Pastoralism, irrigation farming and intersection of climate change and adaptation strategies by patr

2014 Indigenous Livelihoods Enhancement Partners (ILEPA) Prepared By: Patrick Ole Twala

Pastoralism, Irrigation farming and Intersection of Climate Change and Adaptation Strategies in Enkare Nairowua, Southern Kenya

Table of Contents The local’s cooperation and the genesis of irrigation as a climate change adaptation measure among the pastoral community ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 4 Project site description ................................................................................................................................. 4 The Project target area ................................................................................................................................. 5 The indignity and co-operation as a climate change adaptation among the pastoral community .............. 8 The dam water user: ................................................................................................................................. 8 The genesis of crop irrigation ....................................................................................................................... 9 Theory one: ............................................................................................................................................. 11 Theory two: ............................................................................................................................................. 13 The water catchment area ...................................................................................................................... 14 Research Instruments .................................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.

Annexes 1: Study Participants ................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.

Research Questionnaires ........................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined.

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The local’s cooperation and the genesis of irrigation as a climate change adaptation measure among the pastoral community Research synopsis The cocoon - Conflict and Cooperation in the Management of Climate Change - Integrated Project is a four year research joint venture lead by Utrecht University among other in Kenya, Ghana, and Burkina Faso. Among the partners is Indigenous Livelihood Enhance Partners (Ilepa-kenya) carrying out the cocoon research activities in Narok County of the Southern part of Kenya with a primary focus on climate change inclusivity, cooperative and participative climate change interventions among the pastoral communities of Enkare Nairowua.

This paper attempted to answer the following question based on the research findings 1. What are specific issues that lead to the formation and development of the water dam and who lead the process?

2. What were the original sources of funding for the establishment of the water pan and who was driving the process?

3. Has the water enhance harmony or disharmony among the community and how has the community helped to harness the harmony or manage the conflict arising due to the demand for water for both livestock and human consumption?

4. What are other socio-cultural, economic, environmental and institutional factors that have been witnessed with the formation of the water dam

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Introduction In response to the continuing and recurring drought in southern parts of Kenya, Majimoto within the Narok County in the Southern part of Kenya, whole inhabited by the local Maasai communities practicing pure Pastoralism, had to (reason together) come together and dialogue on how to best to utilize the only reliable water resource Enkare Nairowua Spring.

This importance spring is the only known permanent water source in the entire location supported by other seasonal streams that normally gives in to ravaging dry spells of drought.

This small stream includes, Olenkapune, oloolera, entiagasir, and Olodo-are(olchoro-onyokie as popularly known). Over the last 20 years, the rains have been known to disappear in these southern part of Kenya, placing thousands of pastoralist livestock and people in danger of starvation. Every cycle of drought experienced always left the Maasai community more vulnerable than before. Due to the hard-hitting drought cycle, with many livelihoods maimed and shattered economically, the Maasai are always left pondering on how they will cope with the cycle, which they surely know will strike again. As a result of repeated cycle, and the vulnerability exposed to theses community coupled by the shrinking water sources and the much needed water to feed their livestock and for house hold use, the Okiu (Kimaren Thesis), concept was to be adopted to bring all men into a round of discussion

Project site description Narok County has diverse environments defined by climatic conditions and topography that have been further influenced by human activities over time. The different land use types ranging from large scale wheat and maize production, subsistence agriculture, agro-pastoralism and wildlife conservation have induced a heterogeneous set of associated environmental challenges. The challenges mostly revolve around land and the natural resources it is endowed with1.

UNDP/GEF (March 2013) Baseline survey report on mainstreaming sustainable land management in agro pastoral production systems of Kenya 1

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In his thesis, cited from the Narok District strategic plan, Kimaren described the field site is located at Narok south district, Osupuko division, Maji moto location, southern Kenya; at 1° 20' 0" South, 35° 43' 0" East. Administratively, Maji moto GR doubles as an administrative location, subdivided further into two Sub-locations; Maji moto proper and Enkiu, spanning 341.10 sq.

Km and 151.00 Sq. Km respectively.2 The site lies at an elevation of 1500m above sea level. From the northern border of the group rach adjacent to Oldoinyio Orasha and Ole Nkuluo group ranches, the Loita plains stretch southerly to the base of the Loita Hills.

The Project target area The project targeted the pastoral Maasai community and known residents of Maji-Moto location, Osupuko division within Narok south in Narok County.

The entire population of the location according to the 1998 census, stood at 7,000 persons comprised of households. This area is geographically, rocky, sandy and partially degraded land on the hillsides and course sand soil on lower grazing lands characterize the area. Rainfall is bimodal with the long rains usually occurring in March-May and the short rains normally falling from November through December. Annual average rainfall is 600mm.

The area lies within an altitude of about 1500m above sea level with an annual temperature of 19.9-17.7c, thus classifying the area as semi-arid.

The entire location has two permanent streams i.e. The Maji-Moto hot spring and the Entiangasir with a separation distance of not less than 20 kilometers, there are several other seasonal streams, around Nchaishi and Olchoro Onyokie.

While livestock production and to a lesser extend crop farming scheme from the irrigation form the economic base of the society, the area is considered chronically food insecure due to frequent drought and famines, the negligible acreage on crop farming i.e. 400 acres under furrow irrigation realizing very low yields and the non-existence of reliable viable marketing strategies.

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Kimaren Thesis (2013), in quoting the Narok district strategic plan 5

Poor livestock management systems have resulted in extensive overgrazing, which reduces sustainable supplies of livestock feed and increases land degradation.

Culturally, the inhabitants of Maji-Moto are almost entirely Maasai. They are predominantly pastoralists with a small section practicing agro-Pastoralism. The seasonal streams, water pans, wells and ponds contain water for merely 1/3 of the year owing to the high temperatures most of the days which raise the evaporation rate.

For the rest of the year women and livestock walk an average of 15kms to the stream for water.

This movement of human and livestock consumes time and energy thereby impacting negatively on economic productivity environmental conservation.

MMGR

Maji Moto Gruo Ranch(MMGR) site and the research area

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With the increase in population, a greater portion of the population finds itself clustered around the scarce water sources. With most of them aiming to make some produce, pressure is exerted on the low volume stream, which actually disappears underground approximately after 2kms.

Although encouraging harvests have been realized from the irrigation plots, supply does no march with demand for the local community The recent subsequent draughts have made the situation even worse, large herds of cattle have been lost, some households loosing entire herds, the future of the Maasai pastoralist at MajiMoto has been deemed by prolonged draughts cycles.

The lifestyle of the locals is mainly pastoral in nature. Since time immemorial, this economic system has sufficiently served the needs of the Maasai community. But times have and are changing drastically, going from bad to worse. Economic liberalization has had its effects on Pastoralism. Land is given a monetary value and priority is given to external land buyers over the local people.

New land laws emphasize optimal use of land at the expense of security of tenure for the subsistence herders and farmers. This has been due to a combination of factors which include; 

Increased human and wildlife population

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Expansion of agricultural practices within the area

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Mushrooming of peri-urban centers

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New forms of natural resources use- all have contributed in increasing pressure on natural resources.

Displacement of indigenous tenure regimes and the imposition of alien models of the property rights are the roots cause of land alienation and insecurity of resources tenure. The territories originally occupied by indigenous communities were adequate in size and ecological parameters mediated and supported the sources of livelihoods that formed the heritage of such communities. Indigenous knowledge system evolved over time and natural resources use were utilized and managed in sustainable ways. This is no longer the case with decrease mobility of livestock. The pastoralists have increasingly shifted economy from subsistence production to 7

commercial production. This increased commoditization of the livestock economy has lead to large transformation of pastoral societies into haves and have nots. This phenomenon has also lead to shifts in nutrition from protein rich milk to protein poor grain. The ability of the pastoralists to manage ecological uncertainties and spread risks has reduced significantly.

Decreased mobility of the herds and changes in patterns of resources used, leading to livestock loses and increased level of poverty and food insecurity. Water is a fundamental resource for survival and sustenance of all form of life.

The indignity and cooperation as a climate change adaptation measure among the pastoral community The dam water user:

The dam catchment area is dynamic in term of the usage. It’s important to note that the primary user if the water was emanating from the local community who in the yester years.

Form the initial stages; the water was enough for the local domestic use given that the numbers of animals is not as much as its now. Currently, the usage and demands or the water is stretching the usage. These categories of the water user can be categorized in four groups: 1. The local Agro- Pastoralism. This is a group of the local community irrigation parcel beneficiaries who, arising from the demand for diversification on the sources of livelihoods. This was a community driven venture where the water catchment settlement was demarcated and share among the identified community members. In 8

this venture, 200 parcels of 2 acres each were parcel and shared among 200 families. To date, a majority of the families have settled in this parcel or atleast doing some agricultural activities through eth water from the water pond.

2. The pure pastoralist community. These are the predominant local Maasai pastoralist who purely practice livestock keeping and are dependent of the water dam as a watering point for their animal.

3. The business community. They are the either local indigenous residents or immigrants who, in the interest of exploring business opportunities have settled in the area for business only.

4. Local Institution like the dispensary, mission field, Primary schools and local girl’s high school. Jointed to this local institutions are a few homesteads that are connected to the piped water system as a result proximity to the institutions 5. The non residents: These are setup and migratory communities (pastoral) who, in using the area as their migratory corridor, do not adhere the rule of usage in the belief that they are only transiting to their point of destination. The local community structure guards’ them against any harassment or denial to water their livestock during the transit period. This is a traditional conflict mitigation mechanism that identifies with the rights of migrating groups.

The genesis of crop irrigation Although the exact timing of the first farming in Enkare Nairowua was not accurately indicated, from the estimation of the local happening calendar of events, its estimated that this, being a foreign idea came with the missionaries and who first settled in late 70’. The farming was a generic idea and it came when the local communities primarily depended on animal products as only sources of food.

During this time, very few families were doing farming and this was for subsistence use only.

The included Ole Kasura an Sekut- Ntiyioine who had a big influence to the local on the need to try crop farming. Other who came in after include Ole Leintoi, Sekut Ole Ntiyoine, Saitoti ole Botoyo, ololosirua Kiok

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The Enkare Nairowua (a hot spring) has a very rich history of local and international tourist dated back to late seventies. Based on the locals understanding, the springs became a settlement base to the PAOC3 missionaries who settled here in early seventies to preach the gospel and offer medical assistance in the area. The nchi kafu section of the Kenya Defense Forces until the passage and adoption of the new constitution (2010) were known to have designated the local plains as one of their field sites for practicing. This is motivated by the nature of population scarcity and reliable hot water that is therapeutic after the rigorous trainings and ease for laundry cleaning. The spring was known to be the only source of water mostly during the drought periods and attracted huge livestock numbers as far as 16kms away. The demands for water among the pastoralist elicited a traditional way and sequenced planning to allow rotational access to water. In this way, conflict is mitigated, and equitability for all is practiced. These arrangements were locally agreed among the villages on who take water at a given schedule and by which side of the location (Group Ranch) or the catchment area within the Group ranch4. This was meant for two reasons. One, is to stop overstretching of the water point and allowing equal access to water by all pastoralist and local farmers at their appointed time. Secondly, to stop inter-mingling/mixing and possible straying of the animals form different areas to minimize the displacement and “lost” during the watering points, and thirdly, to allow the animals that travels as much as between 10-16km “rest” form the draining walk. This dissection of the watering point has also been used to regulate unwanted in-breeding of the animal from unwanted heard or stop the cross breeding.

Owing to the above local dynamism with the increasing population livestock, coupled with consistence droughts for the last 2 decades, the reality of demand for water became real.

Although this is known to have stated in early 80’s, the impact of droughts is reported to have been greatly felt in 1984 to date. By the time of writing and submission of this report, there is an ongoing dry spell that begun mid last year (2014) and the demand for the water has

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Pentecostal assemblies of God/Canada missionaries arriving form Canada who took shelter in Enkare Nairowua.

Up to date, they still visit the area in reference of their input in establishment of the mission station and local schools.

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Group ranch is a system that bring the administrative unit into one unity in terms of land resources management

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escalated to greater use than initially anticipated. In the same way, the water volumes may be affected as a result of dry spell but this still under observation Cultural and traditional knowledge is a preserves of those and especially the elders who keep institutional memory what events took place at any given time. Based on a case study done

by ILEPA on Community Based Monitoring Information System (CBMIS) on indigenous people knowledge, indicated different aspects of biodiversity and environment are monitored

by different groups in the community. This knowledge is used by council of elders/Elders, as embodiments of community’s collective memory, puts the collected data into historical perspectives to capture the overall emerging trends in climate variability and changes in the ecosystem. Enkutoto5 community, a good case study for this CBMIS, discussed the cycle of events gives a complete cycle of indigenous knowledge calendar describing as to when such an event happen, why it happens, how it happens and by whom? Based on the research finding, three throng avenues have been fronted by all the discussants. All the three process were found to be feeding into each other and cascading to the next level of development and actualization of the water dam.

As discussed above, the researcher, for the interest of this study clarifies that the three level of arguments as presented by the discussants be discussed in term of their analysis. In this case, theory one (1) feeds into theory two (2) and three (3) respectively.

Theory one:

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Enkutoto is a village within the program area of Ilepa and who, up to date continue to practice and live a pure pastoral community. They also reside on the entrance of the biggest indigenous forest in Kenya- Naimina Enkiyio

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Irrigated farm using water from the dam and adjacent is a woman seeking help to stand her cow that is affected as a result of current revenging drought within the same farms

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t was found that the 1st phase of the dam establishment was as a result of the tarmacking of the Narok-Maasai Mara road in early 90’s by the Chinese. As a result, the demand for reliable source of water for the workmanship was evident as there was no other area with

ease of access than Enkare Nairowua. Although this has not been fronted by many interviewees, there was an evident presence of the contractors’ lorries ferrying water during the entire period of the road construction. At the time of contractor collecting the water at the stream, there was not much water demand as the populations was not that as high as its now.

Although there is some understanding that some monies was paid to the then Cllr, there is no evidence to support the argument. The proponent of this idea though, may not have been aware of the motives for the establishment of two dams and how they are interconnected in reasons for establishment just thought that this was a mega project and some people must have “benefited” to enable this to go on. Secondly, the arrangement on water livestock consumption

as

per

the

village

was

manageable given that not many livestock were reported in comparison to what is experienced. The picture below depicts one of the community processes of participation and inclusivity. This was undertaken at the sideline of the dam

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Theory two:

A

second opinion was that the dam was stated by the then Councilor Kilekon Ole Mayone, who though the engagement of the then missionaries (Eling Clarice, a nurse

missionary from POC in Canada) indentified the need for the community to have a sufficient water supply source as well as for the missionaries use not only in the mission area where they reside, but also to the social amenities that they helped established though their work.

This includes the local and only dispensary . Through this arrangement and the need for clean water provision as advocated by the missionary nurse in the need to improve health and sanitation, where diarrheal diseases was common, the then political leadership approached a local contractor- (Janti Panara) develop and construct the larger dam that is in use currently.

At this stage, the area councilor is reported to have shared the idea with other community leaders though he is believed to have the final decision on what needed to be done. In the discussion, the food security was to be enhanced and the sustainability and over reliance on relief food during the dry spell will be a thing of the past.

Many local residents though having the notion of the role the area councilor had at the moments, they attribute the water pan successful establishment to Touch of Love Integrated Development Programme (TOLIDP6). This is for the reason that TOLIDP lead in many 6

ILEPA was originally registered as TOLIDP and went through a rebranding in 2012. Therefore, TOLIDP name is used in reference to activities done before the change of name.

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community engagements at the village level. This process encouraged a lot of participation and especially that ILEPA was formed as a alternative community voice to address leadership social ills and bridging the gap between human rights and development. During this phase of development, the dam completion was temporarily stopped as a result of lack of funding and that is when TOLIDP secured a funding and partnership between the UNDP and GoK. At this stage of development there was a lot of community participation in terms of capacity building and training initiated by Tolidp at the community level. Equally the process was very participatory and is heralded as the first process of community realisation of full scale of farming. Many governance training were done at this stage and including the establishment of the local water dam committee to oversee the prudent management of the dam. The committee was in its own right, have the sole discretion of the decision pertaining the dam and water use management.

A photo of the main dam showing a section of livestock quenching their thirst from the scotching sun and one of the former chairman of Maji Moto Group Ranch during a climate change forum on indigenous knowledge discussing pastoralist seasonal calendar Discussion

The water catchment area The two (small and big) dams have a very wide catchment area and with escalated water demands during the dry spell. The many water users can be categories into three sections: this includes the pastoralist who are purely dependent on livestock for the source of livelihoods, the farming practitioners whose practice both pastoralism and sedentary faming, and the local institutions that wholly are depending on the windmill pumped water. This includes the 14

learning institution, both high school and two primary schools that has a population of nearly 2000 pupils and teachers, the local mission field hosting the church and the local dispensaries and a few villages that lives along the windmill piped water route. Among the villages include the then area councilor Mayone who had a great political influence and economically stable that the piping system was extended to his homestead. Although this was also attempted in the upper villages of Kikurrukurr approximately six kilometers away but sustainability was not foreseen. The categorization on the management of water exhibited community cooperation and participation in decision making as a collective responsibility in order to maximize the water use while not depleting the resources. For instance, the pastoral community discussed and accrued communal agreements where livestock take water in specific days- after 2 days.

Following this local and traditionally accepted agreements, each area or village is allocated its own day and time for watering their livestock. This was applied to arrive at three possibilities: 1. The arrangement allowed the local community and pastoralist mitigate and minimize any water related conflict that may arise as a result of overstretching or over use 2. To minimize lose of their stock in the events of mix-up of the animals. This is meant to enable the shepherds identify and track their animals movements and interaction in the event of straying animals 3. To allow the local community that is practicing the shamba (irrigation) system and allow water to collate to a given volume

that

is

allowable

for

re-

distribution among their irrigation parcel.

Social Impact of the Dam The community of Majimoto accepted that the dam has brought a lot of social-cultural and 15

economical change to the community. These were changes that were not experienced until then when the community accepted the mixed faming of animal and crops as well. Knowing from an earlier discussion, the parcel owners were identified among many illegible families cutting across the Majimoto ward. Many of these beneficiaries are mostly those that have expressed interest but the priority was given to those already doing subsistence farming.

Among the families that were mentioned, they all become the very first beneficiaries and still hold this parcels up to date. The many benefits that were strongly identified among the research participants were the women role in cultivation. Many local pastoralists tended to pass over the faming responsibilities to the women and especially at the early stages of early farming in the area. From the figure (picture) below indicates demonstrate an efficient way of water usage from by the learning institution and local dispensary and church community From the research discussion, an elder, and who doubles up as the pioneer water committee chair attribute that much change has happened since the establishment of the irrigation scheme. Ole Kiok emphasized that this is the noblest idea that was done by the then leadership and was a participatory process especially in identifying the 2 acres plots beneficiaries. Perhaps, he attribute that, then, “at their time” of leadership, the community interest were more paramount as opposed to the current systems that defines and propagate the “me here now” principle. In his own word, “melubo apa larikok anaa le taata”, that leaders were not egocentric as its know. In the support of his argument, he equate that the then chief had six acres of land under irrigation but this changed when the parcel were subdivided and shared equally. He could have used his position as a government officer to enrich himself but moral conscience prevailed.

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