THE FAILURE OF TOP-DOWN URBAN PLANNING SAHACHAI KUMALWISAI - 18052043
MANCHESTER SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE
TABLE OF CONTENTS CONTENTS
PAGES
01 - INTRODUCTION
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02 - THE 'GRID' MAPPING ON MANHATTAN
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03 - THE HISTORY OF BANGKOK LAND-USE PLAN
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04 - THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN TOP-DOWN AND BOTTOM-UP URBAN PLANNING
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05 - CONCLUSION
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06 - BIBLIOGRAPHY
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01 - INTRODUCTION Top-down urban planning has been introduced throughout my researches in 'the research methodologies and events' from semester 1 and the 'dissertation'. The diversity of urban ecosystems characterized the urban area that the variety of institutional levels is interacted with different stakeholders and decision-makers, especially public administrations and governments (Semeraro, 2020). Nevertheless, some urban planners seem assuming themselves with a whim as a ruler who wanted to project their power onto the governed land in order to build a town after their image, while inhabitants do not have a say in the design of their streets, houses, neighborhoods, and services that respond to their needs (Urboteca, 2018). This seems to be the problem generated by top-down urban planning. This essay will firstly discuss the top-down urban planning from the New York 'Grid' mapping and the history of Bangkok land-use plan to understand and demonstrate the failure of top-down urban planning and its side effects. Secondly, the compromise between top-down and bottom-up urban planning will be highlighted to draw a suggestion for urban design process. Lastly, these will be summarized as conclusion for future urban strategy at the end of this essay.
02 - THE 'GRID' MAPPING ON MANHATTAN New York seems well-known as the city of skyscrapers, which its limitation was produced by top-down 'Grid' planning (Koolhaas, 1978). The 'Grid', which was planned from planners who seems working just on drafting table, originated the frenzy. Koolhaas demonstrated that, in 1807, Simeon deWitt, Gouverneur Morris and John Rutherford were commissioned to propose the planning for Manhattan to be 12 avenues running from north to south and 155 streets running from east to west, which is 13 x 156 = 2,028 blocks were set on the island (Fig. 1). The facility of the 'buying, selling and improving of real estate' made Manhattan's planning based on grid. So, the Grid had guided Manhattan's architecture to be a paradigm for the exploitation of congestion. In the single block contains the largest possible area that can fit under architectural control, which develops a maximum unit of urbanistic ego. Since the Manhattan limitation and the number of its blocks are permanently fixed, the growth of the city cannot be in conventional manner. The city becomes a mosaic of episodes, each with its own particular life span, that contest each other through the Grid planning.
Fig. 1. Manhattan's Grid (source: Remkool Haas/Delirious New York)
Landau and Condit (1996) stated that the 'Grid' mapping originates its side effect through Manhattan's skyscraper as concrete forest which illustrates the neglectful arrogancy of modernity and capitalism. The streets were surrounded by high-rise wall filled with congestion and pollution, which pedestrian is possibly blocked from the sunshine by towers. Parker (2013) emphasized this phenomenon through 'The Yellow Devil', which is the book from Maxim Gorki telling about the visit to New York in 1905, as a city made of 'walls of stone' where citizens were 'so insignificant, so enslaved'. Therefore, the 'Grid' in Manhattan seems showing its side effect to inhabitants that highlights the failure of top-down urban planning. 1
03 - THE HISTORY OF BANGKOK LAND-USE PLAN The history of Bangkok urban planning evidences the failure of top-down urban planning. Bangkok is manifested its role as the symbolic center of social order and culture (Sintusingha and Mirgholami, 2012). In the early Rattanakosin era, Bangkok was planned as universe following the Hindu and Buddhist cosmological models. The urban landscape was dominated by The Grand Palace of the king and the Front Palace of the heir (Fig. 2). The city of Ayutthaya was replicated to form the city of Bangkok where the royal center of power from the trading center and also in the cosmopolitan dramatically contrast to its agricultural area representing hinterland (Aeuosrivongse, 1984). The administrative core of the city was set on land while the rest was based on water, which responded to the seasonal change of the Chao Phraya river and provided land for commoner's amphibious dwellings. As Aeuosrivongse stated that Bangkok's urbanism comprises the royal citadel, its trading areas, and its mosaic of villages networked by canals and river (Fig. 3). In the past, the top-down urban planning seems to be appropriated to the physical of the city. Fig. 2. Bangkok in the mid-19th century (source: author)
Fig. 3. The historic transportation mode in Bangkok (source: Manager Online)
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However, the arrival of overseas top-down urban models probably is the beginning of its failure. Winichakul (1994) claimed that the permanent transformation began from the contact with European colonial powers and their 'superior' land-biased culture and industrial technologies. Colonial administration practices were adopted, and centrally appointed nobles replaced hereditary lords in the hinterlands. King (2011) stated that the arrival of the railways and roads announced the new 'landbased' era in Thailand through the construction of the first road 'Charoen Krung' in 1862 based on the concept the European quarters which was a major commercial route into the following century. This urban morphological change instigated a schism with the water-based urban practices which transformed the 'Venice of the East' from a water-based into a land-based city. In 1887, the light rail service was introduced to the public, but it was only for upper classes. Land-based architectural typologies, such as the Chinese shophouses and European mansions on the ground began to replace the agricultural land and fishing villages (Jumsai, 1997, p. 170-171). The defensive wall and towers were demolished to expand north and east via boulevards and roads lined with neo-classical structures designed by European architects and engineers. The traditional canals were subordinated by these new urban developments facilitated by land-based transportation of road and railway (Fig. 4 and Fig. 5).
Fig. 4. Bangkok in the end century (source: author)
Fig. 5. Ratchadamnoen Avenue in Rama V's era (source: Foto_momo)
Moreover, Sintusingha and Mirgholami (2012) stated that the geopolitical power was changed after World War II, modernization's forms and practices were shifted from European to American. During this era, the development of Bangkok was dominated by an acceleration of market-driven urban expansion following top-down American urban models into the peripheral suburban which led to formation of specific urban morphologies in each city that connected modern highways with original rural forms and patterns especially the expansion of 'superblock', where is an urban area usually closed to through traffic, in Bangkok. After 1945, the reconstruction after World War II globally flourished driving urban growth, including Bangkok, highways and concrete buildings were built representing the modern format. During the first decade after the war, rural-urban migration drove the urban expansion of Bangkok, up to 50% of its population growth in 1960 and rose continuously until the 1970s (Archavanitkul, 1988, p. 8). Simultaneously, real-estate market in suburban area was established throughout the construction of new roads, displacing and turning prime agricultural lands and rural villages to be the city. The population in Bangkok and its suburbs grew dramatically from 400,000 people in the 19th century to six million in 1984 (Sintusingha and Mirgholami, 2012). Sintusingha and Mirgholami claimed that, by the late 2000s, Bangkok population grew over 10 million, the construction of the expressways and the first phases of the Skytrain and underground lines had been completed to serve the city's population. The metropolis was sprawling into suburbs, which concurrently produced high-rises, malls, factories, industrial estates, highways, and elevated expressways. 3
Fig. 6. The First Greater Bangkok Land-use Plan 1933 (source: author)
Fig. 7. The Bangkok Land-use Plan 2013 (source: Foto_momo)
There seems emphasizing the failure from top-down American urban models that major highways and roads dominate originally the pattern of Bangkok land-use development. Guerra (2004) claimed that Bangkok land-use plan unexpectedly originates its mistake, the lack of secondary infrastructure becomes the problem of urban growth, the inadequacy of access to distribute roads and the insufficiency of piped water and sewage systems generate obstacles to produce more efficient development patterns. The land usage of Bangkok presents two separated characteristics. The outstanding of mixed land use is the first characteristic. Residential zone, commercial zone and mixedscale industrial zone seem to be increased only in a single district without efficient control on their land use. Drainage and waste management systems, which are the basic facilities, are not usually built without problems (Krongkaew, 1996). The lack of efficient roads in the majority of Bangkok's extended area is the second characteristic, streets were built by private contractors for their real estate projects because the government could not provide sufficient roads which emphasizes the remaining problem that many systematic and interconnected networks was not built efficiently (Ross et al., 2000; Webster 2000) (Fig. 8 and Fig. 9). These private streets, which were not built accordingly to the public road layout, caused critical traffic problems to public road network in many areas where can be defined as poor accessibility. Moreover, this ineffective road network causes severe traffic congestion concurrently increasing air pollution which damages the health of urban dwellers. The rapid growth of suburban areas also confronts the problem of inadequate water supply, as the increasing demand could not be fed by the limited supply. Suburban citizens are forced to consume underground water exacerbating land subsidence, which causes critical flooding in raining season (Krongkaew, 1996; Webster, 2004). So, it seems that Bangkok social and physical problems are led consequently by inappropriate topdown American urban patterns.
Fig. 8. The superblock in Lat Phrao district (source: author)
Fig. 9. The superblock in Lat Phrao district (source: author)
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Therefore, the result of rapid population growth, following urban planning from top-down planners, shows the opposite of land use from the past where agricultural land was consumed to be brownfields and buildings. The major role of Bangkok's transportation was previously set along canals where are now filling and replacing to be road transportation. The inappropriate planning affects citizens socially and physically. So, these urban problems slowly demonstrate the failure of Bangkok land-use plan throughout each generation which emphasizes the side effect from top-down urban planning.
04 - THE COMPROMISE BETWEEN TOP-DOWN AND BOTTOM -UP URBAN PLANNING New York and Bangkok have been demonstrated that the top-down urban planning has produced imprudently failure urban plan. As urban article published by Urboteca in 2018 claimed that bottom-up planning is a strategy to solve the side effect from top-down planning. The power of urban planning should be owned by residents to make ideal city for citizens. However, it seems to be endless urban design process because there might be infinite needs to reply all inhabitants' request. Throughout history, top-down and bottom-up urban planning have been compromising. Urboteca evidenced that people presently can propose through social pressure, economic force, or strategic alliance as agencies to expect how their built environment would be changed. In the late twentieth century, the forms of global government have changed to be mostly democracy which urbanism also adapted the concept of predominant political system. Civil rights and power have granted equally to citizens, urban schools have become to consider the issues of sociospatial justice and public participation in order to propose the city as new imperative. Urboteca proposed that the development of city should be planned mindful spatial plan with appropriated data from the diversity of city users. This compromise would solve the problems, which are social tensions, ecological pressure, displacement, segregation, sprawl, impoverishment, and poor health, from top-down urban planning. The synthesis from 'the top' urban designs processes for 'the bottom' may engage in co-producing urban planning. Therefore, professionals and residents would be together to work countering the failure of top-down urban planning.
Fig. 10. The conceptual work models that we have developed for the top-down and bottom-up approaches (source: Semeraro et al., 2020)
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05 - CONCLUSION From New York, the 'Grid' mapping on Manhattan island has been demonstrated the side effect of 2,028 blocks, which currently generates congestions and pollutions by its limitation as urban problems to habitants. This could emphasize the failure of top-down urban planning. The history of Bangkok land-use plan evidenced the urban problems that slowly presents the failure of Bangkok land-use plan throughout each generation, which highlights the effect from top-down urban planning. The synthesis from 'the top' urban designs processes to 'the bottom' is the summary of the compromise between top-down and bottom-up urban planning. It would engage in co-producing urban planning which professionals and residents should be together to work countering the failure of topdown urban planning. In conclusion, this essay has been discussed the failure of top-down urban planning and its side effect throughout my researches in semester 1 and the dissertation. The compromise between these two urban planning has been summarized as a suggestion for urban design process. A city should be planned with a clear and embodied rational social order, where society would translate spatially its hierarchies, from access to spaces not from a planner who imagines a city by individual visualization. Therefore, these will be a suggestion for the future of urban design process to counter and avoid the failure from top-down urban planning.
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06 - BIBLIOGRAPHY Aeuosrivongse, N. (1984). Pakkai Lae Bai Rue. Khwamruang Wa Duai Wannakam Lae Prawatisat Ton Rattanakosin (Pen and sail: Studies of literature and history. in the early Rattanakosin period). Amarin Printing, Bangkok. Archavanitkul, K. (1988). Migration and urbanisation in Thailand, 1980: The urbanrural continuum analysis. Salaya: Institute for Population and Social Research, Mahidol University. Guerra, G.A.V. and Guerra, G.A.V. (2004). Urban development issues in Thailand: an insight into Bangkok. Division of Building and Real Estate Economics, Department of Infrastructure, Royal Institute of Technology. Jumsai, S. (1997). Naga: Cultural origins in Siam and the west pacific. Bangkok: Chalermnit and DD Books.
Press
King, R. (2011). Reading Bangkok. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press. Madanipour, A. (1998). Tehran: The making of a metropolis. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Koolhaas, R. (2014) Delirious New York: a retroactive manifesto for Manhattan. The Monacelli Press, LLC. Krongkaew, M. (1996). The changing urban system in a fast-growing city and economy: the case of Bangkok and Thailand. Landau, S. and Condit, C. (1996) Rise of the New York Skyscraper. New Haven and London. Parker, M. (2013) Vertical capitalism: Skyscrapers and organization. Culture and Organization, 21(3), pp.217-234. Ross, H., Poungsomlee, A., Punpuing, S. and Archavanitkul, K. (2000). Integrative analysis of city systems: Bangkok 'Man and the Biosphere' programme study. Environment and Urbanization, 12(2), pp.151-161. Semeraro, T., Nicola, Z., Lara, A., Sergi Cucinelli, F. and Aretano, R. (2020). A Bottom-Up and TopDown Participatory Approach to Planning and Designing Local Urban Development: Evidence from an Urban University Center. Land, 9(4), p.98. Sintusingha, S. (2006). Sustainability and urban sprawl: Alternative scenarios for a Bangkok superblock. Urban Design International, 11(3-4), pp.151-172. Urboteca. (2018) Top down vs. bottom up - a brief critical history of urban planning. [Online] [Accessed on 11 July 2020] https://medium.com/urban-education-live/top-down-vs-bottom-up-a-brief-critical-history-of-urbanplanning-91ce207ffca5 Webster, D. (2000). Financing city-building: The Bangkok case. Stanford University, Institute for International Studies. Winichakul, T. (1994). Siam mapped: A history of the geo-body of a nation. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
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