1969-70_v10,n11_Chevron

volume

-Tom

10: number

Purdy, the Chevron

11

UNIVERSITY

OF WATERLOO,

Waterloo,

Ontario

fridav

18 iulv

1969

Biology

gfcds

told to shupe up

Department chairman ‘Noel Hynes has warned graduate students in the biology departme& their teaching fellowships may be cut off unless their performance and attituges improve.

Althou$h many have done “ia -good and conscientious job,” Hynes said in a memo to the grads that many other teaching fellows -were rated poor in their .-performances.

“You are definitely short-chapging us.. .it indicates g lack of appreciation of the hard facts of life,” he said. ‘ ‘We have teaching fellowships

Petch feels marks

in order to get teaching done and we are in n0 way beholden to allocate them to graduate students.

Indeed there is a large pool of pkople, mostly married women in the community, whom we could employ and who could be relied on to do good and conscientious work.“4 The department estimates that a full teaching fellowship involves about 15 hours a week. !‘At the , Present rate of pay this-is -about $6.50 an hour.

At that price we expect good conscientious work. ”

1

too public

Interim administration president Howard Petch doesn’t think the registrar’s office should be so loose in releasing students’ marks and academic records-but hb didn’t say whether any policy change is forthcoming.

It is’prevailing practice at this university (but not at many, including the University of Tdronto) for the registrar to give out marks

to employers permission.

Western’s

tr&ble-free?

*

structure

London (CINS )-Student participation in university government is what absorbs the energy of students at University of Western ‘Ont.ario, claims Western administration president, Carleton Williams, to explain the apparent lack of radical uprisings there.

Williams credits the riew gov- erning structure introduced two years ago, giving students token representation on Western’s senate and \board,of governors.

Student president Ian Brooks students added that “Western are perhaps not too politically he aware. ” “There are many” ,+ Continued, “who do not question

Uniwat L

without

the student’s -

In practice it is possible for anyone to find out anyone else’s marks.

Petch thinks that, except for a professor or a dean who wants such information, it should be up to the indivitual student to supply marks to employers.

Mud, sludge, slime, sin, filth, and all those other n’asty things making up Lobban island are scooped out of the sick bay pond. The muckraking and removing took three days.

jkittle

at

SW I

parity

Student

threatened

BURNABY (CUP)-The adminipolidy .of student parity and vetq stration at Simon Fraser Univeron the department committee be sity has declared the university’s dropped.

PSA department (‘politiCal-science A majority of the PSA faculty sociology and anthropology) tb be has decided .not to submit to the arbitrary demands of the .adminincapable of handling its own affairs and has assumed direct constration tenure committee and trol of its operations. passed a resolution to that effect Tfie action follows g dispute july 3. over tenure procedures.

The , Acting PSA department chairuniversity . tenure committee reman Robert Wyllie voted to fused to receitie the recommendaaccede to the administrations detions of the PSA department unmands and so resigned as of july til it had made ,changes in its in11 since he could not represent, ternal procedures. the will of the mqjority. ’ The tenure committee demanded iThe university senate then the department place an adminpassed a motion on july 7 making ist?ation-chosen profess& on its provisions for investigation of tenure committee, that the dethose departments regarded by partment’tenure cotimittee cease as unhealthy. presenting its decisio ‘s for full I the administration faculty ratification, a% d that a ; The motion also gave the.admini-

what is going on in society, or in the university, or within themselves. ” Williams was not quick to agree.

Memoriesare short, he stated.

“Two years ago people tiere calling Western the most extreme case of student unrest in the country. ” He feels awareness is as strong at Western as any other campus,’ however they have worked out a strong system to deal with it.

Williams wouldn’t prophesy a clear future for western, but felt that the system was “flexible enough to contain most trouble within its framework.”

ISA to nianage

imminent

. ”

stration the .power .to suspend department heads _ and appoint new ones in “unhealthy” departments.

Arts dean, Dale Sullivan, has informed members of the PSA department that he does in’deed consider it unhealthy and that he will therefore refuse to recognize any student-faculty decisions uni tii things have been set. right.

The battle has been brewing on campus all semester as it became clearer and clearer that . the administration was out looking fo,r a way to smash student parity-veto arrangements.

With the lines of confrontation now clearly drawn, a, large scale battle be imminent, may

house done’

The ‘international students’ students from both campuses use the house.. association (ISA) of the University of Waterloo )will not be sharPriyantha Dias, Uniwat ISA ing the responsibility for manag- I secretary, said the WLU group ing. the international house with has only given lukewarm support the ISA at Waterloo Lutheran. and would not share .in responsiLast week it was reported’ that bility Of management. y interim fina/ncing _for the house, Dias also stated that neither the WLU international students nor whi,ch the local Rotary club used to sponsbr, would be .foun$ on this the WI& administration is in any campus but- both ISA groups would ’ position to commit funds to the house.

A manage the house. International /’ / ,

New librutiun propoSes ch?nges Pledging minimize

to “do library

hii best. to’ difficulties,”

W,illiam Watson has taken’ over. from Doris Lewis as ’ Waterloo’s new librarian.

He feels “the vital element of the arts camp.us in particular, is a good library that is serviceoriented. ” The library staff should devote all their efforts to provide that service, he feels.

Computerized circulation is one of the suggestions he has to in-crease the percentzge of time books are in ihe hands-of the reader. He thinks the benefits provided through such a system would justify the fears people have of auto mation, but ndnetheless would make the prevent card system . still available to’ those who prefer it.

-

’ New librarian

William Watson

Past- experience includes several years spent at the University of British -Columbia and ten years at McGill as the Islamic studies librarian.

A

,2 - 134 /

the Chevron1

s&s&ption

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included

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thmir

annual

student Send

foes address

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U of

W

promptly

students to:

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receive Chevron,

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Chevron

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duringoff-kmpus Wohrloo,

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Ontario.

Non-students:

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$3

a term. .

Muy be scarcity of fall housing >,

-

The perennial rush for off-campus housing is on an.d students are already working their way through lists of rooms and apartments in the Kitchener-Waterloo area. .

The housing office, now located in a former Village coffeeshop, had contacted 1109 landlords who can provide 2057, beds, as of july 9.

Since then the housing staff, aid; ed by the Village office staff, have been contacting more of the householders on file.

Accommodations manager Al Woodcock is now in charge of offcampus housing, the operation having been removed from the direction of Mrs. Edith Beausoleil.

He is finding it difficult to tell if enough places will be found. .

Thompson feels the housing office is being too optimistic *about meeting the demand. “I get thinking it’s going to be OK and then some girl will come in and say she spent $3 on phone calls and drove around the city and only had two possibilities on her whole list.”

“Our biggest problem is finding out which and how many beds will be available. Apparently this has never been done before,” he said.

There is no way of knowing just how many rooms are open at any particular time. Woodcock,noted

Woodcock is unsure how massive a publicity campaign should be undertaken.

“I was advised that advertising in the K-W Record was a washout and that most responses came from radio appeals,” he said.

that the system whereby landlords send in a card when their rooms are rented or students who get places call in to inform the office what place is taken just doesn’t work.

Ted Thompson, arts 2, arts faculty freshman advisor, is looking after newspaper and radio advertising, which may start early next week.

I

Community relations are important, he feels, “If we go overboard and get a considerable number of people to co-operate and they don’t get any student tenants, will it rebound on us in the future?

We may lose those places we’ll need if we’re too aggressive in our advertising now.”

Federation of Students vicepredent Tom Berry fears there may be a housing crisis and is pushing for the housing advisory board recommended in the report of the student affairs review committee.

He met with operations vicepresident Al Adlington Wednesday.

“I think the board should be set and do things like investigate student needs, complaints and opinions, establish criteria for offcampus housing, and help the housing office in the search”, Berry stated.

up

Ofjkampus housing office now in Village coLfeeshop.

For final

university

is

Berry wants the advertising campaign started immediately.

He is requesting a meeting with administration officials for the near future.

act draft

Role of student Just how student representatives will be chosen and who they will represent on the new university governing council is the concern of federation president Tom Patterson.

There will be at least 12 students on the new council which will replace the present board of governors and senate. The council will have a total membership of about 65.

A meeting of the university act steering committee last thursday heard Patterson outline his concern that students be properly represented.

The full committee met yesterday to give final approval to the draft act which goes next to the board and senate.

Patterson questioned the splitting of the student reps into two groups, one elected directly from constituencies defined by the council as independent reps and the other directly appointed or elected by the federation itself.

The number in the first group would be equal to the number of faculty members selected from individual constituencies, but never less than seven. There would be five federation reps.

Patterson first questioned whether two seats in the first group should be specifically reserved grad students. “If the representation is to be proportional, it should apply right across the board. One group should not be special. ” Operations vicepresident Al Adlington said he understood this had been the wish of the full committee and advised Patterson to raise the question at its next meeting.

The idea that there be two types of student representation parallels the faculty method, where five reps will come from the faculty association and the others directly from faculty units.

reps

Aw,

young love. Free from the day’s

cares,

this

couple crept off behind

Only stop gap: Patterson

Student representatives administration both agree a dean of men shouldn’t only disagreement is there is need for one.

and the on what do; their whether

Interim administration president Howard Petch wants a dean of men, and he has the backing of the student-affairs review committee’s recommendation.

Federation of Students president Tom Patterson says we don’t need a dean of men, and he has a unanimous vote of student council backing him.

Both student and administration positions agree that the dean of men cannot fill the traditional roles of disciplinarian and liaison between students and administration.

However, Petch feels there is a need for someone outside the traditional roles to assist him. Petch sees a dean of men who reports to

questioned

Patterson noted that this is association does not represent the federation’s charter gives sent all students, both graduate

because the faculty all faculty, whereas it the right to repreand undergraduate.

He said that at present the federation delegates its power to students who sit on committees, but retains ultimate control.

“Most act as individuals but they can be directed or recalled by the federation.”

Patterson is concerned that the reps realize they are responsible to their electorate.

“Students should know that any democraticallydecided positions they take on issues are going to be supported by their reps on the council.”

Chem eng prof Ted Batke, committee chairman, suggested the split in student representation might be “an accident of expansion which crept in when we. were ballooning the size of the student representation,” Originally there were to be five reps and when a march joint board-senate meeting approved more student members, the faculty model was parallelled.

“I’m concerned that if we started off this way (with some federation and some non-federation reps) a rift could develop. It was not the original idea of the board and senate to have this distinction,” Batke said.

The problem was to have been dealt with at the full committee meeting yesterday.

Regardless of its decision, all elections will probably be run by the federation, but the constituencies and distribution of reps will probably be decided by the governing council.

the pumphouse.

7

the president, yet who fills an ombudsman-like job.

A draft job description says the dean of men “will provide such counsel and guidance as he feels qualified to give, but for specialized advice will direct students to such offices as the deans of faculties, counselling services, registrar’s office, etc.

“In his capacity his responsibilities and authority will be defined broadly enough that he will, in respect to individual problems of students, be able to request information, conduct hearings, request attendance of witnesses and make recommendations to the president on such problems.

“He will coordinate his activities with the dean of women, warden of residences and various service agencies on campus and will be expected to help interpret and support the special needs of students to senior administrative officers. He will also serve as a liaison with local police departments, courts and other community agencies with respect to studen t problems. ” Patterson is opposed to having a dean of men for several reasons.

He feels the proposed functions are already-covered.

“The federation automatically

bails out all members, no matter what they are arrested for, and will direct them to a sympathetic lawyer.

Personal problems are best handled by counselling services anyway,” Patterson said.

“A lot of what can be done in an ombudsman function is done by the student council.”

Patterson feels a dean of men is not only unnecessary, but quite possibly could be detrimental.

“A lot of problems should be handled by individual professors, but many of them aren’t doing their share. This would be one more excuse for faculty to avoid dealing with individuals’ academic problems.

“While we have agreed the dean of men should not act as an intermediary between students and administration, he still may be consulted by the administration on dealing with student problems.

“Where something is causing problems for students, in either faculty or administrative structures, you don’t solve the problem with a groovy ombudsman-you have to change the situation that’s, causing the problems. t “A dean of men is only a stopgap measure, circling around the real problems without solving them,” Patterson concluded.

Increase in appeals delciys marks: Ledbetter Indications are that the large number of extra appeals from last term’s arts faculty examinations and the excessive amount of time being required for their processing are the result of bungling in the registrar’s office.

Deputy arts dean Ken Ledbetter denies that problems were caused by incorrect programming or by his department when it piloted the new arts marks schedule through data processing earlier this year.

He was quick to point out however, that there were considerably more appeals than in any previous year.

Last week assistant registrar John Bonsteel said there was no excessive increase in spring term appeals.

Unconfirmed sources originally suggested the schedule had been botched by the registrar’s office so badly that several people had resigned or had been fired. Ledbetter commented that the two resignations in past months he knew of had been strictly on the basis of more financially lucrative offers. One such resignation was that of former supervisor of exams Peter Roos.

Referring to the job of getting the original mark schedule through the registrar’s office, Ledbetter said “it’s a favorite subject of mine...1 could talk about it all day,” but would go no further than to offer the excuse that “it is the first time for the system-it still has bugs.” Where the bugs in the registrar’s office were, he wouldn’t say. friday

18 july

1969 (10: 17)

735

a

a

.

monday in the

at 8:30pm Chevron

office

If you’re trying out ,for the all-Canadian volleyball team, it’s alright to use the new gym.

However, If-you%e just a plain old student, you’ll have to go to Seagram’s gym, The tryouts are presently+monopolizing the main playing floor most of the day.

Pf0fs

plan.

Dine & Dance In The

program

Canadian

studies

grouped’

The members of the initiating Plans for a Canadian studies program to begin in !970-71 are group are poli-sci prof Jack Kersell, history prof Leo Johnson, being developed by four arts profs.

The purpose of setting up the economics prof William Needham program is to identify available and sociology prof Ron Lambert. courses and simplify registering in a coordinated series of courses from several departments with a union minimum of interdepartmental hassles.

A medieval studies program along lines was __ _ similar _ - -- ---~ approved in the winter.

Foreign students were the cenA list of courses in the current ter of most attention at tuesday arts calendar, which, according night’s meeting of the Grad Stu, to their description, seem relevant to Canadian studies, has been dent Union.

The union intends to approach sent out to all arts department’ the administration to arrive at a heads and academic administramore precise understanding of the tors in the faculty. obligations of each to foreign stuIn the list are 39 courses offdents. ered by 13 departments and subTen percent of the rent on’ the departments in arts.

History international house is being paid accounts for 12 of the courses and by the Union for an indefinite perpolitical science for 8. iod of time. The Rotary Club recently discontinued their support According to calendar descripof the house, although they had tions, thereare no Canadian couronce spoken of building an internases offered in sociology, religious tional student center. studies, psychology or philosophy.

Dieter Haag, grad German, reOnly one course is available in ported on orientation plans.

Canadian literature from the Eng: Temporary housing is being found lish department.

Grad

on foreian

Discussion is invited.

The Organization of the program must be. approved by the senate in the fall to get into the next issue of the calendar.

focuses student for incoming foreign students who can then seek permanent lodging at their leisure.

A ride service will be set up to bring these students from bus and train stations to the campus. A booth may be set up at registration to assist in filling out forms.

Union researcher Jim Wight reported a poor response to a survey probing for academic problems of grad students.

Returns are still being accepted and any findings will be presented in the form of an anti-calendar.

Haag, as member of the presidential search committee, also gave a report on what could be expected for the fall term. From six to eight candidates will tour the campus and will then give a talk on the attitude they would take if in office.

There was a general consensus that the union seek legal advice in their 1 plans to consider incorporating.

Legal advantages of the move such as being able to obtain a permanent liquor license, are prime motives.

Health

services

treat 75,282 in past

Even those working found time to listen to Bernie Carrel’s jazz quartet, Wednesday night in the campus center.

4

136 the Chevron

year

The injured, dying, chondriac, or whatever, numbered 15,828 in health services yearly. This represents an increase of 5300 from last year.

Of this total 11,966 were undergraduate students, 2613 graduates, 207 faculty, 861 staff and 181 summer students or visitors.

There were 8429 new illnesses, 850 accident cases, 6549 revisits.

From this total 55 were admitted to local hospitals.

The campus doctors consulted with 5720 of these patients.

Allergy injections were given to 1433 patients as well as 473 immunization injections.

From October 1, 1968, 144 patients were admitted to the infirmary for a total of 401 days.

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In Our Air Conditioned Dining Room

KING & UNiVERSITY 579-1400

.

Che!, the story of Dr. Che Guevara who was one of the leaders of the Cuban revolution, is another American effort only slightly less successful than their previous Cuban project called the Bay of Pigs, Che! is neither documentary nor fiction, but a combination of the most obvious, dull and ponderous aspects of each. It is not a film equivalent of the non-fiction novels of Truman Capote, which would require intelligence, insight and sophistication, for such traits are conspicuously lacking in every feature of this production Publicity materials tell of producer Sy Bartlett’s objective investigation into the life of Guevara, which resulted in the accumulation of 1500 pages of material from which the screenplay was written.

Moreover, it boasts that “None of the various texts written on Che Guevara, nor his published diary written by the revolutionary during the Bolivian episode, was used in the final treatment...”

Objectivity can evidently be pursued by ignoring the major facts.

The picture of Guevara that emerges in the film does not stop at merely the ridiculous; Che! is a work of transcendent childishness which leaves both Guevara and Castro with the power, the daring and manliness of puppets.

It is to be expected that when a powerful personality like Guevara is transcribed on to film, he will end up a plaster saint, but you would not anticipate that the plaster saint is clad in lace underwear.

Omar Sharif has an amazing knack for making any man of strong character into a wilted, bedraggled lap-dog, more suited to a suburban matron’s caress than the thunder of revolution.

Sharif’s characterization falls just short of cardboard dimensions although it may lead to speculation

Muriposa

festivcd

about how many revolutionaries can dance on the head of a pin.

There isn’t a scene where Che writes poetry using a fallen comrade’s blood for ink, but he does manage to make his eyes become glazed at the prospect of revolution spreading throughout Latin America.

Throughout the film, Sharif possesses a forced intensity which suggests that either Che was playing at being a revolutionary, or the film crew had little idea of the man they sought to portray.

Jack Palance as Fidel Castro doesn’t know his man. He follows director Richard Fleischer’s instructions to be a cigar-chewing (even in combat) squint-eyed tool first of Che, then the Russians.

Perhaps Fleischer’s concepts in this film were muddled by a jungle epic involving another doctor which he made a few years agoDoctor Doolittle.

The production is a mess which uses every known film trick and device. It starts with Guevara’s dead body, and superimposes the credits over the body and scenes of rioting from around the world.

When the camera gazes at Che’s mouth, the documentary footage shows and echoes with the screams of mobs; when it picks out his hand, the newsreels show upraised fists; and when it reaches his feet, the screen is filled with-surprise-a tangle of marching feet. Clever, clever, dumb, dumb!

The life of Guevara is related by a series of narrators, who break out of their everyday activities to address the camera in the style of television documentary.

The transition between the narrator and the jungle is made by washing out the color film to black and white. It seems that producer Sy Bartlett felt his technique was so revolutionary as to. warrant walloping the audience over the head. Would that the audience could do the same for him!

nexf

weekend

In its largest and most ambitious effort yet, the Mariposa folk festival opens again this summer july 25 to 27 on Toronto island.

The accent this year is on purely Canadian talent, and includes-as well as top U.S. stars Joan Baez and Joni Mitchell-Ian and Sylvia, Oscar Brand and Bonnie Dobson.

One aspect of the program which may lend a more authentic note to the adopted title of “folk” music is the appearance of Quebec chansonnier Gilles Vigniault and Cana-

dian Indian singer Alanis Oeomsawin.

The program outline includes last year’s popular innovations of craft exhitions, instrumental and song-writing workshops and children’s concerts-all molded around a heavy accent on blues, western and blue-grass themes.

Advance tickets are presently on sale by mail or through Sam the Record Man. Tickets will also be sold the weekend of the festival.

The festival operates on a nonprofit, break-even basis.

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7969 /70:17)

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5

Radio Waterloo will be attemp’ ting to continue broadcasts on a regular basis throughout the exams. This, howev,&r, may become impossible, due to lack of personnel. In that case, the station will simply cut back hours of operation.

Tentatively, the schedule will remain.. .

Saturday noon to Zpm.. .f olk 2pm to 5pm.. .heavy rock 5pm to 8pm.. .light rock 8pm to Spm...classics 9pm to midnight.. .heavy rock

monday thru friday noon to lpm...chart rock lpm to 5pm.. .hard rock 5pm to 6pm.. .pop 6pm to 7pm. .. jazz 7pm to 8pm.. .folk 8pm to 9pm.. .classics 9pm to 10pm.. light rock 1Opm to midnite.. .heavy rock

Listen to Radio Waterloo in the campus center, the grubshack, phillip co-op, St. Paul’s, Hamm. ar house, St. Jerome’s, four Waterloo Lutheran locations and, soon, the Village. Bring all activity notices to the campus center, room 206, for on-air advertising at no charge.

-

sunday rock and folk

Lobban Island is no more. All is gone. Our Atlantis-on-campus has been trucked away to a finer life.

Some may delight in the removal of an eyesore. But some of our more industrious agrarians are bankrupt.

Take for example Colonel Maise-Non. Several weeks ago, the colonel assembled his life savings and bought a few corn-stalks (he was very poor, having squandered his money on prostitutes and booze). Now they are gone, and the starving, impoverished colonel has taken to eating geraniums. One of the workmen told me that the distraught colonel had run up to the bulldozer shoutand ing, “‘ere, ‘ere,” “blimey,” such phrases.

Also caught in the land unreclamation was Harry Hothouse, who had started tomatoes, hot peppers and petunias growing in the fertile silt. “Don’t fret,” said a PP and P bureaucrat, “you can’t eat petunias”.

Sff uf ford festival

Nor does one eat sand castles, peace symbols and marijuana, all of which had found domicile on sediment settlement.

Once again, I wonder how much it cost to do the job. Count: one bulldozer at about $20 per hour, one dredge at about $20, a bunch of trucks at about $10 an hour. And next they get to landscape the lawn, and repave the path, et cetera. m I’m also waiting to see how much silt washed its way down into Laurel lake and the creek when the dam was opened and the water muddied by the dredge.

The water lillies will survive, however, and live on as stalwart momentos of good planning. * * * Also new on campus are 23 . (so far) canary yellow and flat grey plastic chairs which are sitting somewhat unnaturally in front of the phys-ed building. I guess they will look better when they are obscured by foliage,

by Carol Jones Chevron staff

Ian and Sylvia have ventured into progressive count@.

But it appeared that the capacity house at the Avon theater last friday evening had mixed emotions as to whether it was an improvement upon the former intense, sincere sound.

The first-rate . .performance came close to being ruined by over-amplification and a mediocre back-up group, the Great Speckled Bird.

The quartetAmos Garrett of Toronto on gsitar, Bill Keith of Boston on steel vibes, Rick Marcus of Toronto

WATERLod

Matinees Sat. &Sun.

’ -

2m

1nf( _~

Maybe canary yellow and flat grey are supposed to be new manifestations of the chauvinist institutions called school colors.

I can’t really decide, since the gym has been divided into red and blue. We now are graced with the three primary colors. and WY * One may conclude that it’s not by accident that the red side of the building is closest to the federation and Chevron off ices.

Hmmmm.

The yellow chairs ma! be for the cowards who dare0 enter the palace of the Herculoids. And the blue side faces the faculty-and-senior-staff club.

And the grey chairs? Well they’re for the poor, moderate. apathetits on campus.

I hope they’re never used.

concert

Ian and Sylvia

Eve. 8:3O’Mat. Wed., Sat., Sun. $2. Evenings Rese’rved Seats at Box Office from 7 pm i\ Aftet , 6, ~p.migr Phone .,i i579-0740 -

but until then, we have about $2530 worth of gaudiness. Is this a trend?

Maybe somebody’s brother has stopped making the esthetic wood and concrete benches?

too loud,

on drums and Ken Kal-misky of Stratford on bass guitar-provided a Nashville sound which served to underscore their inability to approach Ian and Sylvia in talent.

The new style includes more solo work, and one of the most notable was Sylvia’s Woman’s World, with her own pian> accompaniement .

Although suffering from laryngitis, #her individualistic style and sweet soprano was evident.

The deepened country texture appears to have been a natural evolvement of the past Ian and Sylvia style, and it was handled with ease and sincerity.-

but good Southern Comfort, probably more than any other selection, displayed the full-bodied contemporary flavor which has found its way into their performances since they began recording in Nashville, two albums ago.

The old-time Ian and Sylvia fans found the same subtlety and supple balance.

Added was more complexity and an increased sense of conviction,, The> new sound involves ‘not so much T a change as a natural outgrowth of their past style and repertoire.

Sound problems notwithstanding, Ian and Sylvia gave a polished, professional concert.

for budding Gorem I

WINNER 6 ACADEMYAWARDS! UNWRCJUALSprcrralsae RoMuLus

1 COMING

SOON TO WATERLc

(‘AHHM~!3,

Right

analysis

* PRODUCJ~~ L0NEl EMfIT’S

Chevron staff

South dealt with both vulnerable.

NORTH S K,8,4 H 8,5,3 D A,Q,WA

c Q,6

WEST s 9,3 H J,lO,6,4 D 10,6 C A,9,8,5,4

S 1s 3H 4NT 6s

ALL COLOR SHOW Opens 7:30 pm Starts at dusk

6

138 the Chevron

EAST S J,lO,7, H QJ D J.9,8,3 C J,l6,7,2

SOUTH S A,Q,V,2 H A,K,9,2 D K,4 C K,3 _

E P P P P

slum

He cashes the A,Q of trumps and the K of diamonds, and leads a low diamond to the A. He then ruffs a small diamond in his hand. If east or west can ruff then the slam canGot be made. It should be noted that south’s play Guld not hurt if the diamonds had divided 3-3.

ly Wayne Smith BASED ONlHE NOVEUAlY PHrllPROTH,AlIlHOAOF 'PURlNDY'SCOMPUlNl-

ensures

N 2D 3s 5D P

.

W P P P P

i Opening lead-A of clubs.

The bidding on this hand was a little optimistic but the contract, would be made easily with a 3-3 diamond split and a 3-2 spade split.

The declarer cannot make the slam if the spades do not split. His problem is determing whether he can make the slam if the diamonds split 4-2. He decides that if the diamonds are 4-2 and the person with only two diamonds has only two trump? $he hand be made.

Having made this correct decision he plans the play on the hand on the assumption the diamonds are 3-3 or 4-2 with the above condition.

South can now enter dummy with the K of spades and throw away his losing hearts on the good diamonds.

Playing for a possible squeeze is the alternate line of play if the diamonds split 4-2. This method will succeed (with the above method failing) only a very small percentage of the time and is therefore not best line of, play. ’ * * * * Bridge for Tournament Players

by Terence Reese and Albert Dormer has recently be& published by Robert Hale & Co. (England).

This book explains the techniques and tactics needed for better tournament bridge. The book is divided into four major sections, The first discusses the different aspects of a pairs game (match-point scoring) and how these affect bidding and play.

Improvements to the Acol system (which was published about 10 years ago) are suggested in the second section.

New conventions and improvements to the old are outlined in the third section. The author discusses other aspects of duplicate bridge such as team-play and defensive signalling in the final section.

Although some of the ideas are advanced, this book is a must for every tournament bridge player.

It is available for $5.05 (U.S.) from: Barclay Bridge Supplies Inc., 155 Irving avenue, Port Chester, N.Y., USA

Wh@ did you learn in .school toduy?

by Alexandra

Calandra

from This magazine is about schools winter 1969

Some time ago, I received a call from a colleague who asked if I would be the referee on the grading of an examination question.

He was about to give a student zero for his answer to a physics question, while the student claimed he should receive a perfect score and would do so if the system were not set up against the student. The’instructor and the student agreed to submit this to an impartial arbiter, and I was selected.

I went to my colleague’s office and read the examination question which was: “Show how it is possible to determine the height of a tall building with the aid of a barometer.”

The student’s answer was: “Take the barometer to the top of the building, attach a long rope to it, lower the barometer to the street, and then bring it up, measuring the length of the rope.

The length of the rope is the height of the building.”

I pointed out that the student really had ti strong case for full credit, since he had answered the question completely and correctly.

On the other hand, if full credit were given, it could well contribute to a high grade for the student in his physics course.

A high grade is supposed to certif,y competence in physics and the answer did not confirm this.

I suggested that the student have another try at answering the question; I was not surprised that my colleague agreed, but I was surprised that the student did.

I gave the student six minutes to answer the question,. with the warning that his answer should show some knowledge of phyysics At the end of five’ minutes, he had not written anything.

I asked if he wished to give up, but he said no. He had many answers to this problem; he was just thinking of the best one. I excused myself for interrupting him, and asked him to please go on, In the next minute he dashed off his answer which was: “Take the barometer to the top of the building and lean over the edge of the roof. Drop the barometer to the top of the building and lean over the edge of the roof.

Drop the barometer timing its fall with a stop watch.

Then, using th,e formula S equals l/2 at 2, calculate the height of the building. ” At this point Iasked my colleague if he would give up. He conceded and Igave the student almost full credit.

In leaving my colleague’s office, I recalled that the student said he had other answers to the prob-

lem, so Iasked him what they were.

“Oh yes,” said the student.

“There are many ways of getting the height of a tall building with the aid of a barometer.

Fqr example, you could take the barometer out on a sunny day and measure the height of the barometer, the length of its shadow, and the length of the shadow of the building, and. by the use of simple proportion, determine the height of the building.”

“Fine,” I said.

“And the others?”

“Yes,” said the student. “There is a very basic measurement method that you will like. In this method, you take the barometer and begin to walk up the stairs.

AS YOU climb the stairs, you mark off the length. of the barometer along the wall.

You then count the number of marks and this will give you the height of the building in barometer units.

A very direct method.

“Of course, if you want a more sophisticated method, you can tie the barometer to the end of a string, swing it as a pendulum, and determine the value of ‘g’ at the street level and at the top of the building.

From the difference between the two values of ‘g’, the height of the building can, in principle, be calculated.”

Finally he concluded, there are many ways of solving the problem.

“Probably the best,” he said, “is to take the barometer to the basement and knock on the Superintendent’s door. When the supperin tendent answers, YOU speak to him as follows: ‘Mr. superintendent, here I have a fine barometer.

If you will tell me the height of this building, I will give you this barometer.”

At this point, I asked the student if he really didn’t know the answer to the problem.

He admitted that he did, but he was so fed up with college instructors i trying t;o teach him how to think and to use “scientific method” instead of showing him the structure of the subject matter, that he decided to take off on what he 1 I regarded mostlv as a lark.

Up with people people real/~ MM MACKINAC ISLAND, Mich (GINS)--The moral re-armament movement in the U.S. now is operating as Up With People, Inc. Up With People publishes Pace magazine (“absolute honesty, absolute purity, absolute unselfishness and absolute love”) and s”onsors the gee-it’s-great-to-be alive-type singing groups.

J. Blanton Belk, who headed the U.S. branch of MRA and heads Up With People, has dispatched the singers to tour Europe to spread by -song their mom-god-and-applepie-anti-communist ideology.

The touring singing groups developed from the Sing Out concerts that once performed during world assemblies conducted by the MRA on Mackinac Island; friday

18juI.v

6969 (70: 1 I)

139 ,

- The poor, are trying to develop econo.mically (and in other ways) and the-rich’ are involved in these +,8 F . efforts. ’ I There are those who see the rich helping the poor :. to develop. There are @hers whosee the rich frus, eating. such efforts of the poor. The former I’ll 1 call the .“economic development” view; the latter, j. . the ffimperialism” view. .

So the ba>ic question is:, are ’ the rich *helping or - IrT“hurting the‘poor? : * * *% r. c. *_’ 1”=.& , _ :. .I BE ADVOCATES OF-T-HE “economic de>I,,* , \ ’ :

3 velopment”view answ.er this question j I-E y. .!.:.,T ” , +‘ within the context of how they perceive the .world. Which is-: on one side, the Communx!’ ist Countries, -aggressive’ and potentially dangerous; where hundreds of -millions of people are more _or less -enslaved; the .other sideithe Free World, .made up of developed and underdeveloped countries dedicated to the cause of freedom. \ Professor Lloyd Black in -The Strategy of Foreign . Aid has recently ‘expressed this view in an especclear, though probably exaggerated, way: - .. iallyBetween 1945 and 1950 Communist aggression in _r Europe and Asia subjugated some 14 nations, covering over 5 million square miles and including more than 700 million people. The Free World is still threatened by the most dangerous aggressive _ power in history.

L The Soviet Union and Communist China maintain the largest collection of men under arms ever as. sembled in peacetime., They possess nuclear weapons and are striving steadily to increase their /a nuclear capabilities.

They possess or control-great ‘quantitites of raw materials.

Uninhibited by moral 0’4;humanitarian considerations, their leaders have imposed a massive system of domination under which all human and material resources are mar‘- shalled in pursuit of the. extension of Communist power. p Their feaders have vowed that their system will eventually dominate the entire world.. .

While the need for military bases has lessened in the missile age, some are still considered vital to tlhe security of the-US. The need for collective *.IS ecurity arrangements and military and ‘economic trengtrto support them continues to be in the U.S. lational interest.

Military and \ economic aid are necessary to maintain this strength, for they create Lshield behind-which economic and social developcent can-continue.

According to this -analysis, the problem is how he rich nations can help the poor nations of the Tree (World develop when the Free World itself is continually threatened by Communist aggression.

The militkry shield against Communism has cost t pretty penny-and this .has reduced the amount of economic assistance that the r-ich, nations could extend to the poorStill, the total is impressiven the form of government economic aid, foreign nvestment, and trade.

1 ?

Economic aid from the U.S. government alone luring the post-war period, in the form of loans and grants, has exceeded $50 billion-and there have I -

giving aid to “country X”, or development in these and other countries have ily” trading, or ,of an \“undc been especially formidable, and we have not prowelcoming U:S. private inve vided enough economic assistance to overcome / one side were all the people ( them. country, and on the other all With increased efforts by both sides-and espeThe truth is that on one side s cially if we can just step rip our existing proand politically powerful of tf grams-the problems will be overcome.

Still, poor countries cannot reach the take-off stage in a mat- . countries allied with the rich in the underdeveloped co&b ter of a few years; for most, it will take decades of side. are the millions of poor t effort; so we must have patience. * *- .* oped countries, the peasants, beneficial earth.”

The economic intere - HAVE SAID, VERY LOOSELY, THAT no means the same as those 01 But most of the aid has been highly beneficial to economic imperialism is the rich hurting, It is true that Communisn the developing countries, adding to their food supthe poor. . .

World. But it is not sla&y plies, their infrastructures, and to the health More formally , economic imperialism may It is anti-capitalism threateni and education of the People. There is simply no -be defined as the imposition, by the rich and powIt is not Communist natior question that on balance these official loans and erful, of unfavorable. .economic situations on the - * tions of the Free World. It is grants have raised living standards and contribuweak and poor. and the millions of poor in UI even though . some L’ ted to economic development, It’s the rich controlling the poor to‘ the disadvanthreatening the alliance of tl waste has occured. tage of the poor. ’ . In addition to government aid, private corpora? ’ The imperialism view starts out by asking us to eged, an alliance that cub underdeveloped capitalist c( tions have directly invested billions of dollars look at the world the way it really is. The Free sense that the Free World is u in the underdeveloped countries-in agriculture, World includes numerous military distatorships, The Economic Developmer mining and industry. oligarchies, sultanates, fascist and feudal govern-one” wants economic develo These private, investments, by adding capital ments, monarchies, and so on. It contains many coming about, it is not beta goods and skilled management to the economies of . f eu d a 1 governments, monarchies, and so on. It conwill on all sides but rather b( e poor countries, have raised the productivity of t ains many more_* cases... of government by the tough and not enough money 1 their labor forces, and *hence have contributed to f ew-by the rich and powerful-than of government rising living standards. by the people: In a large part of the Free World, Within the traditional economies of these countthe peoplearenot free.

People behind the ries, a large part of the labor force adds pracBut there is a Free World: it is composed of counis a lot - of _t ries hospitable . tically nothing to total. output-there The Imperialism view of to free enterprise, capitalism, surplus labor. it sees “forces” actuallkj and-especially to U.S. private enterprise.

The Free So,. foreign corporations, b+y employing this suromit development.

There ; World is not ne;cessarily receptive to freedom, but plus labor with modern capital equipment and techdon’t want development in a it is always receptive to capitalism. niques, can contribute substantially to the econowho don’t want a deep and wi Thus, the world is not divided into Free World mic development of the poor countries. ’ in any fundamental sense, \ democracies and Communist slave states, but It is true that the foreign corporations sometimes and widespread development rather into Capitalist and Anti-Capitalist countries. withdraw much of their profits’from the underde- Who are these people? Th veloped countries, but the profits that- remain plus ,Any country, however much it oppresses its people, privileged classes in the und however .much it enslaves them, is in the Free World the workers’ wages add that much, to output of the people who own most of these that much to output of. these countries.- ForifitentertainSCaPita/iSm. terests in the mines and in eigninvestment, therefore, is always a net benefit Why are all the dictatorships in Latin America on the profits of the foreign c to the economic development of the poor countries. part of the Free, World+ except Castro’s dictatorThey are the Uncle Toms Finally, rich countries have traded goods and sership? Because Cuba is the one country in Latin Amof the Third World. These vices with the poor countries, to the benefitof both erica hostile to capitalism, to private enterprise, dous stake in the status q sides. When trade is entered into voluntarily, both to U.S. foreign investment. ’ _ ’ social, and economic. power sides necessarily gain-otherwise they wouldn’t - This is the way the world is really divided, and quo. trade. The rich countries may have at times gained knowing it makes a world of difference.

Any basic development, d subs$ant’iqlly more than the underdeveloped @unMoreover, the underveloped countries of the Free transformed the economy tries from international trade, but the latter cerWorld are not composed of simply “people,” home-would at the same time UI tainlyhave not lost from it and have always gained geneous people, classless people. In each Q! these these privileged people. something. societies, there are class structures: those who Second, U.S. corporations Indeed, the total income of the Free World is own and control most of the country’s wealth, and status quo, because anti-ca raised’ by such trade-by this international division the great majority of people who are poor, powertake advantage of any dee! of labor, this sp&alizati~n by each co&,ry proless, and largely without property.

There are the omy, could rise to the to1 powerful, landowners and other privileged classes ; be activated ducing those things for which it has comparative by, say, any advantages. and there are the weak, the poor. form.

-.This economic assistance from’the rich countAnd economic power is not distributed equally There is foreign capital, I ries, in the form of government aid, private investin the advanced capitalist countries,. either. In World. And, as I have just meti, and international trade, has already achieved these countries, a few hundred huge corporations, capital are justas interests some remarkable successes-like Taiwan, South allied with the military and with research and ed- protecting and extending it.

Korea, Iran, and Greece.-And, given time, many ucational centers, dominate the scene. This group How is this done? First others will be added to this list. There have, of is powerful enough to establish the framework foreign aid, which is desigr course, been some disappointments-like India, within which policy decisions are made. infrastructure for foreigr Brazil, and Indonesia. But the barriers to economic Thus, it is meaningless to speak of the “U.S.” munication, ports, etc. Sue . . been additional tens of billions of government aid from western Europe, Japan,.and other developed countries.

The developing countries have ’ not ,al‘ways used the economic aid to best advantage, and the U.SI, has not always extended it for the ‘best uses-more should have gone into Iagiicultural de-. velopment and’ birth control and less into fancy steel mills and national airlines. There ,have been mistakes . on both sides.

M&aid

I

both sides “voluntartr&veloped country” stment, as though on bf the underdeveloped the people of the U.S. #and the economically e advanced capitalist ind privileged classes i&; and on the other in these underdevelthe “wretched of the. ts of one side are by the other. threatens the Free threatening feedom. >g capitalism. ; *threatening the narather, Communism jerdeveloped regions 3 rich and the privil;cross advanced and lntries. It is in this der attack. view is that “every: ment. If it is slow in se of a lack of good cause the problem is .s been poured in.

“forces”. lis is quite differefit : >;king against econse some people who jr fundamental sense, espread development 10 don’t want a deep )f the economy. f are, first of all, the bdeveloped countries, le land, who have ine oil fields, who feed *porations. he rich Uncle Tams; ople have a tremenfor their political, I based on the status elopment that really a fundamental way, ermine the power of ;o have a stake in the alist elements could hake-up of the econ1 the turmoil, could rough-going land recapital, in the Third d, the owners of this IS the obligarchies in all, it is done with in part to provide an apital-roads, comlcilities, financed by

U.S. taxpayers, increase the potential pr0fit.s of foreign capital.

Further, the two together, foreign aid and foreign capital, are meant to raise living standards of the people-;which they have in fact done, by providing additional employment, food imports, better health facilities, and so on.

However, throughout most of the Third World, this sort of progress has been terribly slow, it has reached only a small fraction of the people, and it always takes place within the existing class, power structure.

It is a progress, as the imperialism view sees it, that is meant to be slow, that is meant not to rock the boat. It is a progress that hardly touches the masses of peasants, dependent on handouts, on the goodwill qf their masters.

It is a type of progress that is meant to leave the masses apathetic, passive recipients, obedient, myth ridden with little if’any control over their own! destinies-that is, unfree.

Pass the ammunitlbn But the foreign capital is not only protected by welfarism and paternalism, it is also protected from enemies without and within by military aid and counter-insurgency; and it is protected from the most serious threats by military intervention itself.

These economic and military efforts, while strengthening and protecting the position of foreigh capital, at the same time often strengthen the hold of the oligarchies on the life lines of the ‘economy.

Thus, forces against any deep-seated change grow even more powerful within the alliance with foreign capital.

The Economic Development view sees military aid as providing a shield against Communism, behind which economic and social development can take place. Otherwise, it has very little to say about military aid, and indeed such aid is usually not discussed at all. . The imperialism view takes quite a different approach.

It sees very close connections among economic aid, foreign investment, military aid, counter-insurgency, and military intervention.

These are all mutually-supporting means to the same end-the end being the defense of the Free World for Capitalism.

What is counter-insurgency for; It is certainly not to protect the freedom of people who are in fact oppressed.

Why has the. U.S. marched into underdeveloped countries with military forces more than 40 times this century ? To establish freedom in those countries?

In Guatemala?

In the Dominican Republic? In Lebanon? In the Belgian Congo? In Cuba? In the Philippines? In China? In Vietnam?

No. This has been done to protect the Free World for Capitalism-even if that meant support of dictators, of rich landowners, of millionaires and billionaires slating away their profits in Switzerland.

Even if that meant the deaths of tens of thousands in some faraway land.

For, make no mistake about it, the Free World is threatened everywhere by the success of socialism anywhere.

What is this capitalism that is being protected?

It is, basically, the existing sharp division of labor in the Free World-in which masses of the poor in the underdeveloped world supply raw materials, agricultural products, minerals, and oil to the rich, industrial countries.

There is oil from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Venezuela, and Nigeria. Rubber from Malaysia, Thailand, Ceylon, Vietnam, and Uganda. Coffee from Brazil, Columbia, ythiopia, the Ivory Coast, and Haiti. Bananas from Guatemala, Ecuador, and Honduras.

Tin from Bolivia and Malaysia. Bauxite from Jaimaca and the Dominican Republic. Copper from Chile.

Oil and minerals galore from Indonesia. Peanuts from Senegal and Nigeria. Iron ore from almost everywhere.

Cocoa from the Cameroons and Ghana.

Sugar from the Dominican Republic. And there’s tea, copra,. cotton, raw timber, jute, phosphates, zinc, lead and much more.

Remember the verse: And what are little girls made of? Sugar and spice and everything nice, that’s what little girls are made of. And that is also what little countries are made of.

These goodies flow to the metropolitan areas of the Free World, and manufactured and processed goods flow back. It is no accident that much more trade takes place between the underdeveloped countries themselves.

It is no accident that transportation is poor across Latin America, that it is difficult to go from one part of Africa to another-but that good highways lead from mines from banana plantations, from oil fields to seaports for shipment to the metropolitan countries.

That’s what is being protected, this specializa. tion, which Paul Baran once described as the freedom of some people t? specialize in the white man’s burden of raking in the profits and the freedom of others to specialize in starvation.

T

HE IMPERIALISl)!I VIEW, in my opinion, is pretty close to the truth. It is simply naive to see the world in terms of slavery vs. freedom, to see no conflicting interests at work within the Free World, to see nothr ing but good will and jolly-ups on all sides, to see little connection between military interventions and economic interests, to see capitalism developing the poor nations in any fundamental way.

It should be perfectly obvious to anyone that the Third World is not developing-that the poor in this world, when it comes right down to it, are not going to be helped by capitalist development, by a lopsided development that fashions one- or two-crop economies, that builds up the birports an$ a few cities with their hotels and night clubs, leaving the majority of people as miserable as ever, and that maintains these mis-shapen economies by whatever force is necessary.

There have been millions of poverty-stricken people on the verge of starvation in Latin America for generations, and yet despite that, much more effort has gone into invading these countries than in helping them.

The Alliance for Progress was really an Alliance ~ for Promises-unfilled ones. And even they came not out of any concern for the poor but from the threat of Castroism.

Even directors of A.I.D. have admitted before Congressional Committees that economic aid is really little more than political handouts. And now Nixon has proposed to make it even more so.

Well, the poor are going to have to help themselves. They are going to have to gain control over their own countries, so that their destinies will be in their OWQ hands.

Can anyone doubt that such struggles lie ahead?

But in the process of these struggles, the poor will gain strength, until they are in a position to fashion their own alternatives and to choose wisely from among them.

When that happens, they may still be poor, but there will be hope for better things, and they will be free. ’

Dr. John Gurley, economics professor at Stanford University has specialized in the monetary policy and theory of developing countries’ economies, and in recent years has moved more and more toward an interest in the questions of American imperialism. .

In this article, he suggests that an “imperialist” analysis more adequately explains America’s role in the Third World than does the traditional economic development view.

While he does not go into his personal history and experience in the article, the explanation for much of his change lies there. The War in Vietnam was a major factor in his renewed interest in the Third World countries, and his doubts about American policy there.

But it was only after a three-month stay in South Korea in the summer of 1965, studying that country’s banking structure for AID (Agency for inter-national Development), that the shift really began. He saw the U.S. threaten the already weak Korean economy with economic coercion if the Korean government wouldn’t send troops to fight in Vietnamtroops the country could not easily afford.

Ater returning to the U.S. he continued to consult for AID until the winter of 7966, when he resigned from that job and also from a consultant post with the Treasury Department, in protest of the War in Vietnam and A merican foreign policy in the Third World.

He has since begun to write and teach increasingly in the field of economic development, and has been arrested for sitting in the doorway of the Oakland, Calif. induction center during **Stop the Draft Week.”

The changes that have occurred in his thinking about U.S. economic policy have grown out of his experience in the Third World, and that experience contradicts the version of reality most economists prefer.

L

by John Gur ley from the Plain Rapper (UPS) may 1969

friday

18 july

7969 (10: 7 I)

7479

me current “troubles” in northern Ireland appear as a strange ghost on a medieval rampart. Armed conflict between Catholics and Protestants the storming of walled cities, and the apocalyptic ravings of the Rev. Ian Paisley seem like remnants of the. Thirty Years War, almost unintelli&ble / in modern terms.

.T 0

MANY

CANADIA~~S

Yet the participants in this struggle are not feudal lords, kings and cardinals, but trade unionists, factory owners, tenant farmers and radical students.

The “Church Militant” is conspicuously missing from the leadership of the “Catholic” side, and its place is filled by socialist revolutionaries, left wing labor leaders, and .“new left’,’ students (many of them Protestants or atheists) I The “Protestants” are represented by the Ulster Unionist Party, a coalition of big businessmen and ’ landlords, albeit with a lunatic fringe of Bible-pounding fundamentalists right out of the deep South.

The Protestant population of Ulster is descended from two great “plantations” of the 17th century, during which Scats and English settlers took the confiscated lands of Irish “rebels” (some real, some convicted in kangaroo courts for the sole purpose of stealing their property).

The bulk of the Ulster settlers were Presbyterian “dissenters,” whose numbers were swelled by further migration to escape Anglican persecution, particularly in Scotland.

Subjected ‘to a lesser oppression than Catholics, they were nonetheless strongly discriminated against in civic matters and forced to pay tithes to the Church of England. They could see little real difference between Anglicism and Catholicism, and a ‘bitter Ulster “nationalism” arose among them, compounded of fear and hatred of their Catholic neighbors and mistrust of the London government. .

Orchards of Orangemen AROUND THE BEGINNING of the 19th century, the northern ‘rulers founded the “Orange Order” (named after William of Orange, who decisively defeated the Catholic army of James II at the Battle of the Boyne, in 1690), to combat the growth of unity among the “common people”.

As well as fomenting conflict between Catholics and Protestants, the “Orangemen” launched campaigns first against the restoration of civil rights to Catholics in both England and Ireland, then against Home Rule or any vestige of autonomy in Ireland (other than the autonomy of the local landlord or employer in his cozy alliance with colonial officials).

The Unionist Party was formed as the political arm of the Orange Order, to fight for total union with England.

On the eve of World War I, it became clear that the English Liberals intended to grant home rule to Ireland.

Sir Edward Carson founded the Ulster Volunteers, a Unionist milita organized around a nucleus of armed gangs of professional strikebreakers under the slogan of “Ulster is right, and Ulster will fight! ” In the South, the Irish Republican Brotherhood was organizing its own Irish Volunteers to fight for home rule, and the trade unions were organizing the Irish Citizens Army to defend strikers from police attacks and to fight for an independent, socialist Ireland-the “Workers’ Republic”.

10

142 the Chevron

The British officer corps was divided between supporters and opponents df Home Rule, both of whom seemed bitter enough to mutiny on the question. Labor unrest was rising in both England and Ireland, with a general strike threatened.

The British isles were on the verge of civil war when World War I broke out.

In 1916, the famous Easter rising broke out in Dublin and was suppressed after a week’s heavy fighting. In the aftermath, 16 of the leaders were shot, including the revolutionary socialist James Connolly. Popular reaction was sharp. In 1918, ,the Sinn Fein (“Ourselves Alone”) Party routed the Home Rulers, electing 73 of Ireland’s 105 members of the British Parliament on a’ platform of immediate and total independence.

Rather than going to Westminster to take their seats, the Sinn Feiners remained in Ireland as the national assembly of an independent Irish Republic’, After 3 years of guerilla warfare, the British recognized the “Irish Free State”, but separated the six counties of Ulster from the rest of Ireland, granting them both representation at Stormont and a parliament of their own.

Despite themselves, the Unionists got Home Rule, but separated from the Catholic majority.

Sporadic border raids and outbursts of nationalist feeling have ljrotested “the border” since 1921. But as Southern politicians moved toward accomodation with Britain (and hence her northern satellite), and the ruling classes of North and South entered into collusion with one another, there has been an increasing softpedalling of the issue of partition.

A divided Ireland means conservatism in both parts, with Unionism entrenched in the North and clerical reaction safely ensconced in the South.

Once unwillingly in power, the Unionists set about ensuring their permanent domination of Ulster. First, they set a property qualification (the possession of a home of one’s own) for voting in local elections. By this means, they disenfranchised the younger (mainly Catholic) workers who are forced to live with their par&nts, plus all lodgers and boarders.

Secondly, both local and provincial electoral districts were ruthlessly gerrymandered to ensure Unionist domination. And finally, fear of Catholic domination was whipped up to new heights among the Protestant workers (a fear reinforced by the supine attitude of Southern politicians to the Church), and police terror was used to keep dissidents in line.

To add a small insult to injury, businessmen were given extra votes in proportion to their property.

To sharpen the effect of the “householder” qualification for voting, local governments have restricted access to public housing in order to preserve it for loyal Protestant voters, and housing has been segregated to ensure safe electoral majorities within districts.

23% of the adult citizens of Belfast cannot vote in local elections because they aren’t “householders”, and some have been on the waiting list for homes as long as 20 years. In the city of Derry, only 500 new housing units

have been built since 1919-almost all reserved for Unionist voters.

The gerrymandering has reached a level which would shame even American legislatures.

In Derry, the Gnionists hold 12 out of 20 council seats with only l/3 of the vote. In Lurgan, 40% of the population are Catholic. but no Catholic has ever been elected to the city council.

Throughout Northern Ireland, the patterns of discrimination and disenfranchisement are similar.

Terror of the RUC TO KEEP THE LID on this blatant dictatorship, the bosses must rely on physical force. Under the Special Powers (Northern Ireland) Act, tke Royal Ulster Constabulary possesses powers undreamt of by most police forces.

Not only do they have the power to search and imprison people without warrant or trial, to deny the right of habeus corpus, prohibit meetings and parades, jail people for refusing to answer incriminating questions, hold prisoners incognito, suppress newspapers and movies, deny jury trials and whip prisoners, but they can even pretend the holding of an inquest after a prisoner’s death (a license to murder which has been used more than once) and arrest anyone who does “anything calculated to be prejudicial to the preservation of peace or the maintenance of order.. .and not specifically provided for in these regulations.”

It’s no wonder that Prime Minister Vorster is on record as saying that he would rather have Northern Ireland’s Special Powers Act than all of South Africa’s repressive legislation.

Enforcing this act are 3500 members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary and 10,000 t‘B-Specials”, armed Unionist storm troopers enlisted as “police reserves”.

Should these prove inadequate, Stormont can call the fundamentalist followers of the Rev. Ian Paisley into the streetswhile the British army avoids dirtying its hands with direct thuggery, and merely “maintains order”, guards “public utilities”, etc.

With its unique autonomy, Stormont sits in the United Kingdgm like a little Mississippi, its petty rulers using British social welfare benefits as a sop to he workers and low wages as a lure for investors. While Ulster continues to be a source of cheap labor and low-priced farm products, no Westminster government-“Labour” or Tory-will intervene any more than absolutely necessary.

The Unionist Party is securely in control of Ulster, the Orange Order is securely in control of ‘the party, and the northern Irish section of the British ruling class is secure_ ly in control of the Order. It is a situation, as Derry labour leader Eamonn McCann put it, “as near to fascism as makes no difference”.

The “official opposition” in the Stormont parliament is the Nationalists, who are not so much a party as a se& timent. For 50 years, the “green Tories”, lineal descendants of the “Home Rule” Irish Parliamentary Party, have sat waiting for some Moses to deliver them from bondage. They run only in safe Catholic seats, and a vote for them has been an expression of histori_cal discontent, and nothing more.

In contrast to this slumbering dinosaur is the traditional “physical force party of the Irish Republican Army.

Like the Nationalists, the I.R.A. has also drawn the conclusion that no reforms can be achieved while the border is intact-and therefore that elimination of the border is the only meaningful solution to the oppression of the Nationalist minority in Ulster.

That being the case, they opted for a military solution: eliminate the border by force.

The primitive strain of militant Republicanism remains a potent force in both North and South, however, and the I.R.A. probably has more mass sympathy than its small numbers and impotent posturing would appear to indicate.

The Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP) was at one time a potent force in Ulster politics, where there is a fine tradition of militant trade unionism.

The border _ question, however, added an insoluble contradiction to the usual vagaries of social-democratic politics.

he living fossil IN MANY WAYS THE crisis in Ulster is an outgrowth of the continuing crisis of British capitalism.

The health of [Jlster has always been closely related to the health

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J

of its parent body, the United Kingdom-whose health has been none too good of late.

The loss of most of her conial empire, the inability of outmoded British industry to meet American and continental competition, and the consequent instability of Britain’s financial structure have together made every weakness of world capitalism an insoluble problem for the British ruling class and their “Labour” tools.

The liquidity crisis hits the pound hardest. Minor shifts in the business cycle become disasters.

And pressure mounts to trim the “frills’‘-like wages, medical care, public transport, and the overhead costs of keeping Ulster Unionism in power. When your share of world trade declines from 26% to 13% in less than 20 years, a $240 million yearly supplement to an embarrassment is worth reconsidering.

The decline of British economic power could not fail to have disastrous effects on a marginal area like Ulster. As the British economy stagnated, its outlying parts began to contract. Investment in Ulster, always confined for the most part to the industrial belt around Belfast, came to a standstill, and manufacturing employment began a loyear decline which still continues.

As unemployment began a new rise, Wilson’s “austerity” program slashed the social welfare benefits. which had become a major Stormont argument for continued union with England (although Unionists MP’s had op-psed all of them). Branch ‘railway lines (including the one to Derry, Ulster’s second largest city) were closed, to be replaced by new highways-and then the roadbuilding budget was cut.

At this same time, a new opposition began to develop.

Students at .Queen’s ,University i Belfast, always the most integrated of Irish educational institutions, began to develop both a consciousness of the injustice of the Unionist regime and a strong socialist movement.

In 1967, the tide began to turn. Students (most of them Protestants) dem-onstrated against the banning of the left-nationalist Republican Clubs as fronts. for the Sim Fein and the I.R.A. Others joined Young Socialists as workers in a whirlwind NILP municipal election campaign in Derry. The secularization of modern intellectual life had begun to erode the ideological base of CatholicProtestant hostility among students.

In 1967, the Northern Ireland Labour Party broke out of the mold. Utilizing young socialists from other areas as campaign workers, the NILP conducted a lightning campaign, raising class issues in both Catholic and Protestant wards, and garnered an across-theboards 30 to 35 percent vote.

Housing and politics A POSSIBILITY OF breaking out of Ulster’s electoral deadlock was opened up and the results stimulated the left throughout Ireland. Derry became the new storm center, and the next round was fought on the housing question.

Housing is a perennial issue in Ulster, as it is throughout Ireland. 40% of the houses are over 80 years old, 49% have no bath, 23% have no toilet, and 20% don’t even have an indoor water supply. Over 10% of the units are officially classified as “overcrowded’‘-a percentage probably well below the real figure. When this lack of housing is tied to political allocation of the small number of available units, the situation becomes explosive.

In February 1968, the Derry Housing Action Committee (DHAC) was formed, and it began a direct action campaign of rent strikes and disruption of local council meetings. The demands of the campaign were a nonpoliti-’ cal “points system” for the allocation of housing, improvements in existing housing, no rent raises, and a crash program to build new housing. This last proposal brought them into sharp conflict with the financial rulers of both Ulster and Britain.

The Ulster Housing Trust, a public corporation, is. the major source of funds for new housing in Ulster. Like capitalist governmental bodies everywhere, it prefers borrowing money from banks to asking for tax revenue, and by 1967 its total indebtedness to the central banks was $144 million.

Since the interest payments ofjover $6 million a year exceeded the income from rents, the easiest way to secure capital for new housing starts would be to cancel the payments to the banks. This very logical and economical proposal somehow failed to meet the approval of major financial interests, even when advanced as the demand of a mass movement.

The DHAC united Republicans, leftwing members of the NILP, and independents in a continuing series of actions which shook the Derry establishment.

In June, a main bus route was blocked for 48 hours. Reality, the DHAC newspaper, consistently made “illegal” exposures of the activities of slumlords and the inactivity of Nationalist politicians.

The illegal Derry Republican Club publicly carried its banners at demonstrations.

A genuine, if amorphous, left-wing unity was being built around the activities and needs of the working class.

Facts on descrimination MEANWHILE, DEVELOPMENTS in other parts of Ulster added fuel to the fire. Since 1964, the liberal Campaign for Social Justice in Northern Ireland had been lobbying the Westminster parliament, the UN and the European Court of Human Rights with information on the repression of the Catholic minority in Ulster.

(The most dramatic of their facts was proof that for 50 years, 48 percent of the primary school children in Ulster have been Catholic, yet less than one third of the voting age adults are Catholics-the rest have been forced to emigrate by job and housing discrimination.

In 1967, a second liberal group-the Civil Rights Association-was formed to continue this lobbying and petitioning in Ulster itself. Last July, the CRA yielded

Londonderry, October 5, when the R&al Ulster Constabulary vancing with flailing batons in to a defenceless crowd.

baptised the civil rights movement-ad-

to the pressure of events, and despite the bitter opposition of its chairwoman (Betty Sinclair, a veteran trade-unionist and secretary of the Communist Party of Northern Ireland), decided to begin a campaign of demonstrations.

An August march to Dungannon, near the site of. a housing protest in June, was halted by a police barricade. 2,000 people sat down to hear speeches by Republican-Labour MP Gerry Fitt and local Stommont MP Austin Currie (a strong advocate of civil disobedience who is rumoured to be the only actually living member of the Nationalist Party), then went home feeling good.

The second CRA march went to Derry on October 5. Hundreds of people turned out, 3 British Labour MP’s marched along, and television crews came to cover the festivities.

The Royal Ulster Constabulary savagely attacked the march and dispersed it. Police boxed in a thousand demonstrators and began to systematically beat them. Reporters were knocked down despite attempts to show their press credentials, all the MP’s were arrested, and thousands of TV viewers saw and heard Gerry Fitt, his head streaming blood, denounce the R.U.C. goons.

.

Religion yields to economics MOST IMPORTANT, EVERY attempt to turn the struggle into a religious one failed. The Protestant working class for the most part remained passive, and movement stewards firmly stopped “get-PI&estant” street gang elements. On October 9, the Derry Citizens Action Committee was formed-a broad-based civil rights organization which quickly fell under the influence of middle-class moderates.

On the same day, 3000 Queens University students held a 3 hour sit-in in Belfast. That night, dissatisfied with their moderate leadership, 800 of them met to found a new organization, called People’s’ Democracy.

Like the early Vietnam Day Committee in Berkeley, all decisions in PD are made-and frequently immediately reversed-in open mass meetings, and .functional committees are elected on a temporary basis only.

In Derry, the Citizens Action Committee has an elected steering committee plus weekly meetings of 400 to 500 stewards-volunteer activists who mobilize demonstrations, keep communications open between the DCAC and the people in all parts of the city, organize movement defense, and deal with provocateurs.

The, Unionists had declared that the walled area of Derry, which had been successfully defended from Catholic occupation by its apprentice boys in 1688, was in a measure “sacred Protestant ground”, and that any demonstration within it would be taken as a provocation, and lead to rioting, etc. They therefore banned any DCAC demonstrations within the walls.

The movement was forced to take up this challenge.

On November 16, 20,000 civil rights demonstrators marched on the Gate of Derry. As the leading ranks reached the police line, with its vehicles and barbedwire barricades, they bagan to sit down. Meanwhile, marchers began discovering gaps in the police line, and despite the urgings of leaders to keep the protest symbolic, they began to pour through and over the walls to assemble in the center of the old city. 13,000 gathered for a mass rally. The announced “riot”, however, failed to take place.

The next day, 3000 women garment workers staged a token strike and marched into the walled city. They were joined by 700 longshoremen who also struck and marched through “on their way to the union hall”.

The next day the dockers again entered the city, and ‘fought with helmeted police, stoning a water cannon.

The ‘mood in Derry was one of euphoric combativeness.

On November 22, O’Neill announced a 5 point reform program.

A government commission was to take over Derry and reorganize its city government (not much has been heard since, about that), the special (company vote” for businessmen (amounting to an infinitesmal percentage of the total electorate) would be abolished, a points system would be introduced for housing (but no new building program), the Special Powers Act would be allowed to “fall into disuse” + continued over page

z

* from previous page

UP TIGHT!

by Tom

Condit,

from the Independent Socialist, may 1969

(but not repealed), and-an Ombudsman would be appointed!

Mild as these reforms were, they were too much for the rightwing Home Affairs Minister, Craig, who resigned from the cabinet in protest.

The moderates in the civil rights movement immediately cried “PAX! “, and pushed for a moratorium on demonstrations to avoid undercutting their “liberal” friend O’Neill in his struggle with the Bad Guys.

DCAC, pushed by its middle-class elements, announced a one month “cooling-off” period. People’s Democracy cancelled twb planned marches.

The honeymoon was soon over, however, and on January 1, PD began a march from Belfast to Derry.

Along the route of the 4 day march, they were continually assaulted by Paisleyite thugs, acting in collusion with the RUC and “B-Special”.

As they entered Derry on January 4, they were attacked by a crowd of hundreds throwing stones and bottles, but ran the gauntlet to Guildhall Square, where DCAC members met them for a mass rally.

As the rally broke upi the police rioted and attacked the crowd. In a repeat of O&ober, demonstrators fell back on barricades in the Catholic ghetto of Bogside.

A “People’s Force” (mainly the DCAC stewards) kept order, distribution of food and fuel was cooperatively organized, and a “Radio Free Derry” went on the air. The barricades were taken down and the “militia” disbanded only by decision of the DCAC. The police never got past them.

Desperate, O’Neill dissolved the Stormont Parliament and called a snap election, certain of a victory he could tout as a “vote of confidence” from the people.

With only 10 days in which to select candidates and constituencies, scrape up the bread for election deposits, and file, the militants met the challenge.

People’s Democracy fielded 7 candidates, and 2 candidates of the NILP and 2 independents announced their support of the PD election manifesto.

People’s Democracy deliberately chose to contest “safe” Unionist and Nationalist seats, demonstrating that they had a program for Catholics and Protestants alike. From Prime Minister O’Neill to the mossI backed leadership of the Nationalist Party, Ulster politicians found themselves faced with an unprecedqnted challenge.

The PD candidates polled over 20,000 votes, and the independent and NILP candidates who supported their election manifesto polled another 13,000.

The greatest triumph of the campaign was probably 220year old Bernadette Devlin’s 6,000 votes in what was previously considered a “safe” Unionist seat. A month later, she improved on the feat as PD’s candidate in a Mid-Ulster bye-election to the Westminster parliament.

The press made-a good deal of the fact that she is now the youngest British MP since 1781. It’s far more relevant, however, that she’s the first MP ever elected on a platform calling for a unified, socialist Ireland with workers’ control of industry.

Breaking

denominations

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF a handful of “protest candidates” running in an explosive situation may not seem clear until we examine their ,program.

PD’d platform, like their choice of seats to contest, was drafted to empliasize the economic and political aspects of oppression in Ulster, and to directly refute the Irish tradition of parochial and sectarian politics.

While there have always been Catholic Unionists and Protestant Nationalists, all the tactics of the two parties have tended to make their main base of supportdenominational-by mutual consent.

PD, for the first time since the split in Labour, put forward a program of political and class demands to which all Ulstermen could relate. Only by reaching out to Protestants on issues directly ‘affecting them did PD members feel that it would be possible to build Protestant working class support for the rights of Catholics.

After attacking the gerrymandering and deprivation of voting rights, the PD manifesto demanded the repeal of the Special Powers Act and disbanding of the ‘B-Specials”.

Beyond that, however, they put forward an economic program to meet Ulster’s immediate needs.

On housing, PD demanded not only allocation of houses on the basis of need only, but also democratic control of public’ housing by tenants’ councils, a crash program to build new housing, and the cancellation of all Housing Trust debts to the central .banks. ’ To meet the continuing crisis of Ulster industry, the manifesto called for an end to the policy of tax rebates and other “incentives” for industrialists, and the use instead of massive government financing to build new industry and put old factories in operation.

In order to eliminate both oppressive bureaucracy and the possibility of political manipulation of jobs, they demanded workers’ control in all state-owned factories and its immediate extension to private industry.

In ‘the countryside, they fought for an end to an agricultural policy explicitly aimed at driving small farmers off the land. Over one-third of Ulster’s small farmers have been forced to sell out and move to the cities in search of work in the past 10 years alone. PD demanded the transformationof large estates into cooperative farms for the small farmers.

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144 the Chevron

Most important, the PD candidates fought openly for an end to the present segregation of Catholic and Protestant children into parochial and public schools, and for the secularization of a centralized, democratic and integrated school system.

This demand attacked head on the division of the Catholic and Protestant workers into separate communities, and the Protestant fear of “Rome-rule-in-theschools, ’ ’ as well as Catholic fear that public schools would mean Protestant indoctrination of their children.

It is this concern for universality, for transcending the religious and caste barriers which have divided the Irish working class, which determined PD’s rejection of the “border question” as irrelevant to their campaign.

While the . question of the reunification of Ireland is abstractly a purely political one, it has become in practice a confessional issue.

While PD members reject the liberal (and official NILP) view of Ulster’s present constitution as fixed and unalterable, they see the problem as one of unifying the working class rather than “abolishing the border. ’ ’ When Ireland’s workers, North and South, Protestant and Catholic, are united, then Ireland can be united, but not before. There can no more be unity of the Irish people under the present capitalist government in Dublin than there could be under either British colonial rule or the boot of the Tory racists in Stormont.

With 20,000 young people over 21 disenfranchised by use of the old electoral rolls, the large vote cast in a few constituencies for a program which attacked bigotry, clericalism of both Catholic and Protestant varieties, the sacred principle of repaying debts, private ownership of ’ land, and bureaucracy was a notable achievement.

It is to the credit of People’s Democracy that they have been attacked as the voice of Rome by Protestant extremists, and as anti-Catholic by clerical reactionaries.

After the bombing of Belfast’s Castlereagh power station (probably by a provocateur), O’Neill called up the “B-Specials” -the special organization of Unionist thugs attached to the police. A whole series of bombings of public utilities followed-carried out supposedly

by Republican extemists, but more probably by Paisleyites or by the police themselvesand each was used as an excuse to intensify the repression, to mobilize more B-Specials, and finally to call in British troops.

As the situation heated up, the moderates began looking for an out, hysterically calling for a new moratorium on demonstrations, seeking new compromises with the bosses. The rank-and-file of the movement responded with new mass demonstrations, battling the police in the streets of Derry.

O’geill, unable to maintain order, was forced to resign as Prime Minister, _but British pressure prevented the right-wing Unionist leader, Faulkner, from succeeding him.

With James Chichester Clark’s accession to the premiership, the right wing of the movement is stepping up its demands for conciliation.

The new “soft line” Unionist government “needs a chance,” they argue-let’s accept a compromise and get the masses off the streets before they spoil things. They now agitate for acceptance of the government’s deal: one man, one vote-but no -elections till 1971. As always, the “liberals” fight to give a reeling, punch-drunk ruling class the breathing space it needs to reconsolidate and maintain its power.

The successful organization of resistance *in the North has greatly strengthened the left in the Republic of Ireland. ’ With a declining farm population, heavy unehployment and emigration, and an immense housing shortage, the South is also being dragged down in Britain’s fall. The crisis of Ulster, dredging up the old ghosts of its accomodation with the Unionists and with British imperialism, may be more than the government can take. The Irish Labour Party, resurgent, with a new leftwing program and aggressive leadership, is a strong threat. * * * By posing transitional demands which people can immediately relate to, but which at the same time pose a threat to the very bases of bourgeois society, People’s Democracy militants have shown the relevancy of socialism to the Irish people.

The history of sellouts, evasions and capitulations by the leaders of the Irish labor movement, points out a serious deficiency in working class organization. There ‘is probably no country in Europe where greater sentiment exists for a socialist revolution, or greater sympathy for revolutionary groups and politics.

There is no longer a question of organization in Ulster or organization in the South, of Catholics or Protestants, or being for or against the border. The question now for all of Ireland is workers’ power, the socialist revolution.

It is clear that Ireland under capitalism will never be united, and that socialist Ireland cannot be other than united. The question of the Workers’ Republic is not one of an abstract slogan, something one demands or doesn’t, but a question of the logical direction in which events are moving.

t

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”

P.

edback, The Chevron, U of W. Be concise. right to shorten letters.

Those typed (double-spaced) e, course, year, telephone.

For legal reasons unsigned

Infla?ion is Mudie’s

I

hits

sandwiches,

shop

efficient?

It looks like inflation is again striking the economic base of this sanctimonious instituation.

I am of course referring to the vending machines and more specifically to the sandwich machines where the price has been escalated.

I would be very interested to hear food services manager Bob Mudie explain how, for instance, a cheese sandwich costs 3Oc when the delivered price per sandwich of bread is V/Z@, of butter is l%c and of cheese is about 4c-5~.

If one has worked in a large kitchen where sandwiches are made in bulk, one is aware that it takes considerably less than 15 seconds (depending on relative efficiencies of staff) to make any of the sandwiches food services puts in the machines.

I know inflation is a problem in this country, but surely it isn’t so rampant that a sandwich costing 15~ four and a half years ago, must cost 30~ today. Surely with all the experience Mudie has gained since his first days in the white shack, he knows better how to make a sandwich.

Surely with his new modern building he is more efficient.

But then, it’s true, Mudie doesn’t have to eat sandwiches.

T.R. KING engineering For faculty conduct code: do we pledge allegiance?

“. . .your local executive urges all members of the university faculty to submit comments on the draft code to president Jim Ford.”

Dear Jim: , I see, by way .of the faculty association newsletter, that you propose telling faculty how to wash behind their ears and blow their collective noses.

A very laudable task, Jim! However, do you not think that you go a little bit too far? You know, that bit about acknowledging academic debts.

For if academic should have stumbled all the way to his Ph.D without having a passing acquaintance with this fact, it would be mere kindness to have him take English 101, where, I understand, plagiarism, is fully covered. Don’t shame him, Jim, in front of a grievance committee of his peers.

And that bit about not revealing a student’s personal life, etc, to any third party.

I mean, Jim! What are we to talk about over coffee?

After all,% would be in the private confines of our club (that when we get our club, Jim).

You know, these students lead lives.

What such “interesting” with pot, broads, booze, and that secret society the RSM. Why Jim, I happen to know about this fellow Cyril.. .oops! Well, you see what I mean, Jim. Spoils a fellow’s day.

Then there’s that section on exploiting the student teacher relationship.

Now what I want to know is does this mean grads as well as the lower orders? I mean what’s a teaching assistant for, if not to exploit ? Ha, Ha, eh Jim? Err, you are laughing, aren’t you Jim? But the piece I liked best, was about us fellows having an obligation to take part in the “decisionmaking process”.

That phrase certainly has a nice ring, Jim. Is it original with you, or can anyone use it ? After all, remember section two on plagiarism.

I was disturbed though, where it mentioned that taking part in the “decision-making process” should not interfere with “the academic’s primary responsibilities to his field of scholarly com-

petence, his research, or his teaching. ” As you know, Jim, being president (pro tern ) is a pretty full-time job.

But then, I guess there’ll always be exceptions, won’t there, Jim? And lastly, just a note on form.

Do we pledge allegiance every morning or. would just once a year do? You know, Jim, there’s such a thing as going too far.

As always, CONCORDIA CUM VERITATE. Less innocent student code will follow faculty rules

The Chevron would certainly be doing the students a favor in publishing the draft faculty code of conduct and thus displaying it for what it is-redundant pap.

Indeed its final words “a breach of the code is not, in general, grounds for dismissal” ensure it will be so. If one can transgress and only receive a gentle smack on the fingers from “a grievance committee manned entirely by faculty,” one can see how easily the entire code could be ignored.

However, that is not the main point at issue.

What we should really be asking is this: do faculty require such a juvenile guide to their actions?

Have they not, by the time they reach their eminent positions, realized the general meaning of “academic debts”?

In the sections regarding the academic and his relationship “as researcher”, “towards his colleagues”, “the communityat-large”, and “his institution”, (four out of six sections) the entire verbiage couId be summed up by the words “freedom of speech”.

Do we not enjoy this still, in this country?

If not, then perhaps the efforts of\ faculty should turn elsewhere.

If so, why this unnecessary drivel?

Really, it is difficult to take the whole thing seriously.

If fullygrown, not to mention superblyeducated, men need such a guide, what must those wretches, the students require?

But then, that’s the whole point isn’t it. Once this innocuous document has been laid to rest on the campuses of Ontario, precedent will have been set, and a code of conduct for students will quickly follow.

Students beware!

This next code will not be so innocent.

One ‘wonders at this sudden American penchant for “constitutionalism’ ’ on the part of faculty.

What, might one ask, will they gain from the acceptance of this document that they do not now possess ? The answer is-not a damn thing, but to pave the way for a code which will hamstring the student body.

So much for freedom-non-academic that is.

JGHN H. BATTYE history 3.

If my costs more than grant how do others manage?

Your readers may be interested in an experience I recently had’ with the student awards program.

Let us recall first the government line: “The purpose of this program is to ensure that students qualified for admission to a university, community college, or other eligible institution of higher learning are not prevented by lack of funds from completing their education.”

So the government undertakes to supply the difference bet ween assessed costs and assessed resources.

I withdrew from university before the end of the winter ‘term and soon afterwards received a request from the awards office

to return part of my OSAP grant.

So I sent them a cheque.

Last week my cheque was returned with a letter containing this remarkable statement: “In a recent conversation with the department of university affairs we have been advised that your allowable deductions for fees paid, board and lodging, and miscellaneous expenses up to the time of your withdrawal amount to more than your grant.”

What happens to the students who wants- to go to school for a full year?

Or should I ask that embarassing and probably rhetorical question?

Draw your own conclusions.

KEN FRASER formerly math 2 No permanent security with ABM, MIRV missiles

I am not a radical, and I believe the United States and its allies must arm for their, own defense.

However, I think that the planned anti-ballistic missile (ABM) and multiple warhead (MIRV) systems are potential dangers of concern to the whole world.

Both systems are, in different ways, intended to guarantee the United States deterrent against Russia or China.

However, a small fraction of the present United States missile force could destroy many cities.

The Russians, with a first strike, could hardly depend on destroying all missiles in hardened silos and Polaris submarines when they have no missile or submarine superiority.

Thus Russia and the U. S. are both effectively deterred from attacking each other. , Presently planned ABM and MIRV systems will cost many tens of billions of dollars for capital and operating expenses.

Furthermore, to prevent U. S.. superiority, Russia will feel forced to build similar weapons.

In place of present relative stability, an arms race psychosis will control policy-each country struggling to outdo the enemy.

Money will be diverted from other uses, disarmament precluded and Milicrisis tensions increased. tary-industrial complex power will grow dangerously.

MIRV will obstruct disarmament policing, since warheads cannot be counted simply by counting missile silos from the air. Even now, without proper legislative authority, U.S. armed forces are beginning the ABM system.

Right now, the U.S. deterrent The Russians have is ample. apparently not built either system, and might not if the U. S. promised not to be the first to do so.

A small accidental attack against cities could not be stopped

by ABM-it only defends missile sities.

A small accidental attack against missile silos could be ridden out safely without need for a counterattack even without ABM. ABM is not a “useful bargaining counter’: for forthcoming disarmament talks.

By the time serious negotiation starts, ABM would give the arms race irresistable momentum.

A negative decision now can be changed to a positive one later; a positive one can probably never be reversed.

There is little useful distinction between “defensive” nuclear weapons (like ABM) and “offensive” ones.

All are part of the same system and have the same basic purpose., .

Basically, security does not come from building weapons to establish superiority or counteract a possible future enemy armament.

Permanent superiority is

impossible and one’s own actions only excite enemy action. Security requires restraint.

The U. S. and Russia must accept a stable parity and from there disarm by negotiation and tacit agreement.

The U. S. may have to respond to actual enemv escalation but must not initiate’ esclation itself.

See, for detailed expert studies, the April Scientific American and various articles by Ralph Lapp.

STEPHEN CLODMAN grad applied math Car smash for memorial

inappropriatb fundraking

It is with shock and disgust that I am forced to. write this letter.

At the end of this week there is to be a car smasherama to add funds to the the Graham, Myall and Thomson bursary fund. While I can appreciate the efforts to-’ wards some sort of memorial for the three students, I can only think it is ludicrous to have a car smash for the victims of a car crash.

Obviously the organizers of this event are naive to such things, so I therefore hope they will add a bar to the whole thing to make it more fun. It would also enhance the appropriateness of the occassion: They might even make a little money, too.

JOHN TAYLOR summer school /f feedback policy ended ’ that’s a staff decision So “it would be tragic if a tradition of many years-an open feedback policy-is destroyed by the actions of a few.”

I agree, it would be tragic.

But just who are the few who are going to destroy this tradition?

Philip English apparently is supported by a number of people who agree with his views concernother things, the ing, among Federation of Students and the Chevron.

It would appear from the comments of the editor and lettitor that these people are about to destroy the above tradition by a saturation process. who are you trying to kid?

In the july 11 issue there were 16 pages, two dedicated to feedback. An equal number of pages were allocated to John Gerassi’s life as a radical.

A page on press control and three-quarters of a page of various reprints were no doubt intended to enlighten us as to the evils and shortcomings of the present communication and legal systems.

The back page was one of the typically cute yet soul-stirring, picture-philosophic statement combinations that have alternated with cartoons in that space all term.

That makes over four pages of articles ranging in content from general interest to trivia.

So lets face it boys, if the lett‘ers to feedback start to be censored it won’t be because there isn’t room to print them.

They will be censored because the Chevron’s staff are more concerned with presenting their own views than the views of the general university population.

TOM SAYER chemistry 3A Campus irritates

Christians’ summer

fer vor student

1 feel 1 must aira couple of beefs 1 have as a summer student.

First, a pause for Don, Al, Walter, Steve and Ken, who can take their Christian writings and shove them.

When 1 come back from a nice sunny weekend I don’t like to friday

The Chevron get priority. letters cannot

find a ‘Jesus Christ’ note shoved under my Village door then, on going into the can, find one posted at eye level over the urinal.

I think maybe it should have been posted at belt 1evel.i Some people don’t seem to realize there can be people who are not Christian and don’t want this garbage shoved down their throat day in and day out.

Keep in mind you very seldom ’ see pamphlets on Hinudism, Buddhism or any other religion slipped under your door. This is as it should be, one should have a right to be left alone if that is his wish.

Are these Christians afraid of losing members?

Is that whv I keep seeing reams of paper dis- truibuted by so many groups all over Ontario.

If that is so, maybe Christ isn’t all he is put up to be, and Christianity will be lost anyway.

However, I respect every individuals right to believe as he sees fit, without being pestered by super-believers wanting to gather others to their group.

Post your bulletins on bulletin boards.

If people are interested they will show it by attending meetings or replying in some other manner.

But don’t make me waste my time picking up papers slipped under my door.

Now, a second comment: have you noticed the floor in the billiard room at the campus center?

I guess that makes all you smokers feel right at home; doesn’t it?

A.D.B.KERR Waterloo graduate, 1964 More rhythmless lines for Chevron poetry corner

Poor Justin Heidelburger He never has a beer He never sheds a tear All rules he never doubts His own name he is afraid to shout.

So what, if, for some in time and space (and even race 1 the rules are not the same Is ‘Just’ Heidelburger the one to blame?

Oh no, poor Justine, could not share in such shame For he does not drink nor cry nor doubt, and never-never shouts.

PETER DEMBSKI history department St. Jerome’s College (real name by request ) Living their a visionless

own vision: apologia

Suffice it to say that all middleclass “revolutionaries” of Gerassi’s ilk wax eloquent in the name, man”, in the of the “ordinary name of “freedom, truth and justice” when they defend and applaud themselves on “doing their own thing”.

His criticisms of Lenin, the Party, the N.E.P. (Ho Hum) etc. reeked of incense and devout formalism. I don’t know whether we should believe that he has read any Marx, Engels or Lenin; the _ article smacks of Hesse’s “Siddartha” and “Steppenwolf”-though not nearly approaching it by a decimal fraction for depth.

For all intents and purposes “Living their own vision” is a visionless piece of apologia for the bourgeoisie and the inverted bourgeois “rebels” who will be the first to be trampled underfoot on the eve of the American revolution.

Gerassi’s and his fellow traveller’s fear and trembling with respect to Party, program and theory indicates very clearly the banner he would have fly over America: a sperm-flecked-not revolutionary banner.

H.F. (W.L.U. grad. ) 18 july

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1. eople ask me, if I had been elected president, what group of citizens would I have had the most trouble with.

And I have no doubt that I would have had the most trouble with colored folks. One of my first acts would have been to wipe out the poverty program and set up a 55 billion-dollar-a-year white folks rest program.

I’d take all those white folks off their good jobs and put them on And I’d give my black brother a good . my rest program. job for the first time in his life. I guarantee you that after six months of doing this, colored folks would be marching on me at the white house, sayin, “What’s wrong with you?

Lettin’ these white folks lay around not v;orking, getting relief checks, havin’ all them babies.”

Other people ask me how I can be non-violent and talk about violence so much. I am committed to nonviolence, but I don’t go pushing nonviolence on anybody else. I ‘am a vegetarian; I don’t believe animals should be killed, but I would never knock a steak out of your hand.

As far as violence in this country is concerned, the thing that upsets me most is that America is not afraid of violence until it becomes black violence. When Lyndon Johnson mentioned crime in the streets in his last state of the union message, congressmen stood up and clapped and screamed for five minutes. That was because crime in the streets had already become America’s new way of Now I am not saying that we shouldn’t saying “nigger”. do anything about black violence-but when my president stands up and talks about crime in the streets, I can’t but wonder what day the president of this nation will go on television and say, “Vote for me and I will wipe out the crime syndicates in this country.”

Everybody in this country talks about black crime; nobody seems to be worried about white crime.

There is an insane double standard to America’s violence. In Orangeburg, South Carolina, three black kids were killed on the college campus. The slaughter was rationalized by saying the students were unruly. For the past 10 years white college kids have been going to Fort Lauderdale, Florida, every spring, and tearing up the town. Not one of them has ever gotten shot. I am not saying, “Start shooting white folks to justify killing black folks.” And I’m not saying, this country can’t kill black folks, I am just warning you that the nation had better prepare itself to understand our attitude after black folks are killed. Have you ever read where the police shot into a whorehouse, or gunned down a group of pimps standing on a street corner. 3 When the mafia had its big meeting in Apalachin New York, the police didn’t shoot into a group of black college kids and think nothing of it.

I wonder what day we will become honest with the problems of this society. America is a racist country, and when we realize that black folks and, white folks born in this country are Americans, then we will realize- that racism means white folks and black folks, too. Why shouldn’t blacks be racists? We watched whites for 400 _- years. When Sokely Carmichael said that we don’t want any more white folks in the civil-rights movement, some racist press cried “reverse racism!”

There is nothing reverse about it. Black folks have a right to hate white folks the same as white folks have a right to hate us. No black man is going through the back doo? to throw a rock at white folks. ,’ We are dealing with a dishonest country, and worse, with one that is totally mad. Last year the newspapers said the senate and house had debated for four months on whether to have a clean-meat bill. Should that be debated?

Moral pollution is written deep in the record of America’s history. I am glad America forced me to read her corrupt history book, and glad that she continues to insist that black kids in the ghetto read it. Very instructive.

It says that, on his way to find his freedom and to worship

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his God, the pilgrim stole us. Isn’t it strange that a man who seeks relief from oppression starts out by enslaving a group of people and later condemns them for seeking relief themselves?

And as you turn the pages of that American history book, the story gets more and more polluted. The pilgrim lands in the new world and “discovers” a land that is already oqcupied. How do you find something that somebody else already has, and you claim you discovered it? That is like my wife and I walking down the street and seeing you and your wife sitting in your brand-new automobile, and my wife says to “me, “Gee, I’d like to have a car like that.” And I answer, “Let’s discover it.” So I walk over to you and your wife and say, “Get out of that damned car. My wife and I just discovered it.” The shock you would naturally feel gives you some idea of how the Indians must have felt.

Look at Stokely Carmichael and Rap Brown. Stokely is 27;~ Rap is 23. Two young cats have scared the mightiest nation on the face of this earth to death. Is that insanity?

People ask me what is wrong with Rap Brown and Stokely Carmichael.

I can tell you what is wrong with them. They have dared to become as bitter as Patrick Henry. I think that if we could question Stokely and Rap and trace their history back, we might not justify what they are doing, but we would sure understand it. I met Stokely Carmichael and Rap Brown six years ago in Greenwood, Mississippi. Rap was just 17 years old then. Stokely insulted me. He said, “Nigger, if you can’t be nonviolent, get the hell on back up North.”

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1, t was the Stokelys and Raps and the student nonviolent coordinating committee kids that taught nonviolence to the movement.’ Think about what they went through.

Do you know what it is to try to integrate a school? You get that little black kid, take him by his hand, and the kid you for taking me to is smiling and saying, “Thank school.” You want to throw up because you know you are really taking him to die. You walk past that barricade and just as you approach those stairs to take that little black kid to that school, you are attacked by the mob, thesheriff, and the police; and the next thing you know you are lying down in the gutter with a white man’s foot on your chest and a double-barreled shotgun on your throat, and you hear, “Move, nigger, and I will blow your brains out.” You lie there in that gutter and try to muster up the manhood to tell yourself you don’t mind dying. You look across the street and see the FBI taking pictures. And as you lie there you spot that little black kid, baby, just as a brick hits him right in the mouth.

We got busted in Birmingham, Alabama. They arrested 2400 of us; some were little kids, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 years old. We aren’t crying about that. Put everybody in jail, put unborn babies in- jail, if it means getting what we want.

This is what they went through for six years. For six years those cats had faith in America. They were screaming out for help and none of us heard their screams.

Nonviolence didn’t help Stokely and Rap. People talk about riots hurting our cause. That is wishful thinking.

Riots should hurt; any act of violence should hurt. But we are living in a nation so insane that riots have only helped the cause. After the Detroit riots, Henry Ford hired 6000 blacks in two days. We know why: because the fire got too close to the Ford plant. Don’t scorch the Mustangs, baby. If the Indians come to Detroit and start burning, they will hire 6000 red folks next. I wonder why this country can wake up only after an act of violence.

Twenty or 30 years ago you could say something to the black man in this country and get by with it, because the black folks had an empty stomach.

Today black folks have a full stomach but a hungry mind. And a hungry mind will not tolerate the same things that an empty stomach did. Twenty and 30 years ago in this country,

white folks told black folks that education was our problem, and the niggers ate it up. Let me tell you, baby, education is not and has never been our problem; education is only cheap whitey hang-up. But 30 years ago, on an empty belly, we believed it was our problem.

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re you aware of the fact that an American Negro by the name of Charlie Drew invented blood plasma? And yet he bled to death in an Atlanta hospital waiting room after an automobile accident, because they didn’t accept niggers. 01’ Charlie Drew had the education, the knowledge, and the wisdom to give blood plasma to the world, and he died from the lack of his own invention.

Not because he wasn’t educated, but because his face was black. We are damn sick and tired of people telling us to quit marching and go down into the ghetto and pull our brother up by his bootstraps.

Give him some boots first.

If the word “relief” upsets you, please change the name to “foreign aid.” That doesn’t seem to bother you.

We are saying that we are living in a nation so insane that 22 of the richest people in America never pay income tax because of a tax loophole. That doesn’t bother America.

But if some black man wants to get relief, if some woman in the ghetto-black or white-needs to write off her baby’s -milk, that upsets this country.

Something is wrong.

Everybody tells us that we are doing all right. Look at civil-rights legislation.

We say if it is all that good, how come white folks don’t take it and live with it, and give us the constitution?

Civil-rights legislation isn’t anything but another way of insulting us. It means that for 100 years a white man has changed my dollar for 32 cents, &-id now he is giving me 64 cents; we don’t call 64 cents change for a dollar progress. That is still cheating. We are going to get a full dollar’s change for this dollar, or the cash register won’t ring again.

This country is telling me that if I go to Vietnam and get killed now, never to see my wife or six black kids again, my black wife will get $10,000 because her man died for his country; but my black wife can’t take that $10,000 and buy a home in any neighborhood she wants to. And if my daddy had been killed in the second world war, this would be my 26th year of living without a father. Yet that same German who fired the gun to kill my daddy could move to this country and buy a house in a neighborhood where my daddy’s son would be excluded. This is insane.

We pretend that there is freedom of choice and majority rule. We went to the polls in 1964 and voted for the lesser of two evils. We ended up with evil all the same.

When you stoop to vote for the lesser of two evils, you’re dirtier than they are.

I spent 90 percent of my time on college campuses, and there’s a reason for it. The young kids today are the most ethical that have ever lived in the history of this country, if not the world. I went on a 40-day fast to say thanks to the young kids in this country; thanks, baby, for doing what they are doing; and Iwent through it all as a way of punishing myself for not having whatever it takes when I was their age to guarantee their generation the beautiful things that they are guaranteeing for my kids. That’s why I got hung up in that fast.

Black folks in this country don’t hate white folks. We hate the white system; and when a man hates a system, that’s revolt, and you don’t stop revolt. There is a bloody revolution going on in this country today, right against wrong. You know the theory of spontaneous combustion.

Take some oily, greasy rags, put them in your closet at home, close the door so the air can’t circulate, and see what’s going to happen. Put your foot up on the door, hold it closed, and you aren’t going to hear anything.

The black ghetto from one end of this country to the other is America’s oily, greasy rags, and if we haven’t enough sense to snap that door open, we are going to wake up barbecued.

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Let i _Ithem eat-- green:

Early monday. morning, if all studying poverty- recently visited _ ,. goes well, the first men will walk the area. -The local congressman, on the surface of the moon.

Paul Rogers, accompanied the “We Americans are the most senators in his car which has stick*technologically ingenious., inven- ers reading “I fight poverty. ,I ~ tive, resourceful people in the work. ” world,” said Dr. ,Thomas Paine, Rogers was angry at the intrus..: administrator of the National sion. In one shack he pointed out Aeronautics \ and Space Adminis- an old TV set. The house had one tration: room, a barn-type door, a privy, , -_ Men on ,the moon, a national no water, and got its electricity goal set by the late president. from an extension cord to the -. Kennedy, will provide Americans housenext door. . (well,*“some Americans) with yet “We’ve got to teach.them how to ’ another circus they so badly need handle their money,” Rogers exto put their minds off the reali- * plained. ties of life in theUS. today.

Their money ? A fam’ily ’ earns f They will take fierce pride in the perhaps $50 a he& at stoop l&or. space -program’s technological a- They pa); $15 a-.week rent for a chievements and. the courage and heatless’ b-by-10 shack, -plus $5 skill of the astrqnauts. But one for electricity-the latter consist’ hopes, they will not be able to ing of one light. The children eat shrug off the haunting voice of “beans and coffee,” “grits and conscience that tells them it is coffee,” “beans and,coffee.” * *,* wrong for NASA to spend $34 billion and for the defence departAdd to these appalling condiment to add another $58 billion in tions those of slum-dweilers in the the eight-year man-on-the-moon cities, the blight of pollution -program when millions, in their and the starvation conditions of Dr-. X is slaving in his lab on a faculty code of conduct-that the \ completely new method of exter-- local faculty association is seekown country and the rest of the half theworld and the moon shot world, go hungry. becomes a criminal act. minating great numbers of human ing comments on -and expects * * * A march of poor people to the beings, without the backlog and eventual approval of-is unbelievmessy afterproducts that the Naz-. -able.

Migrants. are used to harvest space center has been organized _I the crops in Colier county, Flor- by the Southern Christian Leaderis were plagued with in. the last The assumption is that knowlida, 150 miles southwest of Cape ship Conference. In the words of war. edge is to be prized for its own .y Kennedy. , c Hosea Williams, poor peoples’ Dr. Y is putting the final touch- sake, that any “research that ,Camp conditions are bestial. campaign director, “If the governes to his new book on psychologi- “pushes .back the frontiers of Forty-one out of every 1000infants ment can spend the kind of money cal methods of perpetuating rat- knowledge” should be pursued, -I’ in the county die before they are ’ it has on space, then why can’t it ism and keeping the lesser breeds . that the ultimate uses. of this research are not the concern of the one year old-an incredible rate. spend enough to keep a man alive in their place. + For the nation the rate is 6.5 out of here on earth?”

Dr. Z is pushing back the front- scientist or the university in which _1000, only the 18th lowest in the The answers of course,-lie in the iers of knowledge in the computer his work is done. area. His long. range plan is to The social responsibilities of world. problems of bailing out a flounder.-. , The migrants are human rejects I ing .economy, covering up the make man’s every move subject their work are things many scient- _ to machine-direction. ists do not wish to have ‘to think in the community. The county tragedy ,of the Vietnam war and commissioners refuse to ’ take countering the growing disillusionDoes -no one object to this in- . about. But perhaps a more importhuman research? Maybe they do, ant motivation for having’ this part in federal food stamp and ment with life in the land of ‘the commodity -programs for the free and the home of the brave. but there’? nothing they can do hands-off attitude codified is the r-T . dread that students and faculty ) poor; the crop season is only four If Americans are the most tech:about it.

The university faculty, you see, who do consider spcial responsibilmonths and they fear that if things nologically ingenious, inventive, operates :under .a code of conduct, ities will hinder their projects. ‘are made too comfortable for the dresourceful people in the world, I pariah migrants they, will settle they. will seek changes in their which says: “The rights of acaThis great concern ,with peace elite’s, priorities and not be condemic freedom affirm the right of in the university is also. seen in down and become residents.

A U.S. senate subcommittee ned by space-shot ego-trips. the academic to pursue his subject the section which says it is uneth-; matter. and to proclaim his find- ical “to incite, -knowingly particiings free from any interference.” pate in, or appear to sanction any The examples above are imagin- demonstration or act of civil disary (as far as we know)-but the obedience which ‘would prevent code is not. However; there is re- the presentation by a scholar of search going on at Waterloo and his findings in an area of expertother universities which is as ise or limit the discussion of such morally obnoxious. The math fat- findings.” ’ In order to maintain the statusulty has done ballistics studies for U.S., armed forces and the engin- quo, the professoriat is trying to eering faculty is continuing solid- reassert the definition of the ,uni- 1 propellantignition work. versity as an ivory tower-where It is well-known that chemical everything is objective, impartial, and biological research has been , apolitical and “academic”. carried out in Canadian universiHowever, the main purpose of ties by splitting problems into this definitional ploy will only miniscule portions.‘. - become obvious when concerned ‘Even our own interim adminis- -faculty and students attempt to %ation president Howard Peteh is expose research which is geared engaged in an area of physics re- to inhuman uses. The proposed search which has direct tie-ins to code will prepare for and legitimause in guided missile systems. tize the official repression which The wide-eyed innocence of the will meet the human concern. ’

Reprtqsion .

Canadian Liberation

University Press Member,’ News Service subscriber.

in shining armor

lJndergrhnd

Press Syndicate

associate

member,

the Chevron is published every friday by the publications board of the Federation of Students (inc), University of. Waterloo. Content is independent of the pubJications;board, the student council and the university administration.

Offices in the campus, center, phone ,(519) 744-6111, local 3443 (news and sports), 3444 (ads), 3445 (editor), direct nightline 7444111, editor-in=chief: Bob Verdun s 12,509 copies Camp’Columbia types (the responsible, silent majority) having deserted us for the urchins, our ranks are depleted. Urchin-haters left: Jim Klinck, Alex Smith, swireland, Tom Purdy,‘Dave X Stephenson, dumdum jones, Bryan Douglas, Bob Epp, Steve lzma, Louis Silcox, Cyril Levitt, Peter Vanek, Wayne Smith, (Brenda Wilson), Bill Brown, Ken Dickson, missed last week-Pat Conner, Johanna Faulk. And as at least one staffer is fond of saying, Ireland forever! ,

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One more material possession . . . or an exciting wide-open kind of life that a.new address can bring. A nicer neighbdrhood, schools, friends.

MO&space. And for only ten, twenty, fifty dollars a month. A small amount of money for all the dividends.

Stop and think about four to a bathroom. The cramped quarters where the tools are kept. A den too ve without.

That’s

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Think back to when you were a child.

You can remember the view from your bedroom window. The coziness of -being snug inside and watching it rain outside. The way it . looked at night when your father was reading and your mother was sewing.

Remember? Those are the kinds of pictures you’re painting now in, the minds of your children. Or ire you? . Where you live, how well you live will affect your children, their children and their children’s children. An apartment, a home, any

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” for a 3Z7Sti’Co~*on9 L learri hoti to _command this 17Smm gun; ItWJ3elp.

The 175mm Self-Propelled Gun is an impressive piece of machinery. It has a range of 32,000 metres. On the whole, you’ll probably fmd it one of the loudest things you’ve ‘ever heard. Any enemy opposing you 2 would certainly- find it one of the largest things thgt ever hit him. ’ AS a Short Service Offi.cer in the ’ Royal Artillery, you could be responsible for a Section of these guns. ?ff &y future pmployer were to ask you how he could be sure you could shoulder responsibility, you would have a convincing answer. YOU would have been responsible for the lives and welfare of 30 skilled men; for managing their work and movements; for delivering r471b. high explosive shells accur- ‘. , ately on target.

Don’t you think you would contrast rather favourably with the people competing against pu for the job ? ’ You’ll enjoy those 3 .years in the Army.

You’ll make “many-friends, and be well paid.

The hi&ie~ you’ll find for sport in the Army k @l spoil you, because you’ll never see their hke again when you return to civilian life.

You may travel abroad-most of our 17pm guns ate in Germany.

You'll receive a usefid . fpxfi‘eegratuityofnearly~~whenyouleavs i And you’ll be an independent man at anearlier age than most of your school fE+is.’ .You’ll need more information before yo\r decide. You aui get it by sending the -coupon. y

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It takes courage known and break ho&,.

Tw.s~~-& at an early age.

ly. He ISSIN that money isn’t a handout from mom and dad; hut instead is the result of performing a service that somebody nads ad

to

leave the security of the through to the new and onU.S. astronauta hmmd it All of them were once news-

paperboys. while a child is growing up, home end family shield him from the world.

But there cornea 8 tima, usually d.ming the pre-teens,when a by n,&s to “break away from his mother’s apron stringa” and develop the .co&ag& to face the wdrld as a man. A mpu route tive a bY ju8t such an opporto&.

A route is a genuine opporhmity for &hborhood ser+ice.

It gives a young man a way to a-.x pannb who ray, “‘You’re too YWW; tit uqtil you get a lit le older.”

Pu a’?~paperboy. he leavee the backyard.

He strmgelr both cm&al pd catitankuoue.

He copes with weather and barking doa: Ht lu mti people don’t pay their biln promptt

WE&B.

He learns that he can save money.

He uperiuIcc!a that satrsfying feeling of earning hia way ulrqugh his own efforts.

A boy today. perhaps more than ever before. n& activities that .en&rage d X+tibility.

He needs to feel that he’s not M economic liability to the family, that he’s *IC than LI mere object of parental devotion.

He wanh to hricomeemem.

Wh.3tunkmoreimportanttheinthbtoa ,.

mtIwkytystr~miid~r~r~~ qY!Y ~-~;$j!$;$h~~~$$gg~, ~li~lh~~ta~cam’~a~~trrnltcrinr;~ x,pnn SP Gun hm&sjwt

boy?

L.& your boy explore the ioorld on him own. yet &dm the nrpervLion and guidance of a trained adult eff.

Have him call The Record about a nampper route U’bo Imom how fu he up P?

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Major T. W. T&rook, Army Offiir Entry, ‘I Department 590, Lansdowne Hotme, Berkeley I , Square, bndonW1X 6AA. Phwe send me det e i k of pey. condi t i o ns end ,; en&yfor Regular Commissions 0 Direct Entry g from University 0 University Cadetships 0 1 Special Regular Commissions 0 Short Service a Commissions 0 (Tick appropriate squems).

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