1970-71_v11,n03_Chevron by Editor Imprint

-Gary

Robins, the Chevron

Picketers began forming as early as 7 thursday morning at Waterloo’s Sunar industries plant after production workers voted Wednesday night to call a wildcat strike in support of ‘office staff who have been negotiating contract demands with Sunar’s parent, Massey-Ferguson of Toronto. scuffles broke out a.f’ ter this picture was taken when rocks were alledgedly thrown at several of-more than 200 picketers; one man was charged with assault bjj Waterloo police.

CLC, charges by Re;nzo Bernardini

chevron staff

--. ‘,’ ,

Ccc6mmunist infiltratioti”‘, -* /

These would be resolutions Allegations of a “communist scarce, and the willingness to’ his mallet and calling for order. which, if implemented, When the’house finally did come could plot” were made at the eighth provide leadership practically nonto order he made the comments strengthen the labor movement Canadian labor congress convenexistant. d at the grass roots level, reduce :*,&at -were reported in the Albertion held in Edmonton last. week . ’ .Donald M~Denald,t-p~~i~~nt.lqf, the. power of the executive and when the United Fishermen and the CLC was the chairman of the ;“tan article. pave the road for a Canadian socWhile on the one hand the execu. Allied Worker’s union requested convention. As far as he was condedicated to eradtive presented a policy which was ial movement entry into the CLC. cerned, anything that the execuat- icating those aspects of society The CLC executive is requesttive could not control was in keeping with the reforming which are at the root of today’s titude of the average delegate,, ing that the unions in question first - a “communist $ot.’ But even his problems. Unfortunately the CL.C -they managed to supress resolumerge with a recognised union red-baiting tactics received managed to give e(not a standard CLC policy) betions which if implemented in executive little support from the average nough concessions to keep-most of CLC policy, could make the labor cause of suspected 1Xcommunist delegate. The house was split the delegates happy while maininfiltration of both unions. fifty-fifty over the issue of the movement a movement for social taining their own power. action. The boxed insert below, shows fishermens application for affiliation to the CLC. It is the conhow one Calgary paper, the Albertan, reported the proceedings,‘ tention of this- observer that the vote went slightly in favor of though a -more realistic picture of the congress would show the -.allowing the fishermen to affiliate The Vietnam mobilization comt withdrawal of all U.S.? and with the congress along with all mittee both in Toronto and in Kit- - other foreign manipulation on the part of the troops from VietCLC executive to maintain power. other unions not presently affil- i chener-Waterloo have been active ‘nam, Cambodia and all of South- , iated. in preparing for war protests for The convention should go down East Asia. in history as a convention where However, MacDonald said that this weekend, in con junction l An end to Canadian complicthe vote went overwhelmingly in with other protests across Canada all pertinent social issues were ity discussed. Issues like pollution, favour of the committee’s recand the U.S. l Solidarity with the U.S. . On Saturday there will be a anti-war movement. organizing the poor, Vietnam, ommendation. His decision was Canada’s free trade policy, inchallenged from the floor., But march from Waterloo Square to (The Toronto protest will assemcorner in Kitchener at dustrial democracy ; all received. MacDonald simply said that he speaker’s ble at 2 p.m. Sunday at the north , a certain amount of attention: had a superior vantage point and one p.m. The main speaker at the end of Queen’s Park and there will The caliber of discussion from that he alone could tell the real rally in Kitchener will be Bill be a mass rally at the City Hall the.‘floor was excellent, but the -way that the house voted. Dyer, a law student and former Square at 3 p.m. A student eyeThe house burst out with a high school student in the area who policy that evolved from the conwitness of the Kent State massaference was generally liberal and mixture of cheers, whistles, has been active in the VMC and the cre will be there to speak. New Democratic Party. in some cases anti-democratic. boos, applause, and fist poundFor %further information, call The reason behind this lies in the ings. Endorsed slogans for the prothe VMC in this area at 576-0841 test are fact that the CLC executive had MacDonald was left to pound or 5762293. effectively a free hand to institute whatever policy it wished. From the’ start of the conference, the executive appointed all the resolution committees by Paul Jackson whose job it was to make recthe al bertan “They are attempting once again to get into the ommendations to the conference EDMONTON - A major attempt by the Commundemocratic trade union movement and subvert it for ’ from the hundreds of resolutions ist Party in Canada to subvert the Canadian labor their own purposes. But their aims are completely received from all union locals and . movement was defeated here thursday. contrary to the aims -and ideals of the free trade unmetropolitan labour councils But victory was not obtained before tremendous ion movement. And this congress is not going to let across Canada. < verbal hassles had broken out between conflicting them get away with it.” Concern for social issues- was sides at the Canadian Labor Congress convention. Mr. MacDonald said this was one more confronstronger this year than ever beBut MacDonald received a standing ovation from tation the congress executive had had with the “sin, ‘fore. Almost all policy the executhe vast majority of 1,500 when he said: “I hope that Fortunately, delegates to the conister elements.” tive wanted passed, was passed the delegates to this convention have shown the corn’ vention had supported the executive in their stand to and all resolutions and policy munist party of Canada and the other sinister forces keep out those:who wanted to use the Canadianlabor they wished supressed, was supoperating at this/convention what they think of your movement for their own ends. ressed. When it came down to an efforts to pervert this labor movement. ‘I I The threat of a communist conspiracy had cbeen actual request for the executive One delegate involved in the bitter arguments achovering around the convention halls since it opened to supply leadership for, action, ross the convention floor declared: “I’m not a comAnd top congress officials predicted that it would they refused. munist.” MacDonald shot back: “I can’t help it if break out into the open when aresolution preventing Surely they supplied verbal some of you are innocent enough to be manipulated. ” the United Fishermen and Allied Workers Union support to those people who wantMr. MacDonald declared: “There are communfrom affiliating with the congress unless it first mered to organize around social isists in the convention halls and I know their names. ged with another union, reached the convention floor. sues, but budget allocations were

VMC action this weekend

Communist

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from 5pm to.‘midnight, will con. tinue its- full schedule- of L pro-s grams beginning monday, june ,1, Here are some. prograLm notes. ’ On Monday, the program /Won.day takes a look -at none’ other than Maggie Muggins. Join Jerry I. Cook and Ann Banks at 8:30 on. Bruce Steeler and’ &ex Smith -codinue their s-s. nuQuIsm0~ with a look at the ‘graduate- student union ;at the University of ’ Waterloo. Catch the-show wcdncsA,,,,,-:,I .-.L v7.t-m auay-eye11111g at I ; w p111. Monday at 7; 00 -on SPOKEN WQRD, Rosko, an announcer ’ for -,- WNEW-FM T New -York, reads 7 the works of @bran; Charles Laughton reads- George Bernard ‘_ Shaw; Hal Holbrook reads -Mark -- Twain; and John Drainiegresents Stephen Leacockr _ . - -’ i ’ Thursday evening at- 6:15, -4 I _ following the - regular 6: 06” news5 . our’ daily Classical-. music show ’ presents the’. Rachmaninoff Sym: , .-

. . chestra. 1 Construction began on a new -Friday - ;from 5pm t& 6, _Luis campus- parking lot on monday Lobo looks at the music of Bob . ,ne:ar -.-,, UK &,.-, LaculLy C..,..lC,. L..;l&mri uulrwlr~. The n&w Dylan, Ronnie Hawkins andi Thelot will. -accommodate ’ Band and will serve-boththe faculty And. those-irelust some ‘of the building and the_ physed ~building: . specie programs <planned‘ this of cfunds _ _ Becaube _of-$carcity week. Don’t forget ’ People’s given , Music on TuesdayProm 7 to 7130, _ the lot will firstbe top like the math parkin One Hour on Wednesday from will-be paved when more money 9 : 30 to lOi30, Pollution ,Probe becomes %ailal@e:i ’ _ ., Thursday< at 7: 00, This Weekend, Mediwhii&’ a!8 i. c.m$u on i Campus’ Friday at .7 : 00 or all lo the other special music ‘and _spe-, -‘still has no parking and car&n ’ the-, front cial interest shows listed in. last being towed away.;weeks Chevron. Gf course students some ’ general And finally, so ‘there’s not I _ information. Radio__ -- Waterloo’s_ .m- +have,cars < _-_- ,...,Ll MXy~uultxl .;--. office hours are -11: 00. am until 7 : 00 pi&-If you have any public ,$ervi;le noXic& for -any non-p&f it .. - organization, send them to Radio * Waterloo’ and we will advertise your event or meeting free of charge.. For more information ’ on this service or. any -other at ’ the station, why not call us at , extension -3645, 3646 or 5789000. L If you are interested- in working with -the. station, give US -a call and ask for Bruce _ Steele or

‘_ 3’ I -

, Fea-1,’ .Convoca tion : Engidxring. aTODAY 1 ’ ’ turing former Dean of Engineer,&A films 8pm AL1t6, ’ Convocation: Science and Mathe- ’ ing Douglas Wright speaks to matics featuring: Prof John:. Pograds. Jo&building. i j lani of Toronto receives honorary March\ to speakers- corner. begins at Waterloo Square to- protest CanaDoctor of Science:2pm Jock-building, ’ ; ’ _ 7 _ dian complicity in war in_Viet-\I na,m. lpm._ 7 SATURDAY _ i __ Graduate Students Union Dis-’ ,-L _ ’ cotheque Pub Nite with-Sounds by SUNDAY Assemble at -Queen’s Park for the Fred’s Uprising Disco show. Vietnam war protest. 2pm. L -. 8pmcampus center pub. ” _

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their behalf. Over 380 plant workers of WaPreviously, no office workers terloo’s Sunar industries voted late in the entire Massey-Ferguson Wednesday hight to stage a wildorganization had won the right cat strike in support of Sunar to union representation. office workers who havk been on When M-F industrial relations strike since monday over \wage manager Bill Morgan took over and contract demands. from local managers in contract Sunar is a wholly-owned subsinegotiations last december, many diary of Massey-Ferguson limited d’f Toronto, itself a cubsidiary \ felt he had been sent from Detroit with orders to keep any of E.P. Taylor’s Argus corporation. settlement at a minimum and avoid setting a lucrative precePlant workers have been legally forced to cross the picket lines dent for office workers elsewhere in the M-F group. \ of their fellow office workers for the past two days ,becayse pla’nt The company’s final offer, which included a senidrity clause and office contracts are not negotiated simultaneously. allowing the company to pass over those next in line for promotion Office employees have sought and hire anyone they desired, and a fair settlement with the comwhich offered a minimum wage of pany for over a year, ever since October, 1969 when the Ontario about $1.62 per hour (new federal guidlines stipulate $1.65 minimum) labor relations board gave Steelworkers the right to organize was rejected by 90% of the office office workers and bargain on employees.

Solandt

sings out

Chairman of the national science council Omont Solandt speaking monday to representatives of the c,hem,ical institute of Canada and american chemical society said that society must stop looking upon groqth as the index of progres$. He was concerned that while the economy was advocating “growth for its own sake”, all serious problems-poverty, crime, violence, pollution, and even warare made wdrse by population growth. Solandt said he is convinced that . mankind will never solve the problems of living together peacefully and comfortably on the earth until it achieves a well planned and rational system of population control. He was most outspoken in his criticism of pollution critics, how/ ever. “I am sufficiently cynical to believe that the present outburst of interest in pollution stems in a completely unconscious way from ;- this same unwillingness to face up to more intractable problems,” he said. “Pollution is obviously badeverybody is against it. It is partially at least a physical problem, though it has strong social overtones and we can certainly do mayy positive things about it, most of which will be useful. So socie-

Come/l

new

ty’s attitude seems to be one of ‘let’s all chase pollution in the hope that the nasty insoluble problems of poverty, violence and crime will go away’ “. Solandt said he had no doubt of the sincerity of those fighting pollution or of the desirability of starting now to control environmental quality . But pollution problems are aggravated by or even caused by population growth. He went op to describe how pollution control was like treating the symptom without treating the disease. However Solahdt’s own record does not accrue to him much success even in treating the ‘symptoms’. Solandt is vice-president of the electric reduction company (ERCO), which is the sole supplier of phosphates to Canadian detergent companies. ERCO also has come under considerable criticism for direct pollution at its plants in Newfoundland and Dunnville, Ontario. Toxic effluent from both plants has been polluting streams and killing fish; air pollution from the Dunnville plant has been suspect for the death of crops and aninials in that area. The science council of Canada, of which Solandt is chairman, is, advisor to the ca-nadian government on pollution.

affs

dean

nation. Cornell is a Canadian who The dean’s search committee is both teaching-oriented and has nominated professor Paul G. Co&&l1 to the position of dean of very concerned with undergraduate students. He views tith stispiarts. Professor Cornell is at precion any department that has or sent teaching Canadian history. would launch itself into PhD work He was the founding chairman of ” prematurely. Alsd he would be the department of history. to , resistant to any empire builders Leo Johnson was “joyful” learn of professor Cornell’s nomion campus. ’

No time for puft-times? The univer’sity act committee is almost ready to submit its latest draft to the board and senate for approval.’ One of the unfinished items in the by-laws is whether to include part-time students in the definition of ‘student’. It is generally agreed that since part-time faculty will not pa$cipate in government, neither shuld part-time students. A recent call for submissions from part-time students by the student rep John Bergsma was -poorly received, but of the 15 responses, most agreed that parttime-students should be consider;d as students, also. Operations vice-president Al Adlington noted that the position of part-time students is worth considef-ing in the light of possible .--

future educational t?ends. For instance, York has .over 6,000 parttime students. Bergsma added that a’ student representitive may want to drop some tiourses in order to devote more time to the governing council and that this should be taken into account.

Yankee

go’ home

.On - monddy immigration minister Allan McEachen said that american citizens who we& arrested at the Toronto demonstration and are convicted, face deportation. Two of the americans are students here at Waterloo. Shane Roberts, physics 1, is a landed ‘immigrant and Roger Mertl, grad psychology, is studying here on a student visa.

Since they walked off their jobs, the company h’as hired other perstnnel and contracted out its ~keypunching computer operation. Only eight office workers crossed picket line’s with managers and accepted the company’s offer.

Pollution

Meanwhile, plant workers-advised by their union leaders that the company was probably violathg its contract with them by hiring scab delivery men through the office workers’ strike-rejected taking slow legal procedures

probe:

and voted for wildcat support of office workers. Many ,of the striking offi‘ce people have less than five year’s seniority. At least six are supporting husbands attending university.

’

jDollution=-a typlicul -IMWx~ry _.cask of reversed priorities At all levels of government in this country today, a common policy concerning various aspects of pollution can be discerned. These policies directly affect the types qf laws which are enacted concernihg the ecological welfare of the nation. The policy, as it now sthnds, could best be described as one in which public health priorities have been reversed in favor of capital gain to isdustry. Existing policy, and laws emanating from it allow polluters to destroy, or seriously threaten the common well-being in favour _ of some -short-term profit-motivated enterprise. It would seem that any government which proports to represent the best interests of its electorate could clearly recognize the disparity between such a policy and the well-being of its citizens. But this does not appear to be the case, despite the best efforts of mhny scientists and of other interested citizens. 1 , The mercury

issue

A typical example of the current policy can presently, be seen in the case of mercury poisoning levels in fresh water fish. At the present time, inland commercial fishing has been banned in Howe Sound area of British Columbia, in the St. Clair river region of Ontario, along the Ottawa river and along the St. Lawrence -as far east as Quebec City. ‘In all\ instances, fishing bans were enforced when the “safe” level of mercury poisoning was exceeded as a result of industry dumping large quantities of that element into the. waterways. As a direct result of these bans a sizeable portion of Ontario commercial fisherman are now unemployed. To offset the immediate financial problem, one half a million dollars of public monies have already been promised as compensation by government bodies to fisherman in the Lake St. Clair region alone. At/ the same time however, one of the basic arguments heard in defense of present government policies on pollution is based on economic gain. That argument is that many industries cannot afford the adequate antipollution devices necessary to maintain a sound ecology. Forcing industry to provide adequate protection would cause many industries to close their doors, resulting in heightened unemployment and a loss of production. The end result, in this case, is that the commebcial fishing industries in certain areas have been closed down instead. This closing \ has created additional unemployment and a loss in gross national product, not to mention the millions of dollars added to the national debt which will be necessary to restore the damage caused by industry. Another argument commonly postulated in defense of the present polltition policy-dwells on the notion that, at the present time, we do not have sufficient research to show _that such industrial

practices are dangerous. In most cases this is in fact true. The onus of proof presently is on the public to show that certain corporate methods are harmful, and not on industry to prove to the people that these practices are not detrimental. Unfortunately, even in those cases, where it has been clearly , shown that certain industrial methods are dangerous or lethal to the good health of the people, aition by government has been slow, ineffective pr nonexistent. Both of these arguments and the present government policy place short term industrial and commercial benefits above public safety and in fact, above long range ecdnomic survival.

Thus far, only the effects of one type of water pollution has, been considered he,re. It is a well known fact that across this nation a number of other lethal ingredients are being added to our ecosystem. Among those are arsenic, chromium and nickel, all of which are highly lethal. The effect? of these poisons are known, and have been made public. The government is well aware of the direction in which the present state of affairs is leading. The action of the government will largely be determined by the pressure applied by industry to maintairi. the status quo, or by the people to change the situation. Obvidusly, the time has come for the people to become actively involved.

Motorsport

club pkms race to- mospoft can-am The Motorsport Club will soon formally participate in its first ‘major auto race. Next sunday, june 14, two buses will be sent to Mosport for the CAN-AM races. Unfortunately there are no class. es for such speedy vehicles in the day’s racing, so Gerry Conroy, organizer of the entry, has, decided to try the next best thing and is going to fill the buses up with racing fans. Tickets for t.he trip and Mosport admission tickets are on sale in the Federation of Students office in the camp& center during office

hours. The cost fo;-both is only ten dollars. This may sound like a high price to pay, but ‘it sure beats trying to drive hotie in that traffic inebriated. If all seats are sold, the whole venture will break even. The.club is also considering trips to the fabu ulous new multi-race complex in the Irish Hill-s in Michigan. But the CAN-AM trip must be successful first. The last day to get your ticket, will be the monday before, june 8.

At least til Sept.

@u&es

ubproveci

After several weeks of indecision the administration has finally given approval in firinciple for the #baby care center on campus. The uniyersity had niade no commitment for the permanent allocation of space of financial support for the center but has agreed to allow it to operate on an experimental basis until Sept. 1.

During that time safety officer Nick Ozaruk has been asked to assess the “need for and desirability and feasibility of both baby and child care services” and to investigate-means of implementing such needs. The Waterloo baby commune, which has been operating in rooms 207-208-211A of the campus center since the beginning of april, was organized by a group of students and staff to provide low cost care for children of students, faculty, and staff. It facilities has for . twenty children with ten presently enrolled, ran@ng from small babies to four years. The center operates on a cooperative basis with parents volunteering time as they are able. The monthly fee of $30 covers the cost of a diaper service and two full time staff members. Equipment has been donated dr improvized. ’

There are still several difficulties to be settled in order for the center to be licenced. 7 ~ The Day nurseries ’ board is questioning the qualifications of the stiff. They usually require a baby care nurse, or someone trained at Canadian Mothercraft. However, parents feel satisfied that the emergency use of health services is adequate physical protection for their children and since they are themselves ori staff they will ensure adequate eniotionaJ care. Tlie whole idea of group care of babies and of parents’ cooperatives is lrelatively new in) Canada. The Day nurseries branch have set what they believe to. be minimal standards for care of children, but many parents feel that demands such as hot meals at lunch for older children and a full-time nurse are unnecessary and unrealistic. It is hoped that some term of compromise can be reached. If anyone has any baby furniture, toys, or clothing they don’t heed; or spare time they could donate please call ext. 3810. Or if you just like kids or have one of your own drop into room 207 iti the campus center between 8:30 and 5:30 - they’re nice people. / friday

29 may

7970 (7 7:3)

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Some rumor-konger sent me a note last week. She had overheard John Robarts, She thinks, make a comment about “nice lecture hall,” while entering the theatre of the arts, and she was wondering what he meant. Well -1 thought everyone knew THAT story. If in fact our premier did say that, and if must have been with a note of sarcasm, he would have been referring to the fact that th-e theater of the arts is not altheater at all - it’s a lecture hall. At least that’s what the plans indicate. You see back in thos> days government financing ratios were different for teaching and nonteaching facilities. So the university, being honest and fair, just built a fancy lecture hall. All this, was helped a bit by the old head of PP&P, Mike Brooks (thanks Joan), who was a theater buff. ’ ’ Anyhow, it seems that Mr. Robarts has caught good 01’ Uniwat with its pants down, or should I say. . . .no I shouldn’t. * *-* * And I heard a neat-o rumour in the arts coffee shop a few weeks ago about the library. Read on, this is real juicy. A guy took back a book and it was so’overdue that the fine was

in excess of eight dollars. But the library had assumed the book was lost and had initiated charges closer to ten dollars for replacement. The girl at the desk was a bit confused but apparently some elderlywoman came out and thanked him graciously for returning the book and cancelled his fine. Now you have. to havesome sort of power to call the shots like that, so this might mean that the library senior staff don’t think we should have overdue fines. That’s progress. Hurrah. * * * * Iwould like to congratulate the keepers of Waterloo park who just recently drained the big lake, to look for dead bodies bottles and anything else valuable. I would also think that it might juSt tend to hamper any life in the lake (just in case any snuck in , after last year ) . But they know best. They know that three bears crammed into a tiny cage will be happy. It wax under somebody’s intensive care that ti mama bear has killed its babies twice (they dido’t even know she was pregnant last year). Well she was. How could she bear not to be. She had to bear once she was pregnant. That’s th&bare facts: Yup.

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ACROSS 1. Propag?ted by bourgeois press 5. Walking stick 10. Reactionary Canadian labour organization (abbn) 13. Obvious consequence of law . ’ ’ 15. Boycotted fruit 16. This (lat.) 17. Roman virgin 19. Not nice 21. Swung.with Adam 22. Not yours 23. The latest separatist front ’ 27. Associated with ladders, angry parents _ 29. Not closed 30. Three directions (abbn) Association 31. In terna tional (abbn) 32. Egyptian god ’ 33. Industrial Enterprises (abbn) 35. Same as 33 a?ross 37. Rather obvious ~1 ’ 40. Divided among heirs 44. Nationals (abbn ) 45. Canine command 46. Portable bed 47. I smoke it because I like it 49. Animal shelter 51. Canadian Telegram and Telephone Association (abbn) 52. Her eternal royal majesty (abbn) 53. Defeated in last Quebec election (abbn)

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IN’ ENGLISH

friday

29may

1970 (11:3)

This is‘ a taped interview Roussopoulos, editor of the left Montreal quarterly, O& lntervie wer: Satu Repo of bbard \ of This .magazine schools (Toronto). Adapted magazine spr.ing. 1970.

ere been in Quebec? activist here 7

student

Could

YOU

It seems to me that there have been two kinds of political responses that young people in Quebec have taken in the 1960’s. In the early part of the ‘60’s radical activities and political protest was concentrated among a small minority of students in- the elite univer@ties such as the university of Montreal and Laval. The student radicals at that x’ time tended to be chic and sophisticated non-con& leather coats and elegant formists in expensive coiffures, very parisian in many ways, and usually members at first of nationalist groupings and later of various small marxist-leninist groups. When any political action took place it was confined to this small and highly articulate group of students. leaving the majority untouched. In 1968 the protest movement has /shifted from the elite universities to the newly established junior colleges, the so-called CEGEP’s. The students here come from predominantly working class and lower middle class homes and lack the continental sophistication of the students-in the elite universities. They tend to be more like their sloppy american brothers and sisters in their colorfully miSmatched Sergeant Pepper outfits and with long hair-. Their leaders, when they emerge, are ndt french left-wing intellectuals, but rather part of a world-wide youth counter-culture. As exemplified by Charlebois, the celebrated montreal rock ‘singer, their music is also part of the international , youth culture. could

does Charlebois

compare

, 30 the Chevron

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demonstra-tign. On the other hand, significant radical action at university level has been virtually nonexiStent for the last 2 l/2 - 3 years. The great strikes have taken place in the CEGEPs. The most nobable of these, of course, was the general strike in October 1968, when 40,000 students attending these junior colleges in various parts of Quebec went on a strike which lasted several weeks. Why did they strike?

What

The thing I would like to emphasize COI these two groups and also concerning the tiondr-y left is that socialist thinking in Qul always had a strongly regional flavour. Or things that the thinking quebec socialist ha: insisted upon - and this applies to the olde ation of the ’40s and ’50s as well as the new tion - is that it was essential to develop an ically Quebecois brand of socialism; a SC that grew out of the history and culture people living here. In Quebec this has me there is a strongly-anarchistic streak in major movements on the left. Surprisingly there is also a very strong pacifist tenr b some of these groups. This is the case wit’l is probably the only party in the wor!d poqible exception of the Pacifist socialist in Denmark and the Netherlands - which that their government ought to be positivi tral in international relations.

were the issues?

There were many: protest over inadequate facilities, anger over the fact that there was not enough space at the higher universities for the CEGEP graduates who wanted to continue their studies, frustration in knowing that many of the graduates would not be able to find employment. But it was also a spiritual protest; a protest against the inhumanity, regimentation and jtit plain dullness of many of these schools. The students were protesting over the quality of their lives as students. During the strike when many buildings were occupied for long periods there were many attempts to set up alternative living and learning situations, combinations of communes and free universities.

”

How interested per se, in issues ialist alternative?

are these younger students in Quebec such as independence and building a sot-

There is no young person in Quebec who considers himself a militantor an activist in any sense who is not an independentist and a socialist. It is like putting on your coat in the morning.

According to this problem Quebec she be part of any superbloc and it should no1 national army. 1 was there during those ‘:’ debates. It is an issue which speaks to th to the history of these people. There has been a strong pacifist tendency in Queb majority participating in these debates w; defend Quebec against any external force 1 resistance rather than with an army. They training in mass resistance from the 1 schools to the universities. In other word: like the Swiss army: people would be tr: mass resistance so that if there is a foreig ion it will be a far more effective resistant say, the Czechs were able to put up in f the Soviets.

The growing movement towards independence hzis created new political grbupings in the left in Quebec. Could? you tell me something about these?

with Bob D y/an? J

Charlebois is rougher and m&e subversive, mor’e defiantly anti-bourgeois. He is more like Stones, actually, than like Dylan. The same defiance, in. ,cideptally, th& same joyful Philistinism and cultural anti-authoritarianism that finds expression in Charlebois has also manifested itself in the PO1 etry, fine arts and theatre of the late $Q’s. There have been a number of theatrical productions in the last Montreal season,expressing the same phenomenon, the emergence of a counter cultui-e. One of the plays was Gens de Noel Jremblez which I is a play on the name of the Minister of Culture. This was a kind of acid rock presentation, somewhat like Hair. It ‘was not very successful but it indicates a new direction. And in certain districts here in Montreal there is also a kind of a , village mentality emerging. ’ To sum up: there are now two subversive cultures within the new generation of the ’60s in Quebet - the culture of the traditional left and the new ’ counter culture. The second culture, the counter culture, is clearly the most militant. You see these kids coming out-by battalions when there is a mass

c QI

you tell me more about Charlebois?

Robert Charlebois is one of the most popular and talented singers in Quebec and is also somewhat of a pioneer. He has broken away from the french tradition of chansonnier, Vigneault, Leveillee, etc., in two yays: in terms of music, his music is mDre rock, and in terms of lyrics. His lyrics are a mixture of joule french, which ,is a very popular working-class french, and’ english. It is interesting that at the same time as Charlebois emerged as a singer there was also developing a new school of +poetry called ‘la poesie Babylon, ’ Babylonian poetry. The reason this poetry evolved was because there are a number of languages in Quebec. There is working class french and there is rural french: the rural french is a pure dialect and the working class fsench is a mixture of rural french and english -slang. There is the french of Radio Canada and the french of the professionals with a parisian influence, and there are the languages of the various minorities living in Quebec as well as english, of course. Charlebois has composed his lyrics in this new idiom and his songs and music are having ,an enormous impact .on Quebec. In addition, -he is now establishing an international reputation! Ho

CEGEPS, ml: unionism--$c toward a sock republic de@ Lib&al victor

with Dimitri radical; new Generation the editorial is about from This

Within the existing political structures the Farti Quebecois and the new developments within the Confederation of national trade unions are the most important. The Parti Quebecois was formed in 1968 by a group of left-wing liberals and social democrats under the leadership of Rene Levesque, a former liberal cabinet minister in the provincial legislature, who has become the most prominent non-marxist spokesman for national independence. P.Q. is a left social democratic party,an *independence party. It has attracted a substantial following: in less than three years its membership has grown to some 50,000 which is more than the eombined signed-up membership of the Union Nationale and the Liberal party. The CNTU grew out of the provincial catholic unions. It has some 280,000 members approximately half the organized workers in Quebec. (Only about 30% of the workers in Quebec are organized, incidentally). Its orientation tends to be nationalist and social democratic, although there is no.official line. Two years ago the national executive of the CNTU adopted the thesis of the Second front. According to this thesis it is not enough to organize workers through the collective bargaining process ; they also have-to be organized as far as consumption is conderned through co-op stores and banks and co&umer protection associations, and they have to be orsanized at their place.of residence as well. There has been some very significant work done in both these areas since then.

How

did Levesque / ’

react to this p?oposal?

Levesque-disagreed with this position, but t ority won. It was the majority position _ now the official position of the party. It was ed at the fouiding conference because Ll himself intervened and spoke against it. was brought up again at the P.Q. second car here in Montreal and this time it succeeded.

How about the CNJU? I would like to hear mor this whole concept of the second front. It is rathe for a labor union in- North america to be concerr social and political issues.

The social concerns are understandable wl know the historical roots of the CNTU. As tioned before, it grew out of the catholic 1aL ions. When Quebec be-gan to industrialize turn of the century and after the Secpnd WOI

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housing and health and recreational facilities, pri tection against unscrupulous landlords. and organ izing welfare recipients. But in the process, peopl have become more sophisticated politically, an are increasingly beginning to realize that in orde to get anything done they have to move into th political ar.ena. There is a move presently under way to set up. a municipal socialist party in Mon treal which will draw its support from the citizens committees, labour unions and progressive socia agencies. This party is call RAP - Regroupemen des associations populaires du bas de ville et dc l’est de Montreal. In my opinion it has a gooc chance to make a substantial showing in the nex municipal election. Could

you

revolutionary

ers. Naturally there was a lot of hostility towards these unions among those who held economic and political power and also among the catholic clergy who saw them as atheistic and communistic etc. To counteract the influence of these foreign unions, the clergy themselves got involved in organizing . catholic workers unions. Initially these unions were fairly moderate in their demands and perhaps not much different from company utiions. But they grew ‘gradually more militant _ and after some powerful strikes (like the one in Asbestos, Quebec in 1949 in which the quebet government sent the provincial police to break up picket - lines and intimidate workers with guns and clubs) they lost a great deal of their clerical support. They became secular national ‘unions and took the ‘name CNTU in 1962. Today approximately half of the,organized workers belong to the CNTU. The other half , roughly, are members of the Quebec federation of labour, which is part of the Canadian labour congress. In this organization the international unions dominate. The CNTU, because it is an indigenous organization, has developed quite different power structure than the rest of the union movement on this continent. There isa greater degree of democracy and co-operation within it. There is no centrally appointed union bureaucracy: the governing body of the CNTU consists of the delegates of all the member unions. All delegates have equal power despite the size of the union they represent. So you get both very small unions and very large ones making decisions together on an equal footing. More than half the. union dues go to the CNTU national office which has a central strike fund and also some money to spend on projects that it considers socially useful, like community organizing in the cities. Because of the pooling of finances, it is possible . for relatively small unions to do tough bargaining, _. and even go on prolonged strikes: Because of this .kind of power structure, it is understandable that the CNTU is much more sensitive to the political climate of the province than the Quebec federation of labour. The &FL, like its parent organization the Canadian labour congress, backs the New Democratic party, but it has never had much impact on the electorate. Officially the CNTU -doesn’t back any political party, but I bet there are more PQ organizers in the CNTU than in any other organization. When you drop in at the Montreal headquarters, you can just smell the PQ there.

It is important to understand that the anarchistic tendencies, the collectivism and distrust of topheavy bureaucratic structures which characterize the CNTU are as much rooted in the historical experiences of the quebecois as is the militant pacifism that has found expression in PQ. Among the

big labour leaders in the CNTU Michel Chartrand is perhaps the clearest manifestation of this. As you know, he is the president of the Montreal central labour council. Chartrand is an instinctive anarchosyndicalist, a man who profoundly distrusts authority where it is socialist or liberal or conservative; a man who refuses to be shackled by any structure. He recently resigned from the presidency because he said he was not interested in sitting behind a desk all day and pushing papers. He wanted to get back to the hustings, move around and talk to construction workers on their jobs and drop in on 1 people in factories and offices. Some kind of compromise solution was reached and Chartrand kept the job. ,I think &hey hired a number of extra secretaries to do the paperwork. Although Chartrand is. an exceptionally talented and powerful man, his attitudes are in many ways typically French-Canadian. Now about the ‘Second front. The Second front has two wings; the consumer protection wing and the political wing which consists of organizing people on a municipal level. The consumer protection organizations which are called ACEFs (Association c-o-operative d‘economie familiale’; were established in several regions two years ago. They concentrate mainly on budget counselling and consumer education. Because the French-Canadian worker, was a latecomer to consumer society, he tended to be much more vulnerable to it. He will sign anything without reading the fine print, and he is a sucker for all kinds of buy-now-pay-later rackets which are blossoming all over the prov( ince. Before he knows it, he is head over heels in debt and is threatened by legal action and repossession of goods by these companies. But ACEFalso aims at bringing together various progressive organizations among labour unions and sot-ial agencies, consumer coops land co-op banks ’ hoping that they will begin to develop -a united front against various aspects of exploitative business practices. And they also encourage people and groups to set up co-operative enterprises. ACEFs are quietly subversive organizations which aim at educating people about the evils and corruption of the present cap- . italist system, both on the level of production and distribution and at the. same time encourage people to band together to build an alternative system of producer and consumer co-operatives. The political activity of the Second front consists of participation in community organizing on the municipal level. This kind of organizing has-been _ more .successful in Quebec, and specifically in Montreal, than anywhere else in Canada. There have been more organizers here, of course. Various associations have sent in social animateurs to communities with the aim of increasing citizen participation in all aspects that affect their lives. Citizens’ committees have cropped up in many urban areas, and Montreal is full of them. They have

te//

something

~about

the

left in Quebec?

The revolutionary left is very divided here. There are many small groups. The most significan t indigenous , groups have been the FLQ and the FLP. The FLQ came first. In some sense the FLQ was intended to be the front that was going to, launch and sustain the armed struggle, not just for an independent Quebec, but for an independent socialist Quebec. The FLP could perhaps be seen as the political wing of the same struggle: somewhat like Vietcong and FLN. The chief theoreticians for these groups, so far, have been Vallieres and Gagnon. FLQ, when it launched into its terrorist operations, was very much influenced by the film The battle of Algiers and the writings of Franz Fanon. The idea here was that symbolic terrorism would .awaken the country, make the masses conscious of their oppression, and that eventually this would lead either to mass resistance or significant political activity. After a wave of symbolic terrorism took place in Quebec Vallieres and Gagnon; . along with many others, were arrested. Gagnon has recently been released but Vallieres is still in prison four years later, and without a proper trial. While in prison, Vallieres has written an important document, a letter to the founding conference of FLP. In this letter he emphasized the importance of building an indigenous kind of socialism in Quebec. He talked about direct democracy; he talked about worker control; he talked about a society which was controlled from below. Our kind of socialism, he said, is not going to be the socialism of Cuba or the Soviet Union or China or Algeria. It is going to be something our people’ create . themselves.

i cannot say anything very certain about the FLP. It is a marxist-leninist group, a vanguardist group. They believe very much in the primacy s of the working class. On the other hand, a lot of their constituency consists of students and young unemployed workers. They-have also been involved in citizens’ committees in some areas, although this, too, goes against their theory. For on a theoretical level, at least, they are very much opposed to getting ’ involved in electoral politics. They also don’t believe in working with the lumpen element of the working class which dominate the poor areas in the inner city whf?re most of the citizens’ committees operate. Since Gagnon was released from prison- he has made a couple of interesting statements that may have some effect on the future activities of these two groups. He has said that the period of armed struggle has come, to r an end for FLQ. He no longer believes in the necessity for terrorism but thinks the time \ is ripe for political action. What does he mean by political action? It is still too early to tell. . I ‘continued over page

. I

Friday

29 may

7970 (i i.-3)$ 3/

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Lift in Montred?

I certainly have not written off organizing the element -in . Montreal, at english-speaking - least not the .powerless element, the studentsthe .poor.- I am not talking about the eng, - and lish-speaking corporate and financial - elite. , -There are two schools of thought among the radicals -about how to or‘\ _english-speaking 7 ga&ize the non-french element. Some people -- feel that English radicals should join the french z liberation ). movement as individuals, 1 learn to speak -French and -forget about their _ own natural constituency. The other position, . , which makes more sense to me, is that the , english-speaking Quebeeker as well as the . english Canadian in- general, should learn to understand his own oppression - and colonconcrete . and - specific ialization in very , terms- We have to learn here from the French r Canadian nationalist movement. The French- Canadian movement -began as a linguistic ’ -‘and cultural movement. There was a lot of outstanding writing --about .. the colonialized mentality of the .Quebecker:looking at what ,* effect colonialization has had on the sexuality. of t y people, their literature and cinema and . - so on: ’ These discussions on the cultural fabricof colonialization engaged the imagination of the artists -and intellectuals in Quebec. What piays - and novels followed were films, dealing with; the same theme making thus Aa ’ larger group -of people. aware of their own alienation. When the alienating factors ofcolonialism were objectified in various forms _of art; people were. much, more ready _to dis- 1 cuss the economic and political dimension of the problem1 The socialists emerged and . were . . activated and, found, that. they had a surprisingly \ receptive audience.The trouble ’ with _theb english Canadian nationalists is that they have not been able to - move away from the economic dimension. - -

’ -

1 .

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FINALLY THEYHAVE, IN COMMON...

The point I -am trying to make is that., the 4 student left is often incapable of bringing people together and tends to create divisiveness within the student body rather than clearly, seeing the administration as the enemy “to” organize against. When they fail as organizers, they! fall back on elitism and vanguardism. They dig up the holy : scripturesT -. I - of Mao and ,Lenin and begin the process of rationalization, of justification, explaining why they are a minority and will remain a minor-, . , ity.- And consequently they never get involved / , in direct action. . These are the difficulties with english-speaking student radical’s,. but I don’t ,think- that th& , situation is hopeless. On the .other hand the organizing of the english-speaking poor into - ,. . citizens’ committees has been quite successful. A group. of these people recently held the first Teach-In on poor people in Canada.’ It was I completely run by- them and they had workshops on -their civil rights \and on-landlord-tenant relations and welfare and many other sub_ , b-o jects. The whole thing was very successful. . And they have - been puttink out their own newspaper for several - years now. There is also an important caucus of’ radical social workers in Montreal. They have regular meetings - talking about strategy and holding seminars _ - on. political education. - It is important to _con’ , tinue this organizing work and also to organize . L other groups in a similar fashion: englishspeaking students ’ should be organized and professionals and , industrial ’ > ’ English-speaking workers should be organized. and at the. same ey time educated about what is happening in , Quebec, so that they- understand and become A -. responsive _to - the national liberation ‘. move- 1 . ment .-ywhich is taking _ place here. Unless . this. is done, things will be disastrous - -when Quebec becomes independent. There will ‘either be a mass exodus or there will be violent ‘clashes -between the french majority +and the , 2 english-speaking minorities :

Right on peoples, . th* trsmendoirr-

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coverage

Congratulations on your excellent report of the action in Tor _ o&o last weekend. The fact that University of Waterloo had such a large contingent : is to be commended. Bill Jacksoh is especially to be ,congratulated END BIG- HII ~~THE-S&TER~ ’ mw < for his efforts during .the day. Through efforts such as his, the,Caught htisea of passion and bizzare sexuakastes! Roberts brothers, Roger Merth ~ and _Rennis Wright, the cry of “we’re number one”%11 be ringink j 3ver the campus again. Certainly no one can fail to, be impressed with this selfless and valiant effort at establishing the “LET IT BE” 1:309:30 - 7:30 - -10:30, r OPENS at 7:30 pm supremacy of Waterloo in this event. Through dedicated. practice _ (Peterborough) our boys have shown that Waterloo has the stuff \ that great Universities ‘are made of. I would suggest that the lettermen be approached so that endeavours such as this be recog- , nized with a Warriors jacket. Also perhaps, if the suggestion were made to M. Drapeau, Canada as, the\ host country to- the 1976 Olympics, cowld introduce a’ demonstrating event. , Meanwhile; keep I up the good \

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. * _ c. Di@ thait pohtion stop, Why &es everyone shap cr) reporting Chevron. Duri&t the coming months of consistent M&+ because down with big governm6nt rDcrminiod weather, this will make for exciting reading. ,It is good -to see that you are ‘_ One of the downfalls in shopping covering- relevant- issues ‘like pol- at the. local see or even the MarPeace , - , E.W$. LOACH lution for a change. It’s about time -l&t. is. that you really don’t get.’ ~ I you get -do-wn to real business and ’ _ the chance to, see what the con- . 4A them. eng. -_ sumer’ societv’is doing with itself -. ’ point out ‘the root causes of such i problems. In the story ‘in May 15 /1 these days. .T!he word”supermar-& need--a who/e /OF more ket” - is finally honest and it’s of Jesus and loi jesrr crud issue you pointed out the corruptness of big government. . _ ’ unreal. I must take exception to putting I walked into a. Dominion forHow can we expect business to the news ,of Toronto all over exercise tress the other ,day, blinked twice proper pollution control and stared. Dominion doesn’t just- s your front page last may 15. the laws that’deal with-the How about some good news, like ..when sell food - that would make too t the -great religious revival in problem are so vague. - much sense 1 Dominion sells led by Dr. John’ If the laws on pollution were superfood f ram all over the -world ; _ Leamington Wesley White, disciple of Billy prewrapped,. precanned, _ stockclear and enforced regardless, of Graham? Learnington isn’t that the company concerned, then piled beyond credibility, with than Toronto and sizes, kinds, tastes and colours - much further business could go ahead and in< no doubt there were other particicorporate the cost of pollution conto suit every changing whim. pants than myself there too. Yours for the asking, friends, trol on the consumer and the probThe only solution to the world’s lem would be licked. with the right amount of exproblems - is salvation through change. But don’t stop there. As long as the possibility of polyoung hippie radiWheel your carriage past the operr . Jesus Christ; luting is there, the companies are cals pretend that there is salvastorage into the clothing section. left with no other option in order _ tion in their violent actiop and to compete . _ - Is your pleasure men’s, women’s un-Christian life-style. or children’s wear? Or perhaps If there is any- logical -theory you need hardware supplies or Smarten up, government, before salvation through’ ‘you ruin our free enterprise systoys or that new la.mp you’ve ’ that promises. / smashing Eatonis window I’d like tern. been yearning for? - -\ j -/ * Maybe you’re just after another to hear about it. GRAHAM WILLIAMS ‘ROBERT SIMPSON -pound of your favourite tobacco, . . religious studies 2 laissez faire 2a but it -gets tempting as you pass . by one shiny aisle after another, OPEi\iS NIGHTLY AT 6:30 pm . _. music soothing the vague uneasiness that just won’t leave. When “MQNIQUE” at 7 and IO pm you *enter and exit, TWO doors ‘!THE SISTERS” at 8:25 plan now magically zip apart as you MATINEE Sqt. Sun at 2 pm ’ touch the rubber. ’ Don’t forget on your way to the AVE -iWINDsoblE~EIN6 _ car the garden ‘supplies, potted plants and kiddies’ swimming pool. It’s outside under the awning as only so much fits inside. And should you be asked what you did ’ that day. and with not a little awe-’ and apprehension say ‘I -went to the’ superm2rket’, I wonder how many would know what you mean. BRENDAPELLIER man-environment ,’ /

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, tion. of the characteristics bf two widely divergent Alas, in the age of the technocratic society, where -- -.medii. alienation and mental constipation go hand in hand, it has become increasingly difficult for the individual The andersonwi//e *tria/ was historically the ‘- to relate to personal or moralistic events .wbich have _ ’ ~-first instance in which an individual of a defeated ’ tonsiderable influence on ‘day to day existence. . army was charged with conspiracy to commit, war This’subtle form of alienation is inherent in the tech- ~ crimes, -\ . nocracy and is magnified by -the omnipresent con-, . And&onville, Georgia was the sight of a prisoner \ ’ , tradictions of capitalism. of war camp during the, american civil war, which; became vastly overTo a, great extent,: the mass media, (television in - *as the war was intensified, -particular ), ‘has played ‘an essential role in mass @owdedThe direct result of these oppressive and degP (ading conditions was that approximately fifteen alienation., The media have succeeded in stifling the.. thousand-lost their lives largely as a result of the j individual’s concepti@i of “self” and how he- might tre&ien t they received. relate to events -presented in either a. documentary ’ _ , or allegorical perspective. The original intent the . trial, as produced for #..i aof, 1. television, was t ,o rina tne prison commanaant,n 1 capAlthough the theater still exists -as a medium of -tain Henry Wirz, piaye~ UY w iiiia111 ~d~endr~, creative expression, as exemplified by recent pro\ guilty of conspiracy to commit mass murder. 70 and. Dionysus in ‘69, it ductions of Chicago -dies not compare in scope and populgrity with the As the t.rial progresses however, the defense attorney; portrayed by Ja.ck Cassidy, succeeds in reone-dimensional aspects oftelevision and film. futing every major argument. by the prosecution ’ Both theater and television have retained techniin the murcal and-artistic advantages over each other. How ’ that Wirz did in fact actually participate ders which allegedly had .occured. Cassidy effecoften can one remember having sat down in front tively conveys the impression of a civilian attorney 1 of the old tube, and being subdued into---a state of boredom? Nevertheless, the most popular examples . pissed off at the moral indignation of the military influence in I of creative ex!ression present in film and tele’ which has -always been a (dominant -. > america. vision are based primarily on the element Y.of fanThe prosecution, not being able to convict Wirz on tasy. _ ’ legal grounds decides to try and\ convict .him on . _ Not surprisingly then, the mass, media are -most moralistic grounds arguing--that -although Wirz was often utilized or ‘even exploited by media moguls to only following orders, he had a moral responsibility create an atmosphere of mental mediocrity in their to himself and to his prisoners to alleviate the invictims. -5prospective tensely oppressive conditions of the camp. In line c The tube can hardly-be called a medium of crea- ‘I with am&&an political and military tradition, Wirz , tive expression; in actuality it has adopted the guise ‘is convicted on moral grounds. L of a perverted rn-edium in which the purveyors of The trial of-Henry Wirz was undeniably a political fantasy and mediocrity,have sought to seduce their one. An individual was convicted of committing audience, for whom they have little respsct‘in the j-.crimes perpetrated by his military and p@itical . first place, into a state of passive -abstention rather superiors. I ,, than active participation on any sort Of intellectual i) , An interesting parallel might be drawn between or thought-provoking level. this abuse of justice:military style and the recent Theatre and television .by their very nature are i, explanations of the consequences of the My Lai and media -of opposite intention and effect. The most , Kent state massacres. .common aspect of television is its physical detachIn the case of Kent state, individual guardsmen .ment from its audience and its subtle irrelevancy. I were excused by the explanation that t&iei$reactions The theatre however, whether drama critics admit were the direct result of a potentially volatilesitu_ it or not, inadvertently attempts to convey a miniation and were coolly {condemned by their superiors ma1 amount of aesthetic expression, with .which in for “loosing their cool”; in the case of My Lai, it it some cases,, the individual can relate to on a basic - established authori-ty, and not individuals,who is level. _ I . io blame for ihe perpetuation of legally s$nctioned < ‘InsTances where the theatre’ and television- have violence-and murder. co-ordinated their efforts with any reasonable deAt present in america, any collective protest agree of success have been rare,’ and mediocre efforts gainst established authority-is -considered. suitable f t -. . at that. mA ’ forindictment on a charge of conspiracy. _ ’ Recent-proceedings in Chicago and military stock’ An exception to this standard in George C. Scott’s trial, ades across the U.S. are indicativeof the fact that re‘cent production Of The andersonville the judicial system, as a- part of, an, oppressive, ’ which was presented on the National Educational \, racist, and militaristic society, is as sick and.c%rrupt ‘Television Network. Scott’s production of this confroas the brands of “justice-” which it seeks to uphold. versial drama represented an effective consolida-, T_ / t I~ -. L-z

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comYmercial stuff. I$ ranged from Sauntered into the-pub at the The singer didn’t ‘turn me on,(“we%e -;had a ’ either. , She seemed to’ sing- with New. Orleans campus center tuesday night. The little feeling for her material, and - regulars were out in force’ (go a- request ‘for someth$ig fast. This is the fastest we know”.) to The more than once sang in the same head, ask me how I know they were regulars), but there were band and C!arence Clamwater, . key as the guitarist. _’ ’ _ The Pilgrims’ Children is a rdatk?ly drummer and bags, were a few new faces as well. Among . them were the members of the new local band, featuring guitar, both quite good, laying‘ down‘ a for their band playing there, Pi/grims’ childbass, drums, and (for all you male ,good. solid Jbackground chauvinist pigs) a female singer. numbers. ‘; I was none to overly impressed ’ -The only unfortunate incident of with the guitarist. His style was the evening occured, when a small minority ‘of those in attendance what might be called nondescript, and besides that, he made a lot decided to sit down in the middle 1. of the ‘dance floor, ruining the of mistakes. , dancing and- sweating for the 9 great silent majority ‘of’ dancers ’ we-have .and sweaters. - ’ ’ The Board of Student-Activities is. sponsoring a series of tuesday Brut 1: night pubs this -summer, with specially reduced admission for U of W students (10. cents with Tabac U of W ID). With groups, such as Pilgrims’ children, it’s a good “way to spend- a warm-summer’s Pub. evening, -even ,if heavy juicing , isn’t youfbag. - -.: _ ” _

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29 may

hl70

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This man is president:; :--

an interview with’Dr. Burt Matthews I

by Alex

Smith

HE QUESTIONS PUT to university of Waterloo presidentdesignate Burt Matthews by myself and Bruce Steele of Radio Waterloo resulted from three hours of considering what type of format would best draw this man out of his administrative shell and enable him to comment openly about his concepts of the university. According to the syrupy verbiage in last february’s Gazette, Matthew’s answers would be the product of his having “thought long and deeply about universito grips ‘with ties”, and having “come many of thee deepest problems besetting a modern, rapidly-growing university.” Instead, Matthews answers. were as follows: l In the matter of improving communications among students, faculty and administration: establish committees. 0 In the matter of the accessibility of ’ research : “the freedom to publish most , of us guard with great care.” @ In the matter of the role of the uni“in the process of doing research versity: to keep the academic program up to date,, the university solve some problems.” l On the question of considering education mainly as a means to an end-job and * money-: “It’s what society wants.” Although professing a policy of “openness” in discussing university affairs, it seems Burt Matthews offers little change from the present and traditional practice of qualifying who in the university “community” should know what. A professor, in his opinion, has the right to refuse to respond to a call for publication of his material-whether made as a demand from society or from within the university-by claiming the research may not be complete and needs verification. An administrator, in his opinion, need not clarify’ reasons for firing faculty “unless requested to do so by the person in question”, even though the arbitrary firing act has been the cause of many student protests on Canadian campuses over the past two years. Matthews considers the only reason he would challenge a professor would be because of either salary demands or incompetence although he also commented that the only place a professor is ‘not a “free agent” was in the classroqm, and consequently this place must be kept free of “those biases and views which are personal.” Indeed. ’ The most fascinating exchanges occurred after the actual taping of Radio Waterloo’s S.S. Inquisition had concluded (mainly because the tape ran out). Dis-

cussing the broad topic of liberalizing the university through inter-connection of disciplines, Steele commented on what is really a truly intellectual deilemma: adapting the tenets of one discipline to the construct of another. In other words, should not the university’s true purpose be to allow -a student to study (for example) math courses but verbalize his new knowledge in terms common to (for example) humanities? (The converse could also be postulated). Or, if you prefer, should not the “jobtraining” aspects of universities be eliminated by requiring industries to train their own -apprentices in their own schools? . Matthews replied that the average stu-dent was at university to get a degree, ensure his job future and thereby guarantee his income. \ Yes, but hasn’t it been drilled into our heads for years that education is merely a means to an end? If so, how can we accept only a definition of the university based solely on the anticipated echo of the “means-to-an-end” myth? Matthews: “But it’s what society wants.” After this transaction, one might wonder about Dr. Matthews’ ability to conceprua/ize-surely an ability that could be expected of a university president. And what of the apparent, confusion about the concept of social responsibility? On one hand, Matthews discharges personal obligation (or the obligation of an institution) for creative questioning by the glibe remark “it’s what society wants.” On the other hand, he comments that “knowledge can be used to both the detriment and benefit of society: it depends on who has knowledge, not who discovers it.” Then his previous remarks about research and the role of the university must mean’ that the operational power of the university-has the right to decide who is to have knowledge, whether “society” wants it or not. Or perhaps even whether society needs it, or not. z

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this is an adaptation of an interview may 20 for the radio waterloo program alex smith and brute Steele.

According to Matthews, “students have a real role to play, because they have a particular experience no faculty has: the experience of taking a lecture at, the university of Waterloo.” Because of this, better communication among faculty, students and administration means setting up committees. “Those involved should have background or experience which would lead to devel-’ opment of better procedure; or who are to be affected by policy. ” I commented that people have been forced to think in a structure” basis, and not in a free-flowing “who-can-I-talk-to” frame of reference. Would Dr. Matthews have any‘ideas about eliminating the structural hang-ups of the university? “Part of the problem,” he replies, “could be eleviated by co-ordinating committees and cross-administrative structures, out of senate, for example.” Did Dr. Matthews not understand that meeting rooms, ~with chairs neatly arranged in rows or behind desks intimidate people into not saying what they want to say and often entice them into saying what they really might not have meant? ’ Trying to elicit his opinion of the proposition that the environmental structure of the university is alienating to studentssomething that was realized here by student-administration leaders years agowe began groping for illustrative examples of- what we wanted to convey: meetings in the physical ‘(open”; in the arts quadrangel ; on the lawn. .d . anywhere where students passing by might be attracted to join discussion; the use of flyers, notices to draw students and faculty to open forum debates and interaction. Matthews’ response: “You mean we should hold meetings outside?” Burt is in favor, of course, of “generally open meetings all around. . . there’s no.point in having an open meeting secretly held. ” Is there any point in having “meetings” at all?

with burt matthews taped as inquisition. interviewers:

Burt Matthews is cautious about emotion. So cautious, in fact, that, “belief”, ’ “bias” and “emotion” all end up seemingly equated in meaning. Having stated in many interviews that to him, teaching comes first, Matthews contends a professor is not most effective when teaching something he believes strongly. “One can be fanatasized by one’s betief , ” he says, ,and goes on to equate such emotion involvement with great bias. It is at this point that he claims the only time a professor is not a free agent is when he is in the classroom. “We must present concepts,” he says, “without evi aluating them.” * It may be interesting to see where all our “value free’ professors go when Burt Matthews becomes president on july 1st. * * * l Matthews did not speculate on the university consultant’s report supposedly due by the end of june; he did mention, however, that because there are things university students’ want done on their behalf, he is in favor of a department of student affairs. He did not comment on the possibility that such a department that such a department might act, as it did in the past, as a bureaucratic buffer to channel student dissent away from immediate confrontation with the administration. l He considers the president of the university should act as a “clearing house” who should depend on others to make more decisions, except when they are “cross-department” decisions. Is the role of‘ the university to solve problems or to train’ people in the technique of solving problems? Matthews clearly considers it is not the former; yet he also comments: “I don’t think it is possible to train in the techniques of solving problems. . . change is so quick that we can no longer assume that values and problems of today will be the ones our grads will have to face, so we must provide the opportunity to learn now those things that one might guess will be most useful in solving the problems of the future.” And of course, in order to do this he contend& he will need the “best judgement of faculty and students as to what in the world we should ^i learn. ” Well, at least Burt Matthews gave (the impression of being genuinely earnest. But will that be enough to save ‘him from the wolves?

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HE PHONE RANG, an altogether silly thing for a phone to do as the bell inside could just as well have done the job: and Timothy raced down the hallway from his s bedroom to the living room. When he got there (as he always assumed he would) he found the Bell Telephone man taking the phone and putting it inside a cardboard box. The wiring lay unattached on the floor. ‘What ho!” cried Timothy. “I have just now heard the phone sound it’s page, and I have relinguished myself from my books in quest of the answer, forsaking my study in order to answer my , calling, Bell. And yet, as J achieve this place, as I always assumed 1 would, I find to my amaze that there is no longer what twas before. . . a phone in name. Pray tell, Bell, what speakest thou to my situation?” “You’re hearing things.” sounded the repairman, scratching his beard with one hand while the other freely grasped Timothy by the ankle. “What sayest thou?” quizzed Timothy as best he could without the free use of one limb. _ “Take a man’s arm and he will scratch where it once was”, stated the Bell man briskly. “Well shit”, intoned the former owner of the arm. “It’s true. Ever since the war, I keep feeling I haven’t washed one of my arms, and by this time it must be intolorabely dirty.” “It smells it”, sait Tim. “Get out of my apartment”, he said. The one armed man quietly left dragging his air hammer with him, and Timothy turned once again to the Bell man. ’ I“Why removist thou my phone, oh person of the street?” “You asked me to.” \ “I expected no more calls.” ” Fool. ‘: \ “Yes?” I. “Take away this Timothy person,and look him up, fool. He causes nothing but problems. And I when you come back; bring me my masseur.” The fool escorted Timothy to the cage and left him alone with 4 doctors and a naked, buxom lady. The lady united his shoes, stripped him ‘of his “T” (for touch) shirt, and began passionately throwing her elbow into his knee. Timothy sat in silence as the doctors chanted. “Love me, Love me, Love me, I a sibeling” and the lady grunted on the offbeat. The fool returned with three copies of “The Confessions of Jean Jaques Rouseau” and a peanut butter and jam smattie. He gave , each of the four doctors a copy of the book and the smattie to the lady. The lady opened the sandwich and placed the halves on the inside of Timothy’s thyes. “l-wonder who it was who called,” said Timothy aloud, quite forgetting his place.

by Bruce

‘. -7 -

Steele

1970

member: Canadian university press (CUP) and underground press syndicate (UPS): subscriber: meration news service (LNS) and chevron international news service (CINS): published fiftytwo times a year (1970-71) on tuesdays and fridays by the publications board of the,federation of students, incorporated, university of YVaterloo. Content is the responsibility of the chevron staff, independent of the federation and the university administration; off ices in the people’s campus center; phone (519) 578-7070 or university local 3443; telex 0295-748; summer circulation 8,500; Alex Smith, editor. Wednesday this week was a groove for all the third-level bureaucrats and “concerned” co-ordination people who went to counselling services’ presentation of data in the MC building. It was a shame counselling did not arrange a more involving andcrucial demonstration of their activitiesthere were real possibilities, * ?hen again, it was perhaps only intended as an attempt to satisfy vertical-scope minds (yes, Al Adlington was there) of the fact that counselling services’ budget allo-’ cation is justified. It is, of course, the graph-gobbling, chartgrone Datamongers of the Middle EcheQns that need their existence justified, not counselling services.‘1 asked at one point after a brief discussion of T-groups whether any such groups had been organized for administrators. Brian Hendley from the undergraduate affairs office chuckled next to me and said “yes, they’re called committees.” Indeed. Written on the campus center blackboard this week: Pain makes man think, Thought makes man wise, Wisdom makes life endurable, How about that? Am I, right in assuming, however, that if a equals b, b equals c, and c equals d, a does not necessarily equal d? (I can play this game too, Steele). Pajn is therefore not necessarily endurable, as is the case, I would venture to say, with the idiot who wrote it. But it does sound nice. Multi objections came from people screaming about the biased news on page 2 last week concerning an ostensible campus center re-liberation. There’s no excuse: the story was a filler, that’s all, though it was based on a very defmte rumor. And congratulations to our printer who moved into new bourgeois I buildings yesterday: may our printing rates not go up to cover your overhead. Finally, in closing, \ there is nothing more to say about Burt Matthews, entertainment: ross bell news: bob epp features: rats photo: john nelson you will note the great number of photos in the chevron this week taken by our ever-increasing photo staff: steve izma, nigel burnett, doug minke, brian soucie, phil elsworthy; gary robins. also this issue: stan simister, dane charboneau, kathy dorschner, rqarie kennedy, brute steele and louis silcox. and remember: he who laughs last, laughs last.

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friday

29 may. 7970 (7 7:3)

I ~&J~~~er by Scott Arnold Chevron staff

tage,

CHEVRON BOOK REVIEW

The E!itterHeritage, Mifflin company,

Ho.ughton 1967

RTHUR

SCHLESINGER’S BRIEF volume, The Bitter Herioffers an appraisal of the historical and theoretical ori-gins of America’s Vietnam policy; in addition to these allegedly A descriptive efforts, Schlesinger proposes several alternatives to the present course of action’in southeast Asia. Unfortunately, Schlesinger’s noble effort is vitiated by glib half-truths and an apparent inability to get to the root of the problems he sees, A meaningful book about the United States’ Vietnam policy must fulfil1 several Functions. First of,all, it must accurately present the historical origins If the present conflict. Secondly, it must offer credible insights-into how the Vietnam problem fits into the structure of ‘U.S. foreign \policy as a whole. And last, it must offer meaningfulunmystified alternatives - _ to such policies.

idea-the idea that the war in Vietnam served, Schlesinger’s suggestion . must is not just a local conflict . . . but a fatebe seen as an excellent one. ful test of wills between China and the Schlesinger describes the Laos experiment : “There the coalition formula, United’ States”, he emphasizes that this was not the initial motive for intervenby offering the Pathet Lao representa. tion but only a -product of what he calls tion in the government, induced them the “rhetorical escalation” of the) war. for a moment to stop fighting. At -the Schlesinger then leads us to and leaves same time, it separated the honest naus at the conclusion that the initial and - tionalists from the disciplined commonly reason for american intervention unists within the Pathet Lao, and it gave in Vietnam is, simply, a moralistic one. Souvanna Phouma and the neutralists Thus at the very basis of the “rhetorical the genuine neutrality of their country escalation” we find, if we follow Schlesingto defend. When the Pathet Lao, failing er, nothing but more rhetoric. to take over theI government from Although the author insists that exwithin, withdrew from the coalition and planations of politics that remain solely resumed the civil war, Souvanna PhouSchlesinger’s book does not adequately about free elections is just so much dust on the level of moral rhetoric are dangerma now moved to defend laotian neutrathrown into the eyes of the unwary and fulfil1 any of these functions. This is not to ous nonsense, he himself, in spite of such lity not against the United States but say that there is nothing of worth in The naive. assurances, frames his analysis in the against communism. As a result, the Bitter Her+e---the author offers severAn account of the american advenlanguage of moral rhetoric. For exampcoalition experiment shifted the balance ture in southeast Asia remains inadeal important insights. These are, howle, “Let us try to see the situation as it of forces in Laos very much against the quate’ to the extent that fails to examine Pathet Lao.” ever, rendered largely inconsequential is: a horrid civil war in which communist by the incredible amount of nonsense the government’s contempt for and maniguerillas, enthusiastically aided and now Contra Schlesinger, the cause of the pulation of the increasingly important with which they are coupled. substantially directed from Hanoi, are withdrawal of the Pathet Lao from the In tracing the history of United States structures of international law. trying to establish a communist despocoalition was the CIA sponsored’assassinSchlesinger’s description of ‘the man ation of two of +,heir government meminvolvement in Vietnam,- the author does tism in South Vietnam, not for the Chinquite well until he arrives at the post that the U.S. put in power after the ese but for themselves.” He then indicates hers, the most important beiqg the neuGeneva talks is ~also quite unfortunate. tralist foreign minister, Quinim Pholsena. Geneva Accord (1954) period: here Arthat this “communist despotism” is basthur is reluctant to draw out the symboHe tells us that Diem “fought long and‘ ed upon a “dismal and dogmatic creed, The “New York Times” ‘indicated that honorably for national independence.” lit and practical consequences of the with subsequent repression for its people Washington was not displeased at this american government’s relation to the This hardly squares with the facts. and losses for foreign investors. ” new threat to the coalition; quoting ‘a Diem was a Catholic Mandarin who, when Thus, while telling us that american Geneva Accords. He writes: “ . . . WashWashington official: “The foreign minisington supported Saigon in its determina. the Japanese over-ran Vietnam, mainpolicy vis-a-vis Vietnam is mistaken ter was reported1 to have been using his tained “friendly” relations with them ; insofar as it is based upon illusions of tion to ignore the provision in the Geneinfluence in a move to the left, so that a va Agreements for all-Vietnam elections who, when the French colonized his coungrandeur, Schlesinger invites us, by imwide rift was opening within the neutratry, became a high official in the french plication, to see american intervention in 1956. However, the question of the 1956 list ranks.” (apri12, 1963). election was agitated in later years far civil service, and who, when the Vietnain Asia as some sort of crusade against Souvanna tried to restore the coalition mese began to revolt against the french “despotic repression”. The Vietnamese beyond its importance. For, even if presiby bringing together Phoumi (the man the dent Eisenhower in his memoirs was colonials, fled the country. This is hardly ’ and foreign investors (not necessarily CIA brought from France to head the the record of a nationalist freedom fighin that order) must be “saved”; as he ready to concede Ho Chi Minh 80% of the right-wing “Committee for the Defense vote, Ho himself never displayed any inter. sees it, only the presence of american of the National Interest”.) and the head Although Schlesinger rightly points out terest in permitting free elections on his troops in Vietnam can prevent the “bloodof the Pathet Lao. Several days after side of the 17th parallel.” the repressive nature of the Diem regime, bath” of communist (i.e., nationalist) this meeting, Phoumi’s troops seized the it is quite important to indicate that victory. capital city. This statement encompasses both a lie Diem’s terrorism was not merely the and a distorting understatement. For Schlesinger, the problem remains several weeks aftr’ this, Souvanna’s quirk of an “honest nationalist” but was To say that Ho Chi Minh showed no inessentially the same as its formulation neutralist supporters had been “coalesthe considered program of a reactionterest in promoting free elections is by the government; his only ,difference ted” with Phoumi’s right. wing factions: ary dictator-a dictator all too similar with the government ends up being of a simply ‘a lie. The reports of the Internathe army (and, in effect’, the governtional control dommission indicate that to those “free world” leaders installed strategic nature-he would prefer a merit) was now led by ten generals and supported by the U.S. throughout (nine of them right wing; one of them North Vietnam appealed repeatedly to political “solution” rather than the marthem in order to get elections under way. the Third World. tial approach of the government. . neutralist) .This is probably the group The only difference between Diem and The author also grossly neglects the To imply that the U.S. is in Vietnam Schlesinger speaks of as defending laoimportance of the american refusal to these other “free world” thugs is that he because it wishes to “save” the peoptian neutrality. le in Vietnam is about as enlightening as - The Bitter .Heritage ‘contains allow ,the scheduled elections to take was unable to ‘crush the revolutionary some sentiment and activity of his subjects. , saying that the Russians invaded Czechosignif ican tly place. Senator Ernest Gruening said in important material-the slavakia to save the Czechs. Both must be a speech to the senate on april 9, 1965: Any work that is going to give an accurdemolition of the myth of monolithic of american Vietnam seen as nothing but hollow rhetoric. communism, the warning of a rebirth of “That civil war (i.e., the Vietnam war) ate account began-let me repeat, because this is the policy must fit it into the larger meaning w Schlesinger’s analysis of the Vietnam McCarthyism, and the exposure of the problem must be seen as a mystificabankruptcy of american counter-insurcrucial issue-when the Diem regime/ of U.S. Third World policies rather than at our urging-refused-to carry out the rationalizing it as an isolated bete noire. tion-ittells us little, if anything, about gency programs. These points remain, Of a particularly disturbing nature is . the essential features of american Asian however, oases in a desert. provision contained in the Geneva Agreement of 1954 to hold elections for the reSchlesinger’s analysis of the motives bepolicy. ’ Several years ago, Schlesinger was unification of Vietnam. That was one of hind american Asian policy. Early in the For an apologist, however, such myspublicly confronted with the nonsense the underlying conditions of the Agreebook, the author proposes that the “offi-, tification is quite convenient, and, it he had presented to the public in the ment. The .,civil war began and has cial” reasons for being in Vietnam are must be said, quite necessary. It saves form of a government white paper on continued, with intensified fury ever largely moralistic. him from having to. face uncomfortable Cuba. In reply, he simply said, “I lied”. since. ” For example, he quotes Eisenhower as “problems” such as neo-imperialism, , This Schlesingerian, tradition is proudly saying that the object of american policy In addition to this, the author fails to Pentagonism, etc. _ carried on in The Bitter Heritage. in Vietnam is to “discourage any who The last sections of The,Bitter Heritage For an intellectual, point out that the U.S. sought every especially might wish to impose a foreign ideology for an intellectual involved in governmeans possible to obstruct and destroy are mainly concerned with offering an on the free people of Vietnam.” alternative to the present american Asia ment affairs, violation-. of the truth is a the work of the Geneva ‘meeting (by Later, in a similar vein, Schlesinger serious matter. setting up SEATO, by seeking to organize policy. In this regard, the author prosuggests that the dilemma being faced in poses negotiations patterned after those In reaction to ! Schlesinger’s p&chant an american air strike at Dien Bien Phu, and by putting in a puppet government southeast Asia is due to the illusory amein Laos as a, possible “solution” to the for falsification: Noam Chomsky whatever rican belief in their omniscience anb Vietnam problem. This is, if peace is to dedicated to undermining ed that he be ,drummed out of the propeace settlement was reached at Geneva). omnipotence. He also indicates that this be attained, perhaps the -worst possible fession. Clearly this >would be going too pervasive ‘ ‘moralism I,’ created an inmodel that could be chosen; it would cer- ’ far. Better to have Schlesinger stuffed By failing to adequately account for the lack of regard with which the U.S. terest in Vietnam where none had existtainly be seen as unacceptable by the as a sample, for future generations, of North Vietnamese and by the Liberation those “value free” liberal scholars who approached this accord of international ed before.” law, Schlesinger leaves the reader with Even though Schlesinger believes that Front. If, on the other hand, american have become the hallmark of american “hovering behind our polic$ is a larger interests (and, thus, notpeace) are to be the ‘thought that official U.S. rhetoric intellect in the last decade. 7

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