UPLB Perspective Volume 46, Issue 3

2 Editoryal

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

Ang ikaapat na estado Hatid ng malayang pamamahayag ang pagpapanday ng sandata ng mamamayan kontra sa disimpormasyon at propagandang naninilbihan sa interes ng iilan. Ang kritikal na midya, sa pangkasulukuyang kontekso ng lipunan, ay nagsisilbi bilang isa sa mga bulwagan kung saan ang pagtatasa ay lalong napapatalas; sa pamamagitan ng diskursong nakaangkla sa pagpapaunlad ng lipunan, pinapahayag ng manunulat ang kinabukasang malaya sa diktadurya at pasismo.

Sa ganitong konteksto nakatayo ang ating lipunan. Sa paggamit ng kapangyarihan ng estado upang kontrolin ang naratibo sa lipunan, ang rehimeng Duterte ay nagtataguyod ng pamunuan na uhaw sa kapangyarihan. Pinipilit ng administrasyon na magpakasapat ang mga mamamayan, ngunit ang katotohanan ay laging namamayagpag—ang mamamayang Pilipino ay di magpapasiil sa diktadurya.

Ang mga ihiniaing kaso laban sa ABS-CBN ay nagpapatunay na sinasangkapan ng rehimeng Duterte ang kapangyarihan ng ehekutibo upang makontrol ang midya. Ang quo warranto petition ni Solicitor General Jose Calida ay isang patunay na ginagawa ng rehimen ang lahat upang supilin ang mga hindi katugma nito sa interes. Sa pagpapasawalang-bisa ng mga akusasyon sa testamento ng Bureau of Internal Revenue at Securities and Exchange Commission, napakitang ginagamit lamang ng rehimen ang batas upang patahimikin ang mga bulwagan ng midya at mga pahayagan.

Hindi ito ang unang kaso ng pagpapatahimik sa mga mamamahayag. Sa mga nakaraang taon, sunod-sunod ang atake ni Duterte at ng kaniyang mga alipores kay Maria Ressa, chief executive officer ng Rappler. Sa paghahain ng kaso kay Ressa, ay dinumog rin ng mga trolls ang mga pahina ng mga pahayagang nagsusulat ng kritisimo laban sa administrasyon. Kasabay nito ay ang panyuyurak ng kasalukuyang rehimen sa ideya ng malayang pamamahayag. Sa mga naging talumpati ni Duterte ay walang sawa niyang pinutakte ng batikos ang mga ulat sa kaniya ng Rappler, Philippine Daily Inquirer at ABSCBN, kasabay ng nabanggit na pag-uungkat ng iba’t ibang mga kasong tila’y pinapaikot lamang ang batas.

Hindi lang ang mainstream press ang inaatake ng rehimeng Duterte. Noong nakaraang taon, sabay-sabay na tinuligsa ang websites ng Bulatlat, Kodao Productions at Altermidya, mga pahayagang kilala bilang alternative press. Sinunog rin ng mga armadong indibidwal ang Prage Management Services, ang lugar ng pag-iimprenta ng tabloid na Abante, na nakilala rin sa pagbulgar ng “pangagatas” ni noo’y Foreign Secretary Alan Peter Cayetano ng pondo sa pagpapagawa ng mga pasaporte. Sa halos kasabay na panahon, pinagsusunog rin ang mga kopya ng diyaryo ng Pinoy Weekly sa Pandi, Bulacan.

Inaabuso din ng diktadurya ang batas

upang supilin ang mga mamamahayag. Batid ng pagpapatupad ng Executive Order 70 ang sunod-sunod na pag-atake sa mga makabayang mamamahayag. Sa pagpapakulong kay Frenchiemae Cumpio ng Eastern Vista at Anne Krueger ng Paghimutad, napatunayan ng estado na sinasangkapan nito ang batas upang tanggalin ang karapatan ng mga mamamayan sa kanilang pagpapahayag. Sa pamamagitan ng iligal na pag-aresto at red-tagging ng mga mamamahayag sa komunidad, batid ng militar at ng pulisya na pagtakpan ang tunay na kalagayan ng lipunan. Nariyan ang hindi matapos-tapos na pagpatay upang busalan ang mga mamamahayag, lalo na sa mga probinsya. Labing-apat na ang napatay sa ilalim ng kasalukuyang administrasyon, ayon sa Center for Media Freedom & Responsibility.

Kasabay ito ng sabay-sabay na pagbulagta ng mga progresibong indibidwal na walang sawang nakikibaka para sa karapatan ng nakararaming mamamayan.

Masasabi na ang kultura ng impunidad at pagsasawalang-bahala sa mga batayang karapatan ay napalala sa ilalim ng kasalukuyang administrasyon. Ngunit hindi dapat ipagkibit-balikat na kahit noon pa man ay marahas na rin ang kinahaharap ng mga mamamaha-

Since 1973 Tomo XLIV Bilang 3 Room 11, 2F Student Union Building, UPLB ∙ uplbperspective@gmail.com Miyembro ng UP Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad) at ng College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines

lalong tumitindi ang panawagan upang ipagtanggol ang karapatan sa pamamahayag.

Inuudyok ng paglalapastangang ito ang lahat ng sektor upang makiisa sa laban para sa mas malayang lipunan, dahil sa likod ng mga pag-atake sa hanay mga mamamayan ay ang pagnanais ng pasistang rehimen na supilin ang mga haliging nakikiisa para sa sambayanan.

Gayunpaman, ang mga alternatibong pahayagan ay patuloy na titindig para sa masang Pilipino. Kahit anong pag-sindak o pag-atake, patuloy na mamamahayag ang mga publikasyon, sa pamantasan man o sa komunidad, upang maisiwalat sa mas malawak na hanay ng mga mamamayan ang tunay na kalagayan ng lipunan.

Sa lipunang patuloy ang sistematikong opresyon, titindig ang publikasyong ito at patuloy na magsisilbi sa mga estudyante at ginigitgit na mamamayan. Ipaglalaban ng publikasyon ang karapatan ng mamamayan para sa kalayaan at katotohanan. Ang UPLB Perspective, bilang isang pahayagan na kolektibong binuo ng mga estudyante kahit nasa ilalim ng batas militar, ay patuloy pa rin na titindig upang ibalita ang lumalalang panunupil ng pasistang administrasyong Duterte.

Juan Sebastian Evangelista

Michael James Masangya

Kristine Paula Bautista

Contributing Editors

Mark Ernest Famatigan

Philip Xavier Li

Ian Raphael Lopez

Mga Kawani

Kristine Paula Bautista at Mac Andre Arboleda

Sonya Castillo

Dean Carlo Valmeo Patnugot sa Online

Felipa Cheng, Lindsay Peñaranda, Aynrand Galicia, Cyril Chan, Dianne Sanchez, Andrei Gines, Angelin Ulayao, Aubrey Beatrice Carnaje, Datu Zahir Meditar, Queenie Marie Dickson, Sophia Pugay, Caren Malaluan, Ma. Victoria Almazan, Paul Carson

Jandelle Cruz

Reuben Pio Martinez

Dibuho ng Pabalat

Punong Patnugot

Ang opisyal na pahayagan ng mga mag-aaral ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Los Baños

yag upang isagawa ang kanilang trabaho. Ang katotohanan ay ipinapahintulot ng sistemang mapanupil ang pagpapatahimik sa mga kritiko nito.

Ang pagpapakasapat sa ganitong konteksto ay maaring magbuntod sa isang lipunan kung saan ang impormasyon ay kompromisado.

Katulad ng batas militar ng yumaong diktador na si Marcos, ang pagkokonsolida ng estado sa naratibo ay nagdadala ng mas malalang krisis sa lipunan.

Tanyag na bansag sa midya ang pagiging ikaapat na estado nito. Mahalaga ang papel ng malayang pamamahayag upang magkaroon ng magtitiyak ng balanse ng kapangyarihang umiiral sa isang lipunan.

Saksi ang kasaysayan sa mga pang-aabusong mistulang napatigil ng pangangalampag ng mga peryodiko at iba pang midya. Isang kabalintunaan man, ngunit saksi rin ang kasaysayan sa mga nangyayaring kalabisan sa likod ng sunud-sunurang mga propagandista.

Sa kawalan ng tagatiyak ng balanse ng kapangyarihan, ang diktadurya ay malayang makakapang-abuso sa karapatan ng mga mamamayan. Sa ganitong lipunan na sunod-sunod ang pag-atake sa midya,

Kapatnugot

Tagapamahalang Patnugot

Alvin James Magno Patnugot ng Balita

Patnugot ng Lathalain Patnugot ng Kultura

Patnugot ng Produksyon Kapatungot ng Produksyon sa Graphiks

Kapatungot ng Produksyon sa Litrato Patnugot ng Paglalapat

Tagapamahala ng Sirkulasyon

Julianne Afable, Guien Eidrefson Garma

Aubrey Beatrice Carnaje

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UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

‘We are not just numbers’ Human costs of ‘oppressive’ MRR and readmission policies bared in dialogue, but admin won’t budge

By Mark Ernest Famatigan The students had high hopes as they prepared themselves to confront University of the Philippines President Danilo Concepcion, hoping to finally have an answer to the issues involving their maximum residency rule (MRR) and readmission cases. Yet again, all they got was inconclusiveness.

Students from the University of the Philippines Los Baños occupied the REDREC Auditorium on February 20 to rally their registration concerns to the UP administration.

This was a commitment the students garnered when they demanded the UP administration convene in UPLB during the Board of Regents (BOR) mobilization last February 3.

Stop and review

University Student Council (USC) Chairperson Hasper Sunga started the dialogue by inquiring Concepcion’s stand on the position paper sent by the USC. The position paper discussed four registration-related concerns, while calling on the UP admin to review a recently circulating memorandum, Memorandum No. 30, from the Office of the Chancellor (OC) prohibiting unregistered students from attending classes.

Sunga reiterated the position paper’s call to “stop and review” the University MRR policy, which states that students cannot apply for MRR after a certain duration and cannot apply for re-admission the second time.

Concepcion replied how the University MRR policy serves as a “scholastic delinquency measure”, and that failing for prolonged periods of time would tarnish the academic standards university provides.

Sieg Severino, a councilor from the College of Economics and Management Student Council (CEMSC), then argued that an article of the UP Code about permanent disqualification fails to consider the existence of other factors that may affect the appeal process, like mental capabilities, economic factors, and financial problems.

Chapter 61, Article 392 of the UP Code states that any student who was dropped due to dismissal and probation due to failure in half or more of the total number of units shall not be eligible for readmission.

Severino stressed how the same Code, under Section 3, states that no student shall be denied admission to the university by reason of age, sex, race, nationality, religious

Confronted by students UPLB Chancellor Fernando Sanchez listens during the dialogue. Sanchez has now allowed students with pending appeals to attend classes. DIANNE SANCHEZ

belief, or political affiliation, yet had no clauses on ‘external factors’ that are beyond the student’s control.

Where are the revisions?

Concepcion suggested that the students should craft a concrete proposal to revise Article 389 and insisted the decision was not his alone, as it should be also discussed in the University Council level.

Upon an inquiry by John Althani Famador, a councilor from the College of Agriculture and Food Science Student Council (CAFSSC), about the irony of stringent university policies, UPLB Chancellor Fernando Sanchez, Jr. claimed that he is waiting for the revision draft from the councils.

Sanchez said that he would be the one to present the USC’s revisions to the Presidential Advisory Council and the BOR. The Chancellor also insisted that the university officials are bounded by the UP Code, and that he approved a number of cases recently.

“Hindi ‘yun blanket disapproval.

So sino mga in-approve ko? Definitely wala rito. Mayroon kaming

[P] Online On our website Full version of this story, with more photos and context bit.ly/UPLBDialogue

Editorial “Di maitatanggi ng administrasyon ang pagiging bulag nito sa karanasan at panawagan ng mga estudyante.” bit.ly/Disapproved

in-approve na 76 out of 185 [cases],” Sanchez claimed. This contradicted what officials said during a dialogue between the USC and UPLB administration in August 16, 2018, when Delos Reyes stated that the number of cases were already over 600.

Barred from classes

On February 12, Chancellor Sanchez released Memorandum No. 30, reminding deans and faculty of the UP Code provision prohibiting unregistered students from entering classes. The memorandum

referred to Article 330 of the UP Code, stating that persons not duly matriculated may not be admitted to class.

Famador, from CAFFSC, raised concerns over the timing of the memorandum, while also arguing that universities abroad allow students to sit in classes.

Sanchez defended the memorandum and said that it was merely a reiteration of the UP Code. “The basis for the memo was the university code. The way we see it, there are faculty members that are not following the codal provisions,” Sanchez said.

Mariyel Liwanag, a faculty member of the Department of Humanities, explained how the faculty were torn between allowing students to enter class and prohibiting them from attending.

“Tayo ang ikalawang magulang ng mga estudyanteng ito. We have to follow the memo, but at the same time, kung ganoon ang role natin sa kanila, I’d rather accept my students habang on going yung appeal,” Liwanag said.

In a recent development, students with pending appeals for readmission or MRR extension are now allowed to enter classes.

Upon deliberation of the University Committee (UC), the OC has now allowed students with pending cases to enter class through Memorandum No. 36, released February 21.

“Disservice”

Assistant Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs Julieta Delos Reyes spoke on behalf of her office explaining her experience in fixing MRR and readmission paperwork.

She claimed to have “interviewed more than 500 students in one weekend.”

She also claimed that during that episode, she heard “some students” complaining about the interview. “With that experience na nahirapan ako nang todo, at narinig ko ‘yung sinabi ng kapwa niyong mga estudyante, sabi namin, sobrang bulk ng papeles na pumapasok sa amin. It’s useless to interview,” Delos Reyes said. The students were in commotion after Delos Reyes told her story, with some attendees breaking down.

USC Councilor EJ Arrojo then denounced the OVCAA’s actions, calling out the Office’s “disservice”. “Hindi niyo ininterview lahat dahil hindi kainter-interview?

Disservice ‘yan kasi it is your job.

Kaya [ba] may same cases pero isa lang naa-approve dahil ‘di sila kainterview-interview?” Arrojo

said. In a dialogue back in August 2018, Vice Chancellor Portia Lapitan revealed that the OVCAA relied on “gut feel” to determine which student was worth interviewing, providing no valid method of selecting students for the interview shortlist.

Warm bodies

Several students had the chance to share their situation with the crowd and university officials.

There were cases of students battling with mental illness, family problems, and financial woes as the reasons behind their delay in finishing courses.

Some had only a semester’s worth of units left. A CEM student had only his thesis units before he could graduate. Complicating the matters were the stringent University policies and an inefficient registration process.

Lea Vicente criticized how the appeals were being decided upon by people who do not personally know the students. “There were endorsements from people who know us... pero bakit hindi kami binigyan ng chance na tapusin?”

Jio Baldesimo, a student from the College of Development Communication (CDC), cited the death of Kristel Tejada in 2013, who was deprived of education due to the “no late payment” policy in UP Manila.

“We are the warm bodies to remind you that these policies aren’t just black and white reminders, these are students. Sana sa pag-iisip natin ng policies, iniisip natin ang effect niya,” Baldesimo said.

Lightning rally

The administration attempted to wrap up and leave the dialogue after Baldesimo’s statement due to Concepcion having “other matters to attend to”.

Upon trying to walk out, the students blocked off all exits of the auditorium and staged a lightning rally to assert their demands.

Failing to exit the auditorium, both were left with no choice but to consult the students in close proximity. Students with pending cases got to personally talk to Concepcion while Sanchez noted the names of the students afterwards.

Upon negotiation, the students managed to convince the administration to release a follow-up memorandum to allow students with pending cases to attend class.

The students then continued their protest action at the front of the Old Humanities Building, where they echoed their calls for genuine free education.

4 Balita

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

Attacks continue under EO 70 Progressive individuals, groups, and critics face the wrath of executive order

By Michael James Masangya Two years after the enactment of Executive Order No. 70, the persecution of progressive groups and individuals, along with critics of the current administration have still persisted through various means.

EO 70, a supposed benevolent approach to the roots of the armed struggle, has been seen as quickly placing the whole country in a de facto martial rule.

It has instituted the “whole-ofnation approach” in integrating several government departments and agencies, as well as local government units (LGUs), in adopting policies which will “foster national security and development”.

The executive order has created the National Task Force to End Local Communists Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) composed of 20 representatives from the government and the private sector. Eight of these are Cabinet secretaries.

Manifestations of these are constant red-tagging and vilification of legal national democratic organizations and fabrication of baseless arrest warrants and false charges of rebellion towards its members.

The administration has also exhausted all of its political and legal machinery in going after workers, farmers, students, and other marginalized sectors who has expressed indignation.

In a recent development, combined elements from police and army raided the office of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) Eastern Visayas in Tacloban City, Leyte on February 7.

Five individuals were illegally arrested for charges of illegal possession of firearms and explosives. Among those arrested were Mira Legion, former KSUP Vice

Chairperson for Visayas, and Maye Domequil, former UP Visayas USC council member.

Progressive groups have branded the charges as “trumped up”. “The charges filed against the Tacloban 5 are baseless and all rely on planted evidence. The five arrested are not criminals,” People Surge Network chairperson Efleda Bautista told Bulatlat.

Authoritarian tendencies

The Duterte administration has been notorious for its authoritiarian tendencies. Earlier in Duterte’s term in 2016, Mindanao was put under the effect of Proclamation No. 55 or state of national emergency after a series of bombings and “acts of lawless violence”. It was followed by a declaration of martial law in May 2017, after the attack of Islamist extremists in Marawi City.

Although the executive order was done, according to its proponents, in good faith as a “pragmatic response to future acts of terror”, remarks coming from the government and even Duterte himself about putting the whole country in a state of national emergency have raised alarm from the opposition, seen as a move to push for nationwide martial law.

The said proclamation has also intensified the deployment of government troops in several rural and metropolitan areas in Mindanao, which prompted reports regarding unsolicited harassment and abuse of innocent civilians accused of being sympathizers and members of radical Islamists and the New People’s Army (NPA).

Human rights violations became more apparent under Mindanao’s martial law, as per reports coming from the Lumad community. The military’s heightened presence across the ancestral domain of

Dropping dead Activists from Kilusang Mayo Uno act out in a scene reminiscent of the government’s unabated spate of killings, especially in the countryside, during a mobilization in front of the Department of Labor and Employment offices in Manila. PAULA BAUTISTA

It is difficult to credit a military establishment... with having positive long-term aspirations.

Sonny Africa IBON Foundation executive director

Lumad elders was seen as a precursor to their killings, who were presumed as part of the NPA despite no proper investigation being conducted.

Data from human rights group Karapatan showed that as of May 2019, 93 activists has been killed under martial law in Mindanao while 136 escaped death. A whopping 815,734 were identified as victims of various civil and political rights violation in that two-year period. Martial law was lifted as

2019 drew to a close.

In another related development, President Duterte has already cancelled the peace talks with the Communist Party of the Philippines-National Democratic Front of the Philippines (CPP-NDFP) panel, followed by the issuance of Memorandum Order No. 32.

Two-pronged attack

By concurrently employing M.O. 32 and directly involving all executive departments in which some of its heads were former high-ranking military and police officers, the administration have raised eyebrows on the possible extent of this multi-faceted counterinsurgency operation. Sonny Africa, executive director of Ibon Foundation, regarding the imposition of E.O. 70, “while the [government’s] effort is conceptually valid, in retrospect these were less a sign of vision than gross and insidious ambition.”

“It is difficult to credit a military establishment notorious for human rights violations, unwarranted violence, lying and deceit with having

Corrections & clarifications The print edition of UPLB Perspective Issue 2, released February 18, contained an infographic on Pages 4-5 entitled “Are your student leaders in action?”. It erroneously said that Oscar Martinez was the College

of Economics and Management Representative to the USC during the last semester. In his statement to [P], it was cleared out that Martinez did not actually hold office. The infographic has also misstated the attendance of

positive long-term aspirations,” Africa wrote in the foundation’s website.

Kulê harrassed

State harassment did not only end in the streets and in the hinterlands, but has also slowly encroached civilian institutions and universities.

The offices of UP Diliman’s Philippine Collegian was faced with an unprecedented threat last November 16, as an unknown person tried to forcibly enter the publication’s office in Sampaguita Residence hall to insist on conducting inspection.

Wilfredo Manapat, who was then identified as the person who tried to enter the office after being taken in UP Diliman Police’s custody, backtracked his earlier statement by claiming that he was only around the vicinity to look for his companions.

The Union of Journalists of the Philippines-UP (UJP-UP) quickly denounced the incident as part of the government’s smearing campaign and intimidation against student publications.

Our new website several college representatives, especially on Page 5.

The board apologizes for the oversight. The errors have been corrected for the online edition of Issue 2 that has been already uploaded on Issuu—Ed.

If you have any comments regarding the [P]’s news coverage, or would like to have a correction or clarification on a published article, please contact us through uplbperspective@gmail.com to initiate a review of the content.

Visit our new-look website uplbperspective.wordpress. com for the latest news and features.

Articles with QR codes have an interactive online version!

Lathalain 5

Land to the tillers!

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

Peasant farmers in the Philippines face a history of oppression, as the government denies genuine agrarian reform and continues to maintain anti-poor policies.

Farmers all over the archipelago are vulnerable to threats of land-grabbing and state-sponsored killings. Different administrations have passed, resolutions seemed already enacted, and yet, securing the claim for their land would be deadly. But these farmers, because of collective efforts and unity, they never choose to surrender in fighting for their rights. In the Southern Tagalog region, the effects of these oppresive policies are much more palpable.

Lupang Aguinaldo

B

etween the busy cities of Sta. Rosa and Tagaytay, a picket line of elderly farmers can be seen along the highway. There, peasant farmers are vigilant as they remain on constant lookout for land surveyors hired by the Aguinaldo family. According to locals, the Aguinaldo family, through Emilio “Orange” Aguinaldo IV, have long been trying to gain ownership of the Tartaria lands. The decades-long land issue in Lupang Aguinaldo in Brgy. Tartaria, Silang, Cavite, binded a community struggling for their right to land and livelihood.

Early settlements in the area can be traced back to 1911, when the Taal Volcano erupted.

The calamity displaced the affected communities, thus, forcing some of them to settle in Tartaria. Since then, various crops such as coffee, pineapple, bananas are being cultivated, depending on its harvest season. According to community elders, land issues arose when the Philippine-American War ceased, and the Americans gave Emilio Aguinaldo the prerogative to get the lands that he wanted, as far what his eyes can see.

Tartaria was no exception.

Farmers in the area still resist land grabbing and coercion from the landlords since Aguinaldo’s time, due to the impending mass land conversion of their farm lands into residential and commercial area. Because of this, community members face trumped up charges. According to Tatay Atoy, the president of a local peasant organization, Samahan ng Magsasaka ng Tartaria (SAMATA), this was not the first time that they faced lawsuits in court. He said

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PAULA BAUTISTA

By Alvin James Magno

6 Lathalain

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

Land to the tillers!

Lupang Ramos

By Datu Zahir Meditar

I

A banne

PAULA BAUTISTA

n the midst of a downtown sprawling with subdivisions and shopping centers, in Dasmariñas , Cavite lies the 372-hectare agricultural land known as Lupang Ramos. It is a growing community of about 300 peasant families that traces back its roots and history right before the Spaniards came.

Lupang Ramos farmers practice bungkalan system—a community with a shared land and contribution over production, which has been their practice for ages. The land is often dubbed by authorities as a danger zone, but it is constantly counterclaimed by its farmers.

It was developed by farmers situated in the area through constant cultivation and care until the Americans came and started implementing plans for the land. According to the House Resolution No. 1370, the lands were known as “Lupang Kano” while being colonized by the Americans.

Under the Commonwealth Law, it was declared as a land for the public that is open as homestead for the residents in the city.

When World War II commenced, 30 families of kaingero lived on the land and it was then called kamaligan. The first proprietors who applied for homestead sold their rights over the land and demanded the kaingero and

tenants to sign blank documents from which the latter gained no benefits.

Everything changed when a certain Emerito Ramos claimed that all of it were his. The farmers were immediately turned into instant laborers and farmworkers for the Ramos family. When the Marcos administration pushed through with Presidential Decree 27, it ordered that all lands cultivating rice and corn must be subjected to agrarian reform. However, the Ramos family shifted to sugarcane to be exempted from that decree.

After the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) was enacted, the Ramos family’s real estate company started displacing farmers. These extreme actions of displacement included bulldozing the farmlands in an attempt to drive away the farming families in 1990, deploying guards all over the entrances and exits of the farm and blocking the roads in 1991, and putting up fences in some parts of the land, in 1997. For more than three decades, the land remains under dispute between the family of Ramos and farmers. As the situation is still being under investigation, risks and threats are present in the lives of the peasant families. However, these struggles as they strive, serve as their ultimate purpose to fight.

I got the opportunity to have a conversation with one of the residents in Lupang Ramos. Jocelyn, together with her husband, are residents who raised their family there, and have been in the forefront of the fight for the claim of Lupang Ramos. Both of them have worked for the benefits of their land as well as their community. She expressed that they have been living a simple life—cultivating

Amid their tedious tasks on the field, Lupang Aguinaldo’s farmers also face other problems.

that trumped up charges became one of the primary tactics of landlords as a way to force them to finally vacate their lands in the area. “Pitumpong taon na ako ditong namumuhay pero di pa rin natitiyak ang aming buhay mula sa mga panginoong may lupa na patuloy kaming sinasampahan ng gawa-gawang kaso. Hindi nagkakalayo ang sitwasyon namin sa iba pang magsasaka sa Pilipinas,” the peasant leader said.

Historically, the lawsuits that they faced throughout decades from the landlords are grave coercion, ejection, estafa, murder, frustrated murder, and recently, recovery of possession with damages. Even now, court proceedings are still running, however, according to the residents of the community, members of the Aguinaldo family involved in the case remain as ‘no-shows’ in proceedings.

In recent times, the community was once again struck with an unfortunate catastrophe—not from manmade acts, but from the recent eruption of Taal Volcano, which gave a major blow on their crops.

Despite the ashfalls that the volcano spewed in the area, the peasants endured the long days of struggle, risking their health from the potential hazards from the possible massive explosion warned by the

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Farmers in the area still resist land grabbing and coercion from the landlords since Aguinaldo’s time authorities. They did not leave their farmlands due to the fear that the capitalists will take advantage of their evacuation, and will eventually take control of it.

Lorna, one of the members of SAMATA, shared that despite the of made-up cases filed against them and disasters that struck them, they still stand firm in their conviction to stay on their lands, and will always continue their fight to assert their rights.

“Kahit anong mangyari, kahit na manganib ang aming mga buhay, hinding-hindi namin iiwan ang lupa namin. Naninindigan kaming mananatili dito hanggang sa dulo,” Lorna points out.

Quaint as it may seem, the farmers of Lupang Kapdula has faced several challenges to take back their land from a de

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UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

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New Read the online version of this story, with more photos and context bit.ly/LandToTheTillers

The farmers were immediately turned into instant laborers and farmworkers for the Ramos family

er welcomes visitors to Lupang Ramos in Dasmariñas, Cavite.The land has been a focal point on the fight to return lands to farmers. DATU ZAHIR MEDITAR

eceitful conglomerate. IAN RAPHAEL LOPEZ

Lupang Kapdula

A

By Ian Raphael Lopez mid a recent favorable ruling for them, the farmers in Lupang Kapdula still have daunting challenges to face.

Last year’s Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) ruling ordered the return of 125 hectares of the 155-hectare land in the middle of Dasmariñas, Cavite.

It ordered the return of most of the land to the 62 original certificate of land ownership awards (CLOA). In November 2019, administrators have already interviewed the farmers, and their next-of-kin in their absence, on a first step to another long bureaucratic process.

30 hectares have already been developed and cannot be returned to the farmers. This is also a result of the deceitful joint venture agreement by the farmers and South Cavite Land in 1991, where farmers were duped into signing an agreement through a purported “attendance sheet”.

In a recent mass integration with members of student councils and publications from thr different UP campuses, farmers under the Samahang Magbubukid ng Kapdula (SAMAKA) have been keen to note the

Farmers have been keen to call the recent ruling a ‘victory’. But challenges remain. recent DAR ruling, calling it a “victory”.

But challenges remain, says these farmers.

The government’s continued neglect of the agricultural sector, as manifested by the lack of tangible support to farmers, is continously felt in Lupang Kapdula.

For once, there is the riddle of a “missing road” that could have connected the farms —vast hectares of crops such as corn and camote—to markets near the area. In paper, the budget for the road, about P5 million, was used. “But where is it? There’s no road here,” a farmer who spoke in condition of anonymity told this writer.

SAMAKA have already begun another tedious task of following the paper trail. The local DAR office told them that they have no idea where the fund went.

Another challenge faced is the lack of government support that has led to the farmers’ reliance on loan sharks, giving them much-needed money but not without exorbitant interest rates. Farmers were faced

their lands while raising their three children.

She grew up with farming as her livelihood.

It is both saddening and frustrating to know that her children are often bullied in school, being called a member of the pulang araw.

The social stigma against them is heartbreaking, since they are often referred to as terrorists. This only manifests that the fight for their rights and recognition still continues.

This is often hindered as there exists a division among its residents. There are farmers who would rather choose to be paid off by the developers rather than keeping the land. This caused factions among families who know that they have been cultivating the place for a long time, and wants to fight on.

Their fight for the land is one with all the farmers in the country experiencing similar cases of displacement. Farmers don’t spend blood, sweat, and tears just to be deprived of the right to claim and be displaced from their livelihoods and communities. It is now a challenge to everyone to amplify their voices.

with inadequate supplies of seeds and delayed replies to their requests by DAR, such as for a carabao. Three years have passed, says the farmer, but it has not yet still been granted.

Bureaucratic procedures have also stifled the potential of the land to become fully productive. A request for a tractor wasn’t granted because of the land classification.

“They can grant requests fast if only you have a backer,” Belinda Mojica, one of the higher-ups of SAMAKA, said. “It’s baffling how our country has so much income, but politicians pocket most of it. I hope they give some to those who feed the country.”

People of goodwill do help—a recent donation, that enabled plans for a water system in Lupang Kapdula, came from the Baclaran church—but simply these efforts aren’t enough. The recent donation was only enough to suffice half of the needed amount to procure a water system.

Facing all of these problems, the visit of members of Kasama sa UP and UP Solidaridad on January 5 was a welcome respite for the farmers. They urged the student-leaders and student journalists to “drum up” the battle for their lands, and the support they need to maintain it. “We need to let people know that there is still a farming land in the middle of Dasmariñas, Cavite. They have resorted to removing our existence from maps, saying that Lupang Kapdula is already fully developed,” Mojica said. “This fight is not only for us, but also for the future generations who will farm this land.”

8 Lathalain

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

IS THE FILIPINO PRESS STILL

ARRESTS & ATTACKS

FREE?

As history seems to repeat itself once more, how did the state of press freedom deteriorate under the time of Duterte?

By Reuben Pio Martinez and Dean Carlo Valmeo

T

BULATLAT.COM

Davao Oriental-stationed broadcaster Ezperanzo Nishiguchi was detained on July 25, 2019 for allegedly possessing illegal firearms, with the only purpose being for self-defense. This was when Mindanao was under a state of martial law. Meanwhile, authorities arrested Glenn Jester Hitgano of the Davao-based Radyo ni Juan last January 23, 2020 after he interviewed protesting workers of Philippine Dream Farm Dev’t, Carmen, Davao del Norte, suspecting that said protestors were being harrassed.

Frenchiemae Cumpio (bottom), a correspondent for Altermidya Network and a former editor-in-chief of UP Vista, and four human rights activists were illegally detained on February 7, 2020. Dubbed the “Tacloban Five,” they were arrested on the grounds of illegal possession of firearms. Most alternative media outlets encountered cyberattacks, including Vera Files ( January 23, 2018), Altermidya Network (February 8, 2019), and Kodao Productions (February 13, 2019).

Even mainstream outlets were not spared. On February 11, 2020, a quo warranto case was filed by Solicitor General Jose Calida as the latest move by the Duterte administration to strip ABS-CBN of its legislative franchise, similar to how former Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno was ousted in 2018. Meanwhile, on September 9, 2019, four unidentified individuals burned the headquarters of Philippine tabloid publisher Abant e i n Pa ra ñaque City, the “first attack on press freedom of its kind.”

he same man who encouraged media practitioners to report stories about him truthfully, even if it means putting his reputation on the line, is also the same man who once infamously said that journalists deserve to die if they committed any wrongdoing. That man is Rodrigo Duterte, and in his term as President, there is a shadow that has loomed over press freedom in the Philippines.

In the light of threats such as martial law, the media struggled to uphold their responsibilities in reporting the truth to the public.

The government suppressed any act they deemed as subversive or propagandic in nature, even going as far as shuttering publications and other media outlets and arresting journalists left and right.

GETTY IMAGES

President Duterte himself has a penchant for making insults, to the point that there is a compiled list for all of them. On May 31, 2016, Duterte, while running for presidency, voiced displeasure towards journalists in general, citing that “most of those killed, to be frank, have done something. You won’t be killed if you don’t do anything wrong.” On May 13, 2019 Duterte accused media outlets of being “professional twisters,” who are funded by Western entities, in addition to calling Vera Files head Ellen Tordesillas as a “prostitute.”

The 2017 World Press Freedom Index showed that the number of journalists killed in 2016 had decreased. Despite this, the Philippines still remained as one of the most dangerous countries for journalists. In the Global Impunity Index for 2019 of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), it ranked the country as the fifth deadliest for media practitioners. Additionally, records show 154 counts of threats and attacks against journalists from June 30, 2016 to December 5, 2019 The Freedom for Media, Freedom for All Network says that since Duterte took office in 2016, there have been at least 154 cases of attacks on journalists in the Philippines. As reported by Rappler last December, these incidents include “15 journalists killed, 28 incidents of intimidation, 20 events of online harassment, 12 threats via text messages, 12 libel cases, 10 website attacks, 8 murder attempts, and 8 cases of journalists barred from coverage.”

GETTY IMAGES

RAPPLER UNDER FIRE After releasing a story concerning Sen. Bong Go’s statement regarding frigate suppliers, Rappler news writer Pia Ranada, then publication co-founder and head Maria Ressa (bottom) and eventually all affiliated journalists were banned for a year from the Malacañang Palace, which later stretched to all government events. Duterte, who labelled the publisher as a promulgator of fake news and a nuisance, would soon confirm that story to be true among others.

The Department of Education (DepEd) ended its five-year partnership with Rappler on February 7, 2018, effectively ceasing journalism training programs for campus publications that were spearheaded by both the agency and the publication.

No reason was given

by DepEd behind this

All seemed to change when the People Power Revolution led to a shift in power, with much of the rights for media practitioners being recognized once more. However, a new government did not put an end to the attacks. People like then-President Joseph Estrada attempted to manipulate the media to cover up his crimes, and incidents such as the tragic Ampatuan massacre in 2009 placed journalists in a terrifying position.

Libel case after libel case, one seemingly random assault after another, the shadow that loomed grew stronger and stronger. So much that the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) declared the Philippines as the worst place to practice journalism in Southeast Asia last 2018.

But, where did this conclusion come from? How did Duterte’s term become the era of living dangerously?

THE DOG BARKS BACK

decision, which came two weeks prior to Rappler launching their collaborative project with DepEd and the National Schools for Press Conference (NSPC), an online publishing contest, in addition to a disaster preparedness program.

In perhaps the most controversial move against the publication, Ressa was arrested twice. The first was in December 2018, on two charges for tax evasion, but both cases were settled through bail.

The second was on February 13, 2019, on the grounds of cyber-libel for an article she co-wrote with Reynaldo Santos, Jr. about Wilfredo Keng. Additional charges were directed towards Rappler’s supposed violation of laws regarding foreign ownership, with six additional staff arrested for violation of the Anti-Dummy Law. ZUMA PRESS

THE “PR” IN PRESS Senate President Vicente “Tito” Sotto III wrote a letter on May 29, 2018 to Inquirer.net to remove all articles linking him to the rape case of Pepsi Paloma in 1982, stating that this course of action is more for preserving the truth than attacking press freedom itself. Wilfredo Keng, on the other hand threatened legal action against PhilStar.com on February 16, 2019, forcing the site to take down a 2002 article by Rey Santos, Jr. about the businessman taking part in crimes such as the smuggling of fake cigarettes.

One instance of an attempt at manipulating the press was on October 27, 2018. Here, the Philippine Information Agency sent out a set of “suggested” interview questions to Bacolod journalists following his resignation from his position as special assistant to

the president. The police would even attempt to provide “guidelines” in reporting, such as in the rehabilitation of Boracay (April 14, 2018) and when SunStar Bacolod (right) was intimidated to write positive stories about them (October 5, 2018).

Judicial means have been used more than once by the government. On January 6, 2018, the sub-committee on constitutional amendments motioned to amend Article III, Section 4 of the 1987 Constitution as a means to exercise “proper freedom of speech.” On August 6, 2018, Ombudsman Samuel Martires proposed measures to increase the confidentiality surrounding pending cases in the Office of the Ombudsman, believing that media practitioners should not take advantage of cases for profit.

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

A

dvocacy awareness gives a crucial contribution to the improvement of society’s consciousness. This paves the way for the passage of massive collective action in awakening the people to the real struggles currently faced by the oppressed, hoping that they would yield concrete solutions and receive more tangible support. It recognizes how accessing and acquiring information could build a national sentiment in so many ways, that lets citizens be involved.

Given the current socio-political climate of a slow-paced developing country, where there exists a prevailing class of capitalists and imperialists, it is extremely evident to say that the citizens deserve the utmost freedom of information that they deserve to as this serves as both catalyst and defense on the misguidedness and falseness of our government. The public must know what has been happening with their taxes, with the overall performance of the administration that governs them, as this concerns each one of us.

Access to government information is not just a right; it is considered as a freedom. It is an imperative in all of us to be educated and informed on the happenings of the government, and it is a fundamental need as citizens of the state.

Chained information

Kultura 9

Freedom of information is a genuine right under the principles of democracy. Our country has yet to have its own FOI law. What does it mean in the age of populism? By Datu Zahir Meditar

An evolving need

Over the last two centuries, FOI has evolved as both a principle and an anthology of legal practices all around the world. It originated around the age of Enlightenment in the eighteenth century, when the ideas about governing by the rule of law, rather than the control of autocratic rulers, started to bloom. It further promoted the scientific and rational approach, and to make communities knowledgeable.

From these, there came a need to publicize the activities of the government.

In 1766, Sweden established the first FOI legislation as a response to an oppressive king who constantly censored the press, giving its citizens a right of access to government documents. Additionally, France and Netherlands both included the right of the public to assess government accounts and budgets through the Declarations of the Rights of Man in 1789 and 1795, respectively.

As a pure advocate for the principles of freedom of information political philosopher Jeremy Bentham, writing in an essay entitled On Publicity, argued that legislatures should allow themselves and others to produce public accounts of all their events, proposals, speeches, discussions, votes, and decisions.

The advantages of this publicity were to push government officials to properly perform their obligations by securing public support and trust, through embracing the citizens’ higher role to give opinion—ultimately, through their votes. However, despite its origins in the Enlightenment era the idea of FOI did not truly evolve until the twentieth century. Few countries endorsed FOI principles or adopted them into law until after World War II.

Constitutional right

It is stated in our 1987 Constitution, Section VI Article 3, that all Filipinos have the right to access official records, documents, and papers pertaining to official acts, transactions, or decisions, as well as to government research data used as basis for policy development. This is a manifestation that proper transparency is essential to accountability. Without it, citizens cannot access

Graphics by Lindsay Peñaranda

information needed to collaboratively verify the reliability and efficacy of public officials to hold public office.

Although the right to information is indicated as part of our constitutional rights as a Filipino citizen, there is still no law that engages and implements this. In 2016, a few weeks after he entered office, President Rodrigo Duterte signed Executive Order 2, an EO on FOI that implements “full public disclosure of all its transactions involving public interest, subject to reasonable conditions prescribed by law.”

While the EO does not have the same powers with a law, it can be junked anytime. It only covers the executive branch, and it includes eleven pages of exceptions to what can be requested. What is more irritating is how bureaucratic the FOI process is being executed. Requests for information shall only be accommodated if one provides proof of identification. To submit an FOI request online, a requester must register with an official identification card, which is deemed by many as a problematic requirement from a government that prominently antagonizing human rights.

This requirement has also been dubbed by activists as something extremely difficult as this violates rules on proportionality. FOI should be an avenue for citizens to make government officials accountable, not as a form for the administration to spy on

Are officials too afraid of the public appeals for accountability for whatever mistakes they have made as elected people? its citizens. Acquiring addresses, personal mobile numbers, and sensitive identification information gives the government a greater capacity to closely monitor citizens, especially those whom the administration is putting their eyes on, while keeping the discretion to grant or reject requests. This proves that the failure to uphold the FOI is still prevalent in the country.

A press freedom issue

Pursuing genuine freedom of information requires seeking accountability from the irregularities and inconsistencies of the administration. This is a way of assessment of the state’s general performance in leading the country in times like these where natural calamities and disasters occur, oppression of the marginalized sectors happens, and the struggle for national

sovereignty continues. Whenever the administration refuses to let the public know their secrets, it only shows how they are desperate to keep it to themselves. Are officials too afraid of the public appeals for accountability for whatever mistakes they have made as elected people?

Genuine freedom of information also encompasses the rights of the press when it comes to revealing the government’s gaps in service. In an ironic turn, under the Duterte regime attacks on the press have all but increased in frequency and ferocity, ranging from litigation and repeated threats against big outlets like Rappler and ABSCBN, to the illegal arrest and extrajudicial killings of small alternative media outlets and radio broadcasters across the country.

The current situation of ABS-CBN is the pinnacle of how desperate the administration is to silence anyone daring to report news that involves the misdeeds of the administration itself.

Fighting for genuine freedom of information is synonymous with acquiring campus press freedom as they both protect and preserve the citizens’ rights on information.

But more than that, it is a defense of the civil liberties our ancestors fought for, saw stripped away and fought for once again. It comes down to us to uphold and assert our right to freedom of information, and if push comes to shove, fight for it once more.

10 Opinyon

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

The pen is mightier than the strongman No Fury So Loud Dean Carlo Valmeo

How did you wake up today? I woke up today, thinking about how this is another day of my life that I have to put up with the stupidity of President Rodrigo Duterte and his ridiculous government.

To experience such a daily pain in the ass is, interestingly, such a wonderful time to reflect and ponder on many little things in life. Today, I am lucky that I am writing this article in the democratic space of my university and not in a jail cell, just like many dissenters and journalists who are detained and silenced around the world by their own governments. Many of them, as veteran journalist Maria Ressa puts it, “Their only crime is to be a journalist.”

Amongst these journalists is Altermidya correspondent Frenchiemae Cupio, who was arrested in February for alleged illegal possession of firearms. She was arrested together with four more human rights defenders in Tacloban.

But unlike lunatic Duterte, his ridiculous army of trolls—the DDS cult and berdugo state forces—we know exactly what is our most strategic weapon against this fascist regime. Unfortunately, Mr. President, sorry to disappoint, but we are not holding bombs and AK-47s; rather, it is our words against your words. Only that for us, and for many journalists around the world, we are speaking truth to power.

For a government who seems to think that journalists are burdening their grip on power, I am not surprised when this administration announced its newest oppressive venture: to close down ABSCBN, the biggest media company in the country, by not renewing their legislative franchise. Solicitor General Jose Calida

Newsrooms will soon turn the ink of printing presses into revolt pigment; pick up the placards, and paint the banners to call for a free press.

find this authoritarian-like move as very strategic for many reasons: one, Duterte’s cronies now have an incentive to acquire the television network; second, Duterte can now finally sleep well with his kulambo and end his personal vendetta against ABS-CBN for apparently not airing his 2016 campaign propaganda; and ultimately, he can send a chilling message to every media outlet in the country not to fuck with him.

Because if he can do it to ABS-CBN, then he can probably do it again and again.

Well, if it sounds familiar, this is exactly what the late dictator and mass murderer Ferdinand Marcos did (because it is what dictators do) when he declared martial law. Duterte’s idol closed down every media company in the country to guarantee media blackout and control narratives.

Ultimately, I think that the long history of the Philippine press is proof that when shit happens, all the more that it would inspire more movements to thrive. When policymakers like Oplan Tokhang architect Senator Bato Dela Rosa, an outspoken lapdog of Duterte (who will sink and swim with him) have been a rubber stamp in the Senate, all the more that publications are forced to militantly resist.

We have come to a point where journalists are not only watchdogs of breaking news but more than that, the guardians of democracy. Newsrooms will soon turn the ink of printing presses into revolt pigment; pick up the placards, and paint the banners to call for a free press. After all, the era of another strongman compels us to go out in the streets and fight beyond the ink and pages of our papers.

bumagsak na ito sa pitong piso kada kilo, mabuti pa sa mga karenderya at fast food sampung piso, minsan umaabot pa ng bente isang takal lamang ng kanin. Bukod pa roon, nariyan din ang mga pananakot at paninikil ng ilang higanteng negosyante na ayaw tantanan ang lupa namin, at bukod sa banta ng mga malalakas na bagyo narito na rin ang mga banta ng dahas na dinaranas pa ng ilan sa kapwa naming magsasaka.

“Talagang ang hirap maging mahirap!”

Sambit ng inis ni Kiko.

Magsalita man ako, may siguradong magtitikom ng bibig ko, lumaban man kami at magprotesta, sasabihing puro kami reklamo at ‘di marunong mag-negosyo, mag matigas man kami na hindi lumayas sa lupa, baril ang sa amin ay itututok. Sabi nga nila, “may awa rin ang Diyos.” Sana nga lang may awa rin ang kapwa tao.

Hiling na lang ni Kiko na balang araw, ay mamumulat din ang bayan sa sari-saring kabulasdugan na ginagawa ng administrayon, hindi lamang sa mga pesante pati na rin sa lahat. Pinapaikot-ikot, pinaglalaruan

ang ating mga tadhana, nilalamangan at niloloko ng harap-harapan. “Di bale, matitikman din nila ang batas, batas ng isang api!” Ani ni Kiko habang nakatingin sa kalangitan na may halong hinagpis sa mukha.

Mangiyak-ngiyak niyang tinatanaw mula sa malayo, ang lupang kinagisnan niya kasama ang mga magulang at mga kapatid, na ngayo’y bakas na lamang ng dugo at mga balang pinaulan sa kanila.

Hindi mawari kung ano ang dapat na maramdaman, naghahalo-halong galit, inis, at panghihinayang. Tagos sa puso ang sakit, habang binabalikan ni Kiko ang alaala ng mga magulang at kapatid habang nakaratay sa putikan ng kanilang sakahan. Sa sakahan namuhay ng simple at sa sakahan din namatay ng walang hustisya. “Oo, madungis man kami, at putik ang naging buhay ng aking mga magulang, ngunit malinis ang aming konsensya. Hindi tulad ng mga taong mapagsamantala, malinis man sa panlabas ngunit ang puso’y kay dungis-dungis.” Huling hinagpis ni Kiko. At doon ay naglakad na siyang papalayo.

Graphics by Jermaine Valerio

even garnished it with a quo warranto case.

This is, once again, an attempt by Duterte to assert his manhood and stick it to the face of every media company critical of his government.

Analyzing the politically motivated closure of the network, one can only do a hands-down to Duterte and his cronies for coming up with a grand master plan of legitimizing his dictatorship. In fact, I

Dungis at hinagpis Sketchpad Angelin Isabelle Ulayao

Bago pa man sumikat ang araw, trabaho na agad ang aararo sa katawang tila’y pinanday na ng kahirapan. Pagsasaka ang tanging hanap-buhay at tanging kinasasadlakan ng mga pag-asa ng pag-ahon. Sadya ngang ‘di biro ang magsaka. Kayod dito, kayod doon; araro rito, araro roon; maghapong nakayuko, walang panahon upang sumuko. Ganitong-ganito nasilayan ni Kiko ang kanyang ama’t ina, kapos man sila ngunit maipagmamalaki niyang marangal ang trabaho ng kanyang mga magulang.

Sariwa pa sa alaala ni Kiko ang mga araw na tumutulong siya sa pagsasaka. Maputik, mainit, at masakit sa katawan ang trabahong kanyang dinanas. Halos nanginginig na sa pagod ang mga tuhod at ngalay na ang likod sa kakayuko, hindi niya lubos maisip kung paano ito nakakayanan ng kanyang mga magulang na araw-araw itong ginagawa. Batak na ang katawan sa hirap

kung iisipin, kaya sa totoo lang ay hindi nararapat ang mababang pagtingin sa mga magsasaka. Sapagkat, isang napakalaking ambag sa lipunan ang maghatid ng pagkain sa hapag-kainan na nakararami. Ang bawat butil ng bigas, at ang bawat prutas at gulay na inaani, halos oras, dungis at pawis ang naging katapat. Nakakabilib kung titingnan ang resulta, ngunit ang buhay ng isang magsasaka ay talagang salat sa lahat maging ang mga pang-aapi ay hindi na rin maiiwasan.

Isang masakit sa karanasan ni Kiko ang mga panahong nalulugi ng malaki ang sakahan, may mga araw rin na tubig at asin lamang ang nasa munting hapag kainan, at minsan ay ginagawa pang lugaw ang natatanging supot ng bigas upang magkasya lang sa kanilang anim na magkakapatid.

Kaunti lamang iyon pero mas masakit ang mga luha na nakikita niya sa kanyang mga magulang habang naaawa sa kahirapang tila ay hindi matakas-takasan.

Ngunit paano nga ba? Lalo na ngayong sobrang baba na ng benta sa palay? Halos

Opinyon 11

UPLB Perspective Pebrero 2020

My baptism of fire in UP Kwentong Freshie Ian Raphael Lopez

When it comes to being a freshman in UP, the proverbial baptism by fire comes in the form of a high school valedictorian encountering his first failed examination, or maybe the first all-nighter due to a barrage of deadlines. It may also be one’s first org orientation, or a first night-out at one of Los Baños’ numerous drinking spots. Do not worry about me; I am writing those experiences because I experienced them all. But the aforementioned did not strike me as something out of the ordinary. The phrase “baptism of fire”, often used by evangelicals and the military, means someone’s first time in an alien situation.

My baptism of fire in UP came without great fanfare. It was one of my normal endof-the-day huddles with my dormmates. All of us are freshmen, so we often talk about the day’s struggles and triumphs over dinner, as a way of adjusting, too. Due to this we’ve become so close that, personally, I feel if something isn’t right with one of them.

That night, I just came from Cubao and, naturally, had a lot to say. At the height of our jostling with jokes I playfully punched a dormmate of mine. For the sake of this column, I have to introduce him: he was one of those kind of people who play sports, and can surely bear punches from a couch potato like me. Suddenly, all of my other friends came to the rescue. “Huwag, masakit pa tuhod niyan!” they said. At first, I thought it was one of our signature dark jokes. But then all of them was looking at each other, maybe unsure of telling me what happened while I was away.

Suddenly my dormmate asked us: “Gusto niyo ba makita?” I then asked: “Alin?” But before he could answer he already dropped his trousers. On the side of his thigh was a

long but narrow bruise. It was already dark violet when we saw it. We all let out a collective squirm and groan. My dormmate was a victim of hazing, during the initiation process of a fraternity he is joining.

A long silence ensued while we tried to look away from the contusion. It was one of those “hitting the fan” moments. The question in our minds was: “May hazing pa rin pala?”

He was nonchalant with the wounds. I even thought he was carrying it with pride.

We ran through with the usual things about how other people died from hazing. I remember telling him about how Horatio Castillo was bigger than him, but he wasn’t still strong enough to handle the pain.

My dormmate reasoned out that, well, this is what he wanted. I remember him saying that while he was being struck by the paddle he resorted to counting how many blows his masters gave him, until he lost count of it. I asked him how he felt during the initiation.

“Kilala niyo ko, hindi ako umiiyak. Pero hindi ko na napigilang maluha habang hinahampas nila ako.”

The discussion went to the merits and demerits of joining fraternities in this day and age. He resigned to telling us that now, he’s wondering why he said yes to the invitation by the fraternity.

After we expressed our extreme disagreement with his joining, we moved on to other topics. But the conversation wasn’t the same as before we saw the wounds. Our silence was as deafening as how society usually tackles fraternity violence.

Hazing, as with other initiation practices has been around since time immemorial.

Local history tells us that under Marcos’ dictatorship, fraternities had to intensify initiation processes to ensure that prospective applicants are not intelligence officers, and to measure the applicant’s “determination”

While he was being struck by the paddle he resorted to counting how many blows his masters gave him, until he lost count of it.

Graphics

by Jandelle Cruz

and “sincerity” in joining the pack. Even organizations morphed into being kupal or scums, because of meting out psychologically damaging exercises. As recent as four years ago, a student from the College of Veterinary Medicine died during the process of joining an organization. The administration was criticized for being silent about it.

For fraternities, that meant abusive practices. In some cases it has become fatal. We all know numerous victims of college students who died due to hazing. Since then, there has been this notion that kupal culture and hazing has been slowly been stamped out. But seeing first hand the dark bruises my dormmate got at the mercy of his upperclassmen was my baptism of fire in UP. If hazing remains unchecked here, how about for other schools?

He also told us of what happened after the hazing process: “Sabi ng upperclassmen namin, paluin rin raw namin sila para matuto kami.” My jaw dropped. That hit the center of the problem. The notion I’ve often heard that hazing is a form of revenge exacted by members who are victims too, rang a bell. If that happens, we can only expect the vicious cycle to be perpetuated. As his friends, we were also faced by the question of what to do. If my dormmate died due to the extreme pain, we will be haunted by our conscience for not preventing him from joining the fraternity.

But after all, he told us it was his choice. The only choice was to be silent about it.

The only comforting detail about this sordid story was when I asked my dormmate if he also hit back his elders that night. “Hindi.

At ‘pag ako na ang nasa taas, hinding hindi ko gagawin ‘yan.” Maybe, I thought, I am seeing the end of it all. I can only salute my dormmate for his courage, and hope his body won’t surrender until he gets to the top.

Media misdirection Under Scrutiny Datu Zahir Meditar

Nowadays, people immediately gain knowledge through accessing a single piece of information in a slight tap, a small click, or a narrow hover. This revolutionary movement allows us to be informed on different happenings in our communities at the fastest way possible. Social media has become a staple part of our lives and has become a part of our identity.

But amid this technological advancement of massive developments, there entails a huge tendency that when it is handled by supreme lords—especially the capitalists and the administration—there is a possibility that it can be operated, and overpowered, by the government to drive the masses’ attention away from what needs to have more coverage. They do it in a lot of different manners, and they have been doing this since time immemorial. They are experts in these fields and we may have also been

victims of these.

Just recently, the country got so dazzled by the fight between the Barretto sisters.

Most of the primetime news headlines involve updates on their story. Even the top officials of our land have been eager to join the brouhaha. Present during the altercation in the Barretto patriarch’s wake was President Duterte, and he tried to mediate between the warring sisters. One notable comment was from Senator Bong Go, who said: “Doon ako nakakita ng parang totoong eksena, parang shooting ng eksena sa totoong buhay, kung ano nakikita mo sa pelikula.” It is as if we were watching a real-life teleserye.

Media misdirection is not only limited to the real life drama of celebrities. It can include so much more such as fake news and false information. These concepts are around us when we browse through our social media accounts. Since the contents of our feeds are so crucial as it directly puts our attention, it is extremely dangerous when we become victims of these acts.

The existence of a huge amount of troll

Media misdirection is not only limited to celebrities. It can include so much more such as fake news and false information. accounts that create deceitful content for people to be distracted from social realities is alarming. Cronies of the fascist government are eager to disrupt the minds of its citizens, making them believe in lies and deceit. It is as if they are so desperate from allowing the Filipino people to be open-minded and rational thinkers. This power that they have obtained alienates us to be vigilant citizens in being aware of the truths that are supposed to be recognized. We are sitting in a reality concocted by the system itself. But there is a

lot of underlying realities that deserve more recognition from the masses. Especially in this day and age of sociopolitical turmoil, these are issues that need more attention from the people itself. If netizens could make a certain topic reach the top of the trending lists, they could, hopefully, put pressing issues in the spotlight as well.

Awareness, as we all know, is a fundamental key for yielding viable actions. As the media acts as a gigantic force that drives the attention of people to its contents, unfortunately it can also be manipulated by the powers-that-be.

With its various forms and avenues, it has the ability to influence a lot of people toward the wrong direction that prevents us to recognize sustainable solutions. As movers of the digital information age, media literacy must be synonymous in being well-educated. With the right awareness and action, we have the capability to also conquer these masterminds to prevent them from brainwashing the Filipino people. It may seem like a small step, but alertness and vigilance will surely come a long way.

Hambalos ng kamaong bakal Layon ng Executive Order No. 70, na pinirmahan ni Pangulong Duterte noong ikaapat ng Disyembre taong 2018, na wakasan ang armadong tunggalian sa pagitan ng AFPPNP at ng mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa sa Pilipinas. Sa pagpapakete na di umano’y ‘sustainable and inclusive peace’ ang puno’t dulo ng EO, sinususugan nito ang lakas ng militar upang supilin ang mga balakid sa kapangyarihan ng estado. Nakabalangkas ang nasabing kautusan sa mga naunang pasistang pamamaraan ng estado katulad na lamang ng Proclamation 360, 374 at ang Memorandum Order No. 32 na tahasang niyuyurakan ang negosasyong pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng Gobyerno ng Republika ng Pilipinas at Pambansang Demokratikong Prente, sa kadahilanang bigo ang estado na maigaod ang ninanais ng mga rebolusyunaryo upang makamit na ang inaasam na kapayapaan. Sa halip na maidaan sa maayos na usapang pangkapayapaan ay itinataguyod lamang nito ang tahasang pagdetina at karahasan sa mga nadadawit sa mga gawa-gawang akusasyon.

Kung tatanawin ang batas, ang ideolohiya ay hindi batayan ng kriminalidad. Sa pagpapawalang-bisa sa anti-subversion law noong 1992, ang mga iligal na katayuan ng mga grupong komunista ay napawalan ng bisa. Gayunpaman, kahit hindi komunista ang isang indibidwal at pawang aktibista lamang na kumikilos para sa karapatan, nagiging sapat na batayan ito para sa Armed Forces of the Philippines at ng Philippine National Police (AFP-PNP) upang mang-aresto at magpataw ng mga gawa-gawang kaso. Kalakip ng ganitong programa ang pagpapatahimik sa lehitimong kritisimo mula sa hanay ng mga mamamayang Pilipino. Sa ganitong uri ng sistema, ang sagad-sagarang pananamantala sa mga bulnerableng sektor ay lalong lumalala. Pinahihintulutan din nito ang pagtindi ng pasismo at diktadura; ginagamit itong hakbang ng

rehimeng Duterte upang makopya ang baluktot na pamamalakad ng martial law ng yumaong diktador na si Marcos.

Sa pamamagitan rin ng whole of nation approach, ginagamit ng EO 70 ang iba’t ibang mga ahensya ng gobyerno upang maging kaisa ng balangkas patungo sa mithiin nito. Makikita ang paghahanda ng rehimeng Duterte sa paglulunsad ng whole of nation approach sa pagpapauupo ng mga retiradong miltary personnel sa kaniyang gabinete. Tinatayang ⅓ ng gabinete ng rehimeng Duterte ay mga ex-military. Sa ganitong istilo ng pamamahala, pinapasaloob ni Duterte ang kapangyarihan ng ehekutibo sa pamumuno ng mga miyembro ng militar. May kapangyarihan ang operasyon na gamitin ang pondo ng iba’t ibang ahensya ng gobyerno. Kung susuriin, ito ay umuusad upang bumuo ng military junta.

Sa ilalim ng EO 70 ay nainstitusyonalisa ang National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC).

Sa pagsasawalang bahala sa usaping kapayapaan, nagiging bulag ang estado sa hakbangin nito upang makamtam ang ‘kapayapaan.’ Kung kaya’t sa mga pagkakataong naihaharap ang katotohanan sa estado ay tumitikom ang mga bibig ng kanilang mga opisyales, katulad ng naipakita ni PCOO Undersecretary Lorraine Badoy nang nahainan ito ng datos ng Ibon Foundation sa isang programa sa telebisyon.

Pinapangunahan ito ng Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) sa pamumuno ni Eduardo Año, kasama ang National Economic Development Authority (NEDA), Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) at Philippine National Police (PNP) na nagsanib pwersa upang bumuo ng mga National Peace and Order Council at N at i o n a l D e ve l o p m e nt Council na siyang katuwang ng NTFELCAC at kokontrol sa mga galamay nito pababa.

Maski ang mga lokal

na pamahalaan ay inaatasan na bumuo ng sarili nitong task force upang magsilbing tulay ng pambansang pamahalaan sa ibaba.

Sa pag-oobliga sa mga lokal na ehekutibo, hanggang sa lebel ng barangay ay gumagana ang EO 70.

Sa ganitong uri ng progresyon ng crackdown, sinasakamay ng armadong pwersa ng estado ang pondo at awtonomiya ng lokal na pamahalaan; nais nitong lagumin ang gera sa pamamagitan ng pagkontrol sa ehekutibo nang walang nakapataw na batas militar.

Sa katotohanan ang mga magsasaka ay patuloy na naghihirap at namamatay sa gutom dahil sa kapabayaan ng estado. Dahil sa Rice Tarrification Law, bilyon-bilyon na ang nalugi ng industriya ng agrikultura sa produksyon pa lamang ng bigas. Ang mga manggagawa naman ay patuloy ring naghihirap sa ilalim ng administrasyon.

Sa kabulaan ng pangakong pagwakas ng kontraktwalisasyon, ang mga manggagawa ay patuloy na nakararanas ng ‘di sapat na sahod. Patuloy rin na nagsasara ang mga kumpanya dahil sa pagnanais na tumaas ng kita, at malaki rin ang bilang ng mga manggagawang tinatanggalan ng trabaho.

Ang malawak na hanay ng mga mamamayan ay patuloy na naghihirap dahil sa lumalalang krisis sa lipunan- trapiko, bilihin, lupa, kalusugan, at mismong karapatan.

Sa kabila ng lahat ng pagnanais ng administrasyon na supilin ang armadong pakikibaka, nanatili pa rin itong bulag sa kondisyon kung bakit ito umuusbong. Ang pagtunggali laban sa rehimen ay umuusbong mula sa mga abuso, kapalpakan, at pagsasawalang-bahala ng estado na tugunan ang saligang karapatan ng mga mamamayan.

Dibuho ni Aynrand Galicia