10.22.2020
N EWS
UPLB PERSPECTIVE OPISYAL NA PAHAYAGAN NG MGA MAG-AARAL NG UNIBERSIDAD NG PILIPINAS LOS BAÑOS
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Deteriorating liberties amid the pandemic FEATU RE
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CU LTU RE
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OPIN ION
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Under siege: Human rights under Duterte Kung paano nagiging ‘serbisyo’ ang pagpatay When the going gets rough
EDITORIAL
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NO JUSTICE, NO PEACE
TOMO XLVI, BLG. 5
UPLBPERSPECTIVE.ORG
@UPLBPERSPECTIVE
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EDITORIAL
JULY-OCTOBER 2020 | UPLB PERSPECTIVE
No justice, no peace
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enuine peace is not in the vocabulary of the tyrannical, fascist Duterte regime. The severe situation of widespread poverty, joblessness, and political vilification have pushed the marginalized against the wall, leaving them no choice but to resist. Prior to the enactment of the draconian Terror Law, thousands of civil groups and individuals have already started speaking out on the dangerous implications and horrors the law may bring — and horrors it did deliver once it took effect. This, combined with the government’s Executive Order 70, has shown devastating manifestations under the “wholeof-nation approach”. Despite having a law that Congress claims is a weapon to fight terror, human rights defenders are endlessly terrorized and redtagged by state agents, through harassments in communities, both rural and urban, and through social media platforms. Last August 12, a certain “Abaka Kugon” page tagged Charm Maranan and Kyle Salgado as revolutionaries of the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF). Salgado and Maranan are both human rights defenders volunteering for Karapatan Southern Tagalog, a human rights alliance mobilizing in the region, and both studied in UPLB. This isn’t the only case of human rights defenders being harassed. On August 30, Petty Serrano, a convenor of Kalikasan People’s Network Southern Tagalog, received a package from a man pretending to be a Shopee delivery employee with cash and a piece of paper attached. The note had written demands for her to choose her fate — talk, hide, or go full-time. A similar event happened last June 12, when a cop dressed in an LBC uniform attempted to serve a warrant to Karapatan secretary-general Cristina Palabay. Instead of listening to criticism, the government chose to silence dissent using the law. In April, more than a dozen people were reportedly summoned by the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) for supposedly spreading “false information” about Covid-19 on social media. It was then revealed by human rights lawyer Chel Diokno that his client was one of the recipients of NBI’s summon, stating that they were merely “airing their sentiments on the government’s response to Covid-19 on social media”. Instead of prioritizing funding for healthcare and other social services, the government chose to funnel billions of pesos to the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), in a desperate attempt to obliterate the armed struggle as if it was that simple to end the insurgency. The reality of this task force is that it does more harm than good — endangering local rural communities and members of legitimate progressive organizations. Such is the case of the San Isidro Kasiglahan, Kapatiran, at
SINCE 1973 • TOMO XLVI, BILANG 5 Ang opisyal na pahayagan ng mga mag-aaral ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Los Baños • uplbperspective.org Room 11, 2nd Floor Student Union Building, UPLB 4013 Miyembro, UP Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad) at ng College Editors’ Guild of the Philippines (CEGP)
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The government says that they want to purge terrorism, yet chooses to terrorize the oppressed sectors while turning a blind eye on real terrorist groups. They claim to want peace, yet refuse to address the roots of armed conflict
Damayan para sa Kabuhayan, Katarungan at Kapayapaan (SIKKAD K3), an urban poor group residing in Brgy. Rodriguez, Montalban, Rizal. While the community is continually calling for their housing rights, officials from the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) have been relentlessly red-tagging the said group, even going as far as accusing them to be sympathizers of the CPP-NPA-NDF — endangering the lives and security of the urban poor activists in the area. And as if all these crimes were not enough, then came the deaths of Randall Echanis and Zara Alvarez. Echanis was the chairperson of Anakpawis and a peace talks consultant for the NDF. He was tortured and stabbed to death in his own home in Quezon City last August 10. And on August 17, the day of Echanis’ funeral — Alvarez was shot dead outside of her apartment. She was a human rights advocate situated in the blood-drenched Negros region.
JUAN SEBASTIAN EVANGELISTA Punong Patnugot
SOPHIA PUGAY Patnugot ng Kultura
DEAN CARLO VALMEO Patnugot sa Online
MARK ERNEST FAMATIGAN Kapatnugot
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AESHA DOMINIQUE SARROL Tagapamahala ng Sirkulasyon
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KRISTINE PAULA BAUTISTA Tagapamahala ng Pinansya
REUBEN PIO MARTINEZ Patnugot ng Balita MICHAEL JAMES MASANGYA Patnugot ng Lathalain
According to their peers, both killings were allegedly done by state agents, after being part of so-called “hit lists” and being a victim of continued red-tagging. Their deaths deserve nothing less but utmost condemnation. The government says that they want to purge terrorism, yet chooses to terrorize the oppressed sectors while turning a blind eye on real terrorist groups. They claim to want peace, yet refuse to address the roots of armed conflict — the worsening situation of poverty brought upon by the selfish, exploitative control of landlords, bureaucrats, and imperialist plunderers. What the state still fails to understand is that: crisis generates resistance. For as long as the fundamental issues of society are left unresolved, there will always be advocates, activists, and revolutionaries resisting injustice. For as long as the present system exists, there can be no genuine peace for the Filipino people.
MGA KAWANI Felipa Cheng, Lindsay Peñaranda, Aynrand Galicia, Andrei Gines, Angelin Ulayao, Aubrey Carnaje, Caren Malaluan, Ma. Victoria Almazan, Paul Carson, Ruben Belmonte, Caleb Buenaluz, Jericho Bajar, Joaquin Gonzalez IV, Jermaine Valerio, Lora Domingo, Taj Aguirre, Gabriel Dolot, Noreen Donato, Patrice Bianca Yapjoco, Claire Denise Sibucao, Jed Matthew Palo, Gerardo Jr. V. Laydia, Abel Genovaña DIBUHO NG PABALAT Jermaine Valerio
NEWS
UPLB PERSPECTIVE | JULY-OCTOBER 2020
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With new attacks on campus press, a clarion call for passage of CPF bill Bill has been pending for months in the Lower House Press freedom is important in a society as it becomes the avenue for information as well as it exposes all the errors in the society without any intervention from anyone who wants to silence it.
Attacks on campus press worsen during pandemic S H A I N A M A SA N G K A Y
Amidst the increasing cases of campus press violations (CPFVs), student journalists and progressive groups lobby for the passage of an enhanced campus journalism bill. Being on hold for months in Congress, its passage carries the potential of highlighting true freedom of the campus press. According to the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP), there have been almost a thousand violations against campus press freedom since 2010. The cases continue to blow-up as student journalists are exposing the atrocities of the current administration. In February 2020, the Kabataan Partylist (KPL) filed House Bill 319 or the Campus Press Freedom (CPF) Bill to repeal the 29 year-old Campus Journalism Act (CJA) of 1991. According to Rep. Sarah Elago, KPL representative and CPF bill author, the CJA has been found to be insufficient and lacking in material aspects to fully maintain the existence of the campus press and protect the rights and welfare of student journalists. Elago further explained the loopholes of the current law stating that it does not legalize the mandatory collection of publication fees in schools. This led to school publications to be lacking in funds for physical publication. In her statement during the Committee on Higher and Technical Education’s (CHTE) hearing last February 17 at the House of Representatives, Elago said the “inherent flaws of the law” resulted in “even more campus press freedom violations that are even more clever and devious in form.” “This bill, thus, seeks to repeal the Campus Journalism Act of 1991 that has been hanging over the campus press for several decades now and replace it with a law that genuinely upholds campus press freedom,” Elago added. Although the House of Representatives recognized the flaws of the law, the passage of the CPF Bill is still pending for months and the government still fails to address the roots of campus press freedom violations. CEGP also pointed out the “toothlessness” of the flawed CJA in addressing issues of accountability of oppressors and the lack of setting provisions in determining oppressive acts and crime against campus press.
Intimidation, threats, and arrests During the pandemic, campus press freedom was hindered and reports of intimidation, threats, censorship, and illegal arrests plagued several campus media in the country. One showcase of these violations was when Joshua Molo, the editor-in-chief of UE Dawn was forced to make a public apology
R EG I N A TO L E N T I N O C EG P D E P U T Y S EC R E TA RY- G E N E RA L
officer of the Calamba Philippine National Police (PNP) threatened to confiscate the camera of James Jericho Bajar, a UPLB Perspective photojournalist, while covering a protest. With the onset of the law, student journalists and youth from different campus publications and organizations continue to amplify their call for genuine press freedom.
Call for press freedom
After the shutdown of ABS-CBN, youth groups and campus journalists organized a mobilization at University Avenue on July 11. [P] PHOTO BY SONYA CASTILLO
last April 5. This was after having a heated conversation with his former teacher about his critical sentiments against the government. In an earlier case last March 25, Today’s Carolinian, the official publication of the University of San Carlos (USC) in Cebu City, faced intimidation from the provincial government of Cebu after an article was published condemning the order of Cebu Governor Gwendolyn Garcia on finding individuals who criticize the government’s actions against Covid-19. According to CEGP, Garcia commented on the article, inviting editor-in-chief Berns Mitra to discuss the matter, on which the group called it as “a clear manifestation to intimidate her critics.” They also reported cases of censorship similar to the issue experienced by The Bicol Universitarian, wherein their Facebook page was notified that they would be restricted from accessing some features of their page and posting content on the social media platform. Another censorship case involved the
Pamantasan ng Cabuyao (PnC) administration attempting to have the student publication PnC Herald take their alert post down. This concerned an attempt at breaching the school website, with the administration reportedly infuriated at the update. Additionally, Cavite State University’s (CSU) The Flare also encountered censorship from the police, while they were en route to an anti-communist symposium that redtagged progressive groups. Moreover, journalists from different publications have been red-tagged and illegally arrested. This includes the recent arrest of CEGP campaign committee head Anton Narciso III, and other three relief volunteers and 14 beneficiaries after conducting relief distribution at Barangay, Central, Quezon City last May 1. With the Anti-Terrorism Law (ATL) signed by President Rodrigo Duterte, threats to campus press freedom are expected to rise. Even before its implementation, several campus journalists have been red-tagged, threatened, and intimidated by state authorities. Two days before the ATL was signed, an
On Thursday, July 24, a day before the celebration of the National Campus Press Freedom Day, CEGP filed a complaint before the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) against the increasing campus press repression and violations. In their statement, the numerous accounts of transgressions showed how the administration and oppressors are unafraid of the law and that is crucial for the perpetrators to be accountable for the violations done with the RA 7079 and campus press freedom. “Instead of giving leverage or putting journalism on a pedestal for having a selfless moral obligation, campus journalists are still being oppressed and downtrodden,” CEGP stressed. CEGP also called for the attention of the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) to probe and investigate the reports on the increasing number of campus press violations in colleges and universities. “Such atrocity shall never be overlooked—for this is the main reason why people fail to realize the importance of Campus Journalism,” the guild stated. Regina Tolentino, deputy secretary-general of CEGP, also expressed that people are in need of responsible and transparent journalism now more than ever and blatant attacks on journalism should never be permitted. “Press freedom is important in a society as it becomes the avenue for information as well as it exposes all the errors in the society without any intervention from anyone who wants to silence it,” Tolentino added. She also warned that distance learning would give way to school and university officials to wage attacks against press freedom, as repression, censorship on social media, and disciplinary actions will be more rampant. T U M U TO K SA [ P ] L I V E
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NEWS FEATURE
JULY-OCTOBER 2020 | UPLB PERSPECTIVE
DETERIORATING LIBERTIES As the pandemic ensues, the dire situation for human rights defenders has ramped up in the past few months.
N O R E E N D O N A TO AND RUBEN BELMONTE
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his June marked the beginning of President Duterte’s fourth year in office. Critics say that Duterte’s time in office has so far been characterized by widespread human rights violations and the rise of concentrated impunity especially after the passage of the widely-opposed Terror Law. All accompanied by a faltering response to the current health pandemic. With the continuing systematic attacks on them that placed their lives, liberty, and security at risk, human rights defenders (HRDs) in the country live a grim reality. The most notable, recent signs of this included the murders of peace consultant Randall Echanis at his Quezon City home last August 10, and Negros-based activist Zara Alvarez, who was shot dead last August 17 in Bacolod City. But the list goes beyond the two of them. Kadamay secretary general Carlito Badion was found dead along an Ormoc City highway, Leyte last May 28. He was said to be at the forefront of fighting for the homeless and urban poor’s housing rights and their other basic rights, and protested against threats of demolitions such as in Sitio San Roque in Quezon City and Corazon de Jesus in San Juan City. League of Filipino Students – University of Eastern Philippines Chapter’s Jolina Calot Meraya was in critical condition last June 20, after elements of the Northern Samar Police Mobile Force and the 20th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army (IBPA) strafed their residence in Brgy. Bagacay, Palapag, Northern Samar. Sandugo, a movement of Moro and Indigenous Peoples for Self-Determination reported that 659 Aeta families evacuated Sitio Lumibao, San Marcelino, Zambales last August 21 due to the continuous bombing of the 7th Infantry Battalion of Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). According to the Sandugo, the bombing was done to get rid of the Aetas in order to perform the mining of Dizon Copper-Silver Mines, Inc. On August 26, Save Our Schools Network (SOS) said that 50 members of paramilitary ‘Bagani’ under the 89th Infantry Battalion (89IB) destroyed the Lumad school Mindanao Interfaith Services Foundation Inc. (MISFI) Academy in Sitio Laburon, Brgy. Ang Matupe, Bukidnon, San Fernando. Meanwhile, nine Moro, eight farmers, and one driver were gunned down at different times last August 29 by five armed men on motorcycles near the University of Southern Mindanao in Kabacan, Cotabato. Witnesses said that these men stopped and asked for the identification cards of the victims before killing them. According to the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) Region 12 Director Erlan Deluxevio, before Nasher Guiaman, one of the victims, died in the hospital he told his family that the five suspects over his killing were police officers. Meanwhile, 15-year-old Dabel Pineda was
Students hold a protest in memory of the nine slain peasant farmers of Sagay, Negros Occidental killed last October 2018. Two years later, killings of human rights defenders are still unabated. [P] PHOTO BY PAULA BAUTISTA
shot dead by motorcycle-riding gunmen in Cabugao, Ilocos Sur last July 2, after filing a complaint against Staff Sergeant Marawi Torda of the San Juan Municipal Police Station. Torda and allegedly Staff Sergeant Randy Ramos caught Pineda and her cousin for supposedly violating quarantine protocols, where the pair reportedly molested Pineda and raped her cousin. Ramos, while removed from duty due to misconduct, was not charged for rape due to a “lack of substantial evidence,” as per a court resolution.
Shriveling of civic space Mass arrests have been reported all across the board, with one June 26 incident being an example. Ten LGBTQ+ rights advocates, and two drivers were detained at the Manila Police District after a peaceful protest in Mendiola, Manila. Videos showed that the police did not read the Miranda Rights, a mandatory practice for arresting officers. Then on July 4, 11 members of different Southern Tagalog groups were arrested and detained after holding a peaceful protest against the then pending Terror Law in Cabuyao. Cases against them were dismissed by the Cabuyao City Prosecutor last September 30, due to a lack of evidence and probable cause. Outside of Luzon, Pastor Dan San Andres of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP) was apprehended in his house in Sipocot, Camarines Sur last July 9. His arrest followed after the arrest of Gabriela Bicolana chairperson Jenelyn Nagrampa two days before. Karapatan Secretary-general Cristina
Sobrang talamak ngayon ang red-tagging kasi sa Terror Law, mas nabibigyan ng kapangyarihan ang mga pulis para i-red-tag, i-harass, o ilegal na arestuhin ang mga aktibista kasi since binibigyan sila ng mas malaking pondo. K R I S T E L A S I LO M
STUDENT ACTIVIST
Palabay said that the two were accused of double murder, linked to an alleged New People’s Army (NPA) ambush that resulted in the deaths of two soldiers in Ragay, Camarines Sur last May 13, 2018. Seven anti-mining Lumad leaders and environmental defenders from Misamis Oriental were also arrested last June 26, during a police and military raid in the community. The seven were arrested after the police and military allegedly found magazine clips of high-powered rifles during the illegal searches conducted in four houses in the community. Last October 9, the daughter of Reina Nasino, River, passed away while being separated from her own mother. Netizens and rights groups condemned this as a manifestation of selective justice, calling the Manila Regional Trial Court Branch 20’s July 20 decision to deny Nasino’s appeal to see her daughter as
a violation of human rights. Criticism only heightened when Nasino was only given a furlough of two days (with three hours each) to see her daughter.
The bigger picture 20-year-old youth activist Kristel Asilom said that even though this is nothing new, the Terror Law enables state agents to abuse authority. “Sobrang talamak ngayon ang red-tagging kasi sa Terror Law, mas nabibigyan ng kapangyarihan ang mga pulis para i-red-tag, i-harass, o ilegal na arestuhin ang mga aktibista kasi since binibigyan sila ng mas malaking pondo, so binibigyan din sila ng mas malaking kapangyarihan under ng Terror Law,” Asilom, who was frequently red-tagged in Bulacan said. Regarding the increase in attacks, the CHR demanded an end to them. “The role of human rights defenders in promoting human rights and advocating for change is essential in upholding the fundamental values of a democratic society,” the CHR said. T U M U TO K SA [ P ] L I V E
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UPLB PERSPECTIVE | JULY-OCTOBER 2020
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Most challenged law in country’s history endangers human rights Lawyers and citizens across sectors trooped to the Supreme Court to dispute the legality of Anti-Terror Law. LO RA N O R E E N D O M I N G O
Around 34 petitions have now been filed challenging the constitutionality of the Anti-Terror Law, perhaps seen as one of the most-challenged pieces of legislation in the country’s recent history. Each challenge the constitutionality of what is formally known as the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020 since President Rodrigo Duterte signed it on July 3. Effectively replacing the Human Security Act of 2007, the petitions sought the issuance of a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) on the law while it is still being discussed in the Supreme Court (SC), while some petitions sought to annul the entire law for being void and unconstitutional. As the approval of the Terror Law received widespread opposition, 15 members of the House of Representatives denied authorship while about five lawmakers retracted or corrected their affirmative votes. Despite this, the enrolled bill was transmitted to the palace with no further considerations. “The so-called domestic mechanisms are either not working to address the injustices, or blatantly manipulated to deflect accountability of those in power, or are merely forms of window-dressing, or worse, are used to go after political dissenters and the protesting public,” Karapatan secretary-general Cristina Palabay said, describing the law. Last October 14, Justice Secretary Menardo Guevarra confirmed that the Terror Law’s implementing rules and regulations (IRR) was approved by the Anti-Terrorism Council (ATC). This is in-line with Republic Act (RA) 11479 when, after both the ATC and DOJ deliberated on the functions and scope of a specific law, which in this case is the Terror Law, the IRR would be promoted and would be done so within 90 days (around three months). The Terror Law’s IRR specified that arrests will only take place through ATC-approved “sworn statements” from law-enforcement officials to make an arrest allowing for 24 days of detainment (with suspects, who might be detained without a warrant only allowed to remain in custody until only 36 hours without a statement), a 48-hour time window for authorities to notify judges of arrests, and house arrest only for individuals with non-bailable cases. Netizens were quick to criticize when it was revealed that individuals and groups that the ATC deem as terrorists will be released through print and online. A 15-day period is given for those who wish to “delist” themselves on the grounds of possible mistaken identity, change in circumstances, the person’s death or the group’s disbandment, or any evidence, new or old, that proves otherwise or that the
WHAT’S INSIDE THE TERROR LAW Lawyers, human rights defenders, activists and even big business is against the ANTI-TERROR LAW , which was signed into law by President Duterte on July 3. Many are concerned over the opportunity for abuses laid bare by the law, especially to government critics. Here are some key takeaways from the law, with the implementing rules and regulations yet to be released to the public.
post. “At a time when an urgent health and socio-economic needs of the people must be prioritized, the Duterte regime only railroaded the passage of the Anti-Terror Law, which guarantees the continued attacks on vulnerable sectors including Lumad communities,” the SOS Network said. The 1987 Constitution framers said in a statement that the law, which may be used to target those dissenting against the government, puts the country in danger of falling into “a slippery slope to authoritarianism.”
In defense of nothing
‘VAGUE AND BROAD’ DEFINITION OF TERRORISM The ATL’s ambiguous definition of a terror act as one that “intimidates the general public,” “spreads a message of fear” or “provokes and influences” the government by intimidation could be used to target those who EXPRESS DISSENT against the government.
ALLOWS ARRESTS WITHOUT A COURT WARRANT Section 29 states that LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENTS may arrest a “suspected” person without a warrant as long as they are authorized by the Anti-Terrorism Council. This violates Article 3 Section 2 of the Constitution which states that “no search warrant or warrant of arrest shall issue except upon probable cause to be determined personally by the judge.”
THE ACCUSED CAN BE DECLARED A TERRORIST EVEN BEFORE TRIAL SECTION 27 states that, within 72 hours, the court can issue a
preliminary proscription declaring the accused as a terrorist before even going through a hearing.
THE WRONGLY ACCUSED MAY NOT BE ABLE TO APPEAL TO THE ATC There is NO PART IN THE LAW that states where people designated as a terrorist can appeal to the ATC should they have been wrongly suspected of committing a terrorist act. Research Lora Noreen Domingo Infographic Design Ian Raphael Lopez Photos Pola Bautista, Dianne Sanchez, Basti Evangelista and James Jericho Bajar
designation is invalid. Anyone tagged could also have their financial assets frozen by the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC), in compliance with the IRR’s 25th Section.
Authoritarianism and abuse Amid the pandemic, the then-Anti-Terrorism Bill saw a swift approval in the House of Representatives on June 3, two days after Duterte certified the bill as “urgent.” With all attempts to introduce amendments to the Senate’s version rejected, the bill was directly enrolled, awaiting only Duterte’s signature in Malacañang. The bill did not go through lengthy bicameral conference hearings, which could have afforded House members the
opportunity to address their reservations towards the controversial bill. Numerous groups, such as the jeepney driver alliance Pagkakaisa ng mga Samahan ng Tsuper at Operator Nationwide (PISTON) criticized the passage, citing that this is only an excuse for to drive jeepney operations out of business. “Sa bahagi namin, panukala pa lang ang Terror Law, ay sinapit na namin ang dahas ng estado dahil sa paghuli, pagkulong at pagsasapeligro sa kalusugan naming Piston 6,” said PISTON in a July 20 press release, describing Duterte as the “phaseout king.” Meanwhile, the Save Our Schools (SOS) Network criticized this as another sign of misplaced priorities in a July 25 Facebook
The Far Eastern University (FEU) Institute of Law led by Dean Melencio Sta. Maria’s petition pointed out the “vague and broad” definition of terrorism in Section 4, stating that this definition could cover even “legitimate and lawful gatherings” such as peaceful protests as terrorism. Albay 1st District Representative Edcel Lagman’s petition stated that the vague and ambiguous criminalization of “threat,” “proposal,” and “inciting” to commit terrorism also has “chilling effects deterring the exercise of the right to free speech and dissent.” Makabayan partylist bloc’s petition said that these broad definitions give “too much leeway” to incriminate individuals who express dissent. Lagman’s petition argued that under Section 25, a maximum of six-months investigation of a suspect’s bank account and the freezing of his assets without judicial authorization, “constitute unreasonable seizure of one’s assets,” as this could be done upon being designated as a terrorist by the ATC, and not the proscription by a court. Under the Human Security Act of 2007, terrorism specified “predicate crimes” such as piracy, rebellion or insurrection, and illegal possession and manufacture of firearms among other crimes. The new law, however, replaces this with a criteria critics deem vague such as engaging in acts that can cause further harm and damage. Peasant group Katipunan ng mga Samahang Magbubukid sa Timog Katagalugan (KASAMA-TK) discussed the comparisons in a May 29 press release. “Kabilang sa mga panukala ng batas na ito ay mga amyenda ng Human Security Act of 2007, na nagtutulak ng pagpapahaba ng panahon ng warrantless arrests, paniniktik sa mga hinihinalang sangkot sa terorismo, pagtanggal ng multang kalahating milyon sa bawat araw ng pagkulong sa isang inosente, pagppapanumbalik ng death penalty, at pagiiligalisa sa mga organisasyong nagkrikritiko sa pamahalaan, kasama ang lahat ng mamamayan na tutuligsa sa administrasyon,” KASAMA-TK said. [P]
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Crisis besetting human rights observance
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GA B R I E L D O LOT
errorism in the Philippines is a serious concern, but with the culture of impunity plaguing law enforcement and the government in general, it’s difficult for the people to trust implementors on a law that’s prone to abuse. With the enactment of the Ant-Terrorism Law (ATL) last July 18, 2020, it was aimed to repeal the Human Security Act of (HSA) 2007 in dealing with the threat of terrorism in the country. Contentions about its unconstitutional provisions, vague definition of terrorism, and lack of safeguards, have been the subject of discussion and criticism since its initial readings. One of the provisions in the ATL deemed as unconstitutional and abuse-prone is the arrest and detention of a person who is merely suspected as a terrorist, under the broad definition of terrorism in the law itself. Unlike the HSA, which contained a list of predicate crimes that gave terrorism a specific definition, the ATL’s foundation for arrest are inchoate offenses—arrests are based on the intent of the person, leaving a great deal of discretion on the arresting officer. Detention is also a point of contention since the current law states that a person suspected of terrorism can be detained for 14 to 24 days without being charged but according to the constitution, a maximum of three days detention without charges is allowed and the arresting officer should notify judicial authority within 36 hours of detention. The HSA has a penalty against state forces of at least P500,000 per day of wrongful detention, but with ATL the only safeguard is a penalty of ten years imprisonment if the arresting officer fails to notify a judge in writing. According to Atty. Ray Paolo J. Santiago, Executive Director of the Ateneo Human Rights Center, “The deterring factor of HSA is a recognition that some of the actors that might implement it, might not be properly equipped in really enforcing it, in short, it can be subject to abuse.” From the drug war to the pandemic, authorities have managed to perform selective justice in implementing the law and to implore fear through violence. Through attacks such as killings, illegal arrests, and trumped-up charges, many people have been victimized by the culture of police brutality and impunity.
“THEY LIKE TO BE TREATED WITH ANOTHER SET OF LAW,
WHEN AS A MATTER OF FACT THEY ARE TERRORISTS...”
Duterte’s comments on the Communist rebels’ opposition to the Terror Law
UNDER JULY-OCTOBER 2020 | UPLB PERSPECTIVE
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Activists in a perilous time under Duterte. [P] PHOTOS BY
PAULA BAUTISTA AND DIANNE SANCHEZ
Extrajudicial killings happening under Duterte’s drug war, were normalized under the narrative of “nanlaban” (fought back); however, the United Nations Human Rights Office (UNHRO) suggests that guns were planted by authorities to support this claim. While innocent people such as Winston Ragos were killed and an elderly street vendor was beaten up and arrested for allegedly violating quarantine protocols, government officials and Duterte allies such as Sen. Koko Pimentel, National Capital Region Police Office (NCRPO) Chief PBgen. Debold Sinas, and Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA) Deputy Administrator Mocha Uson violated the same quarantine protocols but were given “compassion” or were completely shrugged off by authorities. Provisions in the ATL state that dissent and activism are not included in the definition of terrorism, yet it is the authorities themselves who accuse progressive groups of inciting to terrorism. Red-tagging of sectoral organizations and anyone who expresses dissent against the government has intensified anew since the Duterte administration started. It is stated in the 1987 Constitution that the people have the right to be secure of their persons of whatever nature and for any purpose and this is held to be inviolable, which means that the constitution values the right to reasonable searches and due process. The ATL meanwhile undermines this specific clause in the constitution, with its provision on warrantless arrests based on suspicion and intent. In a country where human rights violations from a government program are considered collateral damage, a law like this may only add more fuel to the flame.
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J OA QU I N G O N Z A L E Z I V
he Covid-19 pandemic forced countries to establish drastic measures to slow the rate of infection and to prevent their healthcare systems from crashing. Governments have shut entry and exit points to their countries, enforced quarantines, and conducted epidemiological surveillance. However, autocratic governments are on the rise, taking advantage of the situation to gain more power. In the Philippines, public discontent over the coronavirus response of the government is growing. The first major protest took place in April in Quezon City where urban poor residents called for proper social services over delayed aid. The largest street demonstration in the country since the pandemic began, was the “Grand Mañanita” on Independence Day — a jab at PMaj. Gen. Debold Sinas’ “mañanita” birthday celebration which violated quarantine protocols. In the demonstration, progressive groups and individuals showed their objection not only to the lack of sufficient action to the pandemic by the government but also to its prioritization of policies that endanger the rights of Filipinos. These protests are not just limited to the Philippines, they are a worldwide
phenomenon. Another example of a government becoming more of a dictatorship amid the pandemic is that of Hungary. Despite the objection from Hungarian citizens in the form of online protests, the Hungarian parliament passed a state of emergency which effectively allowed Prime Minister Viktor Orban to rule by decree — meaning he can push for policies on his own without consultation. Orban claimed that the decision is necessary to respond to the pandemic. While Hungary has lifted that state of emergency, it was replaced by a system that critics say would still allow Orban to rule by decree Meanwhile in Thailand, Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha had invoked emergency powers that ban public gatherings including street demonstrations, and combat misinformation related to the pandemic; Thais deemed these as threats to freedom of expression and press freedom. Thailand, along with Indonesia, Cambodia, Turkey, Bangladesh, and Venezuela has also arrested those who criticize the government. The Thai government prosecuted at least 25 individuals for their role in peaceful demonstrations but was unable to prevent student groups from protesting on July 18 in the largest street demonstration in the nation since the 2014 Thai coup d’état. When the media that is supposed to disseminate factual information is silenced, government leaders are able to promote their propaganda, whether factual or not. In Brazil, President Jair Bolsonaro has called the media deceiving and has continuously been downplaying the threat of the coronavirus to oppose social distancing and quarantine measures. His method has made him popular among those who believe that quarantine measures are unnecessary and will only wreck
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FEATURES
UPLB PERSPECTIVE | JULY-OCTOBER 2020
With no near end in sight for the Covid-19 crisis, Duterte’s fascist regime instead tightened its grip on ringing the death knell for human rights in the Philippines.
EGE “KUNG MAGREVOLUTION KAYO, YOU’LL GIVE ME A TICKET TO STAGE A COUNTERREVOLUTION.
HOW I WISH YOU WOULD DO IT.”
President Duterte on Covid-19 frontliners asking for a two-week ECQ to mitigate the rise of virus cases livelihood and the economy, but it may also have greatly contributed to Brazil having the second most number of Covid-19 cases and related deaths in the world. Some leaders have also been using the pandemic for political gains. From July 7 to 16, a series of protests erupted in Serbia. The protests were initially triggered by President Alexander Vucic’s announcement to impose another strict lockdown after a surge in cases. The Serbians were angered not because of the plan to impose a lockdown by itself but because of Vucic’s grave mismanagement. The spike was caused by Vucic’s decision to lift the initial lockdown far too early—causing a resurgence in the number of cases— ahead of the elections where his party won by a landslide. Vucic has been accused of exploiting the situation in order to portray himself as
falsely having successfully tackled the crisis. These protests show not only the citizens’ discontent with the actions of their government in response to the pandemic but also their objection to the pandemic being taken advantage of by authoritarians to consolidate power and fulfill their political agendas. As the citizens’ fate crucially depends on the leader’s decisions, they should listen to the calls of the citizens. Protestors do not actually want to go outside and risk their lives and get infected by the coronavirus disease. But, when their voices fall on deaf ears, they use their last resort for action and reform to happen. For us to rise from this unprecedented public health crisis, we may have to give up some of our privileges, and provide our leaders with new powers to lead us through. However, those powers landing into the wrong hands could give rise to evil. All throughout history authoritarians have been taking advantage of crises to gain power. The epitome of a dictator, Adolf Hitler seized power after the 1933 Reichstag fire by using it as an excuse to claim that communists were plotting against the German government. Similarly, Fascism first arose when Benito Mussolini capitalized on public discontent following World War I. He promised that his methods would make Italy recover from political chaos. However, the pandemic is unlike any other war that history has seen, with entire countries having been shut down trying to fight something that cannot even be seen. As this crisis may and does provide even greater opportunities for selfish and insensitive rulers, these are dangerous times that we need to pay attention to. If the people sense manipulation, they will resist.
H A RA SS M E N T
Women, children in the hands of a tyrant
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A E S H A SA R R O L
ight after signing Republic Act 11313 or the “Safe Spaces Act”— meant to protect citizens from sexual harassment— Duterte, in his 4th State of the Nation Address (SONA), said, “Boracay Island is just the beginning, and the girls there, the foreigners are waiting for you, gentlemen, to visit the place. They’re all on the beach, sunbathing. You are invited to - I have not been there.” Since his electoral campaign, President Duterte has continuously made degrading remarks about women. However, when confronted by women alliances like Gabriela Philippines, he always uses sarcasm and freedom of speech to justify his lewd actions. In addition, Malacañang officials downplay his comments by saying that Duterte only wanted to amuse the people, defending that his behavior has always been taken out of context; this contributes to the fact that Duterte is condoned for his countless sexist remarks. Aside from these remarks, the Center for Women Resources (CWR), in 2018, stated that there are at least 33 recorded cases of violence against women attributed to police officers since Duterte’s presidency. Last
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October 2018, Manila policeman PO1 Eduardo Valencia, allegedly raped a 15-year-old girl in exchange for her parents’ freedom. PO3 Jernie Ramirez of the Puerto Princesa City Police Office, also reportedly raped a fellow police officer. Women, in the different sectors of the society, are subdued under a macho-fascist rule that prompted rape culture and permitted harassment done by people with authority. As the highest public official in the country, Duterte bears the responsibility of creating safe spaces for women as he is looked upon by millions of Filipinos. Various laws mandated against harassment like the Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004 and the Magna Carta of Women, are invalidated due to his macho-fascist remarks. He implemented laws that aimed to safeguard women, only for him to serve as the primary perpetrator of sexual objectification. Various campaigns against sexism such as the #BabaeAko online movement was launched in 2018 to counter Duterte’s increasing misogynistic display. Inday Varona, an esteemed journalist and one of the founders of the #BabaeAko movement, said, “When he says these things, he’s sending out a message to all men out there that ‘I get away with it, so you can.” Children are also targets of the Duterte administration as they are reduced to mere “collateral damage” whenever killed by vigilante-style killings or through the anti-drugs operations of Oplan Double Barrel. From July 2016 to December 2019, 122 minors were killed because of Duterte’s war on drugs; Althea Barbon, a 4-year-old girl, died from gun violence at a buy-bust operation against her father in Negros Oriental. These children were deprived of their futures and some even witnessed the actual death of their parents, siblings, or playmates, exposing them to severe psychological trauma. More often than not, baby chicks and grains are placed on top of coffins to manifest that the child died due to unjust killing and that the sound produced by the chick’s pecking signifies knocking on the perpetrator’s conscience. Duterte’s bloody campaign created a culture of impunity and placed children in a society where violence is considered ordinary and justifiable. Continuous oppression happens in both sectors because the government amplifies these acts through the utilization and abuse of military forces. Duterte normalized state violence which caused human rights to be trampled by the administration elected to protect it in the first place. The government is accountable for the innocent lives lost due to their negligence as well as the countless human rights violations and derogatory remarks that not only target women and children but the Filipino people at large.
“THE GIRLS ARE WAITING FOR YOU,
GENTLEMEN, TO VISIT THE PLACE. THEY’RE ALL ON THE BEACH, SUNBATHING.”
Duterte’s sexist way to encourage tourists to visit Boracay last year.
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CULTURE
JULY-OCTOBER 2020 | UPLB PERSPECTIVE
Ang sobrang kapangyarihan na bingay sa kapulisan ang naging mitsa ng buhay ng mga taong walang hustisya ang pagkakamatay. S O P H I A P U GAY
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atagal nang tumigil ang paghinga nina George Floyd at Kian de los Santos, ngunit ang pangalan at huling kataga nila ay nabubuhay pa rin sa mga placards at mga panawagang humihingi ng hustisya. Bukod pa sa kanilang dalawa ay sina Brionna Taylor, Tony Macdade, Carl Arnaiz—mga pangalang hinalilihan na lamang ng mga numero’t statistika, at marami pang ibang hindi man lang naitala. Datapwa’t magkakaibang lugar at kultura ang pinagmulan, mayroon silang nagtutugmang katangian: lahat sila ay biktima ng mga kapulisan. Kamakailan lamang ay naging matunog muli sa social media ang kampanyang Black Lives Matter, isang panawagan tungo sa pantay na karapatan para sa mga African-American. Hindi na lingid sa ating kaalaman na mayroong tinatawag na white supremacy, isang pagtingin na ang mga white o lightskinned races ay nakatataas sa ibang mga lahi na mula pa noon ay nakahabi na sa mapang-opresang sistema at pamamalakad ng Amerika. Kung kaya’t hanggang sa ngayon ay makikitang mababa pa rin ang tingin ng mga ito sa mga black at napakadali na lamang para sa kapulisan ng U.S. na bansagan silang kriminal dahil lamang sa kanilang lahi at kulay ng balat. Ito ay hindi nalalayo sa sarili nating bansa, kung saan habang naka-ilang lusot na sa kaso ang mga mayayaman at pulitiko ay napakabilis na lamang bansagang adik at nanlaban ang mga mahihirap. Sa ilalim ng war on drugs, ang mga salitang iskwater at tambay ay napapadalas nang itinutumbas sa salitang kriminal, na siyang sinasamantala ng mga kapulisan upang gumawa ng karahasan at pumatay nang basta-basta. Sa ilalim ng Anti-Terror Law, ay maski ang mga kritiko, progresibo, at aktibista ay mababansagan nang mga terorista sa kanilang tumbasan ng salita.
Ang kontrabida Mapapansin sa mga nabanggit na tila ba ang gobyerno mismo ang nagkakabit ng pagiging kriminal sa pagiging black o/at mahirap. Kung susuriin ang kasaysayan, ang white supremacy ay naging resulta ng panunupil at pananamantala ng mga white upang matamasa nila ang kapangyarihan at pribilehiyo. Binansagan nilang mapanganib at bayolente ang mga African-American upang mabigyang rason ang patuloy na pag-oopresa nila sa mga ito. Umiral ito nang maraming taon at hanggang ngayon ay hindi ito maiwaksi sa kanilang sistema at sa gobyerno. Sa Pilipinas naman ay direktang nanggaling sa presidente ang utos na patayin ang mga adik sa kanto at ikulong ang mga tambay, na may pahiwatig na ang pinagmumulan ng krimen at gulo ay ang mga mahihirap. Sa ganitong paraan ay gumagawa at napapanatili ng gobyerno ang mga masasamang nosyon ukol sa mga black o/at mahihirap na pinapaniwalaan naman ng mga mamamayan nito. Sa pagbansag sa kanila bilang mga “kontrabida” sa bayan, ay napapanatili ang pribilehiyo ng mga white o/at mayayaman at nabibigyan pa ng karagdagang laya dahil nagiging katanggap-tanggap na mas pinag-iinitan at pinag-tutuunang pansin ng pulisya ang mga
to SERVE and PROTECT?
[P] GRAPHIC BY JERMAINE VALERIO
nasabing kontrabida. Ito ay sinasalamin ng kasalukuyang sistemang panghustisya kung saan kapag ang mga mayayaman sa Pilipinas ang pinaghihinalaan ay napakatagal ng proseso ngunit pagdating sa mga mahihirap na Pilipino ay walang paglilitis, marahas, at kadalasang napapatay kahit pa wala namang armas o basehan.
Trigger happy Bagamat pantay lamang ang crime rates sa pagitan ng mga black at white, ay mas madalas na pinagdududahan ang mga black. Si Tamir Rice, 12 anyos, ay pinagbabaril ng kapulisan ng US noong 2014 dahil lamang sa kanyang laruang baril. Si Breonna Taylor naman ay binaril nang walong beses habang natutulog sa sarili niyang pamamahay nang nagsagawa ang kapulisan ng no-knock raid. Si Michael Brown naman ay nakataas na ang kamay at sumusuko ngunit binarily parin ng anim na beses. Bukod pa rito ay maski mga white civilians ay iniisip na mayroon silang karapatan na magpataw ng batas sa mga black. Naglalakad lamang si Trayvon Martin, 15 anyos, pauwi matapos bumili ng skittles at iced tea nang sya
ay barilin ng sibilyan sa kadahilanang mukha siyang kasuspe-suspetya. Ganito rin ang sitwasyon sa Pilipinas, kung saan ang war on drugs ni Duterte ay tinatarget lamang ang mga mahihirap na “durugista” at nang lumaon ay kung sino man ang “manlalaban” sa mga pulisya. Nagmamakaawa si Kian de los Santos bago siya kaladkarin ng pulis sa eskinita at binaril, dahil di umano ay sangkot ang 17 anyos sa droga. Bumibili naman ng meryenda si Carl Arnaiz bago siya pagbabarilin at taniman ng marijuana at shabu. Si Winston Ragos, ex-military at isang person with mental illness, ay binaril ng kapulisan dahil may huhugutin daw ito. Ngunit ang laman lang naman ng bag ni Ragos ay isang bote ng mineral water. Sa pagkakaroon ng pagkiling at pag-aantagonize sa mga black at marginalized ay nabibigyan ng laya ang mga kapulisan na gawin nalang kung anong “law enforcement” na kanilang nais, at magiging makatwiran ito dahil ang pinapatay naman nila ay ang mga masasama. Si Duterte pa nga mismo ang nag-uusig sa mga pulisya na barilin na lamang ang mga ito. Sa ganitong paraan, ang pagkitil ng buhay ay
nagiging isang serbisyo sa bayan, pagprotekta sa mga may pribilehiyo habang ang mga black at mahihirap ang nakikita bilang kaaway.
The purge Mistulang lumalabas na ang ganitong klase ng pagpapatupad ng batas ay para sa di umano’y pagpapanatili ng kapayapaan at isang hakbang upang kontrolin ang pagdami ng krimen sa bayan. Ngunit, ang katotohanan ay isa itong paraan upang kontrolin ang parte ng populasyon na hindi gusto ng gobyerno. Sa pamamagitan ng pagpatay at paghuli sa mga mahihirap at sa mga black American ay masasabi ng mga gobyernong ito na kumikilos sila laban sa krimen kahit na hindi naman mga kriminal ang kanilang sinusugpo. Ang sinusugpo nila ay ang parte ng lipunan na para sa kanila ay hindi kanais-nais. Ang sobrang kapangyarihan na bingay sa kapulisan ang naging mitsa ng buhay ng mga taong walang hustisya ang pagkakamatay. Mga taong pinatay dahil sa kanilang kinabibilangang uri o lahi, at ang mga ignorante at panatiko ay pinapalakpakan pa ang mga karahasang ito.
CULTURE
UPLB PERSPECTIVE | JULY-OCTOBER 2020
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The question in everyone’s mouths was, “ano nang nangyayari sa Pilipinas?” The EDs have been answering this question every day since long before.
[P] GRAPHIC BY LINDSAY PEÑARANDA
F E L I PA C H E N G
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o doubt, the Filipino education community experienced a couple of stressful months throughout the pandemic: student journalists were forced by authorities to apologize on Facebook or to face libel charges, stubborn university admins won’t listen to the teachers, and DepEd is overconfident that classes can resume by August, despite the 7.5 million students that are unable to enroll. Amidst all the frantic, we might have noticed the abundance of educational discussions (EDs) across our Facebook feeds or social media. Twitter account @onlinedED_bot has been keeping track of all the EDs across the nation through thread-tweeting information, pubs and registration links for around 10-20 scheduled EDs in a single day. An educational discussion, or ED, is the term used for discussions hosted by a variety of organizations and their chapters across the country. Originally done in a face-to-face setup, EDs have since moved to online platforms for obvious reasons. They cover crash courses on Philippine history, an everything-you-needto-know on current state of affairs, or vital skills training needed in a specific time (like fact-checking skills at a time of fake news). When the government started announcing new Covid-19 policies and restrictions then implementing them with no coordination, the question in everyone’s mouths was, “ano nang nangyayari sa Pilipinas?” The EDs have been answering this question every day and long before. The goal of EDs has always been to respond to questions, and provide information necessary at a time of crisis and uncertainty. Most of the EDs done during quarantine are accessible via Facebook Live,
and if it isn’t, there is no doubt that a message to the organization who held it will provide you with a copy.
Education in crisis As compared to the considerate and timely approach of EDs, DepEd is overconfident that it can resume the school year by August, and already has plans for face-to-face classes in January, despite a low enrollment turnout. Facts are, the traditional school setup wasn’t working even before COVID, and its blended-learning counterpart won’t either. Before the pandemic, education was already expensive, inaccessible and did not cater to the majority of Filipinos. 88% of schools in the Philippines are private, and the cost of a private education is roughly P170,000 to P230,000, while the minimum wage earner receives only P122,880 a year. Public schools remain poor in facilities, with shortages of 113,000 classrooms, 81,000 teachers (kindergarten to SHS), 235.4 million books and teaching materials, and 11,740 schools without sanitation or water facilities. Last year, 55 Lumad schools were ordered shut, despite them having permits and legal basis to operate. No wonder that only 7% of students who went to 1st grade were able to finish a degree, while 3.6 million Filipino youth (aged 5-20) remain out of school. And the correlation between low educational attainment and poverty is more than alarming. In a recent UN report, 59 million Filipinos experienced ‘food insecurity,’ and its numbers are highest among households of non-elementary graduates. This year, 7.5 million students will be displaced. DepEd Sec. Leonor Briones revealed a ‘phenomenon’ that 347,000 private school students from Manila opted to enroll in public schools because, in her words, “there are parents who lost their jobs and cannot already
fund the studies of the students.” While there are 7.3 million unemployed Filipinos amidst the pandemic, DepEd allows a tuition hike in 645 private schools. DepEd’s response to the pandemic was to let private schools proceed with business-as-usual, and transfer the burden to parents, caretakers, and teachers of children in public schools through blended learning - forget about the 2.32 million adult Filipinos who do not know how to read. Now they have to purchase new devices and learn new software so that they can assist their child for an education they cannot afford. Just like a Filipino film, a parent holds their beautiful, young daughter’s face in their hands and says, in tears, “pag-igihin mo ang pag-aaral anak, ikaw ang aahon sa atin mula sa kahirapan.” Our education system has been creating a cycle of hunger and poverty, and at a time of crisis, Duterte OKs DepEd’s proposal and says, “[students] have to finish a course so they can live.” Which is perhaps one of the most frightening purposes our education system serves today: ‘education’ not as your basic human right, but a prerequisite for your survival. To those who
EDs have long explained what’s working and not working with how our society operates. It is now imperative for us learners to ask, “now what do we do with this information?”
cannot afford an education in the first place, welcome to another generation of hungry Filipinos.
Education and response What we need is a redefinition of what it really means to be ‘well-educated’ and a reinvention of the purposes the system serves. At a time of national emergency, to push for a traditional form of teaching is to say that the nation’s panic and distress are not valid, it assumes that the previous system had already been providing “quality, equitable, culture-based and complete basic education” despite the shortage of facilities, teachers, and other academic backlogs. What we need is to prioritize pro-people medical solutions through mass testing, empower the health system by maximizing university resources and manpower against Covid-19. We must implement an adaptive school year instead of a formal one, where DepEd can address the backlogs in learning competencies and shortages of facilities, and to consult communities to create learning programs that will respond to their specific needs. And finally, promote compassion and volunteerism amongst faculty, students and staff, by providing subsidies and allowing them to stay at home and help their communities. If there’s anything that the EDs have taught us, it’s that education need not require a private school’s laurel-decorated logo, instead, it requires a nationalistic, scientific and mass-oriented response to what the nation currently needs. EDs have long explained what’s working and not working with how our society operates, and proves them through statistics, data, and analysis. It is now imperative for us learners to ask, “now what do we do with this information?” so that we can ensure the health and well-being of all our citizens during a health emergency, and implement solutions grounded in reality.
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OPINION
JULY-OCTOBER 2020 | UPLB PERSPECTIVE
A crash course on disobedience KWENTONG FRESHIE
O
FELIPA CHENG
n the day I moved to Los Baños, my father told me about his friend’s daughter who also moved into a dormitory. According to his friend, that was when his daughter learned how to disregard authority. Through her years in college and living alone, she had apparently learned disobedience. Not independence, not self-reliance, not self-awareness, but disobedience. I thought, not me! I’m so obedient I wouldn’t dare do anything I already know is not allowed. Sure, I’ll have a few drinks, but I won’t go crazy! So I arrived as a freshman, and for the first couple of days, I was doing pretty well. I kept myself hydrated, I ate my vegetables, I updated my parents, I refused night outs if I knew I had something due. I was being, in my own sense of the word, obedient even without supervision. Throughout the day, I found myself thinking, I’m so proud of myself, I’m so well-behaved! One day, I came to class and I really had to go pee, so I stood up, walked to the professor (who was clearly busy working on her computer by the way), and I asked her, “Ma’am, pwede po mag-CR?” I was right next to her face, but she continued typing on her computer as if she hadn’t noticed me. Maybe she didn’t hear me, so I asked again, a little closer this time, “Ma’am, pwede po mag-CR?” Then she glared at me, shrugged her shoulders as if to say, “ewan ko, pwede ba?” and returned to her work. Of course, they had already given instructions days before to just go ahead and pee, take a shit if you have to, no need for permission. But asking for permission was just second nature for a well-behaved child! Another time, I was proposing a research
[P] GRAPHIC BY JERMAINE VALERIO
topic with another professor, and she became frustrated at me for calling her ‘ma’am’ too many times, and so my obedient-self asked her if she wanted to be called ‘doktora’ instead. She became even more frustrated, and told me to just talk to her normally. I was confused. How could one of the most respected professors in their field not want to have their title, and therefore, authority acknowledged? Isn’t referring to someone’s title one of the surest
ways to show your respect for their authority? A couple more weeks later, I attended my first rally at the commemoration of Martial Law. I had a class that coincided with the assembly, so me and the rest of my obedient classmates (all of us) were in a struggle: do we attend the class we really enjoy, with a professor we really respect ,or do we leave and protest together against one of the most vicious figures in Philippine history, at the risk of possibly
disrespecting our professor for not attending her class? Our solution, which seemed like the most sensible at the time, was to wait for the professor and ask permission, and so we did! To which she simply responded with, “Ha, ba’t kayo nagpapaalam? Edi nasira iyung point?” ••• In literature, one of the first things they teach you is Aristotle’s concepts of ‘Anagnorisis (discovery)’ and ‘Peripeteia (turning point).’ The premise is simple: the protagonist discovers a critical piece of information that leads to a permanent shift in their way of life. To me, and I’m assuming all my other kiss-ass classmates, something suddenly clicked - why were we going to ask permission if our goal was to express dissent in the first place? What was the consequence we were so afraid of, that we couldn’t get our asses off our chairs to go out, cry foul against a thief and a murderer? We wanted to blatantly reject the dangerous authority that the Marcos name still has to this day, but we were afraid to get “ABSENT” on our index cards? We were acting as if on an instinct for obedience, that we never once stopped to ask what it was for. It took me way more than three instances to even start to question my notions of authority and obedience, and it will take more than three instances for me to settle with a definitive guideline on how to approach it in my life. Our lives might not have abrupt turning points as in a Greek tragedy, but I do think we experience a series of discoveries that gradually, but significantly inform our long-term principles. The next time I get the urge to ask someone else if I could empty my bladder, or to ask kindly if I could express outrage, I’ll make sure to have this question in mind: what for?
Do we really have to wait? NO FURY SO LOUD JED PALO
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hen President Duterte was still vying for the presidency in the summer of 2016, he spoke about one thing, “change is coming.” For a lot of people during that time, he actually looked like a manifestation of “change”. Besides being a newcomer to national politics, he walked the streets in his casual checkered polo, spoke to his countrymen with humor and a candid Visayan accent, and, at one occasion, even dared against the Church by openly stating his support for same-sex marriage – all of which separated him from most of his contenders. His kind of populist rhetoric ultimately proved the most effective, as his words “change is coming” were the ones in the minds of almost 16 million Filipinos come election day. What we didn’t know by then was that the real “change” brought by Duterte’s administration was a change of heart. In his latest State of the Nation Address, we saw that he would rather spend hours contradicting himself, attacking his critics, and feeding his starving constituents with even more lies again, instead of presenting any concrete plans to face the pandemic. In one tweet, a netizen said that
“the only good thing in the #SONA2020 is that Duterte said that he will step down in 2022,” while another called to “punish this government in the ballot box in 2022.” In the same vein, some even desired for the end of his term by tweeting “sana 2022 na.” But the question posed by this remark is that, do we really have to wait for the elections in 2022? Is change only coming for us every six years? As a country that is continually subjected to colonial and fascist rule, we put such sacred importance and belief in the role that democracy plays in our society. After all, we were taught from a very young age that our democracy is the hard-earned result from the blood and sweat of those who fought against our oppressors. What’s a better and more prevalent manifestation of our democracy than our right to vote? Our right to vote gives us the opportunity to elect officials that will represent our interests, and an opportunity to start again, every three years, if the said officials fail. Well, at least in theory. In reality, the legitimacy of our own electoral process remains to be questionable. Only in our country do you witness election seasons closely resemble a fiesta more than anything else. Rows of banderitas hang across the sky as candidates parade themselves in a motorcade like homecoming beauty queens, while the people flock to catch a glimpse of them as if
their very own streets aren’t already filled with tarpaulins of the very same faces. This kind of culture is very symptomatic of how candidates actually treat their constituents every campaign season. They like to pretend that elections are a peaceful process where people just have the opportunity to elect officials that will represent their interests, when the truth is that elections are nothing but a competition show for their own selves versus their own class. It’s a game they play to advance their own political agenda and personal interests, like how Duterte’s campaign team started the fake news sites back in 2016. Now, our democracy is bound to fight its own pandemic for the years to come. Most of them would even rather campaign through an envelope with a stapled yellow bill instead of getting down their motorcades to hear us out. It’s a continuous, and very common, cycle that plagues the sanctity of our elections. As long as a great portion of our population lives below the poverty line, it’s very easy to give in to the demands of these politicians, for if you are among the poorest of the poor, an envelope with a stapled yellow bill might be the only thing to save you from imminent hunger. This is why the public is trapped by these politicians in a cycle of poverty designed to keep the status quo, depriving them of any real education because a critical mind is this
regime’s biggest enemy. When #SONA2020 ended, many people expressed their exhaustion, disappointment, and anger towards the government’s version of public service. Who wouldn’t be when in just less than a year they managed to take down the largest media company in the country and pass a law enabling the arrest of his critics, all while in the midst of an economic recession and a global pandemic? What more could even happen in two years’ time? We shouldn’t wait for 2022, especially when it’s evident that our elections don’t bring us the fairest and most just solutions. The 2019 elections even gave senate seats to self-proclaimed Duterte lapdogs, Bato dela Rosa and Bong Go. Year after year, it’s just becoming clearer that our country’s kind of democracy is rigged to only serve the people sitting comfortably on the top; that the only voters actually benefiting from the elections are the same people with the economic and political power to run, or make someone run, in the first place. There are so many things that we can do now instead of waiting. By strengthening our organizations and campaigns for different reforms that would benefit the public good, we could already initiate a movement to change the names of those sitting in power. Change should come when we want it to, and we should want it now.
OPINION
UPLB PERSPECTIVE | JULY-OCTOBER 2020
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When the going gets rough UNDER SCRUTINY I A N RA P H A E L LO P E Z
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hile our society is plunged in intertwined crises of a pandemic and bad governance, the role of student leaders is indispensable. They have to ensure that the students’ concerns are heard and their rights are heeded, especially in a time where many are on the verge of being left behind. Student leaders, like in UPLB, are one of the driving forces behind relief efforts during times of disaster. They were able to mobilize volunteers to dispense relief for those affected by Southern Tagalog’s 2020 headaches: the Taal eruption and the Covid-19 pandemic. These people are also at the forefront of pushing for student welfare, which is being disregarded by those in power in a frenzy to contain the pandemic. Until now, the fight for an safe way to open classes in September is being led by student leaders. They are calling for a better and health-led response to the Covid-19 crisis, the only way we can facilitate a semester without anybody being left behind. This feat is much more welcomed under the time of Duterte, where being an activist can literally be a death sentence. The passage of the Anti-Terror Law and the continuous threats of violence the student leaders face are alarming reminders of the dangerous road ahead. But student leaders have a unique contribution to the studentry, due to the fact that they are much more aware of our plight. It’s important to bear in mind that these actions and mobilizations are all part of our student leaders’ oath when they took office. We might be thankful for it, but they will be the first one to say that all of those efforts are
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only part of their job. After all, the relationship of student leaders to their constituents is somewhat of a microcosm of the bigger dynamics between the government and the Filipino people. We can only hope that our national government takes a cue from their noble juniors, toiling away in universities and colleges. Especially in Duterte’s bungled response to the pandemic, all we have seen from the national government is a non-stop passing of
the buck and no one taking accountability for their faults. And being the microcosm that it is, some of our student leaders have the unfortunate distinction of jumping off the ship when the going gets rough. The recent issue with Defend UPLB comes into mind. When allegations of fabricated death threats surfaced against the alliance, every UPLB student hoped for an investigation to conclude the matter. This is understandable,
considering how it had many adverse effects. Personally, I felt it blurred the fact that many student leaders have been a victim of creepy, threatening messages for a long time. Before Covid, it has been an unfortunate fact of life for many of UPLB’s student leaders (and by the way, even [P] staffers like this writer) to see “intelligence agents” discreetly taking photos of them in mass gatherings, or following them on their way home. But the hopes of any conclusive investigation are dashed, up until now. A person involved with the fiasco—the volunteer who allegedly received the death threat in question—has been unresponsive to investigations from outside the alliance. Requests for an interview by this newspaper, where many rely on until now for an in-depth report, hasn’t even been attended to. Part of the unique role of student leaders in society is taking those in power into account. Sideby-side with that, however, is to take themselves into check as well. To leave a grave issue, such as this one, without any conclusion isn’t something we shouldn’t do. The student leaders’ pact with the studentry is founded on trust. One way to fortify such trust is to become transparent with students. Many—especially in this pandemic—rely on our student leaders for guidance on what steps to take next. Showing transparency, utmost participation and responsiveness may seem cliché, but these are important steps to make. And student leaders implicated in grave issues need to own up to their mistakes with transparency and diligence. Maybe they can cooperate with investigations, for a start. They are not infallible, that’s for sure, because to err is human. But running away from mistakes isn’t human at all, but a monstrous mistake.
Para po! SKETCHPAD SONYA CASTILLO
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ng bigat ng mata ko, at hindi ko napigilan humilik. Magaling naman talaga si Ma’am Kristy magturo, pero wala na sa klasrum yung isip ko, kundi sa trabaho. Nararamdaman ko pa rin yung pagod ng all-nighter ko kagabi para lang tapusin ang slides ng group presentation namin. At ngayon na tapos na kami mag-present, hinihintay ko na lang maubos ang oras. Oo, kinokonsensya ako, pero yung hiya ay isa lamang sa maraming bagay na iniisip ko ngayon. Sa shift ko mamaya ay matatanggap ko na rin ang buwanang sahod ko. Habang pinoproblema ko ang aking mga deadline sa pamantasan, sinasaisip ko na rin ang pagkaltas ng badyet ko sa dami ng kailangang bayaran – ang hati ko sa renta, kuryente, tubig, at maliban pa dito, kailangan ko rin magtabi para sa sarili kong gastusin araw-araw. Halos ‘di ko na napansin na nagpaalam na si Ma’am, at bigla na lang nagsitayo ang aking mga kaklase at lumabas ng silid. Agad akong umalis ng gusali, nagmamadali dahil punuan ang mga jeep sa ganitong oras. Kahit matao na, pinilit ko ang sarili ko na umupo. Sa aking pagsiksik ko napansin na katabi ko na pala si Mira, ang isa kong kaibigan sa org. Halata
sa mukha ang kanyang pagod, hindi pa siya siguro kumakain. “Mira, kumusta ka na!?” ani ko. Bigla siyang sumigla at tuluyang napangiti. “Rena? Grabe, ‘di kita nakilala! Okay naman ako, may hinahabol lang na oras para sa group work. Ikaw, kumusta ka na?” tanong niya sa’kin. “Okay lang din ako…” Nag-inactive muna ako sa org dahil nakahanap ako ng trabaho na malapit. Part-time lang naman, para hindi na maging pabigat sa pamilya. Maayos naman ang sweldo, ‘di na ako kailangang padalhan ng pera nina ate. Kaya ko nang sustentuhan sarili ko dito sa LB. Ilang buwan na kasing nakalipas, hindi pa rin nakakahanap ng trabaho si Papa matapos mag-expire yung kontrata niya sa pagawaan. “…’di ako sanay na puno yung schedule araw-araw, pero kinakaya ko.” “Mabuti naman. Di ka na namin nakikita masyado sa kampus eh. Alam mo ba yung nangyari sa mob kahapon?” At doon nagsimula ang matagal naming kwentuhan. Bukod sa orgmates ko, na-miss ko yung ibang paraan ng pag-aaral tulad ng pagkaranas sa mga Basic Masses Integration kasama ang iba’t ibang sektor, mga educational discussion hinggil sa mga importanteng isyu sa bayan, at mga sinamahan kong mobilisasyon sa loob at labas ng kampus kasama
Sa totoo lang, mas marami pa akong natutunan sa labas ng klasrum kaysa sa loob nito. Walang mas magandang pagkakataon upang pagaralan ang lipunan kaysa kasama ang masang api.
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mga kaibigan ko. Bukod sa mga masasayang mga alaala na nadudulot ko sa mga ganap ng org, marami rin akong mga aral na naidulot sa paglubog sa masa. Sa totoo lang, mas marami pa akong natutunan sa labas ng klasrum kaysa sa loob nito. Walang mas magandang pagkakataon upang pag-aralan ang lipunan kaysa kasama ang masang api. Siyempre hindi sinasarili yung mga aral na nadulot. Kasama sa pakikilahok sa mga BMI at educational discussions ang pagpapahayag ng mga natutunan ko at pag-imbita sa mga tulad ni Karl para makiisa sa pinaglalaban ng iba’t ibang sektor. Naintindihan din naman ng orgmates ko; mas makakatulong siguro ako sa sambayanan ‘pag naasikaso ko na ang mga problemang pinakamalapit sa ‘kin. “Kaka-GA lang namin kanina, balak naming mag BMI para sa mga bago; Lupang Ramos yung isa sa mga pupuntahan namin. Makakasama ka ba?” biglang sinabi ni Mira. Lupang Ramos? Bigla kong naalala si Karl nung pinakilala ko siya sa mga magsasaka mula doon. Kumusta na kaya siya? Simula nung pasukan, ‘di ko na siya nakikita. Bago ko pa man matanong si Mira tungkol kay Karl... “Ay! Pasensya na Rena, dito na ako bababa. Sabihin mo lang kung gusto mong sumama, ha?” Nakarating na kami sa babaan niya at madaliin niyang inayos ang gamit niya. “Para po!”
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EDITORIAL
JULY-OCTOBER 2020 | UPLB PERSPECTIVE
Safeguarding the campus press
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ow more than ever, we need a bill that can truly cater to the needs and address the issues faced by the campus press. Enacted on July 5, 1991, the Campus Journalism Act was implemented out of the interest of the State to “uphold and protect the freedom of the press even at the campus level.” Albeit a step in the right direction, the CJA has proven to be insufficient in serving its purpose – to safeguard the exercise of press freedom in the campus. Provisions of the said law were deemed problematic and weak, compromising several aspects of student publications all over the country. CJA has not guaranteed the genuine editorial independence of student publications, and can even place them in a financial predicament by making funding optional for school administrations. It also contains vague and conflicting provisions, which, when abused, can be used by higher-ups to censor articles being released by the publication and even permit administrative intervention of the editorial board and its policies. Student publications have experienced a long history of attacks. Filing a complaint to the Commission on Human Rights, the College Editors Guild of the Philippines have compiled almost a thousand violations against the campus press since 2010. Aside from the usual admin intervention, campus journalists face threats of censorship, defunding, looting of funds, non-collection of fees, suspension of students, libel charges, harassment, and even killings. The Southern Tagalog region has plenty of recorded Campus Press Freedom Violations. One of the most recent cases is the admin intervention of the Pamantasan ng Cabuyao towards PnC Herald, for the latter posting an alert about a breach of the PnC website. The admin was reportedly angered by the post, and ordered the adviser to take the post down to prevent it from catching attention. Meanwhile, The Flare of Cavite State University Imus were harassed by cops and disallowed from covering a symposium organized by the Philippine National Police last year. The
symposium was reportedly centered on anti-communist propaganda and red-tagged several progressive organizations, while The Flare and other announcements related to the incident were censored. Even the Perspective is no exception to experiencing CPFVs. Over the years, the publication has faced several of these, such as four cases of manipulation of results and appointment of the editor-in-chief in the past two decades, one case of physical assault by Manila Police during a US Embassy mobilization in 2017, and most recently, intimidation by police towards our photojournalist on July 1. Albeit the CJA supposedly guarantees press freedom, violations continue to happen because the law is toothless and spineless. It provides no mechanism to secure the funding of student publications, no protection for campus journalists, and no penalties for transgressions, leaving perpetrators unaccountable for attacking press freedom. Because of these reasons, there is an urgent need to repeal the CJA and replace it with a new law – the proposed Campus Press Freedom Bill. Among the provisions the said bill include mandatory funding of student publications, optional appointment of advisers at all levels, security of students’ tenure, and provision of legal assistance
It is important to remember, reaffirm, and uphold the historical role of campus journalists: as independent watchdogs and checks on powers
to student journalists when needed. As we celebrate the first campus press freedom day and the 89th anniversary of CEGP, it is important to remember, reaffirm, and uphold the historical role of campus journalists – as independent watchdogs, as checks and balances, as the fearless mosquito press. While the Duterte regime has consolidated its hold on political power, it becomes more necessary for the youth to clamor for the passage of the CPF Bill. We should no longer tolerate the existence of CPFVs, and secure the welfare of the campus press. [P] GRAPHICS BY AYNRAND GALICIA
