Culture on Industry, industry on culture_Master Thesis by Allegra Zanirato

CULTURE ON INDUSTRY, INDUSTRY ON CULTURE

THE URBAN RENOVATION OF THE OLD SLAUGHTERHOUSE OF PORTO STUDENT ALLEGRA ZANIRATO • SUPERVISOR ARCH. GIOVANNI AVOSANI CORRELATORS ARCH. DIOGO DE SOUSA ROCHA, ARCH. ROBERTO DI GIULIO • ACADEMIC YEAR 2018/2019 UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI FERRARA • FINAL DISSERTATION.

A mio nonno, Massimo.

INDEX 1.

8 1.1 Overview 1.2 The origins 1.3 An industrial identity 1.4 Industry at the end of XVIII century 1.5 The predominance of textile production 1.6 Porto between textile and fashion industry

12 16 22 28 34 36 44

2.1 The urban depopulation 2.2 Porto towards terrain vague 2.3 Rehabilitated industrial areas 2.4 Inclusion and exclusion

46 50 54 56

3.1 Landscapes of Porto 3.2 Terrain vague towards solution

60 62

4.1 In between the limits 4.2 The origins 4.3 Industrialisation in a rural context 4.3 The strategic plan 4.4 The PPA 4.5 Current overview

64 66 72 80 84 88

5. 5.1 The context 5.2 The old Slaughterhouse

92 96

112 6.1 The urban strategy 6.2 Inclusion and exclusion 6.3 Movement 6.4 The program 6.5 Identity

114 118 122 126 132

136

142

ABSTRACT

Operare nella città di Porto significa confrontarsi con un panorama vasto, caratterizzato da una forte identità industriale. Quando parliamo di Porto, parliamo di un tessuto urbano composto da spazi indecisi: frammenti dell’epoca industriale che si collocano all’interno del centro urbano. Il tema della ricucitura urbana è attuale e si riferisce soprattutto alle aree periferiche della zona orientale. La Valle di Campanhã si trova su questo limite. Fino ad ora, le proposte realizzate nell’area hanno sopperito la mancanza di infrastrutture ma non hanno valicato il limite del sistema viario, che divide fisicamente Campanhã dal centro urbano. In questo contesto si colloca l’antico Mattatoio di Porto: un’area di 25 mila metri quadrati dismessa ormai da due decadi, adiacente alla linea ferroviaria. Con il seguente progetto si vuole proporre una risposta alla riqualificazione dell’antico complesso industriale. Il progetto nasce dal concorso pubblico per l’elaborazione di un intervento per lo sviluppo della Valle di Campanhã, a favore della ricucitura urbana tra la città e le aree periferiche. Il progetto si compone di riflessioni in relazione al ruolo dei vuoti e la città, in particolare la città periferica, precaria dal punto di vista urbano e sociale. Questi concetti si traducono in un progetto architettonico che trova le sue radici nella storia del proprio territorio. Ricorrendo alle nozioni di frammentazione, assenza, memoria e identità, si evidenzia il rapporto tra essi all’interno della città, essendo fondamentali per la comprensione del luogo. Dalla scelta programmatica per la valorizzazione del patrimonio economico e culturale locale, fino alle scelte strategiche che si misurano con la forte identità dell’area, il progetto attraversa la storia del luogo, mantenendo chiaro il confine tra ciò che appartiene alla memoria e gli elementi nuovi che si vanno ad inserire. L’intervento prova quindi a tradurre le tematiche affrontate in una relazione indissolubile tra teoria e pratica. 5

ABSTRACT

city of Porto industrial identity fragments urban centre suburban areas CampanhĂŁ Valley limit divides abandoned

slaughterhouse 25 thousand square meters

development 8

urban rehabilitation voids peripheral city architectural project roots history of its territory fragmentation, absence, memory and identity

local economic and cultural heritage identity of the area new elements theory and practice

clear the boundary memory between 9

PORTO

This city of Porto has a land brought by the devils. Rough granite that over the centuries rejected hasty projects. The building rises on the morros and opens squares, where it can. Narrow valleys or inclined planes that no manual could propose. The walls contain the smooth fabric; only a bishop or a diocese enriched stand up autonomous architectures, free from rock and narrow houses, through a relentless geometry that, dissolving into round sculptures, returns to the petrified Nature. The slopes require painfully cut stone walls, platforms that embrace the essential logic of the landscape above the Douro, to create the wine that feeds the city, the wine that pays the interior gardens of the blocks, the grand courtyards on the river, with trees of prints eighteenth-century palms, colourful camellias, orchards, rose gardens, outrageously fresh colors against austere facades. All the major projects of the nineteenth-century encounter difficulties: that of Nature and the Other (machines do not suddenly change their minds and hands). On the river, the massive retaining walls, made of stone, reinforce the lines of the landscape, or transform it, merging with it, superimposing large surfaces, uniting monuments, hills and terraces with what remains of the murals, reinforcing the grey that the sky confirms, dig tunnels opening new perspectives. Everything reflects everything: azulejos and beautiful corrugated glass, blocks of polished granite, black, furrowed by the wheels of ox carts and tram rails, Rio Douro, greenish brown. In Ribeira there are locals, the Galeria de Arte and tourists, scattered among the sidewalks covered with debris and dark floors, divided into rooms, where you can imagine the absurdity of saving electricity, between neon and projectors that illuminate doves and other things beautiful, accompanying the reconversion program. Many depart and others sell the body. And the Rotonda comes from Boavista, under fallen wings 10

and copula do leão (kitchens turned into engineers’ stores and shops, shops, shoe windows and computer books and raincoats because it rains a lot). Sons of the New Bridge, between collapsed houses - under the debris corpses. And the viaducts come from the slopes, they place their delicate legs over walls and courtyards, they destroy houses, without being sufficiently free or prudent (they could fly, overlap, transform, they are only brutal, juxtaposed to the crystalline structure of Eiffel, and make the banks of Aniki Bobò are deserted). Ancient lands transformed, debris, broken stones, old newspapers and rags cover the terraces, crush the vineyards. The camellias fall between sensational news, white and even the red, spread. The cranes are advancing, the trucks take land from Matosinhos and Maia, on the plant debris slopes. Will a garden be born? Do gardens flourish where grey structures are taken? Through the bridge. A very dense humidity rises from the river. The city becomes a grey veil, like in watercolour by Antonio Cruz. The Torre dos Clerigos breaks out, against the almost illuminated twilight of the sky, golden dust. And the Church dos Grilos. And the square of the beloved Palacio Nasoni, white as a hole in reverse, or perhaps the cube of the Teatro Sao Joao. The ghosts of what was necessary fluctuate and the will to add. It matters little. This city of mine has soil brought by the devils. And a fog where no Sebastiano penetrates.

Alvaro Siza Porto, 15 May 1998 11

PORTO

second largest city

overlays

Portugal economic hub

multiple languages granite

natural barriers

landscape topography

wealth of resources productive character industrial sector

industrialisation population

social dynamics

abandonment of the historical areas

conflicts strengths Identity characters industrial sector abandoned areas social crisis panorama for creative fields

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

Degradation of buildings

76%

Economy

Lack of employment Degradation of buildings Poverty Lack of employment

Isolation Poverty of the sick Lack of access to adequate Isolation of the sick housing Lack of access to adequate Degradation of public space housing

60% 76% 58% 60%

Social develo Economy Poverty Social develo

37% 30%

Traffic jam of public space Degradation Insecurity Traffic jam

26% 30% 22% 26%

Heritage Services Mobility Heritage

57% 58% 37% 57%

Difficulty Insecurityin accessing equipment 18% 22% and support services to Difficulty in accessing equipment 18% insufficient living spaces and support services to Lack of green areas 16% insufficient living spaces Difficulty in accessing Lack of green areas public equipment and services Difficulty in accessing public Insufficient trade equipment proximity and services

15% 16%

Difficulty in proximity accessingtrade health Insufficient facilities and services Difficulty in accessing health facilities and services cultural Difficulty in accessing facilities and services Difficulty in accessing cultural facilities and services equipment Difficulty in accessing and support services Difficulty in accessing equipment and support services educational Difficulty in accessing equipment and services Difficulty in accessing educational equipment and services

10% 12%

15% 12%

Urban Povertyrehabi Services Urban rehabi

Others Mobility Culture Others

Fluvial-maritim Culture Identity Fluvial-maritim Urban Identityspace Instruction Urban space Instruction

1. Main strengths / adv

Relatório sobre as ses 1. Main strengths / adv

Relatório sobre as ses

10% 10% 10% 10% 10% 5% 5%

1. The principals problems in Porto,

Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015. 1. The principals problems in Porto, Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015.

Degradation of buildings 65% Lack of employment 65% Degradation of buildings 65% Poverty 72% Lack of employment 65% Isolation of the sick 46% Poverty 72%

Degradation of sick 42% Isolation of the 46% public space Degradation of 42% public space 1. Main problems of the district of Campanhã in which one should bet, in relation with the other districts Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015. 1. Main problems of the district of Campanhã in which one should bet, in relation with the other districts

Housing size

0 0

20%

20% area up to 40 5

area betwee area up to 5 area betwee area betwee area greater area betwee

1. Datas from PDM

area greater

1. Datas from PDM

Population b

54% 54%

Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015.

14 Degradation of buildings 77% Lack of employment 69% Degradation of buildings 77%

11% 11%

Economy

21%

Social development

13%

Poverty Economy Urban rehabilitation Social development Services Poverty Economy Heritage Urban rehabilitation Social development Mobility Services Poverty Others Economy Heritage Urban rehabilitation Culture Social development Mobility Services Fluvial-maritime front Poverty Others Heritage Identity Urban rehabilitation Culture Mobility Urban space Services Fluvial-maritime front Others Instruction Heritage Identity Culture

12% 21% 11% 13% 9% 12% 21% 9% 11% 13% 7% 9% 12% 7% 21% 9% 11% 6% 13% 7% 9% 5% 12% 7% 9% 4% 11% 6% 7% 4% 9% 5% 7% 3% 9% 4% 6%

How is perceived the quality of life

8% 42%

How is perceived the quality of life Really Good good

8% 42%

Really Good How is perceived the quality of life good

8% 42%

Really good

Good

PORTO INDUSTR

1. Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Jun

PORTO INDUSTR 0

20%

40%

PORTO INDUSTR 0

20%

40%

Instruction

CAMPANHÃ

Buildings by period of construction

Housing classification 1. Main strengthssize / advantages of the city of Porto in which one should bet,

Relatório sobre nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015. 100% 0 20% as sessões 40% de participação 60% 80%

PORTO

CAMPANHÃ

area upsize to 50classification m Housing area between 50 m2 and 100 m2 20% 40% 60% 80% area between 100 m2 and 200 m2

Housing size classification 2

CAMPANHÃ

area between 50 m 60% and 10080% m from PDM, 2009. 0 1. Datas 20% 40% area between 100 m2 and 200 m2 2

100%

2 area greater up to 50than m2 200 m

2 20% 40%100 m60% 80% and 200 m2 area between

10%

12% 23%

52%

10% 27%

12% 23%

52%

1. Datas from PDM, 2009.

11% 54% 11%

PORTO

23% 12%

11% PORTO 11% PORTO

10% 27%

CAMPANHÃ 11% CAMPANHÃ

> 64 years 0-14 years 25 - 64 years 15-24 years

11% 52% CAMPANHÃ

0-14 years 25 - 64 years 15-24 years

> 64 years 27% 10%

0-14 years 25 - 64 years 15-24 years

11%

23%

between 1971 and 1990 25 - 64 years between 1991 and 2011 15-24 years 64 years 1. Datas from>PDM, 2009.

11%

Population by age group (2011):

20% 1971 40%and 1990 60% between

1. Datas from PDM, between 19462009. and 1970

52%

Population by age group (2011):

1. Datas from PDM, 2009.

between 1991 and 2011 before 1945

area between 50 m and 100 m

54%

20%

0 20% 40% residences w

80%

> 64 years 27%

0-14 years

CAMPANHÃ

100% PORTO CAMPANHÃ

100% PORTO

100%

CAMPANHÃ

40%

80%

100%

Basical servi

residences w Basical servi 0

1. Datas from PDM

residences w

Industrial Basical servi 0field

1. Datas from PDM

PORTO CAMPANHÃ

between 1946 and 1970

100%

area greater 200 m2 Population bythan age group (2011):

80%

between 1991 and 2011 before 1945

2 and 200 m2 54%area between 100 m 12%

between 1946 and 1970 20% 40% 60% between 1971 and 1990

between 1946 and 1970 20% 40%2009. 60% 0 1. Datas from PDM, between 1971 and 1990

PORTO

area greater than 200 m2 2

60%

Buildings by period of construction

2 Population age group (2011): area up to by 50 m

1. Datas from PDM, 2009.

40%

between 1991 and 2011 before 1945

CAMPANHÃ

area between 50 m2 and 100 m2

1. Datas from PDM, 2009.

20%

before 1945 Buildings by period of construction

100% PORTO

2 area area greater up to 50than m2 200 m

0 PORTO

PORTO

PORTO INDUSTR Basical servi

Buildings by period of construction

Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015.

54%

1. Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Jun

1. Main strengths / advantages of the city of Porto in which one should bet, Urban space Housing size classification4%

1. Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Jun

Culturespace 6% Urban 4% 1. Main strengths / advantages of the city of Porto in which one should bet, Fluvial-maritime front 5% Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015. Instruction 3%

1. Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Jun

Mobility 7% Urban space 1. Main strengths / advantages of the city4% of Porto in which one should bet, Fluvial-maritime front 5% Relatório sobre as sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia, 2015. Instruction 3% Others 7% Identity 4%

Identity

How is perceived the quality of life Really Good good

residences w

Textile yarn residences w Industrial field Cotton fabrics

01. Datas from PDM

Cotton/printed Textile yarn residences w fabrics residences w Industrial field Cotton fabrics Cotton/silk fabrics 1. Datas from PDM Cotton/printed Textile yarn fabrics Cotton/linen fabrics Cotton fabrics Cotton/silk/wool fabr Industrial field Cotton/silk fabrics Cotton/printed Narrow silk fabrics Cotton/linen fabrics fabrics Textile yarn Narrow Silk/palettes Cotton/silk/wool Cotton/silk fabricsfabr Cotton fabrics fabrics Narrow silk fabrics Wide silk fabrics Cotton/linen fabrics Cotton/printed

Narrow Silk/palettes fabrics Narrow cotton/silk fa Cotton/silk/wool fabr fabrics Cotton/silk fabrics Wide cotton/silk fabr Narrow silk fabrics Wide silk fabrics Cotton/linen fabrics Whitewash Narrow Silk/palettes Narrow cotton/silk fa fabrics Cotton/silk/wool fabr Hats Wide cotton/silk fabr Wide silksilk fabrics Narrow fabrics Tannery Whitewash Narrow Silk/palettes cotton/silk fa Crockery Narrow 15 Hats fabrics Paper Wide cotton/silk fabr Tannery Wide silk fabrics Total Whitewash

PORTO

[fig. 03] Porto Urban expansion, first urban settlement, 1123. 16

The city of Porto is the main economic and university centre of the northern Portuguese area. Its size allows it to be competitive at the European level and its geographical position has always been fundamental for its development. The quality of heritage, architecture and landscape is a factor of activity that attracts tourists from all over the world. The city is developed on the Atlantic coast, on the banks of the Douro River, two natural barriers that have characterised the city’s expansion by limiting it but have favoured its industrial development. So much so that Porto is the most significant economic centre in the northern Portuguese region. One of the main features is undoubtedly that of colour, the colour of granite, typical of the northern Portuguese area and which characterises most of the buildings. Moreover, the topography of the place is one of the main features especially in the expansion of the city. The origins of the city date back to prehistoric times, of which there are the first traces in the vicinity of the “Casa do Infante”. The area where the Cathedral is located today represents an ancient castrum, identifiable as “Castrum novum de portucale”. After the Roman conquest of the peninsula, the region witnessed various changes from an economic, spatial and political point of view. The Cathedral area becomes the strategic point and centre of Roman activity. In three centuries the Roman expansion is completed throughout the territory. At the beginning of the 5th century BC, the Svevo people and the vandals are installed on the peninsula, in the area where the city of Braga is today; so Portucal ascends to the episcopal seat. With the arrival of the Visigoths, the city undergoes a deterioration of the administrative system and appropriation of the farms. 17

[fig. 04] Porto Urban expansion, second urban settlement, 1337. 18

During the Portucalense county, the city of Porto was limited to the Cathedral hill area and the Ribeira area, on the Douro embankment. In the Middle Ages, the city became a strategic mercantile point, the walls were enlarged (completed in 1370) and the town flourished thanks to the trade with the Nordic countries, despite the disputes between bishops and canons, bourgeois and nobles, which characterised the whole medieval period. The city consists of 44.5 hectares contained in the walls. Only at the end of the eighteenth century, the city developed beyond the historic walls. The growth of the town becomes significant with the singular interventions on the urban plan that are put in place, for example, during the reign of D.Joào I (Rua do Infante D.Henrique, Porta da Muralha, Miragaia) and Manuel I ( Alfàndega, Largo S. Domingos, Rua das Flores, Largo dos Loios, Porta da Muralha). Nevertheless, a global reading of the city persists which tends to reinforce the unitary and ancient sense of a “core” within the walls, through the contrast with the “radial” and recent expansion, planned starting from the second half of the eighteenth century and reinforced in the nineteenth century.

1123

Arràbida Bridge, 1957

Railway

1337

Luis I Bridge, 1886

Highway

1813

Infante Bridge, 2003

Metro

1903

Maria Pia Bridge, 1877

Towns

1948

São João Bridge, 1991

North

1978

Nowadays

Freixo Bridge, 1995

[fig. 05] Porto Urban expansions, PDM archives. 21

PORTO

Arràbida Bridge, 1957

Railway

Luis I Bridge, 1886

Highway

Infante Bridge, 2003

Metro

Maria Pia Bridge, 1877

Towns

São João Bridge, 1991

North

Freixo Bridge, 1995

[fig. 06] Douro River, Bridges. 22

Industrial buildings

Rehabilitated indust

Textile industries

Project Area

The history of the city of Porto is closely linked to industrial development, so much so that even today it is a characterising factor of its identity. The territory in which it is located has always favoured a mercantile society: the view of the Atlantic Ocean for its foreign contacts and the presence of the Douro River which has allowed the close connection with the internal rural areas. Thanks to these natural elements we can speak of extremely fertile territory, rich in raw materials that have favoured the birth of an economy based on wine production, tobacco, textiles and ceramics. Without a shadow of a doubt, industrial activity profoundly transformed human life and consequently how he occupies space, redefining the evolution of the landscape. Today it is possible to find different physical elements that testify to the passage of industry through the city space. In the case of the city of Porto, the infrastructures designed for industrial development have changed the context, becoming an integral part of the city’s landscape. Starting from the railway line which is a limit for urban expansion in the eastern area, the Maria Pia bridge (which continues the railway line) is also an example over the Douro river, the Eiffel bridge and the next Ponte da Arrábida bridge. The implementation of the road system. The evolution of the surrounding context has become closely related to the industrial society that is rooted in the territory. In addition to this, even the urban tissue of the city has undergone apparent changes. The commercial activities of the civic centre of the eighteenth century have expanded to become industrial plants. Most of them scattered events of the centre have maintained medium size, compared to those present in the outlying areas that have constituted real productive agglomerations still active on the territory (see the eastern region of Campanhã and the north-western district of São Idefonso). In parallel, the growth of the working class in the central areas has 23

increased the number of housing for workers, who have become real neighbourhoods inhabited in the territory. Building speculation and the excessive demand for housing, together with the poor organisation of the phenomenon, have led to the creation of the so-called “Ilhas”: illegal housing conglomerates with rare conditions scattered throughout the central area of Porto. During the post-industrialisation period, there is a crisis in the historic centre and its deterioration that continues until the end of the twentieth century. This fact does not, however, question the importance that the production sector has had for the city of Porto. Industrial production is still today a strategic factor for the economic development of the city, precisely because it is based on its memory and identity.

[fig. 07] Industrial areas in Porto, Pereira de Oliveira, 1975. 27

PORTO

[fig. 08] Industrial activities in Porto,

Cordeiro Lopes, JosĂ¨ Manuel. Fontes para a Historia da Industria Portuense,1813.

Porto has always been closely linked to the account of the wine trade. Mostly the wine production dates back to the seventeenth century and already in the eighteenth, the business was integrated within the city, and the production areas were all in the hinterland area that goes along the river Douro, occupying the territory intensively with a monoculture. However, the wine production is not the only industrial sector active in the area, in fact, the industrial history of Porto contains many more aspects. Already in the nineteenth century, the trade expands in the sectors of tobacco production, textile and ceramics: industries that become crucial in the “portuense” economy. The period of highest development of manufacture and agriculture is reached by the city under the reign of D. Maria but collapses during the French invasions: a period of crisis that lasts until 1814-1815. During the following years, there was a remarkable growth that continued until 1834. In the Portuguese landscape, the city of Porto is at the top of the production sectors. Despite a period of crisis in 1842, when the supremacy passes to Lisbon, the metropolitan area of Porto remains the most active production centre in the northern part of the country. When we speak of the Portuense industry we talk about the nineteenth-century sector, rooted in its eighteenth-century traditions: the nineteenth-century factories are born from small local factories and crafts typical of the area. The vibrant presence of raw materials has influenced the remarkable development of the productive sector and has been stimulated by the English competition for international trade; to these factors is added the eighteenth-century mercantile bourgeoisie, which led to the transformation of trades in favour of business overseas. 29

The nineteenth-century industrialization has consequently led to a technical production development throughout the country; as early as 1830 F. Tomás referred to the Portuense industry as “In order for the nation to grow thanks to industry, first of all, we must educate it industrially, so that the industrial spirit becomes its dominant character”.1 Throughout a decade, the city’s landscape changed radically due to the infrastructure built for the development of the industry. The Eiffel bridge, the railway line and the viaducts represent the weight of the industrial society that has established itself in the territory. If wine production has affected the banks of the Douro River, other industrial sectors have altered the urban centre of the city. The trades and commercial activities that had been transformed by the mercantile bourgeoisie remain established in the urban centre but turned into factories and industrial complexes of a larger scale. The significant complexes settled in the area northwest of the city and in the eastern region that follows the railway line, close to the district of Campanhã. These complexes are still active today and describe the significant industrial areas on the territory. According to the cartography, textile production already represented one of the predominant sectors, especially in the production of silk and wool. The first silk producer in the city was the merchant Brás de Abreu Guimarães, who led to the development of this sector in the later stages. The industry, however, sees a crisis due to production costs and heavy processing: the new technologies of the industrial revolution had not yet arrived in Portugal, and most of the fabrics were produced thanks to domestic techniques. For this reason, the cotton and wool processes were particularly expensive and slow, so they did not allow the development of 30

(F. Tomás, Educação Industrial ) 1

[Josè Acursio das Neves (1814), Variedades Sobre Objectos Relativos às Artes, Comercio and Manufacturas. Lisboa: Imprensa Régia, VOl. Pp. 177-209] 2

the market outside the territory of Porto. In the following years, this gap was filled thanks to the development of innovative techniques. From the second half of the eighteenth century, the Porto Council of Commerce began to conduct statistical analyses of the industrial sectors active in the area and their productivity. Between 1755 and 1834, the Council was tasked with ordering economic activities and proportioning the development of trade and industry. Immediately after the Napoleonic invasions, which caused negative consequences on the country’s economy, an investigation was carried out regarding the state of national industrialisation. From 26 August 1811, the Council has ordered the creation of maps on industrial areas, which clarify not only the territorial location but also the productive branch of the same, with the obligation to update them annually. The surveys provided details on the number of workers per company, the state of development and the product market. The results were disseminated in September 1811, and the mapping was prolonged until 1813. Josè Acursio das Naves summarised the data in his “General statistical map that depicts the Kingdom factories, which exist first of the first invasion”.2 Despite its importance, the map has some deficits, listed by Josè Acursio das Neves. In November 1813, the tobacco producer Sebastião Correia de Sá elaborated a new route on the status of existing factories. The survey resulted in 130 factories, besides, the number of workers employed in each production unit counted. These data are essential to understanding the importance of the productive sectors present on the territory even today.

Industrial buildings

[fig. 09] Industrial areas in Porto, PDM, 2011. 33

PORTO

[fig. 10] Industrial activities in Porto,

Cordeiro Lopes, JosĂ¨ Manuel. Fontes para a Historia da Industria Portuense,1813.

[Colleção das Leys, Decretos, and Alvarás que comprehnde a Feliz regência de Sua Alteza Real O Prince N. Sr. Lisboa: Na Oficina Nunesiana, Tomo VIII, Ano de1803 até 1807.] 3

One of the main characteristics that emerged from the Sebastião Correia de Sá survey was the enormous weight of the textile sector in the Porto area. The 80% of the industrial plants reviewed in 1813 dealt with this type of production, so most of the workforce was occupied here: 64.31% of the total. The predominance of this sector was the result of the incentives granted by the Decree of 26 August 1807 on the importation of cotton threads and fabrics: the direct import of textiles was forbidden, to encourage domestic production in the country. This decree allowed the consolidation of the sector that became one of the main ones in the manufacturing landscape of Portuense.3 An interesting fact is that concerning the national and export market. In fact, concerning the textile market, 66.15% of companies placed their products only at the local level. On the one hand, this figure translates positively on a fine adjustment of the industry to the needs of the population, on the other, it reveals a consistent inability to place its products on the market outside the city of Porto. Only 18.46% of companies exported their products, mostly in Brazil. Textile activities remain disadvantaged due to the production costs and the size of the plants, which do not allow to satisfy a more demanding demand than that within the city. Still, in 1813, the Portuense industry did not notice the advantages of industrial modernisation, for this reason, its production was limited to the regional area of Porto. Between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, there was a considerable expansion of the industry in the outlying areas, such as Santo Idelfonso, where an essential nucleus of textile production is defined. In Campanhã instead, a good part of the output of leather and tannery is concentrated.

PORTO

textile and clothing industry industrial tradition new creative and technological impetus quality

JoĂŁo Rafael Koehler president Portugal Fashion week

[fig. 12] Porto Fashion week, old slaughterhouse, pic. Ugo Camera, 2018. 37

“In Porto, design and technology have been playing catch-up with production. Portugal’s second city is more than 2,000 years old – reason enough for UNESCO to declare the town’s centre a World Heritage Site. Yet its recent history has been marked by a rise in its textile industry. And the city’s nascent fashion sector is now waking up to it too” _Siska Lyssens In 2008, Portugal was one of the European countries that suffered the most from the crisis. Until 2011 the economic and social problems continued. In 2015, unemployment was still 12.2%, and there was no sign of economic growth. Despite the negative data, the manufacturing sectors of the city became a symbol of optimism. In particular, the textile sector: after a sharp fall in 2011, it recovered in 2014, as estimated by the ATP (Portuguese textile association). For that year the export of fabrics reached 8% with a turnover of 4.6 billion euros. However, the Portuguese fashion production remains behind compared to the Italian, French and German, but in the meantime, it becomes exceptionally specialised. Between 2006 and 2013, the country exports 213% of leather for the production of shoes: and from that moment the leather and footwear industry represents 3.8% of the global market. The textile industry has always determined one of the predominant factors in the economic production of the city; in the last years, this type of production has been translated with educational research aimed at the world of fashion and clothing with a much more creative and productive aspect, growing continuously. Most of the fashion trade increased in the metropolitan area of Porto, one of the largest production hubs in the country. “Portugal’s textile and clothing industry benefits from a long industrial tradition in garment manufacture, allied with a new 38

creative and technological impetus,” he says. “That combination means that the quality-price-proximity ratio is hard to beat, not only in Europe, but anywhere in the world.” _ João Rafael Koehler, president of Portugal’s Nacional Association of Young Entrepreneuers and of Portugal Fashion week. The deadlock caused by the crisis has laid the foundations of fertile ground for a community of young creatives. The noncompetitive scenario, unlike London or Paris, has set itself as a positive point for the new generation: low production costs, but more generally the low cost of living, together with the high technologies developed by the industry have allowed experimentation by young designers both from Portugal and from abroad. This context enables small businesses to breathe, allowing growth that would instead be stifled in a broader and more consolidated landscape. The weight of cultural events linked to fashion in Portugal is not yet comparable to the Milanese and Parisian Fashion Couture; it is instead a critical event to understand the relationship that coexists between industry and culture. The reflection of these events is that of a young culture that faces the future by exploiting the strong points of the territory. The Fashion Week is an event that has only been present in the area since 1995, becoming the most significant event on the Iberian Peninsula in the following 24 years. Its strong point comes from the partnership between production and design. This event represents much more than a fact linked to the world of fashion: it has become synonymous with culture, modernity and focuses on promoting the image of national heritage, thus becoming a reference for Portuguese aesthetics and creativity abroad. The integration of the culture of fashion in the country has contributed to changes in textile production and the clothing sector, thanks to the union between industry and design. The ANJE (National 39

Association of Young Entrepreneurs) project and the ATP (Textile and Clothing Association of Portugal) continue to have an integral vision of the fashion industry, which promotes the Portuguese brands by making them competitive in an international market. Another critical aspect of the Portugal Fashion project is the investment in young designers. The event mostly dedicated to emerging talents to renew the national fashion scene. The goal is the integration of young designers into a broader market. The brands and companies born on the territory are active in the field of fashion on various fronts: from e-commerce, start-ups to ateliers but all have a common feature: the relationship between industrial memory and contemporary culture. One of the most significant claims of this community is Farfetch, a global fashion e-commerce company. Farfetch was founded in London in 2008 by Josè Neves, a Portuguese businessman, who now owns offices in New York, Los Angeles and São Paulo. Now the company is located in Guimarães, a town adjacent to Porto. There is the talk of a hub made up of 500 employees (in 2015) with a growth forecast of 700 employees in the following two years. Another example is the Bloom project founded in 2010, run by creative director Miguel Flor. It is a platform with the aim of promoting young Portuguese designers, advertising works produced in fashion schools showing the potential of the emerging class. Besides, the country has become a fertile ground also for large international brands, thanks to the secure intercontinental connection and the proximity to major production centres for fashion (London and Paris). One example is Alexander Wang, who has moved part of his production from Asia to Europe, and one of the biggest hubs is now in Portugal. Like Alexander Wang, the German sportswear company Aeance has also moved its 40

hubs to the city of Porto, where it currently produces its fashion collections. As Rui Moreira, the current mayor of Porto, notes, the city’s industry is turning closer to the world of design: “Today we produce more with our intelligence,” he said in an interview with Portugal Fashion Week in March 2014. “Nowadays cities are the centres of creativity, and we want Porto to become that too. Be it textile or fashion, furniture design, etc. Porto is a laboratory for experiments. “ New policies and cosmopolitan vision find an answer in the world of Portuguese fashion. Therefore, the city of Porto has been configured as an attractive scenario for new designers and for small businesses in the fashion world, who have found space in a still not too competitive environment, characterised by highlevel on-site production on site. The design linked to the industry is a strategic point for the economic regeneration of the city, becoming competitive at an international level.

41 38

48 38. “Socorte” Factory De Fitas e Viés LDA 39. Rio Sul Comérc. LDA Packaging Factory 40. Modatex 41. OSDM_ O segreto do mar, Clothes and fabric factory 42. “Intimeia”, textile factory 43. “Jorpal”, textile factory 44. “Mapis”, textile machine factory 45. WFIL, textil factory 46. Bobine, fabric Factory 47. Lethes Home store 48. FARFETCH

42 44

[fig. 11] Textile industries in Porto, PDM, 2011. 43

THE POST INDUSTRIALISATION

decline in the

population

displacement of the community of vitality

lack

degradation of buildings adaptation Porto 2001

THE POST INDUSTRIALISATION

Post-industrial development and economic changes were slow to arrive in Portugal, compared to other European countries, but the effects were not less significant for this. Urban and social changes were reflected throughout the country, focusing mainly on Porto and Lisbon. In Porto, the sub-urbanisation process intensified during the 90s of the twentieth century. Observing the data, it is possible to see a decentralised increase in population, in parallel with the rise in housing demand in peripheral areas. The tertiary sector increased its offer, and the industries were moved from the centres (Vazquez, 1992), beyond the limits of the city of Porto. The power of buying and selling increased, enhancing the acquisition of property residences. The population moves to less dense and higher environmental quality areas, especially towards LeĂ§a de Palmeira, Matosinhos Gondomar and Vila Nova de Gaia. The companies suffered an increase in competition and the segmentation of production, so they were located in urban areas to have easy access to the railway and new roads. This process caused a loss of the population already during the eighties. The centre remains populated by the poorest and oldest categories, which are moved to social housing. The fragmented process, marked by the increase in population in areas near Porto, ends up defining new centres: Espinho, Vila do Conde and Povoa de Varzim, until 2001. The cause of this process was the vital loss of the centre of Porto: the commercial activities moved to the â&#x20AC;&#x153;second centreâ&#x20AC;? on the Avenida Boavista, characterised by greater verticality and the presence of businesses.

[fig. 13] Resident population data, PORDATA, 2011. 48

(Marques, 2015)

As a consequence, the urban centre fell into a progressive deterioration, which already showed the need for regeneration interventions, in particular, the disused industrial complexes. Despite the depopulation and competition with the new centrality, Porto maintains predominance in the tertiary sector.4 During the first years of 2000 the first initiatives to incentivise the centre were born: urban development programs, interventions on the public space and incentives for the rehabilitation of buildings, taking advantage of the Porto 2001 program, which developed the tourism sector. New centralities emerged that influenced a new use of the centre: for example the concentration of art galleries in the neighbourhood of Miguel Bombarda or the concentration of nightclubs at PraĂ§a dos LeĂľes and Galerias de Paris. Centre intervention programs have improved public space, and the Baixa area has returned to life. On the other hand, tourism has generated an increase in AirB&B and hotels in the central regions. The trade has adapted to new needs, especially those of tourists. We are witnessing the growth of private investments and the increase in the purchase value of real estate and the growth of property speculation. Gentrification can be considered a process caused by building speculation and mass tourism that has entered the centre of Porto. The depopulation continues to refer to the local population, which grows in tandem with the increase in tourism.

THE POST INDUSTRIALISATION

Industrial disposal is predominantly considered a process with a negative meaning. It is therefore up to studying the transformations and the territorial composition of the city caused by the effects of this phenomenon. Taking the western side of the town as an example, it is clear how the process of industrial disposal is one of the leading causes for the affirmation of the tertiary sector on the Avenida Boavista; the process, therefore, contributes to the reconstruction of the contemporary city. If in the 1970s the Baixa area suffered overpopulation and the limitation of construction, the Boavista area emerged only thanks to the infrastructures that have improved its accessibility to roads (the Ponte da Arrabida). The ample availability of land left space for large hotels, bank branches and shopping centres that occupied the area; only later will luxury condominiums being built. This process mainly affects the area around the roundabout and therefore does not include all the Avenida. The disappearance of many factories has therefore favoured the settlement of the tertiary sector. The replacement of the factories has contributed to the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s new dynamism; it also applies to the area of â&#x20AC;&#x2039;â&#x20AC;&#x2039;Massarelos, Cedofeita and Lordelo, thus accentuating the development on the whole western side of Porto. The significant concentration and liberalisation in the tertiary sector allowed the construction of a new metropolis, built within the built-up area: a space marked by time. The increase in the purchasing power of the population and the low fixed cost of trade has allowed the survival of most commercial enterprises, which have also multiplied in the centre. Subsequently, as in other European cities, Porto was involved in an attempt to increase the pedestrian areas to resolve the conflicts caused by the presence of the car in the historic districts and to improve the comfort of pedestrians. To this action are added other more recent initiatives: the inclusion of housing for 51

university students, the improvement of marginal parking areas (Campo 24 de Agosto, Trindade, Clerigos) and the improvement of cultural spaces (Coliseu, Rivoli, Carlos Alberto). In 2001 Porto was named the capital of UNESCO, and initiatives continued for the renewal and creation of new cultural spaces, such as Casa da Musica (OMA) and the Serralves Museum of Contemporary Art (Alvaro Siza). While on one hand industrial disposal has benefited the development of the tertiary sector, on the other, it has characterised the urban fabric with places of abandonment: the Terrain Vague.

THE POST INDUSTRIALISATION

7. Family factory (XIX cent.) 8. Factory “Corpo Santo, Barredo, Filho e Genro” (end XIX century) 9. CUFP ex factory, Brewery “Leão” (1912) 10. Massarelos pottery factory, subsequently Sugar factory “RAR” (XIX cent.) 11. Unidentified. 12. Port warehouse (1822) 13. Deposit of the monastery “Madre di Deus” (XVIII cent) 14. Building materials factory “Esorio e Sorromayor Lda” 15. Clemente Meneres Lda Society 1874 16. Oporto Custom (1859) 17. Ex magazzino della Compagnia “Real Velha” (XIX cent.) 18. Pottery “Massarelos” (1920) 19. Ex glass Factory “Barbosa a Almeida Ldt” (1917) 20. Freixo industrial warehouse (1940) 21. Freixo thermoelectric power station (1940) 22. Furniture factory “A Economica” (1°half XX century) 27. Ex factory “Minchin Junior”(end XIX cent.) 28. Unidentified, disused building. (XIX cent.) 53

29. Ex Saponificio “do Esteiro” (1919) 30. Ex factory “do Esteiro” (end XIX cent.) 31. Unidentified, disused building. (XIX cent.) 32. Unidentified, disused building. (2°half XX cent.) 33. Unidentified, disused building. (2°half XX cent.) 34. Factory “Invicta Favorita” (end XIX century) 28 29 31 32

from 7 to 22 27

34 35 36 37

35. Industrial complex “Mulini industiali Harmonia” (end XIX cent.) 37. CUP-Quimagal Factory (end XIX cent.) 49. Casa da Arquitectura, Matosinhos 50. Fabrica de Conservas, Matosinhos 51. Mercado do Bolhão, Porto 53. The Matadouro; Campanhã [fig. 14] Rehabilitated industries, PDM, 2011. 55

THE POST INDUSTRIALISATION

Railway

Industrial buildings

Highway

Metro

[fig. 15] Limits of the city, PDM, 2011. 56

Towns

Rehabilitated industrial areas

Emptiness is a whole concept from the notion of architecture. The form of the void reveals the drawing through its absence. An intervention in the Campanhã area means understanding the relationships established between the voids and the city, the project being a consequence of the problems of the urban context. The relationship between full and empty has always existed within the scale of the town. But, the voids involved are others. The spaces that we will cover are the non-designed, limited spaces that have become residues of the urban expansion processes of the contemporary city. Távora, Fernando. Da Organização do Espaço, Op. Cit, p.34. 5

“The contemporary city is the most visible manifestation, given its dimensions, the discontinuity and the disorder of space.”5 The contemporary globalised city is characterised by growth out of control, by exaggerated proportions, which affect not only the surrounding natural landscape, but also human life. In this reality, the anthropologist Marc Augé inserts his object of study, the non-places, in opposition to anthropological places. If the area of man is a space characterised by its history and consequent identity, the non-places configure as the opposite. The non-place is an impersonal space, without relationships and historical character. For example, the circulation and transit spaces. Large consumption centres, which create new needs, motorways, airports and shopping centres: places far from the memory of the city. Marc Augé looks at the anthropological places nostalgically, nevertheless, there is a particular attraction towards the nonplaces, precisely because they allow a detachment from the daily routine and allow an anonymity experience. The relationship between place and non-place constructs the city in a continuous dichotomy between inclusion and exclusion. The non-places are therefore the result of urban expansion without 57

[fig. 16] CampanhĂŁ limits. 58

control and an individualist society much closer to virtual reality than the physical one of space. They are ambiguous spaces, which cause the need to seek refuge in places with an identity. The relationship between man and the contemporary city is a symbol of restlessness: the individual no longer finds comfort in the spaces in which he lives. The road axis that circumscribes the perimeter of Porto and the railway line has always represented physical and visual limits for the expansion of the city. In addition to increasing, they have created a barrier that has fragmented the urban fabric in the eastern area. The Valley of Campanh達 is today divided by the urban dynamism that characterises Porto, although the expansion of the city is developing in that direction. We can, therefore, identify the road and railway infrastructures such as the Nonplaces that characterise the Campanh達 area. In particular, the old slaughterhouse of Porto stands on the edge of this barrier. The area is also characterised by other large-scale urban entities: the Do Drag達o stadium, urban rehabilitation project, and the adjacent shopping centre. Two powerful entities that have improved the quality of the area but have not solved the connection problems between Campanh達 and the rest of the city.

TERRAIN VAGUE

CampanhĂŁ

Valley SolĂ -Morales

between

restlessness places

in-

ambiguity forgotten

exclusion fragments of an experience

industrial areas

disused individual memory

violence of urban expansions

identity continuous relationship with its history

TERRAIN VAGUE

[fig. 17] CampanhĂŁ, Terrain Vague. 62

The Terrain Vague in the contemporary city opens a reflection on how architecture should act against these fragmented spaces. The urban or architectural project that approaches this space should have as its objective the integration with the urban reality. Renovations have above all influence on the most sensitive part of the city, its inhabitants. The project will have to coexist with already existing facts without competing with the activities of the territory; instead, it will have to deal with implementing the emerging activities. The criticality of the Terrain Vague is resolved to start from the memory of the city, concerning the identity of the area of â&#x20AC;&#x2039;â&#x20AC;&#x2039;intervention. Preserving and recycling, therefore, a residual space of the city must find its reasons in the character of the place. A town like Porto, which has its roots in industrial production, sees possibilities in these spaces that become the meeting point between creation and creativity. In the case of the intervention area, the critical issues represented by the VCI and the railway line, triggers of ambiguous spaces, constitute a barrier to overcome. The solution does not translate only with the improvement of accessibility, but as a whole with a proposal that places the old slaughterhouse as a new centrality. The regeneration plan of the area organised by the Municipality of Porto envisages urban regeneration in a broader sense, extended along the entire territorial belt to the limit with the road line. Reintegrating this space within the city does not mean homogenising it. The rift that has represented for decades is part of the memory of the slaughterhouse, which is why the conflict that has taken place with the rest of the urban fabric should not be forgotten. A battle that becomes the strong point for the birth of a new reality.

CAMPANHÃ

Campanhã Douro river part

Porto

.13 km2 8 inhabitants two rivers

Torto railway green

forest areas

eastern

32 thousand

Tinto

Minho line

distance

central areas

dispersed urban agglomerations structure

semi-radial urban

CAMPANHÃ

[fig. 18]Campanhã Valley, 2018. 66

The Campanhã valley has always offered very favourable conditions that allowed the settlement of the population. The area is rich in watercourses and extremely fertile soil in a privileged geographical position. The features of the toponymy show that the city of Campanhã was still inhabited during the period of the great megalithic monuments (III and II century BC). In the Iron Age, there was a Castro in the area of Noeda, near the confluence of the Rio Tinto and the Rio Torto. The Roman presence, in turn, was felt deeply throughout the area surrounding the valley, considering that there are material testimonies of this historical presence. Besides the substantial evidence, the Roman influence is an evident fact and translates into the toponym of Campanhã, of Latin origin. The oldest reference that is known to have a relationship with Campanhã arises in a document dated 994, which reads for the first time the expression “ribulum campaniana” and is named the river of Campanhã (the current Rio Torto). But in the XI century, Campanhã is present in the contemporary documentation as it is the seat of a relatively great villa, or “villa campaniana”, a rural property of Roman tradition, whose origin dates back to the IV century. This villa, owned by an old noble family, included a large part of the current parishes of Campanhã, the Rio Tinto and Valbom, and also hosted the Santa Maria di Campanhã Monastery, the oldest local religious institution. The year 1120 marks, however, the beginning of a new historical cycle that proved decisive, for the whole Portuguese village. In this year, D. Teresa, the mother of D. Afonso Henriques, donates the territory to the bishop D. Hugo, passing the administration of the village directly to the diocese “Portocalense”. Now an important part of the valley is included in the donation, forming from there the eastern limit of the territory, later called the “old 67

term” of the city, which is why he enjoyed all the privileges and honours granted to the inhabitants of the village. Campanhã is thus divided, roughly, into two distinct parts. The western area, closer to the centre of the village and located within the limits of the territory, and the relevant eastern part of the King. This institutional division defined in 1120 and confirmed by the inquisitions of D. Afonso III, in 1528, will not undergo significant alterations until the nineteenth century. The Church of Campanhã ensured a symbolic, social and cultural connection between the two parties. With its correctly defined governmental institution, Campanhã assists in the final centuries of the Middle Ages to a very significant expansion of its cultivated area, accompanied by a considerable growth of the population. Benefiting from its immense natural resources, the valley slowly converts into an critical agricultural reserve of the village, whose primary function is to supply food and basic food to the city. This economic specialisation develops and deepens throughout the Modern Age, continuing unaltered until the arrival of our century. The traffic of agricultural goods with the most urbanised areas of the city has intensified since the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, multiplying the returns of landowners and giving rise to numerous legal conflicts regarding the limits and rights associated with each domain. In any case, even if agriculture presented itself as the essential activity, the population of Campanhã, which grew from 1381 inhabitants to 1687 up to 2169 in the mid-eighteenth century, was not only made up of peasants. In the Parish Memoirs of 1758, there are two other professional groups: the fishermen, concentrated mainly near the Douro River margins and enjoying the tax exemptions from 1593, and the millers, which together had 76 mills, distributed along two numerous waterways that ran 68

through the valley. During the eighth century, farms and the campaigns of the great noble families of Porto appear. The patronal houses of Bonjóia, Revolta, Dei Furamontes and Vila Meã are some examples of the luxury and architectural refinement that characterised these properties. Their presence gave a very distinctive character to the landscape and marked the identity of the valley. With the nineteenth century comes the time of the destruction caused by the war. First with the Napoleonic invasions, just at the dawn of the century, the looting of the Church of Campanhã, perpetrated in 1809. And then, with the civil war (1832-34) and the famous Siege of Porto, which lasted from July 1832 to the August of the following year. During the period of the siege, the valley was the stage of numerous confrontations between liberals and absolutists. The tragic balance of losses included, following the speakers of the time, trees robbed, camps burned, demolished houses and irreparable damage to industrial equipment. But the nineteenth century, despite the difficulties of the first decades, represents a period of growth and prosperity. The valley experiences a significant increase in population and a rapid expansion of an industrial structure. Thus, like traditional industries, such as milling and weaving, which registered strong growth, many investments were made, and the branches of the business were increasingly diversified. A little ‘for the whole valley appear industries and workshops that devoted themselves to the carpentry, to the production of lime by making matches in wax, in decoration, to the distillery, to the creation of soap and tanneries. This industrial development is mainly due to the expansion of means of transport, especially to the railway. In 1875 the Minho line connected Porto to Braga. In 1877, the Maria Pia bridge and 69

the Campanhã station, built in the Quinta di Pinheiro area, are inaugurated. The widening of the offer of means of transport and the construction of the station have promoted the dislocation of a large amount of labour from the interior of the country to Porto and, above all, to Campanhã. The vast availability of labour favoured, in turn, the arrival of new factories, especially near the station, in a continuous movement throughout the nineteenth century and up to the first decades of the twentieth century. On the other hand, the growing presence of people in Campanhã was able to redesign the housing structures. The power to buy sales decreases, the workers are concentrated in the “ilhas”, agglomerates that became one of the most important brands of the physical and social landscape of the valley. This frame did not change much until the decades of the 50s and 60s of the twentieth century. In this era, the trend of expansion of the city to the east intensified. Its population thus records extraordinary growth. At the same time, we witness the decline of industries as the main economic activity, progressively replaced by areas linked to rural tradition, which remains alive in the landscape and many aspects of daily life, and with the increasingly visible traces of modernity.

CAMPANHÃ

[fig. 19] Industrial areas in Campanhã, Pereira de Oliveira, 1975. 72

The rural landscape of Campanhã has therefore been characterised by several country houses of the wealthiest families in Porto. This type of property marked the territory, the most common were solar, or buildings, of great architectural value, which was usually associated with the Quinta do Freixo, the farm de Villar de Allen that of de Vila Meã, today is known as Quinta do Mitra). In this way, the rural character of the territory and the landscape of Campanhã persisted until the nineteenth century, and the population remains structured in a hierarchy directed by the wealthy landowners and governed by a strong religious presence. However, it is in this century that the landscape changes drastically. After being one of the fronts of defence of the city in the conflicts of the civil war de of the events in the town of Porto, the 28 June 1833 Campanhã becomes an independent county. In 1835 the County of Campanhã already had a great dynamism of urbanisation. However, the future of the municipality was compromised by the inadequacy of the material and human resources caused by the civil war. For this reason, it returns to being a parish administered by the county of Porto. Its limits increased and only in 1841 it was reduced to the west with the birth of the congregation of Bonfim. These two parishes were among those that, since the nineteenth century, were more connected to industrial development and that, for this reason, they suffered more the effects of post-industrialisation. The peripheral parishes that along the industrialisation maintained the robust rural features are those that will detach themselves more from the city during the post-industrial period. The territory of Campanhã has experienced a period of industrialisation and exponential demographic growth. Manufacturing began in the nineteenth century and continued until the twentieth century. 73

This process has caused the installation of many industrial units and warehouses, which result in the need for vast empty spaces and a considerable amount of workers (in the area there was established an important weaving factory that required female labour). The propagation of industrial activities in the district of Campanhã introduced significant changes regarding the occupation of the territory, modifying its morphology, its uses and consequently its landscape. They began to appear parallel to industrial activities, as in the case of taverns, hospitals, distribution of supplies for factory workers. The São Roque de Lameira route, for example, presents this tertiary aspect due to the nearby industries. The great migration of rural populations to urban centres, or in this case in outlying areas, looking for work in industrial activities, caused the need for housing for a large number of inhabitants. As a result, there is a housing crisis in the city of Porto, particularly in the areas of Bonfim and Campanhã. The housing crisis and the building speculation generated by it, have caused the widespread phenomenon of the so-called “Ilhas”: agglomerations of multifamily dwellings characterised by precarious conditions, many of which are still distributed throughout the territory (Antas, S. Victor, Freixo). In 1875 the Campanhã railway station was inaugurated, located at Pinheiro. The construction of the Douro and Minho railway lines had a substantial impact on the area, reinforcing the presence of activities and the population. In 1881 the Plan for the improvements of the city of Porto was announced, under the authority of the President Josè Corrêa de Barros. The plan outlined the main urban planning guidelines of 74

the nineteenth century of the eighties, with the aim of expanding the city to the east, thanks to the improvement of transport and infrastructure. Among the industrial units that were formed in Campanhã, belatedly, the old Municipal Slaughterhouse was built and opened in 1932. The complex located between the large industrial plants that have arisen in the district, thanks also to its strategic position: in fact, it is found concurrently with the railway, to facilitate the production and distribution of meat. The slaughterhouse remained active until the 80s of the twentieth century. The construction of the railway station and the railway line of 1875 (with the consequent railway bridge D. Maria Pia in 1878), helped to consolidate a new urban front, generating a series of infrastructures to an entirely new scale up to then: a path nineteenth century that renewed the image of the city. But if on the one hand, the station has contributed to the dynamism of the town, at the same time it has altered the rural areas by inserting them in a completely different scenario. The eastern region of Campanhã remained marginal in the development of the city, continuing to be characterised by the establishment of new industrial and complex bodies for agricultural production. Instead, in the western zone, new roads were created, public spaces and the whole image of the city was renewed in a nineteenth-century way. Paradoxically, the area that has contributed most to the economic development of the city has been hugely under-valued. The railway infrastructure has set itself as a barrier, a limit that has divided the district of Campanhã from the centre of the city, both in physical and social terms. 75

We can, therefore, affirm that the post-industrial period has been lived in an unusually conflictual manner in the eastern area of the city of Porto. In 1932, with the “Prologue ao Plano da Cidade de Porto” of Ezequiel de Campos, concerns arose about the growth of the city and the bad organisation of space. Considering the mercantile and industrial vocation of the city, Ezequiel de Campos refers to Campanhã as “an excellent example of industrial dispersion.”6 In 1952, with the Master Plan of Antão de Almeida Garrett, considering the work done by his predecessor, he started from the model of regeneration plans of European cities that had suffered world conflicts. Starting from these models proposes the extension of the Avenida Fernão de Magalhães up to the ring road. Of extreme importance was the proposal for the construction of a new railway path to facilitate the passage on the D. Maria Pia bridge. In 1962, Robert Auzelle took up some earlier concepts, continuing small interventions and the zoning suggested by his predecessors. One of the aspects that he analysed most was the question of traffic. For which included in the master plan the proposal for the construction of the Bridge from Arrabida on the west side of the city and one on the eastern side (renamed Ponte de Freixo), thus creating a belt circulation within the town: what will become the future VCI, concluded in the 90s. The plan presented years earlier by Almeida Garrett already submitted the proposal of the two bridges; it was, therefore, an operational plan to adapt the city to the use of cars, also defining public spaces, initiatives for social housing and the progress of the tertiary sector.

[MEIRELES, MIGUEL FERREIRA, RODRIGUES, Agostino B. Vieira, Campanhã: Estudos Monoraficos, Op. Cit.] 6

[fig. 20] CampanhĂŁ, Terrain Vague. 77

Already in 1987, the General Plan of Urbanization was presented, which offered solutions for improving the quality of city life through the construction of public equipment. The plan proposed a new cultural center in the Freixo Palace, where it was essential to design hydraulic works at the mouth of the Tinto and Torto rivers; the installation of the fire station in the S達o Roque da Lameira street and the intention to preserve the existing green spaces, as in the case of S達o Roques Park. Acopra then, the possibility of creating an oriental park for the city of Porto. The industrial zones developed around the railway continue however to constitute a limit between the eastern zone of Campanh達 and the city of Porto. Another proposal of the Plan, implemented, was the third part of the VCI, which connected the Freixo bridge to the Porto-Braga motorway. The infrastructure runs at the railroad, defining more the physical and visual barrier between Campanh達 and Porto. The VCI alters considerably the morphology of the spaces it crosses and the dynamics of the territories it passes through. Also, the railway lines have contributed actively to the change of the territory, which were implemented from 1875 until the twentieth century, with the subsequent construction of the Porto metropolitan line at the beginning of the two thousand years.

CAMPANHÃ

[fig. 21] VCI, Campanhã, 2018. 80

At the beginning of the nineties of the twentieth century, the Campanhã Valley Strategic Plan was implemented, with the aim of offering the areas of Antas and Campanhã a new centrality, ensured by the Freixo Bridge. The plan was not concluded, and shortly after that, the PPA (Plan de Pormenor das Antas) published, quite similar to the previous program. At the end of the nineties, the Municipal Chambers of Porto invites Manuel Salgado to assist Manuel de Solà - Morales in the elaboration of the new plan for the Antas area. Subsequently, the RISCO workshop will be responsible for the formulation of the entire program. Already in 2000, the football club of Porto (FCP), proposes to Manuel Salgado and his team construction of the new stadium, the stadium does Dragão, during the 2004 European Championships, since the ancient stadium of Antas did not answer to the requirements of FIFA and UEFA. In 2004 the RISCO atelier created both the Metro station in Antas and the transport interface of the Abastecedor market. The PPA reinforced the need to intervene in the rehabilitation of the eastern area of the city of Porto, giving rise to a new central area that rebalanced the town and established a direct connection with the suburbs. The reference model used is the one developed for the Lisbon expo ‘98. The presented project presents particular attention to all those urban elements that break between the city and the suburbs: the railway and the VCI. The design of the plan proposes solutions station, the stadium and the development of the public space surrounding them. Finally, the PPA was the impetus for the creation of the new centrality and allowed new developments in the eastern area of the city, connecting the urban fabric and proportionate new accessibility that enhance the area. 81

Despite the positive outcome of the PPA, the initial problems of the eastern zone remain. The new attractions have generated quality urban spaces, connections have facilitated motorised journeys but have not produced areas that have enhanced the identity and quality of the place concerning its history. An example of the remarkable discrepancy of the road scales is the construction of Alameda and its respective viaduct; this was one of the last interventions with regional impact and landscape, which connects the ancient square Das Flores to the square from Curjeira.

Metro CAMPANHÃ

Project Area Rehabilitated industrial are

Towns

North

Textile industries

Project Area Railway

Industrial buildings

Highway

Project area

Metro

Metro Estadio do Dragão

Pedestrian main connections Railway

Industrial buildings

Public spaces Highway

Project area

North Metro

Metro Estadio do Dragão

Pedestrian high connection Future pedestrian connection Pedestrian main connections Main pedestrian ways [fig. 22] Pedestrian high connection, PDM, Camara Municipal de Porto. 84

Public spaces

The PPA (Piano Pormenor das Antas) represents the effort of a private entity (team football port) and a public that aimed to create a new centrality, starting from the strategic reorganisation of Campanhã. The construction of the new stadium became a pretext for “making the city”. The structure included a station for public transport in the city (Porto Metro Line), a residential area and commercial services. A typical complexity of the configurations of the central areas. The eastern part of Porto, concerning which the PPA is reflected, is an area characterised by great conflicts. In this context, the plan is configured as an opportunity for the resolution of problems caused by lack of planning: a poorly structured area with the already consolidated territory. In this nascent context, we find disused infrastructures, mostly industrial, like the ancient slaughterhouse of Porto. The Campanhã valley is a place extremely conditioned by the foundation: the railway line, the metro and the road structures, which limit the area and its continuous development with the city. For these reasons, it is a district associated with urban and social problems. The urban fabric is irregular, conditioned by the rural pre-existence. Moreover, from the arrival of the railway in the nineteenth century, Campanhã was configured as a place dedicated to production, always remaining distant from the rest of the city. In this fragmented context, the PPA was created to solve the problems of spatial disruption caused by the VCI and the railway line. The design of the plan included a space for the connection between the stadium and the area of the ancient slaughterhouse, where a multi-purpose pavilion had been planned. The project reflects concerns about infrastructure, which contributed to the isolation of the area. Despite the attempts, the pavilion and the pedestrian connection superior to the VCI were never realised. 85

The size of the project reflects the scale of the stadium but not that of the urban tissue. The massive occupation of the stadium has limited visual permeability beyond the VCI. The square that surrounds the stadium depends strictly on the central element, creating an artificial level that prolongs Alameda das Antas, absorbing circulation. The lower floor is dedicated to commercial activities and parking. All this is however proportioned to accommodate large masses that flow into the area to watch football matches. It is concluded that the PPA, adopted by the municipal director plan (PDM), is aimed at creating a new centrality, where the stadium becomes a landmark that regulates the scale of services, public space and mobility. The logic of the proposal is therefore based on the level of the stadium and not on that of the city.

[fig. 23] PPA, Plano Pormenor das Antas, CamĂ˘ra Municipal do Porto 87

CAMPANHÃ&#x192;

The contrasts existing within the city during the industrialisation process are not very different from those present in the current overview. As already happened in the nineteenth century, the differences between the eastern and western areas are substantial but on an enlarged scale, including the entire metropolitan area of Porto. Campanhã represents the east limit the area that suffers most from these contrasts. The railway line continues to represent a barrier impassable, also due to the VCI that dominates it: two obstacles that are translated not only in the landscape and in the visual, but at the economic, social and cultural levels. The urban image of Campanhã continues to be affected by the infrastructure. Infrastructures that have contributed to the creation of the Terrain Vague that follow each other along the entire railway axis. Furthermore, the economic and housing problems generated by the industrialisation process have resulted in the limited use and creation of the “ilhas” that continue to exist. Despite the opening of new accesses such as the viaduct and Avenida 25 de Abril, the main access points to the city remain tortuous, not allowing the proper flow of traffic that continues to be out of scale concerning the urban area. The plan has therefore not found an answer to the conflicts and problems of the city. From an urban point of view, the contrast between rural and industrial continues to be a present reality, an indicator that the process of industrialisation has led to consequences that have not yet overcome. This process has not affected only Campanhã: other areas of the city, such as Lordelo do Ouro, have had the same development, but do not present the same problems thanks to the establishment of commercial activities that have accompanied the urban development process. 89

In Campanhã this has not always been possible due to the presence of the railway and the VCI, still aggressive presences in the territory. At the end of the nineteenth century, the construction of the VCI circumscribes the perimeter of Porto. Campanhã is located close to this barrier. In the last decades the city of Porto, Campanhã in particular, has enjoyed specific attention to economic development and social cohesion, primary objectives for the city’s development plan. On the one hand the need to reduce the urban contrast between the eastern and western areas, on the other the inevitable growth of the city in this direction that highlights the potential of the territory. The complementarity and proximity to the urban centre, the patrimonial and environmental values and the available land suggest the conditions for the development of an area that will suffer from the building speculation.

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INTERVENTION AREA

The direction taken to improve the development of Porto suggests the attempt to build a cohesive city. Within this program lies the ancient Municipal Slaughterhouse, on the Rua S. Roque da Lameira, which will be transformed into a space for social cohesion enterprises and that will be a central role for the development of Campanh達. The contemporary city is fast, aggressive, thinking of it as a living organism is an obligation, a necessity to build the memory of the future, avoiding continuing with an unsolved past. One of the measures taken in this regard is the competition held for the development of the project of the Intermodal Terminal of Campanh達 (TIC) launched by the Municipal Chamber in 2016. The area is available for the intervention located in the nascent Campanh達 area. In the perspective of the regeneration project of the old slaughterhouse, it is necessary to talk about urban absence, and the Terrain Vague characterise the surrounding area. The same slaughterhouse today coincides with one of these vacuums. Despite the high density of the city, also due to its topography, the town of Porto presents infinite ambiguous spaces, most of which characterise the Campanh達 valley. It was possible to understand the empty spaces that make up the area: places occupied and subsequently abandoned during post-industrialisation. Noticing that most of the indefinite vacuums are directly associated with the presence of road and rail infrastructure, so we talk about the interstitial areas between the VCI, the Avenida 25 de Abril and the railway line. Spaces of urban continuity break. Furthermore, the analysis highlights the relationship between solids and voids, highlighting a difference between the western and eastern sides of the railway line. The front of the west is characterised by urban spaces of strong hierarchy for the urban scale in which they are 93

located. (like the stadium, the shopping centre and the public area adjacent to the Metro station). The east side is characterised by low building density and dispersion of agglomerations. It is essential to understand how to relate the spaces in their urban scale and which of them must be built and which must exist as empty spaces. The Terrain Vague acquire different meanings: freedom, the outpouring of a chaotic city. “For its characteristic of interstitiality, of intermediate space, to be an in-between reality that wedges, rictures, crosses, a relic that has escaped the widespread city where the only possible action remains that of” mastering the void “as Koolhaas hopes (“S, M, L, XL”, 1997), the terrain vague obliges to think of new operative strategies and new ways of reusing according to an informal and antiretorical design that can not make use of previous references.”7 It turns out that these fragments cause the creation of limited spaces and the degradation of the area, contributing to the underdevelopment of the suburbs, segregated from the rest of the city. The Terrain Vague on which we are going to intervene is born in areas that have their memory and their own identity, which is why it would be a mistake to homogenise them to the city: it would ignore the urban wound they represented for decades. In this perspective, the design choices are related to an analysis of the flows present in the Terrain Vague in question, starting from the observations related to the nature of the place and the already existing spontaneous appropriations. However, this does not exclude the characters of the movement of the city within the project: it stands as an urban identity that collaborates and does not compete with existing realities.

[Www.artonweb. it town planning of the Vague terrain, Vilma Torselli] 7

INTERVENTION AREA

The Porto slaughterhouse, now abandoned, is shown as a central element of research. The project was born in 1910, with the need to replace the old slaughterhouse of São Diniz, insufficiently large for the needs of the population. Only in 1923, the new plant was activated. In July 1932 (18 years from the construction) it was officially inaugurated; the complex looked like a modern plant with strict hygiene standards. The choice of the place of the settlement corresponded to the need to satisfy some requirements: the distance from the urban centre, neither too far nor too close to the residential areas and an area with little chance of growth. Another critical aspect that contributed to the choice of the settlement was the proximity to the railway line and to waterways. The street on which it stands, Rua São Roque da Lameira was the main entrance and exit road from the eastern city. The territorial positioning of the slaughterhouse responds to strategic premises in response to the necessary functions. The design of the structure follows the model of Offenbach, which was designed in anticipation of a population of 200 thousand inhabitants, practically the same as Porto (236 mil inhabitants). The construction area of the Porto slaughterhouse is 29’000 m2, which corresponds to 0.12 m2 per inhabitant: compared to other European slaughterhouses it has an above average size. The distribution of the slaughterhouse areas is designed for maximum functionality, reflected in the geometric and regular volume system. The articulation of spaces stems from a logic of optimising production. Thus, the buildings intended for operations were progressively arranged as in an assembly line, culminating in the finished product. On the western side, adjacent to the railway line, there were 4 buildings connected to the railway for the transport of animals before the slaughter; divided from the 97

Cartografia

[25] Original settlement

[fig. 25-26-27] Historical cartography, CĂ˘mara Municipal de Porto. 98

[26] Slaughterhouse, 1940

Cartografia 1979

a Década 40

[27] Slaughterhouse, 1979.

´ 1:2.000

pavilions for the slaughter by a road, to follow the health rules. Each building housed a different species of animals so that they were transferred to the slaughterhouse directly in the pavilion opposite. In turn, the pavilions communicated directly with the covered, wide and ventilated gallery, where the carcasses were transferred via rails to the cold stores. The other independent volumes were dedicated to the preparation of the product. Including the director’s house and reception, the complex consisted of 16 volumes. Today the interior spaces are in a state of decay but maintain its original structure. The unique design of the complex is not modified. Today the use is practically nil: one of the instants houses a kennel, the rest of the space is dedicated to the storage of building materials. The only building in operation is the director’s house, which overlooks Rua São Roque da Lameira, where the Campanhã police station is located. In conclusion, given the state of abandonment, this element represents an opportunity for the development of a peripheral area.

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P4 P3

P2 P1

[fig. 28] Map of the pictures. 101

[29]

[fig. 29-30] P1, CĂ˘mara Municipal de Porto. 102

[30]

[31]

[32]

[fig. 31-32] P2, CĂ˘mara Municipal de Porto. 103

[33]

[fig. 33-34-35] P5, CĂ˘mara Municipal de Porto. 104

[34]

[35]

[36]

[fig. 36] P6, CĂ˘mara Municipal de Porto. 105

[37]

[fig. 37-38] P3, CĂ˘mara Municipal de Porto. 106

[38]

[39]

[40]

[fig. 39-40] P4, CĂ˘mara Municipal de Porto. 107

SHALUGHTERHOUSE PLAN 1- Leather deposit 2- Services 3/4- Machinery rooms 5- Crematory 6- Cold rooms 7-Central Gallery 8- pre cold rooms 9- Distribution 10- Reception 11- Director house 12- Sanitary inspection 13- Mix room 14-Slaughter gallery (small animals) 15- Small animals room 16- Slaughter gallery (adult animals) 17- Adult animals room 18- Slaughter gallery (pigs) 19- Pig room 21-Blood processing 22- Meat deposit 23- Machine deposit

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[fig. 41] Magalhães e Menezes, Francisco. O antigo Matadouro de Porto, Dissertação Final, 2012. 109

1939

110

1992

Ortofotomapa 2008

Ortofotocartografia 2002

1:2.000

2002

2008

[fig. 42-43-44-45] Aerial pictures, Câmara Municipal de Porto. 111

THE PROJECT

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The urban rehabilitation plan between Campanhã and the fabric of the city includes a pedestrian connection between the metro station of the Dragão stadium and the slaughterhouse area. The horizontal path will rise above the VCI, to surpass this barrier directly, improving pedestrian circulation. The horizontal connections of the project reflect the intent to adapt to the existing plan, considering the connection between the metro and the public space in front of the project area. In this context, the main, external and internal circulation axes are established. The large central ship is a multi-purpose ship with the primary purpose of connecting the public space with the metro station and in the same way allowing direct access to the museum archives, the library and the restaurant. The second axis is parallel to the first and defined by the grid of the existing architecture. The corridor on the ground floor is configured as a portico passage that runs through the entire museum, up to cross the bookshop and the refreshment area. The ancient walls that fenced the slaughterhouse do not exist anymore, as they constituted a physical barrier to the continuity between public spaces. The square that faces Rua São Roque da Lameira is configured as an element of spatial continuity in the system of public space. A visual continuity relationship opens with the Parco da Corujeira, thanks to Rua Nova da Corujeira. The central “round” defines the possible circulation for unloading goods in front of the central ship; its perimeter establishes a hierarchy in the mobility and division of areas by functional categories. The continuity relation between the central ship and the public space constitutes an exchange between inside and outside concerning the public space. 115

Children area defines the circulation for unloading and loading of goods.

Internal structure defines tree and outdoor lightening grid.

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When we talk about context, in the case of public space, we refer to the urban tissue in which the project born. In the project scale, we refer the context to the existing architectural space. The volumes in which we go to work are configured as the scenography and the starting point of the axes that define the new elements. From a relationship between the full and the empty, two types of elements are defined: those related to service functions, particularly stable and introverted and those of temporary sub-functions. In the first case, the program and function move in parallel in an indissoluble manner; different is the case of the second type of envelope, characterised by curvilinear forms, representing a degree of inclusion and freedom different. The bright formal difference of the elements allows quick reading of the space hierarchy. The service functions are always established along the same axis, in the search for a solid rule. The introverted aspect of the volumes accentuates the function they host.

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The circular elements represent a level of freedom such as to represent the temporality of the function they host; for this reason, they depend on the primary function of the building in which they are located. They constitute elements of inclusion and exclusion between collective and individual activities. The concept of free space translates into the shape and composition of the envelopes. In this case, it is difficult to talk about volumes instead, we can talk about borders. The arrangement of light structures and their movement define the internal and external programmatic circulation. In the museum spaces, their arrangement constitutes a continuous movement in the circulation: the possibility of exposing internally and externally to the envelope determines the relationship with the set-up â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this continuity marked by the existing structure that is crossed but never touched. In the case of other programmatic bands, these boundaries define spaces for collective or individual activities, representing a pause in spatial continuity. Strategic lines do not translate only in form but also in their materiality. The elements that define the services have a minimum degree of visual permeability between inside and outside. The coating is made of perforated steel panels. The other enclosures are characterized by light transparent materials such as curtains and U-glass.

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The program reflects the purpose to bring a new space for the local community. Starting from the strengths of the city and the ones in which Porto should bet, the program tries to join the industrial identity with the new creative fields of the city. Three main fields are recognizable: the work spaces, including co-working/start up positions and public offices. All the culture areas and services. The functions are divided in â&#x20AC;&#x153;stripesâ&#x20AC;?: from the left, the work spaces define a line which includes student ateliers and labs for young entrepreneurs working in the textile and fashion field. The central stripe is dedicated to the textile museum and fashion shows. The last one is connected by others from the central nave, a great circulation space multi-purpose.

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The design solutions derive from the choice to measure with the scale of the existing urban fabric. The creation of a Landmark would have created a definite sign of continuity with the scale of the stadium, but it would not have been compared with the context and its history. The ancient slaughterhouse is a central element that tells the story of the city. Its industrial character belongs to the memory of Porto. An identity that belongs to the external as to the internal structure; for these reasons, the structures that are to be inserted are self-supporting, not dependent on the existing structure. The structure remains such without merging with the defining elements of the new spaces, which trace new paths and generate a new spatial hierarchy. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Culture on industry, industry on cultureâ&#x20AC;? tells the memory of the city and at the same time its contemporary character. From the critical issues of the city, the project finds its strengths in trying to fit into the existing territory.

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REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

_ Alves Fernandes Jorge. A indústria portuense em perspectiva histórica. Porto, Edição Centro Leonardo, 1997. _ ANTT, Junta do Comercio, Inquérito Industrial as fabricas do Porto pelo desembargador do tabaco e da Alfandega Sebastião Correia de Sà, segundo provisão de 30 de Novembro 1013, Livro 454. _ Augè Marc. Non Lieux, Introduction à une anthropologie de la surmodernité. SL. Letra Livre, 2016. 4th édition, Translation: Miguel Serras Pereira. _ Branzi Andrea. La casa calda, Esperienze del Nuovo design italiano. Milano, Hoepli editore, 1999. _ Corbellini, Giovanni. Exlibris, 16 parole chiave dell’architettura contemporanea. Siracusa (IT), Edizioni LetteraVentidue, 2015. _ Chabrol Marie, Collet Anais, Giroud Mathieu, Launay Lydie, Rousseau Max, Minassian Ter Hoving. Gentrifications. Paris, Editions Amsterdam, 2016. _ El Croquis. Alvaro Siza, 1958-1993. Editores y directores / publishers and editors Fernando Márquez Cecilia y Richard Levene arquitectos, 1995. _ El Croquis. Saana, Kazuyo Sejima, Ryue Nihshizawa, 2004-2008. Editores y directores / publishers and editors Fernando Márquez Cecilia y Richard Levene arquitectos, 2007. _ Lynch Kevin. L’immagine della città. Venezia, Marsilio Editore, 2006. _ Lopes Cordeiro, Josè Manuel. Fontes para a historia da industria portuense: I - O mapa das fabricas de 1813. Projecto “Fontes estatísticas para a historia da industria no Porto 1813-1917”, patrocinado pelo centro de Ciências Historicas e Sociais da Universidade do Minho (HIST/02/PI. 03).

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_ Madureira, Nuno Luis (1997), Mercado e Privilegios. A industria portuguesa entre 1750 e 1834. Lisboa: editorial Estampa. _ Magalhães, Maria Madalena Allegro de, A Indústria do Porto na Primeira Metade do séc. XIX. in “Revista da Faculdade de Letras - Geografia”, Porto, série I, vol.IV, 1988. _ Moneo Rafael. Inquietudine teorica e strategia progettuale nell’opera di otto architetti contemporanei. Milano, Mondadori Electa, 2015. _O.M.A., Koolhaas Rem, Mau Bruce. S, M, L, XL. Jennifer Sigler Editor, 1995. _ Pinto, Jorge Ricardo. O Porto Oriental no final do Século XIX, Um retrato Urbano. sl, Edições Afrontamento, dezembro 2007. _ Saramago José. Viaggio in Portogallo. sl, Giangiacomo Feltrinelli Editore, Milano, 2017. _ Settis Salvatore. Architettura e democrazia, Paesaggio, città, diritti civili. Cles, Casa editrice Einaudi, 2017. _Solà-Morales, Ignasi de. Terrain Vague. Barcelona, Editorial Gustavo Gili, 2009. _Skin+Bones. Parallel Practices in Fashion and Architecture. New York, Thames and Hudson.

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SITOGRAPHY _ www.academia.edu _www.atp.pt _ www.bloom.pt _ www.campanhã.net _ www. cm-porto.pt _ www.farftetch.com _www.pinterest.com PAPERS: _ A estrategia Europa 2020, European anti-poverty network R.Seau, Bruxelles, 2011. _ Censos 2011, Mudanças Demográficas. Camara Municipal do Porto, 2014. _ Fase de Caraterização e Diagnóstico Relatório das sessões de participação nas Juntas de Freguesia. Plano diretor Municipal do Porto, 2015. _ Lyssen Siska. Porto’s Têxtil Awakening. Travelogue, 2015. _ Portugal Basic Datas, Aicep Portugal Global, october 2017.

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THESIS _ Guidetti Elena. Innesti Oriografici. Progetto di riqualificazione dell’ex centrale Termoelettrica di Freixo, Porto. Università degli studi di Ferrara, Dipartimento di Architettura. Professore Alessandro Massarente. Anno Accademico 2016-2017. _ Magalhães e Menezes Francisco. O Antigo Matadouro Municipal do Porto. Uma oportunidade para Reabilitação Urbana. Dissertação de Mestrado FAUP 2011/2012. _ Pavoni Marco, Aurier Susanna. La città di Porto: granito su granito. Politecnico di Milano, anno accademico 2011-2012. _ Ribeiro Pereira Francisca. TERMINAL INTERMODAL DE CAMPANHÃ: CONCEITOS E REFLEXÕES EM TORNO DE UM PROJECTO DE REQUALIFICAÇÃO URBANA. Dissertação de Mestrado Integrado em Arquitectura. Orientação por Professor Doutor Nuno GrandeFaculdade de Arquitectura da Universidade do Porto, 2016/2017.

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Vexed Parka 1994 High tenacity ballistic nylon; polyurethane laminate Courtesy of Vexed Design

Junya Watanabe Dresses and blouse from SoirĂŠe (or Techno Couture) collection Autumn/Winter 20002001 Polyester Courtesy of Comme des GarĂ§ons

1. SKIN + BONES, Parallel practices in fashion and architecture, exhibition book, 2008.

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Hussein Chalayan

Alber Elbaz / Lanvin

Dress from Before Minus Now collection Spring/Summer 2000 Shaved nylon tulle Courtesy of Hussein Chalayan

Dress from collection Spring/Summer 2005 Washed silk faille Courtesy of Lanvin

Junya Watanabe

Dresses and blouse from Soirée (or Techno Couture) collection Autumn/Winter 20002001 Polyester Courtesy of Comme des Garçons

Dresses from Classic collection Autumn/Winter 20042005 Cotton, polyester, and down Courtesy of Comme des Garçons

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GREETINGS

Grazie al professore Giovanni Avosani che mi ha seguito in questo lungo percorso, credendo nel progetto ed aiutandomi a non perdere di vista l’obiettivo. A special thank to Diogo De Sousa Rocha who followed this project in Portugal and Italy; but overall, thanks for teaching me what does it mean to work in a competitive team, always pushing me to do my best and being a friend during the hard times. A special thank also to all the MassLab team, for all the smiles you gifted me and to be my Portuguese family. Grazie a mamma e papà, per tutte le volte che mi avete inseguito dietro ad un aquilone. Mamma che è la mia migliore amica e a papà che non si è mai stancato di rincorrermi sulla spiaggia, quando ancora non avevo imparato a bolinare. Grazie perché se sono quella che sono è grazie a voi che avete sempre creduto in me. Grazie a mio nonno Massimo, perché oggi l’avrei dovuto condividere con te, per tutto il bene che ci siamo voluti e non ci siamo mai detti. Grazie alla nonna Gigliola per il bene che trasmetti, a modo tuo. Grazie a nonna Rosetta e al nonno William, nonni, amici e fedeli compagni, perché mi avete insegnato il rispetto e l’amore incondizionato. Grazie a Matilde e Ruggero, i fratelli che non ho mai avuto. A Giulia, compagna inaspettata, perché questo percorso lo abbiamo iniziato e finito insieme, senza sapere come sarebbe andata. Grazie perché nonostante tutti i caffè bruciati, “Giulia, oh mia cara, ti prego salvami tu”. Perché nei momenti più difficili nascono le amicizie, quelle vere. Grazie Manlio. A Marco, per tutte le volte che mi hai capita, per essere il mio porto sicuro e per tutte le volte che mi hai raccolta quando ero a pezzi. Al mio compagno di birrette, per le risate e per i pianti, perché con te sono me stessa. Grazie, perché per tutte le volte che sarai felice, lo sarò anche io. 166

A Nicholas, perché non siamo sposati sulla carta ma sarai sempre mio marito. Alle nostre ciaccole notturne, per tutti gli urli al ragù e alla finestra, perché anche se la mattina oltrepassi le barriere del suono ti voglio bene come un fratello. Grazie ad Elena, per la compagna che sei stata in Brasile, per essere la mia prima cammella, ma soprattutto per essere l’amica che tutti dovrebbero avere. Grazie a papà Zopp, alla tua razionalità, per avermi sopportato senza arrabbiarti. Grazie a Betta, per essere così diverse ma per capirci sempre. Per tutte le volte che siamo lontane ma è come se fossimo vicine, senza dubitare l’una dell’altra. E perché il karaoke come lo facciamo noi, NESSUNO. A Sofi, per essere l’amicizia più combattuta, ma nonostante questo che non mi ha lasciato mai. Perché sei la regina del pigneto, perché hai le spine ma sei fatta di zucchero e io non mi stanco mai di rincorrerti. A Gabri, alla nostra amicizia ritrovata, alle vacanze da pensionati e all’amore che verrà, senza perché e senza ma. A Sarah, perché è come se ti avessi sempre conosciuta, per l’amica che sei, per le cene e per tutte le volte che ti sei addormentata sul nostro divano. A Davide, per quella volta che siamo diventati amici sul divano di via Cammello, per avermi insegnato ad essere un Manlio. Ai Renegades, per tutti i Bang e i sorrisi che mi avete strappato nei momenti più duri. A Picciò, alle volte che abbiamo discusso ma che non ci hanno mai fatto allontanare. All’estate in Portogallo, perché mi hai fatto innamorare di Porto e perchè sei l’amico che non lascerei mai. To Petra, to be the friend I never expected, a sketcher and a sister. Because you 167

taught me that life it is what it is. To Diogo, because things are easier than what I think, because you bring some glitters in my life. A Enri, per avermi ispirato, per i pranzi e le cene piene di amore. A Irene, ad ilarità e ai tuoi abbracci inaspettati. A Samu, a Conga e a tutta la musica che mi hai fatto scoprire. Grazie a Richi, Andrea e Paola, per avermi distratto dalla tesi. Ad Elena, perché dove vanno i tuoi pensieri vanno i tuoi passi, alla radio e a tutti gli psycho killer. Allo Stagnone, ad Alessio, Carletto, Scopetta, Simo, Patty, Valeria, Giulia, Gegè, Sergio e tutti gli altri, per essere la famiglia che mi sono scelta, un luogo dove rifugiarmi quando tutto va storto. Per avermi cresciuta ed insegnato a fare l’insalata (soprattutto). Btw 7 chicken are better than 1. A Valentino e alla nostra chiacchierata con Paulo Mendes da Rocha. To Mathieu, even if it was the hardest friendship ever, you gave me my best times in Bordeaux. A Fra, al nostro roadtrip in Sicilia e a tutti i luoghi in cui ci siamo ritrovati. A San Paolo, dove mi sono persa e ritrovata. Grazie a tutti quelli che ci sono stati, vicini e lontani. Grazie a Via Cammello, casa, rifugio, porto sicuro per quasi quattro anni. Grazie per 168

tutte le persone che ho conosciuto qui dentro, a tutti gli abusivi del divano. Grazie per essere stata casa. Grazie al mare, al vento, al kitesurf e tutte le volte che mi sono fatta male ma ho riso. Per tutte le volte che mi sento libera. Infine, grazie a Ferrara, dove ho iniziato il percorso piĂš difficile, per tutti i problemi che ho superato qui, che fanno parte di me. Grazie per essere stata accogliente ma anche un poâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; noiosa e concedermi di partire. Grazie perchĂŠ nonostante tutto mi mancherai.

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