UPLB Perspective Vol. 47, Issue 3 (February 1, 2021)

FEB R UA R Y 1 , 202 1

UPLB PERSPECTIVE

M A G S U L AT. M A G L I N G KO D . M A G PA L AYA .

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UPLB PERSPECTIVE.ORG

EDITORIAL

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The cost of freedom Let us give justice to those who fought for academic freedom and democracy—even if it comes at a huge expense.

N EWS | 3-7 Patuloy na pangyuyurak sa Hacienda Yulo F E AT U R E S | 8 - 1 1 Police brutality: The culprits dressed in blue

C U LT U R E | 1 2 - 1 3 Filipino army of trolls: To bash and protect

OPINION

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Tumindig sa lupang ipinagkait

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Double issue 16 PAGES

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E D I TO R I A L

◆ ◆ F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G Mark Ernest Famatigan Punong Patnugot Sonya Mariella Castillo Kapatnugot

S I N C E 1 97 3 • TA O N 47, B I L A N G 3

Ang opisyal na pahayagan ng mga magaaral ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Los Baños Silid 11, 2nd Floor Student Union Building, Mariano M. Mondonedo Avenue, UPLB 4031 perspective.uplb@up.edu.ph O P I N I O N opinion.uplbperspective@gmail.com O R GWA TC H orgwatch.uplbperspective@gmail.com E D I TO R I A L

Miyembro, UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad) at ng College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines (CEGP)

Felipa Cheng at Dianne Sanchez Mga Tagapamahalang Patnugot Reuben Pio Martinez Patnugot ng Balita Aesha Dominique Sarrol Patnugot ng Lathalain Datu Zahir Meditar Patnugot ng Kultura Ian Raphael Lopez Patnugot ng Produksyon Jermaine Valerio Kapatungot sa Grapiks

Cyril Chayanne Chan Kapatungot sa Litrato Gerardo Jr. Laydia Kapatnugot sa Paglalapat Kennlee Orola Patnugot ng Opinyon Patrice Bianca Yapjoco Patnugot sa Online Kenneth Rementilla Patnugot ng Orgwatch Claire Denise Sibucao Tagapamahala ng Sirkulasyon James Jericho Bajar Tagapamahala ng Pinansya

Mga Kawani Juan Sebastian Evangelista, Mac Andre Arboleda Kristine Paula Bautista, Dean Carlo Valmeo, Sophia Pugay, Andrei Gines, Lora Noreen Domingo, Ruben Belmonte, Caleb Buenaluz, Joaquin Gonzalez IV, Taj Lagulao, Gabriel Dolot, Noreen Donato, Claire Denise Sibucao, Jed Palo, Abel Genovaña, Caren Malaluan, Paul Carson, Ma. Victoria Almazan, Angelin Ulayao, Aubrey Carnaje, Lindsay Peñaranda, Charles Alison Rivera, Giancarlo Morrondoz, Dayniele Loren, Carla Dela Cruz, Aron Jan Mitchell Sierva, Beyonce Anne Marie Nava, Reignne Francisco, Michael Ian Bartido, Zea Ancheta, Vince Villanueva, Jonas Atienza, Shane Rachel del Rosario, Antonio Enrique Ongdueco, Ron Jeric Babaran, Ralph Caneos, Emerson Espejo, Justine Fuentes, Krystelle Lachica, Frances Mendoza, Marl Ollave, Sophia Isabel Pangilinan

Dibuho ng Pabalat Aubrey Carnaje

The cost of freedom

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n January 15, Department of National Defense (DND) Secretary Delfin Lorenzana sent a letter to UP President Danilo Concepcion notifying him of a unilateral termination of the UP-DND Accord, an agreement settled between the university and state forces prohibiting the presence of police and military in campus grounds unless allowed by the admin or in hot pursuit. In response, Concepcion issued a statement saying that the termination was “unnecessary” and “unwarranted”, followed by the idea that the accord was crafted in an atmosphere of “mutual respect” between the two parties.

But the history of the accord reveals that it was much more than that. Discussions of an accord arose in the early 80s — a time when countless activists were being persecuted by abusive government forces, not far apart from the experiences today. Activists fell victim to thousands of human rights violations by state forces who were empowered by Marcos’ martial law. Such are the likes of Rizalina Ilagan, Leticia Pascual-Ladlad, and Cristina Catalla – all UPLB students who became desaparecidos during the time of martial law.

The government had its eyes red on the UP community, who was one of those at the forefront of anti-Marcos protests of the First Quarter Storm. Led mostly by students, Marcos then ordered for a nationwide shutdown of student councils and campus publications in an attempt to weaken organizing efforts, even coming as far as intruding the Diliman campus in 1971, which left 60 people injured. The contradictions between student activists and the state eventually led to a 1982 accord between the League of Filipino Students (LFS) and then-DND Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile, but it wasn’t until 1989 that the university had a UP-DND accord of its own.

But what led to the creation of the UP-DND accord? According to Renato Reyes, Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) secretary general, and Danilo Arao, UP professor and former Collegian writer, members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) infiltrated the UP Diliman campus on June 1989 to arrest Donato Continente, a writer of the Philippine Collegian, at Vinzons Hall. The Collegian, much like the Perspective, is a publication known for its critical stances against the government — militantly covering the unlawful acts of impunity done by the military and constabulary in the country. Continente was tortured and forced by state forces to admit to the murder of US Colonel James Rowe and wasn’t freed until 14 years later.

The arrest and torture of Continente exposed the conditions of the country’s sociopolitical situation. Even in post-Marcos regimes, dissenters and critics are still considered enemies

[P] GRAPHIC BY JERMAINE VALERIO

of the state. This situation of human rights violations and political persecution further deteriorated one administration after another, revealing that no matter who is in power, for as long as the system remains the same, fascism will find its way to silence and exploit the people.

And now, we are under Duterte’s de facto martial law. Through his militaristic approach to the pandemic, democratic spaces have shrunk and activism is seen by the state as terrorism. This regime is proactively seeking ways to silence dissent in any form it can — from illegal arrests, violent dispersals, and weaponization of the law against critics.

Activists have then seeked refuge in the

historical UP campuses to register their calls due to heightened police and military presence in areas outside. And now that the accord has been terminated, state forces now wish to infiltrate our sanctuary of democracy once again in a desperate attempt to target protesters trying to fight back through peaceful demonstrations.

We should look back on the history of the accord and be reminded of the conditions of which it was implemented – the heightened unrest of the UP community brought upon by worsening poverty, negligence, and state violence. The document was signed at the cost of the blood and sweat of student activists who longed for a better society. Lives were sacrificed, many were hurt,

and futures were compromised in the anti-dictatorship struggle of the people.

With daily cases of state abuse, of the government neglecting the people’s needs, of people being pushed to the margins of society, are we not in the same situation as before? Does it not warrant the same amount of resistance as the UP community did in the 80s? The only difference is that another regime is in charge.

The government can push, but UP will shove. Let us give justice to those who fought for the safety of the university, academic freedom, and democracy – even if it entails the same expense.

NEWS

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1

Medical students call for frontliner perks and a safe return to classes and duties.

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They also called to have medical students be prioritized in the vaccination program’s “first-priority-health frontliners”. PMSA added that HEIs should have the capacity to “totally provide” for the students’ necessities, especially for those who still paid the regular tuition even in the online set up.

PHOTO COURTESY OF PMSA

Lack of manpower

ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Fallen frontliner’s daughters & PhilHealth bit.ly/ FrontlinerPlea

Medical students call for safe return to physical classes, duty Unified call by students as pandemic reveals inequalities in public health response

BY CHARLES ALISON RIVERA

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

A year since COVID-19 made its way to the Philippines, with the already overworked, understaffed and underpaid medical sector already running on fumes, the Philippine Medical Students’ Association (PMSA) called for the safe reopening of Health Education Institutions (HEIs).

This is in light of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) pushing for medical schools to gradually reopen for physical classes as well.

In a statement, the PMSA have reported that there have been numerous requests in which face-to-face classes should be conducted for medicine schools. But CHED, the Department of COVI D -19

WATCH

Health (DOH), and the Association of Philippine Medical Colleges (APMC) made it their least priority agenda, which could have helped the ailing national workforce of medical frontliners.

PMSA also appealed to the abovementioned agencies, as well as the deans and administrators of HEIs to craft proper guidelines and plan the safe return of clerks and interns in their respective hospital duties. In line with this, the group presented the five-point demands.

These five demands included consultations on plans for physical classes and hospital duties, giving clinical clerks and interns frontliner perks (e.g. allowances and free personal protective equipment [PPE] and swab testing among others), regular checkup for possible COVID-19 symptoms, and financial and medical compensation and support for infected students.

Historically and based on our experience, if we will not protest and assert for our rights for salary increase, benefits, security of tenure and safe working conditions, they will not provide it voluntarily.

CRISTY DONGUINES Head, JRRMC Union-Alliance of Health Workers

A CNN Philippines report showed that the Philippines have become the “biggest supplier of nurses worldwide”, in which over a hundred thousand registered nurses flee overseas to find a better-paying medical job. The excess workloads that lasted for about 12 to even 24 hours, low compensation, and delays in benefits lead to the nation’s healthcare system.

“Historically and based on our experience, if we will not protest and assert [for] our [sic] rights for salary increase, benefits, security of tenure and safe working condition[s], they will not provide it voluntarily,” Jose Reyes Memorial Medical Center (JRRMC) Union-Alliance of Health Workers head Cristy Donguines said.

One example of this lack of compensation was the death of medical front liner Ma. Theresa Cruz back in August, 2020, wherein she only got P60.93 per day, in compensation unlike the P500 per day that was promised by the DOH. In terms of manpower, the UP COVID-19 Pandemic Response Team reported in April 2020 that the doctor-to-population ratio of the country is well below the standards of the World Health Organization (WHO), standing at just 3.7 doctors per 10,000 population, with which WHO prescribes a doctor per 1,000 population. Some imbalances are also seen on this scale across the regions. The Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) records an incredibly low 0.8 doctors per 10,000 people.

It was reported by GMA News that some about 180 to 200 medical students of UP Manila were involved in internship and clerkship programs. Three of them tested positive for the virus. Despite this, Dr. Charlotte Chiong, UPM’s College of Medicine Dean, said that the college administration is “pretty confident” with the imposed health protocols that led them to conduct face-to-face classes for their students.

However, the risk of infection remained.

The number of medical frontliners who have contracted COVID-19 has risen since the arrival of the virus in the Philippines. As of January 24, there are 14,286 medical frontliners infected, and almost 14,000 of which have already recovered. Moreover, most of the 78 medical professionals who died were physicians.

In light of these, PMSA encouraged hospital administrators to ensure the safety of the clerks and interns to perform their best duties whilst in a health crisis.

Revealed, how quotes from UP alumni appropriated for red-tagging spree B Y TA J S A M U E L L A G U L A O

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

Some UP alumni were shocked last January 29 after coming upon a bizarre discovery: their graduation portraits and some of their own quotes were appropriated for a red-tagging campaign. The now deleted post from the prostate Facebook page ‘Basika’ made it look as if the graduates were pushing for financially struggling students to pick “education over revolution” and to not “let the CPP/NPA/NDF tell [them] otherwise” in bold writing.

“Isa lamang sila sa mga nagsumikap at nagpatunay na hindi kahirapan ang dahilan para hindi mo maabot ang iyong pangarap,” the

post, also shared by Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO) Undersecretary and infamous red-tagger Lorraine Badoy in her Facebook page, read.

As this was roughly a week after the UP-DND Accord abrogation at the hands of the Department of National Defense (DND) blew up, UP Internet Freedom Network (INTERNET) President Mac Arboleda said that more offline and online red-tagging cases might take shape.

“With the military’s insistence that the Accord has been terminated, it’s certain that they will force themselves in these spaces and continue to spread harm and disinformation,” Arboleda said in a statement with the Perspective.

“Right now, what I’d like to see from the UP community is for them to organize and start

talking about how we can protect each other from these attacks.” Besides calling for “zero tolerance” for such cases, Arboleda urged the UP administration to have a healthy collaboration with cybersecurity experts.

In a separate interview with the Perspective alumnus Thomas John Tenedero, one of two from UPLB, recalled how he found out that his image and his words were appropriated.

“Some of my UP alumni friends from different UP campuses started mentioning and messaging me that I have a photo on a post.

Noong una nagulat ako slight kasi I thought I was red-tagged,” Tenedero said. “Pero when I looked closely into it, hindi naman pala.”

Tenedero revealed that the quote was taken from a story published by Philippine Daily

Inquirer back in 2019, covering his life as a son of a scrap dealer and a graduate.

He was far from pleased with how his “inspirational” quote was used. “Medyo nakakaoffend lang din na nagamit yung quote o sinabi ko sa maling paraan kasi personal sa akin ‘yon,” the BS Agricultural and Applied Economics (AAE) graduate asserted.

R E L A T E D STO RY UP fights back against fascism See Page 4 ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the full story and additional context on our website http://bit.ly/QuotesAppropriation

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UPLB NEWS

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U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G/ E L B I

UP fights back versus state fascism Community holds indignation rally the day after UP-DND Accord abrogation; UPLB leaders adamant in their stances B Y D E A N C A R L O VA L M E O

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

When student publications across the UP system first broke the story on the eve of January 18, it was immediately met with immense outrage from the UP community.

The Department of National Defense (DND) was calling Judgment Day on the 1989 UPDND Accord. It was not long until netizens called to #DefendAcademicFreedom, say #NoToCampusMilitarization, and finally #DefendUP on Twitter, driving conversation on why it shouldn’t be terminated.

But online chatter and protests were not enough for the students, faculty, and staff of the university. As such, on the following morning, they took to the grounds of UP Diliman their indignation against DND’s scheme, with students and progressive groups calling the abrogation an attack against academic freedom and the state’s latest plot against student activism.

Student Regent Renee Co was among those who joined the online and on-ground protest.

She called on the UP community to defend the university’s safe spaces, emphasizing that this was only made possible because of the sacrifices of students through the years.

“Itong paglagay ng UP-DND Accord ay ginawa […] ng napakaraming Iskolar ng Bayan at buong UP community, at ang pagtanggal nito ay paglampas sa historical role ng UP bilang isang napakaimportanteng institusyon na nagpapadinig ng boses at mga demanda ng tao,” Co explained.

UP President Danilo Concepcion also showed up to back the indignation and spoke in front of the UP community.

“Hindi nila maunawaan na ang accord na ito ay ang nagbibigay ng kalayaan sa ating mga estudyante at mga guro na maging malikhain at mapusok sa pag-iisip at paglilikha, sapagkat alam nila na walang susupil sa kanilang mga gawain,” Concepcion reads his statement.

In a response letter to DND Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, the President also questioned the lack of ‘prior consultation’ with them. He also wanted the DND to revoke its decision.

“At the same time, especially given our experience of martial law, we must reject any form or semblance of militarization on our campuses, which will have a chilling effect deleterious to academic freedom,” Concepcion said.

He then asked the DND head to think over his decisions and invited him to discuss matters further. “May I urge you, therefore, to reconsider and revoke your abrogation, and request further that we meet to discuss your concerns in the shared spirit of peace, justice, and the pursuit of excellence,” addressing Lorenzana.

Other notable figures who joined progressive groups in the protest were Kabataan Party-list Representative Sarah Elago and UP Diliman chancellor Fidel Nemenzo.

To put it simply, the UP-DND Accord was signed in 1989 by then UP President Jose Abueva and then-Defense Secretary Fidel Ramos, to put up restrictions on the Philippine National Police (PNP) and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in entering UP campuses. At that time, the country just restored its democracy after the ouster of late dictator Ferdinand Marcos.

This came after the state finally recognized

Different groups joined forces during an indignation rally in UP Diliman against the termination of the UP-DND accord, held one day after the announcement of Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana. [P] PHOTO BY SONYA MARIELLA CASTILLO that there was a need to safeguard the academic freedom and safety of UP students, who were always on the front lines of criticizing the government and its policies.

With the accord in effect, it meant that state forces must first obtain permission from respective campuses before they enter its premises or conduct any military or police operations. In fact, in UP Los Baños alone, there were numerous instances that state forces compromised the safety of UP students.

In a March 2019 National Service Training Program (NSTP) 1 lecture, invited resource speakers from the AFP red-tagged UPLB student leaders and progressive organizations, accusing them of being communist insurgents.

Meanwhile, early last year, a peaceful student demonstration on campus was featured in a pro-government propaganda video of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) — again, accusing students of being rebels. UPLB student leaders have also been receiving death threats since the imposition of COVID-19 lockdowns.

Chancellor Jose Camacho, Jr. also slammed the abrogation, saying “it is in this light that we view the unilateral rescission of the accord as an assault against the freedom of UP as an institution. It came at the heels of earlier threats to discontinue funding for the University, which was intended to silence us.”

Calls mount to revoke AFP spokesperson’s Devcom award B Y TA J S A M U E L L A G U L A O

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

At the height of the UP-DND Accord controversy, AFP spokesperson BGen. Edgard Arevalo voiced his support for the DND decision to unilaterally terminate it.

His justification caught everyone by surprise: “Paano na lamang po kung mayroong shabu laboratory, for instance, sa loob ng University of the Philippines community or campus and meron tayong valid arrest warrant at search warrant?”

“Development for whom?” asked the UPLB Graduate School Student Council (UPLB GSSC) in a Facebook post, then dropping a bombshell that ruffled the most feathers with a screenshot: a 2017 post CDC Alumni Association (CDCAA) awarding Arevalo as that year’s Distinguished Alumnus in Communication for Peace.

Then after, the College of Development Communication Student Council (CDCSC), calling Devcom students and

other constituents to action, quickly urged the CDC Alumni Association (CDCAA) President Prof. Romel Daya to revoke the award.

“Being the ‘mouthpiece’ of an institution that serves authorities who continuously take advantage of the Filipino people’s weaknesses should NOT be recognized,” the council said in their email. The comment was in reference to the aforementioned CDCAA post, where they described Arevalo as “the mouthpiece of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).”

CDCSC chair Camile Villanueva explained how the AFP, which Arevelo represents, sown disorder through reported human rights violations (HRVs), that has lead to arrests and deaths despite claiming to work for peace.

However, Villanueva noted that everyone in UP is free to perceive things, and that the institution does not “dictate” how they should think and act.

As per CDCSC’s recent update, the CDCAA will be in talks to discuss this matter.

UPLB NEWS

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1

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A year of challenges shared in GASC Eight resolutions tackling society’s issues approved; councils, Student Regent Punzalan share term reports B Y A R O N J A N M I T C H E L L S I E R VA

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

January 11 and 12 saw student councils from all across the UP system coming together for the 50th General Assembly of Student Councils (GASC) to discuss campus, systemwide, and national issues, as well as selecting the 38th Student Regent (SR).

Much like last year’s emergency GASC, this one was held online.

“Ang mga student council ay nagco-convene tuwing start ng semester para mag-discuss ng issues ng Filipino people, ng different campuses natin around the country,” Julianne Afable, former UPLB Perspective editor-in-chief, stated in a [P] Live interview when asked of the function and importance of the GASC. Formed in 1997 when the Codified Rules for Student Regent Selection (CRSRS) were first crafted, GASC composed of the 54 student councils in the UP system. It is chaired by the SR, the sole representative of about 60,000 UP students to the Board of Regents (BOR).

Renee Co, the SR-select, stated that GASC “forges unities” among students, concerning the different issues that they face. “Dito po tayo gumagawa ng shared responses na susundin po natin in the years coming forward,” she said.

Outgoing SR John Isaac Punzalan presented his term report to the body in the morning of January 11. His speech centered on how UP is a university that brings hope to the country, because of the fight that it manifested for every student’s academic freedom, showing strong resistance against state forces intervening into university campuses.

“Naging komitment natin na samahan at lumaban kasama ang ating mga kababayan […]

Nakakahanap tayo ng maraming paraan para maipanalo ang ating mga laban para sa ating mga kapwa estudyante,” he added.

Concluding his term report, Punzalan acknowledged the dedication and sacrifice of the student councils, citing that the students’ campaigns succeeded because of their service.

“Even though we had a lot of struggles, it is worth seeing how we were able to help the student body and the Filipino people at large.

Sana…handa tayo [na] magsama-sama para paglingkuran ang bayan, para ma-fulfill ‘yung mandate na pag-asa ng bayan,” he said.

Heeding the constituents’ calls Unit reports were then presented by each of the seven University Student Councils (USC).

A common ground among the reports were the struggles that were faced by the students during the remote learning setup, brought

Naging komitment natin na samahan at lumaban kasama ang ating mga kababayan.

JOHN ISAAC PUNZALAN 37th Student Regent

by academic difficulties, digital divide, financial burden, and mental health issues, among many others.

The USCs also raised how the current situation made it more difficult for organizations to act, with the difficulty of recruitment and consolidation of new members, as well as due to their lack of resources and policy implementation. On the matter of student publications, UP Diliman (UPD) USC discussed how those within their campus were underfunded, while also experiencing red-tagging and administration repression.

Amidst these challenges, however, the student councils initiated and took part in various activities that upheld student demands and heeded calls of the university constituents.

Among these was the #WalangIwananUP campaign that petitioned the UP administration to end the semester and give a passing grade to all students.

Mobilizations, dialogues, and unity statements were also done by UP students, so as to intensify the calls for academic freedom and government accountability. Donation drives, aimed at assisting victims of recent calamities, were also spearheaded by UP organizations.

“Habang abala ang [Duterte administration] sa pag-rered tag, nangunguna ang mga estudyante sa pagtulong sa estudyante at sa mga komunidad, [dulot ng] criminal negligence ng Duterte administration. These are examples of student leadership in the line of fire,” SR nominee Francesca Adrienne Kapunan asserted.

In order to answer the aforementioned issues that the university system had faced in the past semester, the student councils then proceeded with the formulation of resolutions, centered on campaigning for safe and accessible education, and on calling for government response during the pandemic.

ONLINE

uplbperspective.org View the full list of passed resolutions in our website http://bit.ly/GASC50Resols

Student Regent Renee Co during her swearing-in ceremony. PHOTO COURTESY OF UP OSR

Co to fight for UPLB students’ demands against MRR cases

BY LORA NOREEN DOMINGO

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

UP Diliman and UP Cebu nominee Renee Louise Co was selected to serve as the UP system’s 38th Student Regent (SR) following the 50th General Assembly of Student Councils (GASC) on January 12.

Co contended for the position with UPLB nominee Siegfred Severino and UP Baguio nominee Francesca Kapunan, who ranked second and third SR nominee, respectively.

It was originally announced that there would be five official SR nominees. However, UPLB hopeful Nico Rastrullo was not chosen as the campus nominee, as per UPLB USC update. Meanwhile, UP Cebu nominee Jhonn Isidor Supelanas officially withdrew from the SR selection process on January 12, citing health reasons.

She succeeds incumbent SR Punzalan, who previously served in a holdover capacity due to the inability of the student body to hold SR selections last 2020 due to the pandemic. Co will remain in office for a year as the student body representative in the BOR. In an interview with Perspective Live shortly after she was selected as SR, Co expounded on her stance regarding the Maximum Residency Rule (MRR) for UP students. She said that the MRR is “essentially a barrier to realize our right to free, quality and accessible education.” “As long as the MRR is there, may certain barriers

or paghihirap na dadaanan ang mga students in completing their education or really achieving their holistic education, lalo na doon sa may special circumstances [na kinakaharap],” Co explained.

The controversy surrounding the MRR stemmed from it leaving several students who would not be able to accomplish their courses in a given timetable to be ineligible for free tuition, due to Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act restricting students from securing it.

Co stated that the Office of the Student Regent (OSR) will help those in need of forwarding their MRR and readmission cases to the administration. However, she is hoping that in the future, the rule would be revised or ultimately removed. “Of course, in the long run, I hope that the rule itself is revised, matanggal siya, para hindi ito patuloy na magpapahirap sa mga estudyante,” Co said.

In her GASC presentation, Co also expressed her support for the safe reopening of schools.

She said that she would utilize her position as SR to campaign to reallocate funds for university health services. She assured the support of the UP administration for students who would get ill after the campuses reopen.

[P] LIVE

New timeslot! Saturdays at 10 a.m.

Watch the full interview with Student Regent Renee Co http://bit.ly/PLiveReneeCo

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UPLB NEWS

F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

The UPLB population The number of students in UPLB reflects socio-political changes and laws regarding education. Even though times are harder, only a few receive much-needed aid.

Undergraduate and graduate enrollees per semester, 2010-2020*

��%

2015 S1

14000 2013 S1

12,132 12000

13,490

10,109

In 2013, the K to 12 program was enacted into law known as RA 10533.

The effects on the UPLB population wouldn’t be felt until two years later.

8000

6000

2017 S1

2000

2010 S1

1,442

1,194

In 2017, the law providing free tuition was signed under RA 10931. Enrollees from the K-12 program also started to come.

2015 S1

2015 S1

2,145

1,752

9,496

6% 4%

6%

CVM

CDC

��%

percent of UPLB comes from CAS, the largest college

CFNR

6% CHE

7% CEM

18%

��% 2,697

17%

CAFS

increase in graduate students, from 2010 to 2019 2019 S1

GS

10%

CEAT

2020 S1

2,113

��,���

total student population for first semester of 2020

Undergraduate

0

10 H2 H1S1 1111 H2S2 1212 H1S1 1212 H2S2 13 16 H2 10H1S1 1010 S2 1111 13H1 S1 13 13H2 S2 14 14H1 S1 14 14H2 S2 15 15H1 S1 15 15H2 S2 16 16H1 S1 16 S2

Undergraduate data

8.859

2015 S1

7,796

4000 2013 S1

increase in undergrads since first sem of 2019 2019 S1

increase in undergraduates, from 2010-2015

10000

�%

decrase in undergrads in a span of 2 years

��%

2010 S1

The pandemic make-up

17 H1 17 H2 18 S1 H1 18 18 S2 H2 19 19 S1 H1 19 19S2 H2 20 20S1 H1 17 S1 17 S2 18

Graduate data

2,627

undergrads or graduate studes receive financial aid

Graduate

1,112

ineligible for free tuition

*Chart does not include midyear statistics and data for 2nd semester, a.y. 2020-2021 SOURCE OFFICE OF THE UNIVERSITY REGISTRAR INFOGRAPHIC DESIGN IAN RAPHAEL LOPEZ

Enrollment steady despite remote classes debut problems Slight increase in enrolled students seen, even after problems complicated sem’s opening B Y TA J S A M U E L L A G U L A O

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

The UPLB student enrollment rate showed no significant changes in the university’s first semester under the remote learning set-up, with the number of undergraduates currently enrolled being slightly greater than the number of enrollees recorded in the past three years.

Problems left and right took center stage at the first semester of A.Y. 2020-2021, with the semester before already affected by the Taal Volcano eruption and eventually ending prematurely due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Then, with a rushed start that had faculty members rushing to finish course packs and adjust to new learning programs, the new school year began.

What came after were students struggling under the weight of mental health and financial problems while passing academic requirements and the whole campus having to get back on their feet after a series of storms in the last two months of that academic year.

Despite these challenges, data from the Office of the University Registrar (OUR) showed undergrad enrollment increased slightly unlike previous semesters, putting to mind the newly enrolled freshmen.

According to the OUR, there are 9,496 undergraduate students currently enrolled for the 1st semester of A.Y 2020-2021, which is a 7% increase from the 8, 859 undergraduate enrollees in the 1st semester of A.Y 2019-2020.

Meanwhile, there were 8,758 undergrads in A.Y.

Enrollment issues have prevailed all throughout the pandemic, as learning shifted to online means, with an initial report projecting that there will be a 70% decrease in college enrollment.

2018-2019 and 8,573 in A.Y. 2017-2018, and 10,842 in A.Y. 2016-2017. In contrast, the number of undergraduate enrollees for midyear has dropped by 805%, with only 362 undergraduate students enrolled compared to the 3,277 students enrolled in midyear 2019.

Meanwhile, the number of enrollees in the UPLB Graduate School (GS) for this semester is lower relative to the previous years. 2,113 graduate students were enrolled for this semester, which is a decrease from the 2,445 enrollees in A.Y. 2019-2020, and 2,387 students in A.Y. 20182019. Additionally, 368 graduate students were enrolled for the recent midyear, which is a significant decrease from the 645 enrolled students in 2019 and the 641 enrolled students in 2018.

Classes suspended Enrollment issues have prevailed all throughout the pandemic, as learning shifted to online

means, with an initial report projecting that there will be a 70% decrease in college enrollment. In a press briefing by the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) last May, Chairman Prospero de Vara noted the urgent need for financial assistance for private higher educational institutions (HEI) and SUCs. De Vera noted that a “tremendous” amount of OFWs went home after losing their jobs in the pandemic, meaning that their children wouldn’t be able to go to school. Additionally, he warned that lower enrollment as a result of economical factors would possibly lead to faculty layoffs or school closures. In a separate meeting, de Vera shared that a number of colleges and universities would shut down due to the pandemic.

Last July of 2020 also showed that even high schools were not spared from this, as the Department of Education (DepEd) Education Secretary Leonor Briones said that it would be unlikely to reach the 27 million enrollees from the year prior. Worries were confirmed in September as data from DepEd revealed that out of the total 14,435 private schools in the country, 865 private schools would not be operating last A.Y. 2020-2021.

Additionally, enrollment in private schools dropped to 47%, with only two million students enrolled in private schools at the time compared to the 4.3 million from the year prior. Public schools remained mostly unaffected, retaining 98% of the enrollment year from the previous year. All in all, enrollment for the incoming school year was 87.5% at the time.

1,112 ineligible for free tuition

As several issues plagued students and faculty in the online learning set-up, data from the Office of the University Registrar (OUR) sent through the Office of Scholarships and Grants (OSG) revealed that 1,112 out of 9,521 undergraduate students were not eligible for free tuition on the first semester of A.Y. 2020-2021.

Under Section 6 of the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act or the Republic Act (RA) 10931, students enrolled in state universities and colleges (SUCs), such as UPLB, and CHED-recognized local universities and colleges (LUCs) are qualified for free tuition as long as they pass admission requirements, hold no previous undergraduate degrees, and are not overstaying their college residency.

As not all students are able to finish their courses on time, many were doomed to face the UP system’s controversial handling of the Maximum Residence Rule (MRR), wherein students will no longer be allowed to register in the event that they would not be able to finish in the given time. However, due to the pandemic, Vice President for Academic Affairs (VPAA) Cynthia Bautista explained that MRR regulations were waived.

With this, several scholarship and stipend programs were open for students to help cope with financial woes. OUR reported that among the undergraduate students enrolled this semester, 2,627 are reported to be beneficiaries of these programs. The majority of these students rely on grants-in-aid programs, with 1,892 receiving either tuition fee discounts and/or monthly stipends.

Out of the remaining students, 358 availed student loans and claims with case-to-case benefits, 274 pursued student assistantship and received a monthly salary, and 103 claimed private/government scholarships and received a monthly stipend.

—TAJ SAMUEL LAGULAO

S O U T H E R N TA GA LO G

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G/S T N E WS | F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1

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Patuloy na pangyuyurak Dalawang bahay ng mga magsasaka sa Yulo, sinunog ng mga goons isang araw pagkatapos makipagdiyalogo N I J OA QU I N G O N Z A L E Z I V

Sa pagsasara ng gate sa mga nagpoprotesta, sa pagsusunog at paggigiba ng kanilang mga bahay, nagbagong taon na, ngunit patuloy-tuloy parin ang mga atake sa Hacienda Yulo.

Sinunog ‘di umano ng mga goons ng Seraph Security Agency ang mga bahay ng mga magsasakang Fredie Cacao at Mario Mangubat sa Sitio Buntog, Brgy. Canlubang sa Hacienda Yulo, Laguna noong ika-23 ng Enero.

Ayon kay Shirley Marasigan, isa sa mga nasunugan ng bahay, habang siya at ang kanyang pamilya ay nasa loob ng kanilang bahay, pumasok ang mga goons, binuhusan ito ng gasolina at sinindihan.

Nasunog ang lahat ng kanyang mga gamit kabilang na ang P40,000 na halaga ng salapi na kanyang matagal na inipon upang makauwi sa kanilang probinsiya. Bukod pa rito, habang nagsusunog, tinutukan ng goons ang mga biktima ng baril, pinadapa, at ninakaw ang kanilang mga cellphone. Dagdag ni Marasigan, balak pa sana ng mga goons na itali ang isang biktima habang sinusunog ang kanyang tahanan.

Ito ay hindi bababa sa ikaapat na beses na pag-atake sa mga bahay ng mga magsasaka at residente ng Sitio Buntog. Ito ang ikalawang beses na winasak ang mga bahay nina Cacao at Mangubat matapos wasakin ang mga ito noong ika-6 ng Enero.

Noong hapon ng ika-7 ng Enero tumungo ang mga humanitarian volunteers mula sa iba’t ibang sektor sa mga bahay na sinunog upang imbestigahan ito, ngunit hinarang sila ng mga tauhan ng Seraph Security Agency ayon sa Defend Yulo Farmers.

Dagdag ng grupo, bukod sa panghaharang, tinatakot pa ng mga pribadong security ang mga lokal na nasa kabilang bakod na makakatanggap sana ng ayuda.

Noong Enero 25 naman nagpadala ng pulis ang local government unit (LGU) ng Canlubang upang mamagitan sa mga magsasaka at goons na nakapalibot ngayon sa Hacienda Yulo. Subalit, pati ang mga pulis ay hinigpitan ng mga goons at hindi agad-agad nakapasok.

Walang pakialam?

Samantala, kinundena ng BAYAN Laguna ang pagsunog sa dalawang bahay at ang hindi pagbigay-pansin ni Justin “Timmy” Chipeco, ang alkalde ng Calamba. “Sa kabila nito, patuloy pa rin ang pagiging bingi at bulag ni Mayor Timmy Chipeco sa kalagayan ng mga magsasaka.

Ginigiit pa rin ng opisina niya na labas na sila sa usapan ng di umano’y pribadong lupa ng mga Yulo,” ani ng grupo.

“Ano ba ang katotohanan – walang pangil ang batas ng Calamba pagdating sa mga asyendero’t komprador, o tuluyan nang nabayaran si Mayor Chipeco?”

Ayon kay Bokal Christian Niño Lajara ng Laguna Board, nais ng developer na kumontrata sa mga ahente ng San Cristobal Realty Development Corporation (SCRDC), na ipagkait sa magsasaka ng Sitio Buntog ang kanilang karapatan. “Ang panununog at harassment sa Sitio Buntog ay senyales ng pagmamadali ng developer na agawin sa mamamayan ang panalo na inilabas ng Korte Suprema na ibigay ang nararapat para sa mga magsasaka

LITRATO MULA KAY RALPH FREDERICK

UPLB Perspective Staff Writer

Ang bahay ni Fredie Cacao at ng kanyang pamilya matapos ‘di umano sunugin ng mga tauhan ng Seraph Security Agency.

Ang mga pamilya ng mga manggagawang bukid at mga magsasaka ng Canlubang ay nagpayabong ng isang komunidad, na kinalauna’y pinagkakitaan ng panginoong may lupa at ng mga kumpanya at korporasyon.

BOKAL CHRISTIAN LAJARA Laguna Board

at manggagawang bukid ng dating Hacienda Yulo,” sabi ni Lajara.

Dagdag ni Lajara, dating naghain ng petisyon sa Korte Suprema ukol sa laban sa lupang agraryo ang mga magsasaka, trabahador, at mga pamilyang naninirahan sa Canlubang. Ayon sa naging desiyon ng Korte Suprema, sila ay kwalipikadong kuhanin ang benepisyong napagtagumpayan laban sa SCRDC na nais silang palayasin sa loob ng lupain ng Sitio Buntog.

“Pinatutunayan ng desisyong ito na ang mga

pamilya ng mga manggagawang bukid at mga magsasaka ng Canlubang ay lumahok sa produksyon, naglinang ng lupa, at nagpayabong ng isang komunidad na kinalauna’y pinagkakitaan ng panginoong may lupa at kanilang mga kasapakat na mga kumpanya at korporasyon,” iginiit ni Lajara.

No-show si mayor Noong ika-22 ng Enero, sa araw ng ika-34 na paggunita ng Mediola Massacre, ay nagsagawa ng kilos protesta sa harap ng Laguna Provincial Capitol Extension sa Calamba ang mga magsasaka ng Hacienda Yulo.

Inimbititahan ni Chipeco ang mga magsasaka na makipag-dayalogo sa araw na iyon ukol sa kalapastanganang nagaganap sa Sitio Buntog. Subalit, muling hindi humarap si Chipeco sa mga magsasaka. Nabalitaan lamang na isinara ang gate sa harapan nila, at ang kamay ng isa sa mga lider ay naipit sa pagsara ng gate.

Sa kabila nito, naipasa ng mga magsasaka ang kanilang lihim ng kanilang mga kahilingan sa Calamba LGU. Sa kanilang liham, nananawagan ang mga magsasaka na itigil ang kalapastanganan ng Seraph Security Agency at iba pang mga ahente, at itigil ang operasyon ng SCRDC sa Sitio Buntog pati na rin sa mga karatig na sitio.

Hinihiling rin nila na pagbayarin ang mga Yulo at Ayala ng danyos perwisyo at na

magkaroon ng ayuda para sa kanila na apektado ng nasabing panggigipit ng Seraph Security Agency na pandagdag hirap sa pandemya. Bukod pa dito, nais nila na magkaroon ng diyalogo. Kanilang hinihingi rin ang mga papeles na may kinalaman sa Hacienda Yulo.

Ang Sitio Buntog, isang bahagi ng tinatayang 7,100-hectaryang Hacienda Yulo ay isang hotspot para sa pananagkam ng lupa at karahasan. Mula pa noong 1911, iginiit ng mga residente ang kanilang mga karapatan sa kanilang mga lupang ninuno sa harap ng mga pribadong korporasyon na nais sakupin ang kanilang mga tahanan para sa kanilang mga proyekto.

Ang pagsunog sa dalawang bahay ang pinabago sa serye ng mga atake sa mga magsasaka ng Hacienda Yulo. Noong ika-28 ng Agosto ng nakaraang taon, sinunog ng mga goons ang tatlong bahay sa Sitio Buntog.

Noong Disyembre at Enero, lalo pang dumalas ang serye ng mga atake matapos ang pagbibigay ng “huling abiso ng pagalis” sa mga nakatira sa mga sitiong ito. Bukod sa abiso na ito, walang naipakitang court order o opisyal na dokumento ang kumpanya.

ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Basahin ang kabuuan ng istorya sa aming website bit.ly/HaciendaYulo

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M

y father is a policeman!” were the exact words of a child moments before a shocking crime transpired. A transgression involving her father, Jonel Nuezca, who shot and killed two civilians in broad daylight in Paniqui, Tarlac. Nuezca executed 52-year-old Sonya Rufino Gregorio and her 25-year-old son, Frank Anthony Rufino Gregorio over a dispute of what could have been settled without resulting in bloodshed.

Videos of the said incident circulated in various social media platforms, igniting anger among the Filipino people. It raised contentions and questions among the masses; how did the police, who took an oath to serve and protect, become the primary perpetrators of such a grisly crime?

“The sin of Nuezca is not the sin of the entire Philippine National Police (PNP).” says Eduardo Año, Secretary of the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG).

He referred to Nuezca’s case as an “isolated incident” and therefore has nothing to do with the acts of other PNP personnel.

However, progressive organizations were quick to dismiss this statement stating that police brutality has long been part of the country’s system.

Karapatan Secretary General, Cristina Palabay, said that the deaths of Sonya and Frank Gregorio is a “dangerous and chilling effect of impunity.” She added that it is driven by the “kill-kill-kill” policy of Duterte that is embedded in his orders all the while encouraging state-sponsored attacks.

The Gregorios are not the only victims who suffered at the hands of the so-called “protectors” of the people; the [P] ILLUSTRATION

BY MICHAEL IAN BARTIDO

F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

CULPRITS DRESSED

IN BLUE The culture of violence and impunity manifests not just in recent cases of police brutality, but in the numerous human rights violations by the PNP. By Zea Ancheta

culture of violence and impunity manifests not just in this particular case but in the thousands of human rights violations committed by the police.

According to the Youth Movement Against Tyranny Laguna, since 2016, drug war deaths have already reached 30,000 and that the count continues to increase. However, records coming from the official tally of the government which was discovered to be underreported, suggests otherwise.

From July 1, 2016 to July 31, 2020, the total number of drug suspects killed based on the data of #RealNumbersPH reached 5,810.

The project provides the only available data the public can access with regards to drug operations. It is headed by the Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO) in coordination with the PNP and the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA).

Based on the records of the PNP, there were 7,884 drug suspects killed from July 1, 2016 to August 31, 2020. In comparison with the data from #RealNumbersPH, with just a one month difference in the recording period, there exists a large gap of 2,000 killings.

The data suggests that almost 2,000 cases were not included in the official records released by #RealNumbersPH. For the counts of operations conducted, #RealNumbersPH tallied 173,348 while PNP tallied 223,608. Both records were within the same period from July 1, 2016 to July 31, 2020. In terms of arrests, #RealNumbersPH counted 251,889 arrests and PNP recorded 345,708. Still manifesting inconsistent data from both sources.

Even if the latest data coming from #RealNumbersPH would be used to compare with PNP’s July 1, 2016 to July 31, 2020 records, there is still a large discrepancy. From July 1, 2016 to October 31, 2020, the latest data showed 5,942 drug suspects killed, 183,525 operations, and 266,126 arrests. This count is still significantly lower than that of PNP’s records. When records do not match up, it is difficult to identify which one’s accurate and credible. It also leaves us to question the actual number of lives that were taken and that there may be a possibility that the current count may only be a small portion of the actual number of killings.

According to Human Rights Wa t c h — a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l non-governmental organization—in their analysis of the government’s records, 103 people were killed by the police in drug war operations from December 2019 to March 2020. It then worsened during the pandemic wherein there was a 50% increase amounting to 155 deaths from April to July, 2020.

Ke e p i n m i n d that these numbers only cover the people killed in operations of the war on drugs. Additionally, the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) Protection Cluster, in an interview with the Perspective, said that for the year 2020, there were 261 cases of human rights violations and from these cases, there were a total of 456 victims.

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U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1

CHR also added that there are an estimated 1,889 extrajudicial deaths from police drug operations allegedly deemed as legitimate.

“Iilan sa mga kaso ng human rights violations na sangkot ang mga pulis ay napatawan na ng mga karampatang parusa,” CHR says. According to them, not all cases lead to a successful litigation. They added that the common reasons as to why cases are dismissed is due to lack of witnesses and weak evidence. CHR told Perspective that the majority of the police who commit human rights violations do not get apprehended because victims opt not to file charges. This is due to fear and acknowledgment that our country’s justice system is flawed. The victims mentioned that they would rather choose to work than spend their time in court or to pay for lawyers they can’t even afford.

Hundreds and thousands of lives were taken. Although treated as a mere body count, these individuals are not statistics.

They were once warm bodies who suffered and lost their lives at the hands of the PNP. These people have families waiting for them to come home, they have friends praying for their safety. It is an utter disgrace and disservice because it seems like our lives depend on armed men designated to protect our rights and interests in the first place.

O

n June 26, the Pride 20 were illegally detained during a peaceful Pride Month demonstration in Morayta, Manila. The 20 protesters were brought to the Manila Police District Headquarters and were imprisoned despite the fact that the police were unable to state their violations. Afterwards, they were charged with “disobedience of person in authority” in relation with the Public Health Concern Act or R.A. 11332, even after they asserted that they practiced COVID-19 protocols during the protest.

Similar cases happened in June 5’s incident involving the Cebu 8 and the Cabuyao 11 on July 6 where activists and a by-stander were arrested during a protest against the Anti-Terrorism Act. Along with these cases is the Piston 6 where six jeepney drivers were arrested while protesting for the resume of jeepney operations. 21 residents from Sitio San Roque, while only demanding aid from the government, were also illegally arrested.

Winston Ragos, a mentally-ill ex-soldier, was shot twice and was killed on April 21 in Barangay Pasong Putik, Quezon City by Police Master Sergeant Daniel Florendo Jr. This occurred after a confrontation regarding a “possible quarantine violation” committed by Ragos. The police explained that they shot Ragos because he was about to pull a gun from his sling bag but according to Ragos’ mother, her son was unarmed. It was later on confirmed that Florendo and other officers planted the evidence.

Planting of evidence is also common in police related incidents. Aside from Ragos’ case, according to a report on June 4 by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UN OHCHR), in order to support the “nanlaban” narratives of the police whenever they kill suspects in the drug war operations, they would plant guns as evidence to support their claims. There were instances wherein the same guns were used and recovered across different cases.

National chairperson of Anakpawis party-list and National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) peace consultant Randall “Randy” Echanis and his neighbor Louie Tagapia were found dead on August 10 in an apartment in Novaliches, Quezon. CHR

THE HIDDEN WAR ON DATA President Duterte has been vocal of his intent to eradicate the scourge of illegal drugs in the country.

In his war on drugs, thousands of people allegedly involved in the drug trade were killed without due process, alongside thousands of illegal searches and warrantless arrests. But a hidden war on data has ensued, with the government giving conflicting numbers on the specifics of operations.

DEATHS

7,884

5,810

Philippine National Police

#RealNumbersPH

Legit data: About 2,000 deaths are missing from both tolls. Rights groups Karapatan shows that over 30,000 have been killed in the drug war.

OPERATIONS CONDUCTED

223,608 173,348 Philippine National Police

#RealNumbersPH

Legit data: About 50,000 operations are missing from the #RealNumbersPH count. President Duterte, in many of his speeches, claimed even more.

ARRESTS

345,708 251,899

Philippine National Police

#RealNumbersPH

Legit data: 93,000 arrests are missing from the #RealNumbersPH count, a project under the Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO).

SOURCE PNP, #REALNUMBERSPH ICONS FREEPIK/FLATICON.COM INFOGRAPHIC DESIGN IAN RAPHAEL LOPEZ

THE POLICE ARE TASKED TO SAVE LIVES, NOT TAKE IT. THEY SHOULD BE SERVING THE MASSES AND NOT THE FEW POWERFUL. WHEN JUSTICE IS BENT BY THE VERY INDIVIDUALS DIRECTED TO UPHOLD IT, RAGE AMONG THE MASSES IS VALID. investigators concluded that Echanis was tortured to death based on his wounds. According to Randy’s wife, Erlinda Echanis, and some relatives who brought his remains to a funeral home, La Loma Police Station of the Quezon City Police District (QCPD) forcibly retrieved Randy’s remains claiming that the body belongs to a certain Manuel Santiago.

Recently, on December 2, Amanda Echanis, a peasant organizer and also the daughter of Randy Echanis, was arrested in Baggao, Cagayan for illegal possession of firearms and explosives in which Anakpawis asserted that evidence was planted. It is said that she was among those who were merely conducting relief ops in Cagayan at the time of her arrest.

Amanda was detained in Camp Adduro in Tuguegarao along with her 1-month-old baby.

Harjan Lagman, 25-year-old Baguio city

resident, was found decapitated in Tublay, Benguet. He was abducted on November 11 and his lifeless body was found the day after.

The suspects were confirmed to be two police officers under PNP Cordillera’s Regional Drug Enforcement Unit (RDEU). Regional Director Police Brigadier General R’Win Pagkalinawan referred to this case as an “isolated incident”.

But shortly after the incident, the RDEU was disbanded.

Fabel Pineda, a 15-year-old girl, was killed on July 4 after she filed a molestation complaint at the Cabugao police station against two policemen. The police chief said that Pineda, her uncle, and her cousin were riding a motorcycle on their way home when they were chased and bumped by another motorcycle with riders wearing helmets and face masks.

The riders then shot Pineda 5 times before they fled the scene leaving her uncle and cousin unharmed.

These incidents show that the human rights violations committed by police forces are not limited to one sector. From youth activists, to the urban poor, all the way to the working class and innocent civilians, anyone can be a victim of police harassment.

S

enator Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa, former PNP chief, was asked in ANC’s Headstart if he believes that there exists a culture of impunity inside the PNP. He answered, “No. Ginagamit lang yan ng critics na gustong sirain ang gobyerno natin.” He mentioned that police officers are not commanded to kill, not even by the president and that the crime of Nuezca should not reflect the whole police organization.

Contrary to these claims, killing without due process has been promoted by Duterte since he assumed office. In his nationally

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televised speech in celebration of his presidential victory, he urged the public to help him in battling his “war against crime”. He encouraged the people with guns to shoot and kill drug dealers who resist arrest and he said that those who will help him will be rewarded. During the 250th Presidential Airlift Wing (PAW) anniversary last September 17, 2016, Duterte also stated that he will protect law enforcers saying, “I will protect you. I will not allow one policeman or one military to go to jail.”

Recently, Police Captain Ariel Buraga was under fire for a Facebook post about the killings of Sonya and Frank Gregorio saying, “Kahit puti na ang buhok o ubanin na tayo, eh matuto tayong rumespeto sa ating mga kapulisan. Mahirap kalaban ang pagtitimpi at pagpapasensya.”

Amnesty International’s research team— an international non-government organization focused on human rights—interviewed a police officer based in Metro Manila under the drugs crime unit. In the interview, they learned that there were financial incentives for officers who are able to kill individuals allegedly involved with drugs. Moreover, Duterte appointed Debold Sinas, former regional director of the Central Visayas police office, as the chief of PNP on November 9, 2020 regardless of his dark history of human rights violations.

The Commission on Human Rights in Central Visayas (CHR-7) chief investigator Leo Villarino said that when Sinas was regional chief, the killings in Negros worsened and investigations produced no results. Among those killed included activists, peasants, labor leaders, and lawyers. It is both disturbing and horrifying that Sinas is involved with these crimes, that the chief of the national police himself is a perpetrator of such gruesome acts.

In retrospect, the Gregorios’ case garnered attention and caused an uproar among citizens because of the brutal video captured by one of the individuals present at the scene. The video exposed police brutality in the country and instigated national clamor.

What’s alarming is that these crimes were filmed and recorded. But what about the cases not captured on camera or on paper? What happens to the victims then?

Duterte’s war on drugs is supported and strengthened by its primary pillars, impunity and fascism. In an attempt to achieve his end goals, regardless of means, he utilizes the police and military forces and in exchange, these state machineries are rewarded for their obedience and loyalty to the state.

The police are tasked to save lives, not take it; they should be serving the masses, and not the few powerful. With all the events that took place not just in the year 2020 but also in the preceding years, an authoritarian rule backed by repressive policies executed by the armed forces will only strengthen each day.

When justice is bent by the very individuals directed to uphold it, rage among the masses is valid. But anger exists only for a brief period of time. When anger fades, fear sets in.

Then a question lingers in our minds. What do we do when the shields that were supposed to protect us are now the same weapons used against us?

ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read this opinion piece on police brutality and what must be done on it. http://bit.ly/PNPRottenToTheCore

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elebrated every January 24, the International Day of Education emphasizes the importance and right to education. In the context of the Philippines, education is likened to an heirloom that is passed on from generation to generation. A reason for this could be that in a country where roughly 9% or 3.6 million out of 39.2 million Filipinos aged 6 to 24 years old are out of school as of June 2018, education is considered as a privilege. Apart from its inaccessibility, education in the Philippines is said to be heavily colonial, commercialized, and fascist.

Education, in a sense, was used by our colonizers for their propaganda. The history of education in the Philippines is regarded to be one of exploitation. The Spaniards used education to exploit the Filipinos by indoctrinating the ideals of Christianity as well as creating a “civilized” society anchored on western standards.

The Americans made public schooling compulsory to expand the reach of this indoctrination. Briefly, the Japanese told us to turn our backs on our colonizers, cunningly excluding themselves from the Philippines’ history of exploitation and enslavement under the Japanese occupation.

Unfortunately, this phenomenon extends to the present. Filipino historian Renato Constantino detailed in his essay entitled “The Miseducation of the Filipino” that through student and teacher exchange programs as well as unilaterally beneficial foreign policies, education in the Philippines did not only fall to colonial tendencies, but also embraced them with open arms. The Department of Education’s (DepEd) policies might just prove this claim.

Since the K-to-12 curriculum was enacted in 2014, teachers and its related sectoral groups denounced the removal of Philippine history as a subject at the secondary level. Filipino high schoolers are forced to graduate without studying a more comprehensive account of their history. Another point of protest stems from the removal of Filipino, Panitikan, and the Constitution from the roster of required subjects in college. The backlash was understandable, considering that the use of native languages in classrooms is now only mandated up to the third grade, a policy DepEd is considering to revise in favor of English being dubbed as “the language of the rest of the world.”

In response, the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) released Memorandum Order No. 20, promising “incentives” to Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) that will opt to use Filipino and other local languages in teaching academic courses.

Still, many lamented the move as a glorification of the English language and some perceived it to be a step towards “our collective death as a free country.”

These policies are just glimpses into how our educational system willingly bleaches its own flag, marking our surrender to “greater powers.” Filipinos are being taught how to fit in with the global trend, but never how to better themselves with the skills and tools already at their disposal.

T

he Philippines is known to export labor through overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) of which, to some extent, has become one of the goals of the current education system. The implementation of the K-12 program by the Aquino administration added

YOUTH IN PERIL

Education in the Philippines reflects a history of oppression and other societal ills. Today is a perfect opportuntiy to change it for the better.

By Gabriel Dolot and Antonio Ongdueco TOP UPLB students call to postpone classes, due to the rushed implementation and the lack of proper guidelines.

[P] PHOTO BY POLA BAUTISTA

LEFT The recent abrogation of the UP-DND Accord is seen as another blow against the fight for a nationalist, scientific and mass-oriented education.

[P] PHOTO

BY MICHAEL BARTIDO

an extra two years of senior high school for the purpose of creating “globally competitive” Filipinos. The government claims that senior high school will help students to be eligible to work after graduation, yet in 2018, the Philippine Business for Education (PBEd) reported that businesses are still hesitant to take in senior high school graduates.

One of the reasons is that businesses preferred to hire unemployed college students instead. According to IBON Foundation, an independent research think tank, the principle of education as a right of all Filipino citizens, as set down by the 1987 Constitution, was replaced by decades of neoliberal globalization’s market-based logic that treats education as a “commodity sold by businessmen for profit.”

Private schools in the Philippines are already inaccessible as is due to high tuition fees and continuous tuition fee hikes throughout the years. Amidst the pandemic, in the year 2020, 89 schools applied for a tuition fee hike. Having

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forced to close down, leaving 1,500 students deprived of their right to education since 2016. According to the Save Our Schools Network (SOS), a children’s rights non-government organization (NGO), “DepEd violates its declared mission of ‘protecting and promoting the right of every Filipino to quality, equitable, culture-based, and complete basic education.”

Uncannily, according to IBON, Lumad schools have a nationalistic curriculum designed to address community needs such as the development and sustainability of their farming community. It also teaches its students to assert their rights in order to protect their land from exploitation and oppression.

With DepEd and the military’s rampant red tagging of educational institutions, Save our Schools Network says that “it has become an instrument of the fascist Duterte regime, consequently condoning state attacks unto Lumad youth and students.” The same narrative is now being used by the military to terminate the UP-DND Accord, an agreement which prohibits state forces from entering the University of the Philippines (UP) without permission from university officials. Not only students but also university officials expressed their dismay over the termination of the accord.

F private schools run by known oligarchs, businessmen or even controlled by religious groups encourages a career-oriented curriculum where education becomes individualistic and not one built for the community or the nation.

The ongoing pandemic has made it difficult for parents to continue to pay for tuition and school fees of which is one of the reasons for the transfer of 398,754 students from private schools to public schools according to the Philippine News Agency (PNA).

The health crisis also shed light on the lapses of the public education system in the country.

For one, congested classrooms make it impossible to socially distance if face to face classes are already permissible in the new normal. The congestion of classrooms is caused by the incapability of current educational infrastructures to support the growing student population.

Keep in mind that this growing student population is distributed to only a handful of teachers. As of 2017, the latest average teacher-student ratio is 1 is to 29 which included class sizes ranging from 28 to 31. But in 2019, there were cases wherein classes reach 50 to 70 which is said to be one of the reasons why teachers often encounter burnout and strained relationships with their students.

The issue of lack of manpower, specifically that of teachers and professors, all ties back to the educational system’s goal to globalize its citizens. One reason for the lack of teachers and educators is what others peg as “brain drain.” Opportunities in the country are scarce forcing professionals to “seek greener pastures” which then encourages them to migrate to other countries. Another is that students are discouraged from taking up teaching courses/ degrees due to low wages and less opportunities. According to ACT, the estimated P23,660 monthly income of an academic instructor is not enough to support a family of 5.

I

n order to address the inaccessibility of education, the Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act was implemented in which one of its programs included the free tuition law. Albeit a step towards free education, it is still far from the promised education that is both accessible and genuine. The marginalized are still at a disadvantage, which forces them to put their studies on hold because they are unable to support themselves in terms of living expenses and school-related fees not included in the scope of the free tuition law.

In addition, underprivileged students are still unable to access free tertiary education because they cannot even perform well enough to graduate through high school and to apply for state universities and colleges (SUCs) due to worsening living conditions and the current recession.

Such is the tragic case of these students.

Three months into the government’s rash implementation of online learning, three high school students committed suicide in the provinces. Last January 3, a student from the University of the Philippines Los Baños College of Engineering and Agro-Industrial Technology (CEAT) also committed suicide.

Their stories all involved financial struggle and stress brought about by the current setup.

Moreover, accessibility does not guarantee quality education. This is again highlighted by distance learning, wherein 30 validated errors were found in DepEd modules in the first academic quarter alone and two television episodes were even found to be misinformative.

DepEd also televised two inaccurate episodes concerning Mathematics and Araling Panlipunan lessons. In response to the inevitable criticisms, DepEd instead formed the “Error Watch Initiative” in an effort to lessen social media posts about their mishaps and heeded

FOR THE LONGEST TIME, THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN THE PHILIPPINES GROOMED ITS STUDENTS TOWARDS INDIVIDUAL GOALS AND ACHIEVEMENTS. assistance from the Department of Justice (DOJ) to chase “those who were attributing the errors to the government.”

While disheartening, the lack of quality control and accountability may explain why Filipino students scored significantly lower averages compared to other countries on the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) in 2018, and on the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMS) in 2019.

According to the World Bank, these incidents translated into a slight decrease in the economic and professional potential of Filipino citizens. This is believed to lead to slower and less inclusive national development.

Because of this, many academic institutions have been reduced to mere factories of professionals looking to work in other countries with greener pastures much like the case of the shortage of healthcare workers in the country.

The government’s mishandling of the education sector is intensified by their fascist tendencies. There were recent attacks on lumad schools committed by the military and under DepEd’s directives, 178 Lumad schools were

or the longest time, the educational system in the Philippines groomed its students towards individual goals and achievements. Integral to the attainment of real national development is devising a nationalist, scientific, and mass-oriented education. In that way, independent aspirations turn into collective action for bettering tomorrow.

A nationalist education prompts students to be educated not only in numbers and letters but also about the country’s long history of oppression and abuse. Education needs to be scientific so that students are able to provide or contribute tangible solutions for societal issues. It should also be mass-oriented to cater the marginalized and vulnerable sectors in our society. In terms of compensation, the salaries of public and private school teachers must keep up with the drastic inflation of basic goods and services and current living conditions.

Due to the current societal conditions, institutionalizing a nationalist, scientific, and mass-oriented education remains an out-ofreach dream. As student leaders and activists, upholding the rights of the oppressed and advocating a scientific method in addressing the pandemic, are either tagged as terrorists, imprisoned, or worse killed. Learning, during a period of a deadly pandemic, heightened repression, and an unstable economy, make it seem impossible for the youth to continue.

But all the more we should strive for improvement and change in our educational system because the impoverished cannot afford to fight hunger anymore, the indigenous community should not lose more lives and our farmers should be able to defend themselves whenever their unfamiliarity in oppressive laws, brought by education, is used against them. The youth has always been touted as the hope of our nation, but how can we achieve this without an education that is for and by the masses?

ONLINE

uplbperspective.org Read the full story on our website bit.ly/YouthInPeril

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CULTURE

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anted: Trolls. Sagot na ang internet at load, commitment lang at loyalty sa administrasyon ang kailangan. Active dapat sa social media. Handang ipagtanggol si tatay — always, in all ways.

Ang salitang ‘troll’, ayon kay Griffiths (2014), ay nagsimula sa isang pamamaraan ng pangingisda kung saan gumagamit ng kawit at tali na siyang hinahatak ng mga mangingisda sa tabi ng kanilang mga bangka. Naglalaan rin ng iba’t ibang mga klase ng pain at metodo upang makapanghuli sa samu’t saring lalim o parte ng dagat. Sa pamamagitan nito, makakapang-”troll” o maaakit ang mga isdang sumusunod sa naturang mga patibong.

Sabi naman nina Herring, Job-sluder, Schekler, at Barab (2002), maihahalintulad ang mga ‘trolls’ sa mga mitolohikal na nilalang na nagtatago sa ilalim ng mga tulay habang naghihintay ng pagkakataon para umatake. Kaparehas ng depinisyon ng mga ‘Internet trolls’ na nagpapatungkol sa mga anonymous na indibidwal na sadyang nagpapakalat ng mga hindi kaayaaya at nakakainis na mga mensahe sa mga online communities, nakaangkla ang naturang salita at gawain sa kasinungalingan, panloloko, patibong, at pagpukaw ng atensyon.

Sa kasalukuyan, hindi na lang sadyang pagpukaw ng atensyon at pambubully ang layunin ng naturang mga trolls. Maging ang mga politiko, ginawang patibong ang kahiligan ng mga tao sa Internet at ang kagustuhang kumita ng pera.

Simple lang naman kasi ang gagawin: gagawa ng iba’t ibang mga pekeng social media account, tatambay sa mga comment section, at magpopost ng mga detalyeng nakaangkla sa pagsusulong ng isang agenda o upang mapabanguhan ang pangalan ng isang indibidwal.

Troll-in-Chief Sa isang pag-aaral nina Jonathan Corpus Ong at Jason Vincent Cabanes na pinamagatang ‘Architects of Networked Disinformation’, ipinaliwanag kung paano nagiging mekanismo ang social media sa mga diskurso, pagpapalaganap ng iba’t ibang mga propaganda at ang parte nito sa politika.

Sa katunayan, sinasabing nakatulong sa pagkapanalo ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte ang kanyang mga trolls na tinagurian ring ‘Dutertards’ noong 2016. Sinuportahan din ito ng isang pag-aaral ng University of Oxford noong 2017 na nagsasabing nasa tinatayang 10 milyon ang naging gastos ni Duterte at ng kanyang partidong PDP-Laban sa pagkukuha ng mga online commenters. Kalaunan, sa isang press conference noong Hulyo 24, 2017, inamin ni Duterte na totoo ngang kumuha siya ng mga trolls upang makatulong sa kanyang kampanya noong eleksyon.

Bukod pa rito, napag-alaman din ng naturang pag-aaral na kadikit ng pagsusulong ng mga agenda ng animo’y ‘Troll-in-Chief’ at ng kanyang pamamalakad, pulos mga pang-haharass rin ang kaakibat ng mga komento ng mga trolls sa mga kritiko ng administrasyon. Nariyan ang paggamit ng ad-hominem, red-tagging, at kung ano pang mga uri ng hate speech.

Ginamit rin ng mga Diehard Duterte Supporter (DDS) ang lengguwaheng Ingles sa pagmamanipula ng opinyon at perspektibo ng mga ‘netizens’. Isang halimbawa ay si Jessica Ann Mancao Magno o mas kilala bilang si ‘Jam Magno’, na siyang gumagawa ng mga TikTok videos na layong magpaliwanag at magbigay ng kumento sa iba’t ibang mga isyu sa bansa sa kasalukuyan na mas pumapabor sa pamamalakad ni Pangulong Duterte. Dahil sa pagiging isang ‘universal language’ o ‘language of business’, nananatiling sukatan ng kaalaman at

F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

To bash & protect Malawak na problema ang troll army sa internet.

Bagamat maituturing na suspek ng disinformation, sa katunayan, tulad ng mga netizens na nahuhulog sa patibong ng kanilang mga pekeng propaganda posts, parehas lang silang biktima ng sistema.

Ni Shane Del Rosario

edukasyon ang Ingles. Bunsod nito, ibinababa ng mga ‘non-speakers’ o mga indibidwal na hindi gaanong bihasa sa pagsasalita nito ang kanilang mga sarili.

Ang pagsasalita ni Magno ng Ingles, na sinabayan pa ng kanyang ‘accent’, ay mas nakapagbibigay ng impresyon na siya ay isang intelektuwal at edukadong tao kung kaya, katanggap-tanggap agad ang kanyang argumento. Mission accomplished, kumbaga.

Fake news Noong Enero 2020, ayon sa We Are Social, tinatayang nasa 73 milyon na ang mga internet user na Pilipino. Bukod pa rito, napag-alaman ring isa sa apat na tao, o 15.7 milyong mga Pilipino rin ang gumagamit ng Facebook upang makakalap ng iba’t ibang mga impormasyon at balita.

Sinamantala ito ng mga DDS na nasa naghaharing-uri upang makapagmanipula ng iba’t ibang mga impormasyon sa social media para sa kanilang pansariling-interes. Maging ang mga kilalang artista o personalidad ay nakatutulong rin sa pagpapakalat ng propaganda ng administrasyon tulad nina Thinking Pinoy blogger RJ Nieto, at si Mocha ‘Fake News Queen’ Uson, isang kontrobersyal na artista.

Sa katunayan, sinampahan ni dating Senador Antonio Trillanes IV si Nieto ng kasong ‘cyber libel’ noong 2017 matapos ipakalat ang impormasyon na tinawag umanong ni Dating US President Donald Trump na isang ‘drug lord’ si Trillanes.

Noong Mayo 2020 rin ay napatawag na si Uson ng National Bureau of Investigation dahil sa pagpopost niya sa kanyang Facebook page ng mga protective personal equipment na binili at ibinigay umano ng Department of Health.

Kalaunan, nalamang galing pala ito sa isang pribadong organisasyon.

Bagamat simple lang kung tutuusin ang naturang trabaho, prinsipyo rin at pagkatao ang nakataya kung kaya’t hindi dapat lumabas ang pagkakakilanlan ng tao sa likod ng screen.

Kahit sino, pwede silang maging — nanay, tatay, bagets, o intelekwal na tao — pawang mga pekeng persona, animo’y malaya, ngunit tunay na nakatali sa pagitan ng mundong pinaiikot ng pera at kapangyarihan.

Bagamat maituturing na suspek ng disinformation, sa katunayan, tulad ng mga netizens na nahuhulog sa patibong ng kanilang mga pekeng propaganda posts, parehas lang silang biktima ng sistema. Ang isa’y kailangang maghanap-buhay at kumapit sa patibong makaahon lamang sa kahirapan, habang ang huli’y pinagkaitan ng katotohanan, kinakahon at patuloy na nilulunod sa paniniwalang kadikit dapat ng pagmamahal sa bayan at masa ay napapalitan ng pagmamahal sa mga opresibo at mapangsamantalang lider nito.

Sa huli, ang katanungan hinggil sa ‘sino nga ba ang tunay na dapat protektahan?’ at ‘sino nga ba ang tunay na suspek?’ ang nananaig. Ugaliing maging mapagmatyag at huwag mangambang ipagpatuloy at palawakin ang diskurso na makabuluhan para sa interes ng masang-api. Nararapat lang na mas ibaling ang atensyon sa tunay na estado ng bansa na pinapatahimik ang sinumang ilantad ang mga kademonyohang ginagawa ng mga nakaupo sa puwesto.

Sa sahol ng mga inhustisya’t kamalian ng mga politikong mapagsamantala sa sariling mga pinaglilingkuran, darating rin ang araw na hindi na kakayaning itago ng kanilang ‘troll army’, ‘keyboard warriors’ at ng kanilang pinag-isipan at pinagplanuhang script ang baho ng kanilang katauhan at tunay nilang layunin sa bayan dahil mas mananaig pa rin ang kolektibong boses at militanteng aksyon ng masa.

[P] GRAPHICS BY JERMAINE VALERIO

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hen martial law was imposed in Mindanao by President Rodrigo Duterte last 2017, to serve as his initial draconian way to end armed conflict in far-flung areas, the worsening crisis in Lumad communities continued, leaving many ancestral lands being hotspots of militarization. Although martial law ended in Mindanao last 2019, harassment and attacks across localities, especially in Lumad schools, did not stop as the ongoing militaristic response to the pandemic and the recent passing of the anti-terrorism law was taken as an avenue for the regime to forward their fascist motives.

Since the start of Duterte’s term in 2016, there have been 216 Lumad schools in Mindanao. But due to his obsession in silencing enlightened citizens as a way for his regime to remain indestructible from dissent, only 38 schools remained as of September 2020, according to Save Our Schools Network. These values are not only numbers as these represent many Lumad children being severely deprived from their access and democratic rights to education.

In Cha Escala and Kristoffer Brugada’s documentary Bullet-Laced Dreams, which was screened in a local film festival named Daang Dokyu 2020 that revolves around stories on social issues, it follows the tale of 14-year-old Chricelyn Empong, a Manobo student who, together with other Lumad children, was displaced from their families since their community were infiltrated by the paramilitary.

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REVIEW

Deprived dreams of the Lumad Bullet-Laced Dreams follows the story of those affected and displaced by the fascist regime’s continuous attacks on the countryside.

By Datu Zahir Meditar

Unheard plight As the film progresses, we see closer narratives from teachers, children, Lumad leaders, and community organizers expressing their centuries-long struggles to their ancestral lands which have been long abused by different self-serving, fascist administrations and imperialist motives. Frame after frame, the stories unfold their core sentiments of how much they are deeply affected by the state-sponsored violence being spread within their localities.

Seeing how these unwanted displacements happened to these innocent children and their families increases the rage of how cruel the state is to oppress the marginalized. Eventually, Chricelyn and her schoolmates are now seeking sanctuary in Manila where they pursue their studies in a “bakwit” school funded by organizations advocating for Lumad rights.

The 29-minute documentary did careful yet powerful takes on illustrating the plights of the Lumad communities. It included some crucial advocacies that were emphasized very clearly, like showing scenes of Lumad children calling for a nationalistic, scientific, and mass-oriented education, Chricelyn promising his fallen father that she will continue their fight, and the collective community pledging to stand with the Lumad struggles.

One thing that is also great to point out is how the short film maximized its simplicity, given its short budget. It is subtle yet sincere.

There was no romanticization or engagement in exploiting their struggles for commercial use as the filmmakers themselves took the courage to immerse with the communities.

Education for whom?

Films amplifying the struggles of the marginalized begs us the question why inequities and inequalities happen. In this context, we are given answers by showing us that these injustices are deeply rooted on how our

COURTESY OF KRISTOFFER BRUGADA/CHA

education. In this remote style of learning brought by the pandemic, they are the sectors that are hit the most yet the state chooses to neglect this. Worse, their schools are being closed, hunted down, and bombed by state mercenaries as a result of the Duterte regime’s ongoing war against communist rebels.

Trying times demand further resistance

Bullet-Laced Dreams features 14-year-old Chricelyn Empong, a Manobo student.

Only a dictator deprives children from being enlightened by knowing the truths about his regime

current education system is colonial, commercialized, and fascist in orientation, which creates huge barriers between the rich and the poor. Given that the policies surrounding our academic sector have also been neoliberal, which pressures everyone to produce “world-class” outputs, this perpetuates the growing numbers of students who get completely left behind in the process. This concludes right up to this moment that the status quo has always been favoring the elites.

Students and children from far-flung areas and Indigenous communities get the least priorities in being provided with the basic necessities, especially to the rights for

Tyrannical and fascist leaders do desperate motives to remain in power. Aligned with them are plunderers in the government that further invites imperialist countries in exploiting our natural resources, hence justifying military presence in Lumad communities.

Defending the environment has always been the backbone and core within the Indigenous Peoples, since they are eagerly committed in safeguarding their ancestral lands. Since the government, composed of bureaucrat-capitalists and feudal politicians, has been enabling foreign countries to exploit our natural resources for the longest time, they see any form of resistance coming from these IP and Lumad environmental defenders as an enormous threat. They are desperate enough to forward imperialist-inspired counterinsurgency programs to justify militarization in Lumad communities, at the cost of development aggression.

Only a dictator deprives children from being enlightened by knowing the truths of the regime’s self-serving and demonic schemes.

In an administration that brutally disregards human rights, bombs Lumad schools, and threatens environmental defenders, the collective movement to resist any form of oppression remains steadfast, especially now that the state blatantly attempts to militarize the safe spaces and zones of peace in our universities.

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OPINION

F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

A decision out of desperation N O F U RY SO LO U D

By Ian Raphael Lopez

Revoking the UP-DND accord is a witless move – a decision made of desperation. After all, who are these reactionary state forces trying to fool? In June of last year, when students from UP Cebu tried to take refuge inside their campus after being apprehended by state forces during a legitimate protest, the police had the gall to jump over the campus’ fences.

This revocation only seeks to legitimize the wrongs they have done against the academic freedom of UP students, teachers, and staff.

For years, military and police forces have been keen to enter the UP campuses; which had only brought about endangerment to our academic freedom and human rights.

When state forces were let inside the UPLB campus by Chancellor Fernando Sanchez in 2019, they took advantage of the National Service Training Program (NSTP) classes by blatantly red-tagging progressive groups and individuals. Even in innocuous gatherings inside the UPLB campus – open tambayans, art gallery openings – student council members, activists and Perspective journalists have been harassed nonstop by clandestine intelligence officers, following them around and taking photos of them.

The state forces who are hellbent in invading UP’s relative freedom have invoked their so-called responsibility to be “protectors worthy of trust, not fear.” Ironic, considering that the premise of the police and the armed forces is anchored on tyranny.

One can only shudder in fear upon remembering the unhampered days of Jovito Palparan, who is directly responsible for

[P] GRAPHICS BY LINDSAY PEÑARANDA

the disappearance of UP students Sherlyn Cadapan and Karen Empeño, or the killing of Carl Arnaiz, the former UP student shot dead amid President Duterte’s sham war on drugs. And many other documented and undocumented cases of mental and physical torture – even death – at the hands of these so-called “protectors”.

This move is another way these state forces have settled to muzzle the democratic spaces

that have sprouted inside UP. The current condition is fertile for dissent – people dying from the pandemic, the mishandling of the current crisis, all of these on top of the decades-long problems many sectors of our society has been facing.

If this government is intent – using Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana’s words – in its “pursuit of national peace and development”, it could have moved to nip the

problems in the bud. The government should have used its power to solve the underlying causes of criticism, dissent, and rebellion. If they were truly interested in addressing the armed conflict, why not focus on the peace talks? In upholding human rights and implementing socio-economic reforms?

But why is it raring to go inside the UP campuses? Why is it moving to lock leftist party-list groups out of Congress? Why is it trumpeting the perennial claim of ending the armed insurgency before the year ends? The only answer is that it has been never about the country’s socio-political situation: it has always been a reflection of the continuing struggle of the masses against oppression by the ruling class.

With all of these in mind, there is a greater call to move towards the ouster of Duterte – the all-condoning leader of the rat pack. But the urgent concern of UP students tonight, as they sleep into another night of uncertainty, is how will those people in power – the UP administration – will respond to this “unilateral” revocation?

There have been contentions that, because the government only moved to revoke the UP-DND accord on its end, the UP administration has a window to assert for the rights of its constituents. However, we are not limited to simply waiting for a response from the UP administration. We must take advantage of our right to organize and protect ourselves from the onslaught against our freedoms. As the saying goes, Makibaka, huwag matakot!

——— Wake up to Ian Raphael Lopez and the whole [P] Live team as it moves to a new timeslot. Catch [P] Live Today’s Rundown at 10 a.m. Saturdays, starting on Feb. 6.

Tumindig sa lupang ipinagkakait UNDER SCRUTINY Ni Kennlee Orola

Deka-dekada na ang kasaysayan ng agawan ng lupa sa parteng ito ng Timog Katagalugan. Ilang saling pamilya na rin ang naging may-ari ng Hacienda Yulo. Pero pare-pareho lang ang kanilang ginawa: manakot at mangagaw ng lupa.

Ang Hacienda Yulo ay mayroong kabuuang lawak na 7,100 na ektarya na matatagpuan sa bayan ng Calamba, Cabuyao, at Santa Rosa sa probinsya ng Laguna. Naunang ginamit ang lupaing ito bilang primaryang taninam ng asukal at kalauna’y napunta sa pagmamay-ari ni Jose Yulo na dating Punong Mahistrado ng Korte Suprema noong panahon ng administrasyong Quezon.

Ang kanyang pamilya rin ang kasalukuyang nagmamay-ari ng San Cristobal Realty Development Corporation (SCRDC) na siya ngayong nang gigipit sa mga magsasaka ng Hacienda Yulo.

Hindi na bago ang usaping agawan ng lupa sa bansa. ‘Di na rin mabilang ang mga magsasakang pinalayas sa mga lupang sakahan, ‘di na rin alam ang dami ng mga

magsasakang namatay na animo’y mga hayop. Karumaldumal man kung isipin ngunit patuloy na nangyayari ang ganitong mga siwatsyon. Taong 2010 pa lamang ay ‘di umanong nagsimula nang mang-harass ang SCRDC sa mga magsasaka ng Hacienda Yulo kung saan sampung indibidwal at tatlong menor de edad ang ikinulong upang tuluyang mapaalis sa lupaing sakop ng hacienda.

Noong Agosto naman ng nakaraang taon ay nanunog security agents ng SCRDC ng tatlong bahay at maski sa taong ito ay patuloy silang naninira ng mga tahanan at nanakit ng mga residente.

Nakakatakot kung tutuusing malaman na may sariling security agents na mayroong matataas na kalibre ng baril ang umaatake sa komunidad na ito.

Hindi ko lubos maisip kung gaanong takot ang mararamdaman ng mga magsasaka habang nakikita nilang nasusunog ang kanilang mga bahay at nakatunghay sa kanilang mga mukha ang mga baril. Isang gatilyo lamang ang naghihiwalay sa kanilang buhay at kamatayan.

Hindi man mamatay sa bala ay unti- unti namang mamamatay ang mga magsasaka sa nagtataasang presyo ng bilihin dahil sa implikasyon ng TRAIN law. Gayun din ang

pagbaba ng presyo ng palay na dulot ng Rice Tarification Law na nagpalawak ng importation ng bigas sa bansa.

Hindi ko rin maintindihan ang kawalan ng aksyon ng lokal na gobyerno ng Calamba sa usaping ito. Ilang beses nang nagsagawa ng kilos-protesta ang mga magsasaka at iba’t-ibang makamasang organisasyon ngunit hindi pa rin pumapayag sa diyalogo ang alkalde ng bayan. Mapapaisip ka tuloy kung bahag ba ang kanyang buntot o sadyang wala siyang pakialam sa kalagayan ng kanyang nasasakupan.

Ganoon nalang ba kahirap na ibigay ang lupang dekada nang sinasaka ng magsasaka ng Hacienda Yulo? O sadyang bulok lamang ang land granting system ng pamahalaan upang tugunan ang ganitong hinaing. Kakatwang isipin na kung sinong naghahatid ng pagkain sa mesa ng bawat pamilyang Pilipino, sila na ngayong nagugutom at naghihirap, na ni mesa ay wala na sila.

Ang paghihirap ng mga magsasaka ng Hacienda Yulo ay isang manipestatsyon ng kalagayang agrikulural ng bansa. Dekada na nating ipinaglalaban ang karapatan ng mga magsasaka sa lupang sakahan ngunit hanggat may mga buwayang korporasyon, mga nanamsam ng lupa, at duhapang na

mga politiko ay hindi uusad ang ating pakikibaka at patuloy na maghahari ang mga kapitalista.

Ngunit, hindi ibig sabihin nito ay tatalikuran na natin ang ating ipinaglalaban, bagkus, mas lalo nating ipapakita na pagod na ang ating sektor sa mga pangakong ipinako sa hangin at mga salitang huwad sa katotohanan.

Ang tahasang pang-aagaw ng lupa, militarisasyon sa kanayunan, at kawalang paki ng mga nakaupo sa pwesto ang syang nagtutulak sa sektor na ito upang maghangad ng agrarian revolution at genuine agrarian reform na kung saan ay maisasakatuparan na ang matagal nang pangakong lupa para sa magsasaka. Sa paraang ito hindi lamang tataas ang antas ng seguridad ng pagkain bagkus gayun din sa kita ng mga magsasaka.

Nasa gitna man tayo ng pandemya ay patuloy tayong maglulunsad ng mga kilos-protesta upang paingayin ang ginagawang kabulastugan ng SCRDC laban sa mga magsasaka.

Hindi tayo mapapagod na isulong ang kanilang karapatan at patuloy tayong uusad para makamit ang hustisya para sa kanila. Hindi mapaparam ang hangarin ng mga pisanteng kumalas sa paghihirap na dulot ng naghaharing-uri. Tayo ay titindig.

OPINION

U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G | F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1

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Clickbait MUMBLINGS

By Kel Almazan

Does the end justify the means?

Asking for a friend. Our academic institutions are being stifled by uniformed personnel with the termination of the University of the Philippines – Department of National Defense Accord. As the current administration continues to tighten its grip, the more students and alumni speak up against their dangerous conclusions.

Police brutality and other human rights violations have become the new normal. It is not unusual to hear stories of how farmers were killed in the countryside. It is not unusual to learn that activists were being detained. Never mind that a mother and child died and that a flight attendant passed away without knowing the entire story.

Silencing critics and dissent surfaces cowardice among their ranks. Just like Santa Claus, they have a list of naughty or nice and so they red-tag left and right. An ambiance of animosity embraces us all not knowing who comes next.

In turbulent times, we find solace and courage among our circles. Let these circles echo in a bigger chamber than what we currently have. It is time to bridge the gap. A solid stance is only possible with solidarity.

Why divide when we can unite?

With boundless creativity, art can bring people together. Visual artist Abdulmari ‘Toym’ de Leon Imao set up an art installation in front of the Oblation. Inspired by the Diliman Commune, red bamboo sticks and defective armchairs were used for the said installation. His art gained both support and criticism. Art is a

S K E T C H PA D

Mabigat pa sa Sierra Madre Ni Sophia Pugay

Mabigat ang hangin ngunit patuloy lamang sa paglalakad ang hukbo. Walang nagtatangkang magsalita at tanging yabag lamang ng mga paa ang maririnig. Tirik ang araw at dumadaplis sa braso ni Karl ang nagsisitaasang talahib ngunit hindi niya ito ininda. Tinanaw niya ang mga kasama—binilang kung ilan na lang silang natira. Inalala ang mga kasamang hindi niya na makakasamang muli. Hindi niya pa lubusang maproseso ang mga naganap ngunit wala siyang panahon upang tumigil at mag-isip. Nakalulunod ang pinaghalo-halong hingapis, pangamba, at galit ngunit nangingibabaw parin ang diwang mapanlaban.

Kahapon lamang ay hindi pa ganito ang eksena. Ngunit hanggang may kalaban, hangga’t nariyan ang mga pasistang pwersa, hangga’t may pagsasamantala, hindi titigil ang digma.

From colorful and arresting digital illustrations to symbolic eye-catching cartoons, social media is flooded with the young, bright and ‘woke.’ Not to mention the shady to sarcastic memes that have its niche in the internet.

[P] ILLUSTRATION BY GERARD LAYDIA

stronghold for freedom of expression.

It plays its role to inspire emerging and established artists. Artists continue to create in their own pockets of hope. “Art is not a mirror held up to reality but a hammer with which to shape it,” said playwright Bertolt Brecht.

From colorful and arresting digital illustrations to symbolic eye-catching cartoons, social media is flooded with the young, bright and ‘woke.’ Not to mention the shady

Bago naganap ang kiskisan ay ginugol pa ni Karl ang kaniyang araw sa pagtuturo, pagaaral, at pagtulong sa bukiran. Isa sa tungkulin niya bilang kabataang rebolusyonaryo ay ang magturo sa mga hindi nakapag-aral sa kanayunan, bunsod ng bulok na sistema. Sa ganitong mga pagkakataon ay naaalala ni Karl ang naging buhay niya sa UP. Bagama’t marami siyang natutunan sa loob ng pamantasan, batid ni Karl na ang karanasan, ang pakikipamuhay sa masa, at ang lipunan mismo ang pinaka-mahusay na guro.

Matapos magtanghalian sa bahay ng isang pamilyang masa, nagpatuloy ang araw ni Karl sa pagtulong sa gawaing bukid. Bakas ang pagod sa mukha ng mga magsasaka at nag-uusap ang mga ito patungkol sa napakaliit na bentahan ng palay. Bukod pa sa mga anti-magsasakang polisiya ng pamahalaan, patuloy pa rin ang pangangamkam ng lupain at panghaharas ng militar sa parteng ito ng kanayunan. Batid ni Karl, ito ang dahilan kung bakit maraming mga magsasaka ang pinipili ang landas ng pakikibaka.

Hindi anumang institusyon o organisasyon ang umuusig sa mga mamamayan na sumapi sa hukbo, kundi ang kahirapan at patuloy na pambubusabos sa ilalim ng sistemang kumikiling lamang sa interes ng mga mayayama’t makapangyarihan. Maski si Karl mismo ay may sariling pagpapasya, sa kasidhian ng pag-atake ng estado sa sarili nitong mamamayan, mas lalo lamang sumidhi ang

to sarcastic memes that have its niche in the internet. Online spaces have turned into a sharing platform; opening up a plethora of information for most.

As mentioned in the Culture of Proximity, a study by Viacom, the increasing use of social media now has the power to influence decision-makers. For what used to be a one-way communication from big media to citizens has turned into a two-way dialogue. A simple

kaniyang hangarin na tahasang bumalikwas at magsilbi sa masa.

Magdidilim na nang matapos ang gawaing bukid. Ngayong gabi ay mayroong pulong ang mga kasama. Mukhang seryoso ang pag-uusapan. Ayon kay Ka Santiago, ang kumander ng yunit na kinabibilangan ni Karl, palala na nang palala ang opensiba ng mga militar. Napag-alaman na may mga naniniktik at umaaligid sa kabilang bayan at bukod pa rito ay gabi-gabi na lamang mayroong balita ng mga kasamang nasasawi sa engkwentro. Naging direktiba ni Ka Santiago na kagyat nang bumalik pagsamantala sa kampo ang unit.

Nang makauwi si Karl ay naramdaman niya ang takot. Ngunit ani nga ni Ka Santiago noong una nilang pagtatagpo, “ang takot ay nagmumula sa pagiging makasarili.” Inalala ni Karl ang masang api, ang mga kasamang nasawi sa labanan, ang bigat ng kanilang buhay at ipinaglalaban. Napayapa ang kalooban ni Karl at siya ay nakaidlip matapos mag-ayos ng kagamitan.

Nagising siya sa ingay at pagkaluskos.

Bagamat nagplano na ang yunit na lumisan, naunahan sila ng mga militar at nagkakaroon na ng komosyon sa labas. Pilit silang pinagtatakpan ng mga masa habang mabilis naman na kumukilos ang mga kasama. Sa pangunguna ni Ka Santiago ay humahanap ng lusot ang tropa ngunit natugis sila ng mga pasistang pwersa. Umalingasaw ang sunod-sunod na putok ng mga baril. Sinasabi ng katawan niyang tumakbo na siya, ngunit taliwas ito sa

celebrity tweet echoes throughout the internet as art can be shared twenty times over.

“Maswerte ka dahil nakakapagbasa ka,” as said by a professor. This statement rings true with the power of a click. At a time when fake news and misinformation is rampant, the online realm has also become a battleground for ideas. Share if you dare. Explain that you care and why they should as well. There is a time to express fun and happiness and there is a time to channel rage into compassion.

Generations beforehand left behind a legacy from which the generation today should learn from. Seek answers to difficult questions. Delve into history and unearth stories that should have been told time and again. Be on the search for inspiration in hidden pages.

As they come in with rifles, the pen and paper can also be a testament to the importance of ideas. Write. Draw. Paint. Make music. Participate in your own capacity, to each his or her time. Until then, we find ourselves and our purpose in the bigger scheme of things.

isinisigaw ng kanilang kumander. Si Ka Javier, nasa unahan at umaasinta habang paatras na naglalakad. Mabilis na umaatras patungo sa kabundukan ang hukbo, ngunit hindi patitinag ang kabilang pwersa at hindi handa sa pagsalakay ang yunit nina Karl.

Wala pang sampung minuto ay ilan nang mandirigma mula sa magkabilang pwersa ang bumagksak. Namataan ni Karl ang pagtama ng bala sa dibdib ng isang kasama, tutulungan niya sana ito ngunit sumigaw ito ng: “Sige na mga kasama! Ako na ang bahala dito. Bigyan niyo nalang ako ng luksang parangal. Pakipaabot sa karelasyon ko na mahal ko siya at pasensya na.”

Sa pamumuno ni Ka Santiago ay tinahak ng mga kasama ang kabundukan. Hindi na nila namalayan ang paglipas ng oras. Mabigat ang hangin ngunit patuloy lamang sa pag-lalakad ang hukbo. Sa isip niya’y tinitiyak niya na hindi masasayang ang buhay na isinakripisyo ng mga kasama. Totoo nga na nagmumula lamang ang takot sa pagiging makasarili. Para sa bayan at sa pagpapatuloy ng pakikibaka ay hinarap ng mga kasama ang bala ng kaaway. Hindi masasayang ang mga buhay na nasawi. Hinigpitan ni Karl ang hawak sa M16 at muling itinuon ang atensyon sa pagtahak sa kabundukan.

——— Sketchpad is a column of creative fiction written in a continuum by [P] staff.

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KWADRADO

Kalampagan sa Calamba MGA KUHA NI PAULA BAUTISTA AT DIANNE SANCHEZ

F E B R UA RY 1 , 2 02 1 | U P L B P E R S P EC T I V E .O R G

Dinaan sa militanteng pagkilos ng mga magbubukid at iba’t ibang sektor ang ika-34 na anibersaryo ng madugong Mendiola massacre. Matapos ang programa sa Crossing, Calamba ay nagmartsa ang mga grupo patungong munisipyo upang manawagan ng isang diyalogo

kasama si Calamba mayor Timmy Chipeco para pag-usapan ang mga suliranin sa lupa sa loob ng siyudad. Tinalikuran ng lokal na pamahalaan ang mga magsasaka sa pagsara ng kanilang gate, ngunit pinapasok din ang ilang representante ng mga grupong kumilos.