FSHST Presentation (UJUT©2017)

The International Workshop of operational urbanism and spatial planning Atelier International en urbanisme et aménagement du territoire

THE TUNISIAN-GERMAN WINTER SCHOOL Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences SOCIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY DEPARTMENT

The Tunisian Association of Planning higher education © 2016 E-mail : ujut15@gmail.com Site-web : https://ugutblog.wordpress.com/2016/01/14/211/

Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/TSP1520/ ISSUU : https://issuu.com/uniondesjeunesurbanistestunisien/docs/tunisian_schools_of_planning

Plan of the presentation “ Tunisian historic habitat : fields, processes and actors ”

1. Urban planning in « popular quarters » at The Médina of Tunis: Rehabilitation or regeneration? ... by Pr. Ahmed KHOUAJA

2. City and democracy in new Tunisia (the case of la Marsa)… by Med Ali RAGOUBI

3. The Historic habitat in Sfax: between strengths & threats … by Emna FRIKHA

4. Historical Habitat: Heritage fields and actors (The case of Tozeur )… by Safwen CHIDA

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences SOCIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY DEPARTMENT

01 Communication Urban planning process

3

Speaker 1 : KHOUAJA A. ahkhouaja@yahoo.fr

URBAN PLANNING IN « POPULAR QUARTERS » AT THE MÉDINA OF TUNIS: REHABILITATION OR REGENERATION?

AHMED KHOUAJA UNIVERSITY OF TUNIS – SOCIOLOGY DEPARTMENT

HISTORICAL REVIEW: AN OVERVIEW OF THE MAGHREB CITIES ď‚ž The Arab city: myth or reality? Insist on the context!

ď‚ž As for cities in the Maghreb, let us note from the outset that we already have cities with an established urban tradition, dating back to prehistoric times, to the Punic and Roman period. These old cities have undergone, since the advent of the French protectorate (18301962) in the three countries of the Maghreb, social, spatial and economic mutations that have generated in their wake a configuration of fragmented, fragmented cities and living a permanent tension between traditional medinas offering an urbanism of the sign resuscitating the urban, family and cultural memory, ville-neuve that monopolize a utilitarian urbanism, that is to say the modern schools, the means of transport, the factories, the hospitals, the leisures and all the forms of modern urbanism and shantytowns that embody, by its spontaneous and illegal nature, a counter-city that channels rebellion and protest, subject to all kinds of risks and threats: environmental, social and political risks.

CITIES OF KNOWLEDGE, CITIES OF COMMERCE AND COLONIAL CITIES  In the diversity which characterizes the cities of the Maghreb, one finds in this corpus of cities, cities big centers of knowledge like Tunis, Kairouan, Marrakesh, Fez and its famous university of Quaraouine, Salé, Tlemcen, Oran, etc, practitioner cities like Rabat, economic and commercial cities like Casablanca created ex-nihilo by Lyautey and Sfax in Tunisia, spiritual cities like the Djerid cradle of oasis culture, Salé in Morocco, Taflilalt in Mazab, and Djerba emblematic places of Ibadite culture in Maghreb.

ANCHORED CITIES, BROKEN, FRAGMENTED AND OVERCROWDED  In the Maghreb, the technological changes brought about by capitalism and industrialization have elected the seat of the city centered on a utilitarian urbanism and not of sign, on the stock market and the bank, for example, and consequently on the speculation, investment and the market value of money investments.  On the other hand, the Medina preserves for heart the mosque founded on the spiritual and the symbolic. Here, sign urbanism dominates based on the past and identity, while the ville-neuve is turned to progress, rationality and the future.  In this sense, the Medina is increasingly overwhelmed by the villeneuve superimposed on it and biting slums. As a result, two symmetrical realities develop: one internal, that of neighborhoods and the other periphery, that of the suburbs with a more active and persistent historical role. Despite their differences, the two have in common a conflictual relationship between the spontaneous and the unofficial against the official and the plan of the city incarnated by the municipal or communal will

AN INCREASINGLY URBAN POPULATION ď‚ž At the end of the colonial period, Libya and Mauritania had more nomads than city dwellers. At the same time, and in the central Maghreb, 3/4 of the population was still rural. ď‚ž In fact, in the early 1950s, a minority of North Africans live in cities where only a few families have a city memory, a culture of cities, Tunisian beldis for example. Today more than 6 out of 10 North Africans live in cities: they have more than 85% in Libya, more than 70% in Algeria, more than 65% in Tunisia and more than 60% in Morocco and Mauritania.

A SMOOTH TRANSITION TO MAGHREB CENTRAL AND BRUTAL ON MARGINS  The shift from rural domination and rural lifestyle dominated by rural notabilities, to a world where urban people and their way of life dominate, now polarizes all issues.  This passage was made very brutally on the margins of the Maghreb (in Mauritania and Libya), more slowly, more gradually in the central Maghreb. The stock of Maghreb citizens increased dramatically: about 6 million in 1950, 27.7 million in 1980, nearly 50 million in 2005 and a little more than 63 million in 2015. 

The multiplication of the Maghreb urban population has been spectacular on the margins: a multiplication by more than 100 in Mauritania, (a real explosion), and more than 18 in Libya. The multiplication was relatively moderate in the central Maghreb: a multiplication by 14 in Algeria, by 8 in Morocco and by 6 in Tunisia.

un

Une zone intermédiaire entre la nouvelle ville et la médina

SCHOOL SIDI ALI AZOUZ LOCATED IN THE SOUTHERN SUBURB OF THE CITY

EXAMPLE 1: TRANSFORMING AN ABANDONED PRIMARY SCHOOL IN THE MEDINA INTO A HOMELESS OR HOMELESS SHELTER

SOCIO-URBAN STUDY ON THE RECEPTION LEVEL OF THE MEDINA OF TUNIS OF THE HALTE HOUSE PROJECT FOR HOMELESS WOMEN  Conduct a study of urban sociology to measure the reception of the population of the medina of Tunis from the house for homeless women;  The halting house will have for mission the provisional lodging of women victims of deep precariousness, the orientation, the follow-up, the formation with the rights, the psychological accompaniment, and the job search  To help the project designers to establish a basis of sustainability for the future Halte house, to integrate the project in its urban and human environment, to create local opportunities for future beneficiaries of the project and to foster a dynamic of economic interaction between the project and the inhabitants of the Medina of Tunis in terms of services exchanges.

THE STARTING HYPOTHESES 

The higher the level of education, the more tolerant the person is;



Seniority in the residence promotes the feeling of tolerance;



It is highly likely that graduated heads of households would tend to accept homeless women as heads of households who are illiterate or unqualified;



It is highly likely that women living in the perimeter of the proposed rest house would tend to support the project more than men.

THE METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY

A questionnaire survey of 100 households in the neighborhood of Sidi Ali Azzouz district; A survey by interview sheet with craftsmen and traders of the Medina of Tunis; A qualitative survey through semi-structured interviews with resource persons likely to help and support the project.

THE POPULATION, AMENITIES AND ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD The district includes 661 dwellings, 619 households and 2214 inhabitants;

A district that has experienced a massive departure of its inhabitants from the 1974 census (the Medina currently has 100,000 inhabitants); Economic and commercial activities have been transformed into popular and parallel trade.

LOCATION OF THE HOUSEHOLDS SURVEYED

THE PROJECT AREA IS LOCATED IN AN AREA OF DENSE HUMAN AND CULTURAL DENSITY

THE RESULTS OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY

7% OF OCCUPIED DWELLINGS ARE PUBLIC PROPERTY

45% OF DWELLINGS ARE UNREGISTERED

SECURITY IN THE MEDINA IS CONSIDERED RELATIVELY SATISFACTORY

THE LEVEL OF AMENITIES IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD IS CONSIDERED INSUFFICIENT

THE POPULATION OF THE MEDINA HAS SHOWN A HIGH DEGREE OF TOLERANCE

AWARENESS WORK FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE DEATH PENALTY REMAINS TO BE DONE

THE NEIGHBORHOOD IS PERCEIVED RELATIVELY FRIENDLY

50% OF RESPONDENTS WANT TO MOVE FROM THE MEDINA

A DEGREE OF ATTACHMENT OF THE SURVEYED POPULATION TO THE MEDINA RELATIVELY GOOD

THE MODE OF ACQUISITION OF HOUSING IN THE HOUSEHOLDS SURVEYED

A RELATIVELY POSITIVE PERCEPTION OF THE ATMOSPHERE IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD Comment jugez-vous le calme dans votre quartier

11%

26%

Bonne 29%

Moyenne Mauvaise Très mauvaise

34%

2ND EXAMPLE: THE DEVELOPMENT AND ENHANCEMENT OF SEBKHA SEJOUMI OF LARGE TUNIS AN EXAMPLE OF TERRITORIAL EQUITY AND CHANGE OF THE IMAGE OF THE QUARTER / CITY (more than 515000habitants)

PROCEDURE OF THE SOCIOLOGICAL INQUIRY  The procedure consisted of the organization of a public workshop to discuss, present and report the results of the preliminary diagnosis in order to reach a consensus on the measures to decontaminate and exploit the ecological, economic and demographic potential of the surrounding area. sebkha and manage to define with the local actors at the level of each delegation concerned a strategy for the development and rehabilitation of the sebkha;  This is the bottom up approach (which comes after the top down approach) and proposes variants and management scenarios: depollution, flood control, reconciliation with nature and development. in Sijoumi of a prosperous, ecological and citizen city;  The procedure involved;  two public problem-solving workshops and the solution tree;  Focused focus groups  A questionnaire to the population;  A public restitution workshop.

THE PIPO METHOD The steps of the PIPO method are as follows:  The analysis phase:  11. Analysis of the problems  12. Goal Analysis  13. Analysis of strategies.  2. The planning phase  21. The description of the intervention logic  22. The description of the development scenarios  23. Operationalization  231. The determination of Objectively Verifiable Indicators  232. Determination of sources of verification  233. The determination of the means  234. The determination of financial requirements

PHASES OF THE STUDY Phase 1

Activity 1 : Diagnosis of the current situation of sebkhat Land Survey on Curb Lands Activity 2 : Proposal for potential development alternatives Activity 3 : Variant development and multicriteria analysis

Phase 2

Activity 4 : Activity 4: Recognition and further investigation Activity 5 : Detailed Front Study Technico-financial feasibility study Activity 6 : Environmental Impact Assessment

ActivitĂŠ 7 : Bidding Documents

37

Phase 3

PRESENTATION OF SEBKHAT The sebkhat represents one of the 4 hydrological units of the great Tunis

• Totally inserted in the urban tissue of Tunis; • Linked to the major external axes • 23 700 m of banks

38

• 2630 ha of surface

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS

A. Constraints 1. Hydrological dysfunction; 2. A discharge outlet and a waste dump;

3. An alarming ecological situation; 4. A dysfunction of the dynamics of territorial evolution;

39

5. A fragmentation of the institutional system..

CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS 1. Hydrological dysfunction 1. An irregular internal topo-bathymetry; 2. Directly exposed urban areas; 3. Limited clipping capability 4. A disorder a level of banks;

40

5. Clogged and uncontrolled mouths.

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS 1. Hydrological dysfunction 2 900 hectares

Zones exposées

2 620 hectares < +10 m NG Plus de 80 % de la surface Entre 7,5 et 8,5 m NGT Canal d’évacuation

41

Hauts fonds

CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS 1. Hydrological dysfunction

42

Riverbank disorders Mouths blocked

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS 2. A discharge outlet and a waste dump 1. More than 49 books lead to sebkhat (EP and EU); 2. More than 35 books come from dense urban areas; 3. More than 10 EU pumping stations on the banks; 4. Inputs very close to each other; 5. More than 17 black spots of solid waste on the banks; 6. An old landfill containing 4.7 million garbage confined on the

43

banks.

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS 3. An alarming ecological situation 1. Poor water quality accompanied by nauseating odors

2. Muddy bottoms heavily laden with organic matter; 3. Biodiversity very weak or almost absent.

44

Total rupture of sebkhat with its human environment

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS 4. Dysfunctioning of the dynamics of territorial evolution A dense human occupation 515 000 ha having generated a fuzzy area, vulnerable: 1. Social (unemployment, spatial disparities, violence, etc.); 2. Land (illegal subdivision, speculation, ambiguous property status of occupied dwellings,);

45

3. Front builds (dense, entangled, never completed, heterogeneous, heirs of gourbivilles, sedentarisation, etc ...)

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS 5. Fragmentation of the institutional system 1. Two governorates (Tunis, Ben Arous); 2. Four communes (Tunis, Sidi Hsine, M'hamdia, El Mourouj); 3. Technical departments: CRDA, DGF, SONEDE, ONAS, STEG, etc ...

46

4. Absence of department that can centralize the specific problems of sebkhat.

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS

47

5. Fragmentation du système institutionnel

CHAP. 1: CONSTRAINTS AND STRENGTHS

B. Strengths 1. A large water reservoir in the center of the city 2. An attractive area for thousands of birds; 3. A significant natural landscape potential (lake, forest;

48

4. Major projects completed (500 million dinars) for: • Sanitation and water purification, • Flood protection; • The opening up of the area (road-RFR, etc.)

CHAP. 2: OBJECTIVES AND EXPECTED RESULTS Objectives

1. Protect against flooding 2. Cleaning Up 3. Conciliate

Expected results 1. Riparian areas are protected from flooding 2. A manageable water management system 3. Well controlled inputs 4. Incoming waters of acceptable quality 5. Funds of acceptable quality 6. A sebkhat with a favorable environment for a better human life 7. A sebkhat with a better ecological diversity 8. The quality of human life is improved

49

4. Develop

CHOICE CRITERIA Strategic Objectives

1. Inondability

2. Cleaning Up 3. Conciliate

Criteria

Operational Actions

1. Surface of sebkhat 2. Capacity of sebkhat

1. 1740 hectares 2. 40 millions Ă +9,5 m

3. Number of rejections 4. Quality of waste water 5. Quality background sediment

3. Reduce the number 4. Improve quality 5. Acceptable quality

6.

7.

8.

9.

6. Create a water plan 7. Rectify the banks 8. Create quiet areas

Body of water Human attractiveness Adaptation to birds Availability of space

9. Create full non-flood land

50

4. Develop

CHOICE CRITERIA Criteria 1. Bank treatment • Criterion 1: Surface of the sebkhat; • Criterion 7: Front line of sebkhat; • Criterion 9: Solid land on the banks.

2. Treatment of funds • Criterion 2: Volume of sebkhat; • Criterion 5: Quality of the bottom materials; • Criterion 6: Near-permanent water body; • Criterion 8: Morphology of sebkhat.

51

3. Release management • Criterion 3: Number of rejections; • Criterion 4: Quality of discharge water.

POTENTIAL VARIANTS

1.1. Partial treatment

Surface 1 875 hectares Full land 758 hectares Treated front line 16 Km / 22 Km

1.2. Total treatment

Surface 1 806 hectares Full land 826 hectares Treated front line 20 Km / 20 Km 52

1. Bank treatment - two variants

POTENTIAL VARIANTS 1.

Partial treatment of the banks

Surface 1 875 hec Full land 758 hect Treated front line 16 /22 Km 2.

Treatment of funds in two stages

53

Floor+ 7 m 836 hect Floor+ 8 m 821 hec Volume à 9,5 m 40 Mm m3

WHO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE CURRENT

SITUATION OF SEBKHA?

A

FOCUS

HEATED

GROUP

DEBATE

VIEW

AND

AT

HAY

FRUITFUL

HLAL:

EXCHANGE

ALTERNATIVES POPULATION

AS

IMAGINED

Il faut créer des parcs et des espaces verts

BY

THE

91,6

Il faut combattre la pollution

8,4

88,9

Il faut créer des espaces de loisir, culturels et sportifs

LOCAL

11,1

85,9

14,1

Oui Non

Il faut subvenir aux besoins de la région

85,5

Il faut rétablir l’équilibre naturel (oiseaux, végétation)

14,5

82,9

Il faut d’autres mesures ,8

17,1

99,2

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

Figure 1 : Q15 Comment valoriser la sebkha ?

80%

90%

100%

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences SOCIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY DEPARTMENT

02 Communication City planning and democracy

60

Speaker 2 : RAGOUBI M. A. mohamedaliragoubi@yahoo.fr

CITY AND DEMOCRACY IN NEW TUNISIA THE CASE OF LA MARSA

RAGOUBI MOHAMED ALI

TUNISIAN-GERMAN WINTER SCHOOL IUSD LAB

“If people want to be free, destiny will be at the appointment!”

Abou Alkacem Alchebbi, Tunisia poet

WHY CITY IS A HIGH PLACE OF PARTICIPATION? Democracy is today a system of political government that qualifies nation-states and geopolitical aggregates of all kinds: federal states and geopolitical groups but itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s generally reduced to the representation as a mode of government delegated to a minority in the occasion of universal suffrage, the latter exercises its power at varying geographical scale ranging from macro-spaces to local spaces. However, democracy would be discredited if it still limited to electoral meetings punctuating the various mandates whatever the spatial scale of their exercise, the democracy then extended to a new practices progressively recognized and institutionalized such as referendum, consultation and participatory projects, especially at the level of local territories wherein the spatial dimension of participation would be tangible and "measurable" since it is situated on a human scale: the society being associated with a territory, the latter is effectively invested only in the case of territories actually lived, practiced and thus perceived as appropriate spaces by citizens, since it is the closest and best known by all the inhabitants. Indeed it would not be a coincidence that, if we refer to the beginnings, democracy didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t appear in vast geographic areas, but was born, rather in a lesser frame, in the city where the democratic expression was born: Athens and its territory in ancient Greece.

The city being the territory where the anchoring of the society is more obvious, it would be less problematic to consider it as a high-place of socio-political expression in its participative aspect compared to a territory of bigger dimension and less homogeneous than is often the nation-state.

HOW IS IT POSSIBLE TO PARTICIPATE WHEN WE ARE IN POLITICAL TRANSITION? The question would arise differently in the context of a recent democracy and where the transparent and free suffrage are just beginning as is the case of Tunisia after the political upheaval that has occurred since January 14, 2011, date from which the population has adhered to varying forms of commitment to find a fair balance in the new relationship between the government and the governed. If the reconfiguration of the political system has been the preoccupation of the political parties and the historical actors in the national political / public debate, namely the UGTT and the LTDH ... etc., the population has also played a big role in organizing itself in a set of associations bustling around multiple issues touching all, public life.

Citizen action at the local level was essentially expressed by a collective commitment from the beginning of the events by forming neighborhood committees responsible for security during the period of release of the official security apparatus, but this quickly progressed towards multiple forms of civic associations aimed at improving the living environment and lobbying in public institutions in order to standardize the taking into account of the opinions of all inhabitants in the management of local affairs; this has led us to ask the question of the evolution of territorial appropriation translated into the new forms of participation and the identity construct around the territory as a common living space.

It is clear that the "local" in Tunisia became after the revolution of December-January 2011 a subject of constitutional debate and political issue, given the recovery of the posture of citizens facing issues of public space and local affairs management especially. In this new socio-political context, the local space has become a scene of intense participation, which would not escape to being determined by the geographical ideals that members of society made of their living environment or even of their territory.

Our goal would be to understand the extent to which new forms of participation have achieved and how they affect the nature of the relationship between citizens and central and/or local power in urban spaces and how the decisionmaking machine adapted to this new reality? Otherwise, is participatory democracy sufficiently effective in a transitional context where local spaces are led by special delegations and citizens suddenly freed from the yoke of the dictatorship? Will they be able to make themselves heard and compel decision-makers to integrate their vision (ambitions and representations) of public interesting (budgets and projects)? The conflicts that arise from the opposition of the points of view would be solved how and what is the part of the compromise or the statuquo in the logic of decision-making at the end of the discussions when they took place.

HOW THE ENGAGEMENT CAN BE CARRIED THROUGH URBAN REPRESENTATION? Concerning our case study and beyond the question of the collective heritage of a royal city (subject of our master's thesis) ,which is characterize the city of La Marsa and forges the personality of the local territory among others elements, we would like to question the representations made by the inhabitants, in the daily and political practice, of the territory that is the city and to establish a link with the perception from which they derive. The representation is here admitted in its profound meaning that goes beyond the "zero moment" of observation (perception) and integrates the historical symbolism into the actual lived experience which carries rather a bourgeois image of the city under the effect of a generalization that we need to nuance it, but also the vision that the inhabitants support on the urban and political projects within what it considers as "their territory", thus we will approach the concept in its complexity while trying to restore its composite architecture. Indeed the global morphology is certainly important in the understanding of territorialities from the modes of conceiving the mental layout of the city, but it would be necessary to integrate also the centralities, the discontinuities, the limits, the anomalies ... etc., this panoply of data even more meaningful when they are collected from the engaged citizens in the public sphere and will have great utility in confronting them with the "political evolution" of the civil society in order to visualize the way in which their representations would orient them in their action in the public space to satisfy their quest to find the idealized part of what they represent as their "ideal city".

This is why our analysis will be done in order to see how the representation of the territory interacts with the image of the urban ideal and how does this produce a motivation for participation at the local level. The method of expressing the vows concluded by observing the differences between the lived space and what one wishes to have also takes various forms, ranging from the individual commitment to the organization of operating groups in a particular field according to the concerns and ideologies serving as motives for action in the public space.

However, these actions can be complementary when they promote a group cohesion around the city or the "identity elements" that compose it, as a public good, the collective of civil society associations of La Marsa in our case is a proof of what engagement can give as a form of cement for individual and collective action (gathering of citizens around a collective project). However, this participation would be effective only if it is recognized by the political power in place and enshrined in the laws passed in parliament, so that all citizens can be considered a force of proposal and that the word of the citizen does not remain without translation in the speeches, the modes of government and the projects of the decision-makers. To better understand the political atmosphere in which the commitment of the inhabitants of La Marsa has evolved since 2011.

A NEW-ACTORS SYSTEM, IS IT POSSIBLE? In fact, two visions of local affair management clash; the first is that of power, which is fueled by a control and surveillance strategy inherited from a long reign of modes of government from above, while the second is the result of a sudden change by the revolution.

The population wants to be omnipresent in the conception of the projects it concerns in the face of a local power constituted under the command of the exception and resulting from a compromise to which it has not fully adhered since it has not chosen, while it has just elected a Constituent Assembly in 2011, a Parliament and a President in 2014. This contradiction is in our opinion at the root of a loss of legitimacy that the special delegations as local goverment don't have all the managerial means to fill it, until perhaps the organization of municipal elections that are slow in coming. As the administration is a building that is difficult to reform, the decision-making and citizen involvement methods have remained in a vertical pattern whose origin is the top and not the base, while the local population, and especially the population of the city in question is framed by a very active intelligentsia inherited from its long history as an elite city in the Tunisian metropolis.

That's why the situation is almost in continuous conflict and the number of administratives cases between the civil society and the municipality testify our point of view.

The embedding of this new element of civil society into the decision-making cycle has upset the inherited management system and the long-established system of actors stabilized by the regimes.

Many projects in the city have been modified and challenged on the procedure and on the spot during the transition to the execution (case of the historic bridge of la Marsa). This new player has not only been heard at the local level, but also by mobilizing massively after having invested the public place in an anti-corruption campaign, he managed to gather on the same table the central power, the special delegation and representatives of civil society.

WHEN/WHERE DID THE REAL BEGINNING OF THE MOVEMENT TAKE PLACE?

The La Marsa bridge was built for the first Tunisian railway linking Tunis, La Goulette and Marsa (TGM).

This railway was inaugurated on 2 August 1872 by Sadok Bey longtime before the protectorate was introduced and is part of the collective memory.

WHEN/WHERE DID THE REAL BEGINNING OF THE MOVEMENT TAKE PLACE? THE BRIDGE OF MARSA BEACH WAS DEFINITIVELY DESTROYED, SATURDAY, MAY 3, 2014, WHILE NO INFORMATION FROM THE AUTHORITIES WAS COMMUNICATED TO THE INHABITANTS OF LA MARSA.

MODEL OF THE NEW BRIDGE OF LA MARSA PLAGE.

HOW CIVIL SOCIETY IS FIGHTING AGAINST THE SPECIAL DELEGATION? We cut the chain of corruption!

Civil society will be forever vigilant!

Civil society is a force of proposition!

TOW DIFFERENT LAND MARK BUILDING AUTHENTIC BUILDING: KOBBET LAHWE ( ROOM OF SEA ).

MALL THAT TOOK THE PLACE OF A HISTORIC FABRIC.

TOW OPPOSITE BEHAVIOR RESTAURATION

VS

DERELICTION

THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION !

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences SOCIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY DEPARTMENT

03 Communication Strengths & threats in Historic habitat

74

Speaker 3 : FRIKHA E. frikha.emna13@gmail.com

DEPARTEMENT OF SOCIOLOGY

THE HISTORIC HABITAT IN SFAX: BETWEEN STRENGTHS & THREATS

Emna FRIKHA PhD student in urban sociology (Univ. of Tunis)

Plan

 The Medina of Sfax: Strengths & Weaknesses What threatns the Medina ? Opportunities saving this heritage from

decreasing . The sepecifities of the " Borjs" & operations of

their safeguard?

The Historic habitat in Sfax has a big importance in urban landscape, in localization of some services and in

the types of construction and various materials.

Specific historic habitats in Sfax: The Medina & Borjs

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CITY OF SFAX

Coastal town

About 1 million

inhabitants, INS 2014

Cultural life has declined over the decades

Entrepreupreunial and industrial city

Rare attendance of the city center by night

Educational and migratory pole

The main trunk roads run in a radial pattern to the city's center

The Medina and the

jnens: specific urban entities

 A coherent urban entity  residential and social functions  A specific organization of the space  Economical functions & services  Des restaurants with typical foods

• Residential function had declined • Animation by night is quasi absent • Economic areas nibble away at the residential areas through the decades

SWOT • Conserving some habitats by changing their vocation • Organizing some cultural events

• The anarchic restoration with unavailable materials.

• The decreasing of some functions

The Medina of Sfax: Strengths & Weaknesses

9th

century by

the Aghlabides.

Oriented to the sea.

Inclined topography adapted to rainwater runoff.

Area: 24 Ha The wall (2750 m of length & 12 m of height)

Multifunctional urban structure with all components of arab-muslim city.

Personal elaboration

The median arteries; one North-East/ South-West, the second East-West

They formed a labyrinthine network of streets, small alleys and impasses,

crosses in the south of the Big

all adapted to the pedestrian and

Mosque and divide the city in 4 parts

animal

circulations

and

characterized by their functions and orientations socio-economical.

The intra-muros is presented in the

form

of

a

quadrilateral

slightly deformed 600*400 meters.

The East-west part follows the seafront.

These

lines

of

communication

constitute 1/3 of built area and 26 % of the global area.

THE ECONOMICAL FUNCTION OF THE MEDINA

By contrast to the densified and tiny residential fabric, the economic activities took place in airy and straight fabric. The principal activities: Commerce and artisanal trade had been dispatched in souks and small places.

DISPATCHING OF SOUKS •Goldsmiths •Blacksmiths

•Dyers •perfumers

In

2012,

government

the

Tunisian

submitted

a

demand to add The Medina Of Sfax on the UNESCO World Heritage list.

THE EVOLUTION OF ECONOMIC AREA FROM 1960 TO 1993

•Degradation of residential function of the Medina.

•Declining number of inhabitants

Year

N° of inhabitants

1956

10 668

1966

13 797

1975

11 000

1984

8 400

1986

7 000

1993

3 500

SOURCE: NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF STATISTICS (1966 1984) / ASSOCIATION OF THE SAFEGUARD OF THE MEDINA (1986-1993)

ROAD CONGESTION IN THE EXTRA-MUROS

JUXTAPOSITION OF THE MEDINA & THE EUROPEAN CITY => THE CENTRAL CORE OF THE CITY OF SFAX

The Medina is daily visited by office workers (bank) at lunch time => houses transformed into restaurants

VISUAL BARRIER IN FRONT OF THE WALL OF THE MEDINA

ANARCHIC COMMERCE

IN THE PEDESTRIAN STREETS, THE EXPOSED MARCHANDISE ENVADE USERS AND THE SPACE.

SOME RESTORED HABITATIONS DO NOT RESPECT

THE CHARTER OF THE MEDINA LIKE A HISTORIC SIDE.

RESTORATION OF THE THE GREAT WALL & SOME DOORS

FUNCTIONAL MUTATION OF THE MEDINA OF SFAX: ATTRIBUTION OF NEW VOCATION FOR MANY SPACES

Occupation of the pedestrian axe by a temporary photographic exhibition

Transformation of Dar Jallouli into a museum (National Institute of Patrimony)

Valorisation of the space by attribution of new vocation

TRANSFORMATION OF DAR CHERIF INTO A DEPOSITION OF TISSUES : A CONTRAST IN THE USE

Decreased vocation

BORJS Borjs’ were built in the middle of the garden and are presenting a specifc type of construction adapted to the climate of the region (semi-aride).

In the begining of the 18e century, the wealthy sfaxian families (over 8000 people) used to spend the period between april and september in their fruit gardens with

their traditional habitations ‘Borjs’

The materials of the construction were provided from the region of Sfax (stone, sand, clay, lime, and plastre).

Typically in Sfax, the construction of the Borj start by digging the well and the water tank.

BORJ KALLEL: TRANSFORMED IN THE HEAD QUARTER OF THE

ASSOCIATION OF PLASTIC ARTISTS

Familial meetings room

The Patio

Parentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s bedroom

Musical shows

Cultrual events

CONCLUSION The Medina is well integrated in the city center but It still be threatned by densification of new economic activities which are not feature of its identity.

Many young people whether in associations or other organizations like scoot for example, organizes cultural events in the Medina and tries to explore more important places like old houses of famous families, museum, eco-touristic circuit, restaurants, mosquesâ&#x20AC;Ś

Many young married couples choose to live in the Medina after restoration work of familial house or bought house because the Medina is a central space

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences SOCIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY DEPARTMENT

04 Communication Heritage fields and Actors

108

Speaker 4 : CHIDA S. weldlpst007@gmail.com

Presented by Safwen CHIDA

PLAN Introduction Historic

Heritage fields Processes and actors

Conclusion

INTRODUCTION Name of governorate: TOZEUR

Population:107,000 (2014) Area: 5,593 Km² Official language : Arabic 2nd language: French

Date of Creation: May 28th, 1980 Geographical specificities : Desert oases and mountains Distance from the capital: 430 KM Delegation : 06

Municipalities : 06 City: 06

Geography of the area :

HISTORIC HERITAGE

HISTORIC HERITAGE The Romans Heritage

Medina

3 2

1

MOSQUE

Market

COURTYARD AND STREET

ACTORS ASM

CDTOS ONTT ARRU

Ministry of Culture Ministry of Equipement Municipality of tozeur

INTERVENTION

Ministry of Culture Municipality of tozeur ASM

ASM

MUNICIPALITE OF TOZEUR

CULTURAL EVENTS

CONCLUSION

There is many Actors in the Town of Tozeur but it's still work at a closed territory

The activity of medina was developed with the integration of hotel, restaurant and economic activity into the street

But we still need a stronger law and political framwork to protect the houses and street of of medina

TUNISIAN SCHOOLS OF PLANNING Network

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences SOCIOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY DEPARTMENT

The Human Urbanismâ&#x20AC;¦