sa pelikula, gusto mong magpa-impress sa crush mo. Pero ‘di naman ‘to totoo palagi, bukod sa mahirap itong paniwalan. May mga bagay tayong ginagawa nang ‘di kailangan ng performance level, ng pagpupumilit na maging hipster. Tulad ng pagnanais ko ngayong bumalik ulit sa isawan sa Katipunan kahit na magkahalong usok ng barbeque at tambutso ang yumayakap sa akin.

 Nicolo B. Bongolan @tellemnaye

“Y’all love the fictional Order of the Phoenix when they resisted the dark lord but hate the real student activists who actually protest against a dark lord whose powers are running rampant today. Come on.” 5:03 PM - 23 FEB 2018

IN ORDER TO ADDRESS THE psychological needs of students in UP Diliman, counselors from the Office of Guidance and Counseling (OCG) in the university have been sent to seven dormitories since January 2018. The short-term goal of the counseling program is to address counseling concerns of the students. Psycho education will be done in the forms of free stress management training, effective study habits and time and resource management teaching, and resilience building activities. In cooperation with the unit heads of Office of the Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs (OVSCA), the OCG decided to revive its practice of deploying Guidance Services Specialists (GSS) in the dormitories. “In the 80’s, the GSS gave counselling, psycho education, and referral services to the dormers to address various concerns,” OCG Officer-in-charge Dr. Marie Grace Gomez said. “The long-term goal is for the students to develop and have better resilience. We need to do an extensive needs assessment first before we prioritize programs

or before a definite goal is set,” Gomez said. She added that the very first step that is vital is mapping out concerns of dorms such as Acacia, Ilang-Ilang, Kalayaan, Ipil, Yakal, Molave, and Sanggumay. The OCG counselor in Acacia can be visited from 9AM to 6PM during Tuesdays and Thursdays by students, while the reporting hours of the counselor at Ipil are from 8AM to 5PM every Monday and Tuesday, and 1PM to 5PM every Wednesday and Thursday. Aside from the OCG, various institutions also cater to mental health needs of individuals in the university, including Psychserve Philippines, UP Diliman Gender Office (UPDGO), Office of AntiSexual Harassment (OASH), and the Counselor Education Area of the College of Education in the university. The administration also gives financial support to students who need psychological help through the adopt-a-student program. There are also colleges in the university that have done or currently have programs addressing the mental health or psychological concerns or needs of students.

PAMELA ADRIANO The College of Mass Communication (CMC) for instance invited OCG counselors to conduct free consultations with mass communication students through the #DoMindMe campaign, a week-long event that involved an exhibit for mental health awareness, according to Broadcast Communication Representative Arlan Jondonero. Meanwhile, the School of Economics has initiated “Diwa,” where students may undergo free consultation sessions for mental health. “We actually e-mail and reach out to different counselors, psychologists, and psychiatrists who are willing to be part of the initiative for free,” Students’ Rights and Welfare Councilor Josh Quimbo said. Diwa started last semester and have already helped around 85 students. Now, there is a total of 102 people who have signed up for the initiative. “I’ve seen how repeated the talks are about mental health. Talks and dialogues definitely help spread awareness for mental health and are really helpful for people who want to be aware,” Quimbo said.

DUMI'T DANGAL

LUCKY DELA ROSA

FEBRUARY 21, 2018

 Herbie Docena /herbert.docena

When UP students walk out of their classes to protest and speak out about real and legitimate issues, thereby continuing their education beyond the classroom, it's called "wasting taxpayers' money." When the government suddenly and belatedly suspends classes without providing any basis or justification, thereby disrupting the education of tens of thousands, it's called "safeguard[ing] the safety of students."

PHILCOA, QUEZON CITY

 END STATE FASCISM! @patrickjosefdc

Lakas maka-tag ng Malacanang as threat ang ginagawang transport strike ng PISTON when in fact silang nakaupo ang biggest threat sa kabuhayan ng mga manggagawang Pilipino #NoToJeepneyPhaseout. 7:38 PM - 22 FEB 2018

4:23 AM - 3 MAR 2018

STATUS QUOTES

MIYERKULES 21 MARSO 2018

11

COM MUN ITY


THE ENEMY IS THE STATE

,,

The terror list attests to how the legal instrument, when misused for political ends, can render abuses lawful and tyranny legitimate.

THE DICTATOR HAS NAMED WHO the enemies of the people are and yet failed to identify himself as one. The administration of President Rodrigo Duterte continues to flaunt a strongman façade with a 55-page petition proscribing more than 600 activists, human rights defenders, and other civil society members as part of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its armed wing, the New People’s Army (NPA). The suit filed by the Department of Justice (DOJ) follows Duterte’s earlier pronouncement that the CPP and NPA are terrorist organizations. To brand these groups as such is tantamount to no less than a go-signal for the state to quell popular dissent and, in effect, to terrorize its own people. Approval by the Regional Trial court renders such proclamation legally binding. Under the Human Security Act (HSA) of 2007, or the anti-terrorism law, the government is given the prerogative to monitor and intercept the activities, private correspondences, and finances of a person judicially recognized as terrorist. The recent arrest of 21-year-old UP Cebu graduate Myles Albasin, on mere suspicion that she is a member of NPA, proves the iniquity of state surveillance even in the absence of court approval. Worse, once the court rules in favor of the petition, state authorities could arrest those they label as terrorists, en masse. These draconian provisions have long been denounced by progressive groups, though the anti-terror law is baring its fangs only now.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

EDITORIAL It claims to “protect life, liberty, and property,” when in fact past administrations have used it to jail civilians based on false or trumped-up charges. Now, it could as well sanction multiple human rights violations such as cases of torture and enforced disappearances, within the context of the “all-out war” the state is waging. The dangerous pro-government bent of HSA could not be more blatant in its surrender to the state’s interpretation of what defines terrorism. The terror list attests to how the legal instrument, when misused for political ends, can render abuses lawful and tyranny legitimate. But to sow fear and intimidation is a tactic that only points to the weakness of this regime. Such attack is enacted to maintain a semblance of state power while masking the President’s incapacity to deliver political goods to the public. For what has so far characterized Duterte’s term is straight out of a terrorist’s playbook, from escalated state-sponsored violence to the brazen disregard for the people’s civil liberties. The International Criminal Court (ICC) has in fact joined the growing list of groups decrying the unabated spate of extrajudicial killings in the country. Duterte’s futile attempt to withdraw from the ICC bares not only guilt but also his fear of responsibility when confronted with concrete mechanisms of accountability. That the terror list came in light of the clamor for Duterte’s ouster also signals the desperation of his crumbling rule. After all, the names so baselessly and

maliciously written on the list are not the true enemies of the state. Theirs are of men and women who respond with calls for reform to a government hell-bent on criminalizing the people’s struggles to assert their rights. If anything, the biggest terrorist sits in the highest post of the land. The president’s suppressive maneuvers constitute a far graver crime than any accusation he has hurled at the 649 individuals tagged on the list or the 145 political dissenters his government has so far detained. This move ultimately sets the stage for even more notorious terrorists to interfere in the country’s affairs. Through the quietly launched counter-insurgency program, Operation Pacific Eagle, the United States’ war machine could advance its imperialist agenda by participating in anti-terrorist operations in the Philippines. The proud fascist indeed revels in wars rather than peace. Duterte’s fabricated list precludes any prospect of resuming the peace talks, which he abandoned in November 2017. It eludes reason that the administration declared this all-out offensive when it cannot be bothered to address the very causes of insurgency, which are widening inequalities and poverty. Duterte’s bid to maintain his clutch on power can only be countered by the persistence of our resistance. For in the face of unabashed abuse of office, there looms no clearer recourse than to topple the regime of a terrorist posing as the people’s defender.


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