Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations by Centre for European Studies at Chulalongkorn University

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

Natthanan Kunnamas Pornsan Watanangura editors

National Library of Thailand Cataloging in Pblication Data Natthanan Kunnamas. Reflexions on 500 years of the Thai - Portuguese Ralations.-- Bangkok : Centre for European Studies at Chulalongkorn University, 2015. 206 p. 1. Thailand--Foreign relation--Portugal. I. Pornsan Watanangura, jt. auth. I. Title. 327.5930469 ISBN 978-616-551-895-6

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations Editors : Natthanan Kunnamas / Pornsan Watanangura Publication of the Centre for European Studies at Chulalongkorn University Copyright ÂŠ 2015 Centre for European Studies All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored, transmitted, or disseminated, in any form, or by any electronic or mechanical means, without prior written permission by the publisher and the respective author. Cover :

Poster Portugal-Thailand 500 Years of Friendship 1511-2011 The Embassy of Portugal, Bangkok Thailand

Printed by :

Chulalongkorn University Printing House Tel. 02 218 3563 Fax. 02 215 3612 E-mail: cuprint@hotmail.com www.cuprint.chula.ac.th

The author is responsible for the contents, views and analyses expressed in the paper, which are neither the same as ones of Centre for European Studies at Chulalongkorn University, nor the editorial staff.

Report by the President of Chulalongkorn University on the Occasion of the Opening Ceremony of the “500 Years of Thai-Portuguese Relations” International Colloquium at Chulalongkorn University, 13rd March 2012 Your Royal Highness, I, Pirom Kamolratanakul, President of Chulalongkorn University, hereby ask permission of Your Royal Highness to present my report on behalf of the organizers of this International Colloquium – Chulalongkorn University’s Centre for European Studies, with the support of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Thailand, in collaboration with the Portuguese Embassy in Thailand, the Technical University of Lisbon and the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We are so pleased that Your Royal Highness has agreed to preside over this opening of the “500 Years of Thai-Portuguese Relations” International Colloquium in 2012 as part of the academic activities for the 500th anniversary Thai-Portuguese celebrations that were formally inaugurated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Thailand in May, 2011. These commemorative activities, which are the result of a collaborative effort on the part of both Thai and Portuguese agencies and individuals, take many different forms – for example, academic activities, publications in Portuguese, Thai and English and cultural festivities in the form of a television programme disseminating information on Thai-Portuguese relations. The people of Thailand and the Thai government have also taken part in the celebrations by presenting Portugal and its people with the gift of a Thai pavilion. This pavilion, which is by the sea at Belem in Lisbon and very close to the tower from which many of the great Portuguese explorers embarked on their voyages of discovery in the sixteenth century, was inaugurated by Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn on 22nd February 2012.

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Over the years, the academic relationship between Thai and Portuguese institutions of higher learning has also seen a growth in many directions. In 2009 Chulalongkorn University signed an agreement on collaboration in the area of history, language, literature and the arts and this will soon be expanded to include study and research in the sciences. Moreover, because Portuguese is a language known only to a limited number of Thais, the Department of Western Languages in the Faculty of Arts has been offering Portuguese language courses for Bachelor level since 1990 with the Cultural AttachĂŠ at the Portuguese Embassy to Thailand as an instructor. Students from the Faculty of Arts have been able to avail themselves of scholarships to study at the University of Lisbon offered by the Portuguese government and a good number have returned to Thailand and have become vital resource personnel in both Thai and Portuguese agencies. Scholarships have also been available from the Ministry of Education Office of the Higher Education Commission for Thai students who wish to pursue their studies at other Portuguese universities, such as the University of Porto. On the occasion of these celebrations commemorating 500 years of Thai-Portuguese relations, Chulalongkorn University has upgraded the status of Portuguese language instruction to that of a minor subject in Bachelor curriculum with the inclusion of a cultural and literary dimension that provides the strong basis on which to cultivate a better understanding between the people of the two countries. Additionally, the Department of Western Languages, Faculty of Arts plans in the year 2016 to have Portuguese language as major subject for the Bachelor students.

Chulalongkorn University, through the Centre for European Studies, will later provide a compilation of the scholarly papers presented at this international seminar.

With Your Royal Highnesses’ permission, may I present His Excellency, Dr. Jorge Torres-Pereira, Ambassador of Portugal to Thailand to give report on the Relations between Thailand and Portugal and an overview of the celebrations. Then, may I humbly request Your Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn to graciously deliver the inaugural address declaring this colloquium open before presiding over the exhibition “Thailand-Portugal Close Glance” in the main hall of Maha Chulalongkorn building afterwards.

On the occasion of the International Colloquium “500 Years of Thai-Portuguese Relations” A Celebration presided over by HRH Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn Chulalongkorn University, 13th March 2012 Remarks by H.E. Dr. Jorge TORRES-PEREIRA Ambassador of Portugal to the Kingdom of Thailand

Your Royal Highness, Excellencies I would like to begin these remarks by expressing to Your Royal Highness, my honour and gratitude, shared by my countrymen, and the deep appreciation of my Government for the highly symbolic presence of Your Royal Highness in this solemn session of the International Colloquium whose raison d’être was to deliver the best possible contribution from academia and historiography to the commemoration of the 500 Years of diplomatic relations between Portugal and Thailand. A commemorative point in time in which – I rush to add – we are celebrating the auspicious 84th Birthday of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej.

In that respect, I will take the liberty to underline that the Portuguese who had the honour to enter into contact with the Siamese Crown, during these five centuries we are celebrating, have acquired a sense of being treated in a gracious and generous manner by the Monarch. First in Ayutthaya and furthermore in Thonburi and Bangkok, pioneering privileges were bestowed by Siamese Sovereigns to my country, time after time. To name just a few, the political and trade arrangements enshrined in our first bilateral agreement in 1516; the right to settle in Ayutthaya with freedom to built churches and practice our religion; the cession of land to organize “Portuket” communities in Bangkok (in Samsen, in Kudi Chin and Ton Samrong that became the neighbourhoods of Conception, Santa Cruz and Rosario, where we can still trace today Thais that claim some form or the other of Portuguese ancestry; and more recently, a mere two hundred years ago, the granting of land for a Portuguese “Factory” and the installation of a Consul, in the margins of the Chao Praya River. (Yes, it is thanks to King Rama II that I have the pleasure of living where I do, in the most charming Embassy of Bangkok). We have tried to live up to that trust and generosity, not only here in Siam by being loyal and at times very helpful members of the Thai community at large, but also by venting out, whenever a Thai Sovereign visited Portugal, what our heart wanted to express. The Royal Visit of King Chulalongkorn to Lisbon in 1897 was of enormous meaning and in 1960 the State Visit of H.M. King Bhumibol still reverberates on those privileged to have witnessed it. In that respect, of a royal patronage of our bilateral relationship, allow me express to our distinguished audience, that the presence of Your Royal Highness the Crown Prince in the context of a Colloquium dedicated to move forward the research work on the Thai-Portuguese relation is in itself a most welcomed contribution to our work.

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An event of this importance has many institutions to which to express one’s deep gratitude. Above all, the Centre for European Studies, Chulalongkorn Universty, Bangkok and the ‘Instituto do Oriente’ of the Universidade Técnica de Lisboa, but also both the ‘Instituto Camões’, the cultural arm of the Portuguese Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and “Comemorações Ásia”, a vehicle for the celebration of ephemerides in the relationship of Portugal with a number of Asian countries. I would like also to take this opportunity to thank all my direct collaborators at the Embassy of Portugal, who have been working since January 2011 as if there were no next 500 years. We are at the very closing stage of the Commemorations. Like good historians, for whom a century is never exactly 100 years, but rather, when everything is put into perspective, something lengthier or curtailed, and prefer to speak of “short centuries” and “long centuries”- never accepting a round number in the calendar - this year of celebrations has not been a twelve months’ affair. It started when the “Sagres” tall ship docked in Bangkok, in October 2010 and it attained, most recently, already in 2012, one of the highest points of its program when just a few weeks ago Her Royal Highness Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn visited Lisbon to formally inaugurate the “Sala Thai”, the Thai Pavilion, which from now on will remind visitors of our friends from a distant but very close to us in South East Asian Kingdom to the Jardim Vasco Da Gama. I was privileged enough to be present at the lunch at the Presidential Palace in Belém to honour the visiting Princess, when President Cavaco Silva, the Portuguese Head of State, expressed in the most warm words how honoured and pleased we were in Portugal for having this most rare half a millennium friendly relationship as part of our historical heritage as a country.

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We have left behind many memories and party-like occasions of our celebrations, from Architectural Heritage Exhibitions to the displays of different Art Forms, from cinema and ethnography to the heartfelt virtuosity

of Fado singing, from launching new books to the enjoyment of the skills of young football players. A special attention was given, as it’s due, to the remaining presence of Thais of Portuguese descent, when we carried on a deserved homage to the ‘Portuket’ of Rosario, Conception and Santa Cruz. I will have to mention here the future Thai-Portuguese Cultural Heritage Museum, in Santa Cruz, which, thanks to a generous start-up grant from the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs will be one of the enduring legacies of our intertwined historical narratives. And what about this International Colloquium at Chulalongkorn University, Ladies and Gentlemen, where the real experts on this subjectmatter of International Relations, on this theme of Global History, on this field of Europe-Asia Studies have come up with what must surely be one of the most enduring contributions to these Celebrations? Contributions to this colloquium include subjects as varied as Military and Naval Innovation in Asia in the 16th Century; Melaka, Siam and Regional Trading Networks; the Portuguese-Siamese Catholic minority as an agent of intermediation between Siam and the West in 17th to 20th centuries; the relevance of Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Travels (“Peregrinação”); the resettlement of the Jesuit Mission in Siam in 1655-1660; the Dutch, English, French and Portuguese presence in Ayutthaya; the Royal Visits in World Crisis; and the artistic relations between Thailand and Portugal. Discussions were held on eminent contributions to the Dialogue of Cultures, on the Thai-Portuguese Community from Ayutthaya to Bangkok; on the context of the design and building of the ‘Sala Thai’ in Lisbon; on the tool of radio drama (featuring the life of Maria Guiomar de Pina); on the operatic potential of the embassy of Pero Vaz de Siqueira; on documentary film making addressing our historical relationship; and last but not the least, on Portuguese influence in Thai cuisine.

Their lectures, their papers, their discussions, once turned into the proceedings of this Colloquium, will be another step in making rigorous and sound historical sense out of this whole 1511-2011 Thai-Portuguese business, for the benefit of the peoples of Portugal and Thailand. I would humbly request Your Royal Highness to solemnly and formally open the Colloquium.

ข้าพเจ้ามีความยินดีที่ได้มาร่วมในพิธีเปิดงานสัมมนานานาชาติ เพื่อฉลอง ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างไทยกับโปรตุเกสที่เจริญยั่งยืนมาครบ ๕๐๐ ปี ไทยกับโปรตุเกสมีสายสัมพันธ์อนั ยาวนานมาแต่กาลโบราณ นับแต่ครัง้ นักเดินเรือ ชาวโปรตุเกสเดินทางมาถึงกรุงศรีอยุธยาซึ่งเป็นราชธานีของไทย ชาวโปรตุเกสส่วนหนึ่ง ได้ตงั้ ถิน่ ฐานอยูใ่ นประเทศนี้ โดยได้รบั เสรีภาพทัง้ ด้านการค้าและการศาสนา ชาวโปรตุเกส และชาวไทยต่างอยูร่ ว่ มกันเป็นปรกติสขุ โดยต่างฝ่ายต่างได้ชว่ ยเหลือเกือ้ กูลกัน ได้ถา่ ยทอด มรดกทางวัฒนธรรม ตลอดจนศิลปวิทยาการให้แก่กันและกันอย่างมากมาย และเมื่อเกิด ศึกสงคราม ชาวโปรตุเกสได้ร่วมกับชาวไทยสู้รบอย่างกล้าหาญ กล่าวได้ว่า ความผูกพัน ระหว่างรัฐก็ดี ระหว่างประชาชนทั้งสองเชื้อชาติก็ดี เป็นความผูกพันที่สนิทแน่นแฟ้น จนไม่อาจแยกจากกันได้ ข้าพเจ้าจึงขอแสดงความชืน่ ชมอย่างจริงใจกับสถาบันการศึกษา และหน่วยงานของรัฐทั้งสองประเทศที่ได้ร่วมกันจัดงานสัมมนาครั้งนี้ขึ้นเพื่อเผยแพร่ ความรู้เรื่องความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างไทยกับโปรตุเกสในแง่มุมที่หลากหลาย หากท่านจะได้ น�ำผลจากการสัมมนาครั้งนี้ไปเผยแพร่ให้ประชาชนได้ทราบอย่างกว้างขวาง ก็จะเป็น ทางหนึ่งที่ช่วยส่งเสริมและรักษามิตรไมตรีระหว่างประชาชาติทั้งสองให้ยิ่งแน่นแฟ้นและ งอกงามยืนยาวต่อไปโดยไม่มีที่สิ้นสุด ได้เวลาอันสมควรแล้ว ข้าพเจ้าขอเปิดการสัมมนานานาชาติ “๕๐๐ ปี ความสัมพันธ์ ไทย-โปรตุเกส” ณ บัดนี้ ขอให้การสัมมนาบรรลุผลสมบูรณ์ตามวัตถุประสงค์ที่ตั้งไว้ ทุกประการ ทั้งขอให้ทุกท่านที่มาร่วมในพิธีนี้มีความสุขสวัสดีจงทั่วกัน

It is a pleasure for me to preside over the opening of the International Colloquium in Commemoration of the 500 Years of Thai-Portuguese Relations. Relationship between Portugal and Thailand has long been ongoing, dating back to the days when Portuguese seafarers landed in the then Siamese capital Ayudhaya. The Portuguese who settled down in the Kingdom since that period in history have enjoyed a life of freedom both in trade and in their faith. The Portuguese and Thai people mingled readily, smoothly, and with goodwill, lending each other helping hands. Through times, they handed down their cultural heritage and exchanged an abundance of artistic wisdom. In times of war, the settlers fought valiantly alongside the Thai brave. It is evident that the ties between the two states as well as peoples have been so firmly imprinted that they are inseparable. On that account, I would like to express sincere admiration for the academic institutions and governmental sectors of our countries in their endeavour to organise this Colloquium, with the purpose of disseminating knowledge of the bilateral relations in varied aspects. I hope that the Colloquiumâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s findings will be carried on to a wider circle. In this way it will naturally strengthen the existing friendship between Portugal and Thailand, and promote it further without end.

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At this propitious moment, let me declare open the International Colloquium on the 500 Years of Thai-Portuguese Relations. May the Colloquium best achieve its objectives.

I wish all of you who are present here success and happiness.

Editors’ Preface The book “Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations” has been significantly inspired by the conclusions from the prestigious colloquium on the occasion of celebrating the 500th anniversary of the contacts between the Kingdom of Thailand and the Portuguese Republic, which was held at Chulalongkorn University on 13th March 2012 and presided by the HRH Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn. This commemorating event was co-hosted by the Centre for European Studies of Chulalongkorn University and the Instituto do Oriente (ISCSP) of the Technical University of Lisbon in collaboration with the Embassy of Portugal in Thailand and the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Through vigorous discussions during the colloquium, it is undisputable that Thailand and Portugal’s exceptional long-lasting relationships have been an intricate interconnection of socio-cultural influence that enhanced such strong ties. It is also fascinating how the two countries continuously and successfully maintain their relations in the turbulent world of international politics. This “reflexions” volume, hence, aims at guiding us through the great five-hundred years of the relationships and equipping us with insights from social, political, historical and literary perspectives, represented through all of the selected works from eleven scholars and a renowned diplomat in an interdisciplinary way. These selected works will enrich our mutual understanding among the Thai and Portuguese academic circles and provide us with a better comprehension on how the ties between the two countries have evolved and grown throughout the remarkable five centuries. The volume begins with the picture galleries of the construction of “Sala Thai in Lisbon”, in which HRH Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn presided over the opening ceremony on 22nd February 2012. The pictures were contributed by Associate Professor Dr. Suppakorn Disatapundhu,

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Dean of the Faculty of Fine and Applied Arts, Chulalongkorn University and the Fine Arts Department of Thailand. The Thai pavilion in Lisbon was initiated as the memorial project marking the 500th year of ThailandPortugal relations, to serve as a symbol of cultural exchange, and to last as a legacy of the great relationship between the two countries. The first academic article, “The Portuguese and Siam in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Brief Survey” by Dr. Maria da Conceição Flores from the Universidade Nova de Lisboa, offers an insight into the early stage of the establishment of the commercial, military, religious and diplomatic ties between the two countries. Viewed as a favourable opportunity in Portuguese policy, the Portuguese approached Siam and succeeded tremendously in garnering trust from the locals. The author also investigates the competition between the European nations in expanding their sphere of influence in the East at its heights. Through a comprehensive study in the article “Portuguese Military and Naval Innovation in Asia (16th century)” by Professor Dr. Vitor Rodrigues, Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, Lisbon, the author demonstrates the reason why the Portuguese empire succeeded in expanding its sphere of influence in the Indian Ocean. The article further investigates huge technical and tactical enhancement of weaponry and other innovative methods acquired by the Portuguese military which subsequently enabled Portugal to achieve naval superiority in the Indian Ocean and in the Southern Seas.

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In “Artistic Relations between Thailand and Portugal: Discoveries and New Proposals” by Professor Dr. Nuno Vassallo e Silva, Director-General of the Cultural Heritage, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Lisbon, the author outlines and analyzes the artistic connections between the two peoples since the Ayutthaya period. In particular, the article includes new interpretations of the decorative arts and objects in regards to the diffusion of models, techniques and ornament materials used. It also sheds light on recent discoveries of how the use of lacquer, mother-of-pearl and ivory

built the networks of contacts between Thailand and Portugal during the Ayutthaya time. The piece on “Melaka, Siam and the Portuguese Regional Trading Network” by Professor Dr. Manuel Lobato, Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, Lisbon illustrates an interwoven link of the three regions: Melaka, Siam and Portugal. Using geographical and historical frameworks, the author traces this triangular link back to the sixteenth century. Supported by reliable historical accounts, the author asserts that Melaka played a very important role in forging diplomatic and commercial relations between Siam and Portugal. In his article “The Community of Portuguese Descent in Siam: From Ayutthaya to Early Bangkok Period”, Dr. Miguel Castelo-Branco, Instituto do Oriente, Technical University of Lisbon accentuates the presence of Portugal in Asia from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The community in Siam (Ayutthaya at the time) was undeniably one of the biggest and most consistent Portuguese settlements in the region. The Portuguese, unlike other European nation, were generally accepted by the indigenous due to the fact that their presence did not threaten the locals’ way of life and the rulers’ sphere of influence. The writing, hence, provides insightful knowledge that depicts the lifestyles of the Portuguese settlers in the settlement during these periods. “‘Peregrinação’ or the Pilgrimage of Mendes Pinto and the History of Siam and Pegu”, by Associate Professor Dr. Sutthachai Yimprasert, Department of History, Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University, offers a perceptive study of this important Portuguese literature in relation to Thai and Burmese histories. Peregrinação, written by a European who had first-hand experience in Asia, is not only an interesting piece of Portuguese literature but also largely treated as an essential source for the historical study of Asia. It is a significant work that makes this region visible to the Occidental.

“The Royal Visits in World Crisis”, by Professor Dr. Pornsan Watanangura, Department of Western Languages, Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University, is based on a comparative study of how the royal visits of both King Chulalongkorn and King Bhumibol were very crucial and of equal importance in preserving the sovereignty of the kingdom from the imminent threats that are the consequences of ever-changing world politics. It is established that both royal visits took place during the global crises: the former being in the period of European imperial expansion in the late nineteenth century, and the latter taking place during the cold war period. The article suggests that the visits were not only similar in objectives but also in character. The author argues that King Chulalongkorn and King Bhumibol received full recognition by the western countries thanks to their state visits, which also changed modern Thailand’s image as perceived by the West. The article “Portugal Foreign Policy, the European Union and Bilateral Relations”, by Assistant Professor Dr. Natthanan Kunnamas, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, gives an analysis of Portugal’s foreign policy, her membership in the European Union and conducts of bilateral relations in the contemporary world. The author argues that Portugal, though a small-sized country, historically had an overarching international influence through her status as a former naval empire. In the modern time, the author sees continual shifts and significant changes in the direction of Portuguese foreign policy, which aims at stabilizing its newborn democracy after the long reign of military dictatorship and sustaining herself in the European integration club and the changing conditions of international system.

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The article “The Secret of “Phrik” (Chilli) in Ayutthaya History”, by Assistant Professor Dr. Plubplueng Kongchana, Department of History, Faculty of Social Science, Srinakharinwirot University, will take us back in time to trace the origins of Phrik (chilli) and illustrate how the history of Phrik and Thai-Portuguese relations are interrelated. Since Phrik is used ubiquitously in Thai culinary tradition, it is widely perceived that Phrik

must be a plant indigenous to Thailand. The author unfolds that Phrik was first introduced to this region by the Portuguese, which could be dated back to the Ayutthaya period. Thus, Phrik not only reflects a cultural impact that leaps between the two cultures but also the long-lasting tie between the two nations. Last but not least is the article “Some Eminent Portuguese Contributors in the Dialogue of Cultures”, by Dr. George Sioris, former ambassador of Greece to Thailand. In this insightful and interesting piece of writing, the author puts forward historical Portuguese figures who had left significant but unacknowledged impact on Thai culture. Jorge Alvarez, Luis Frois, and Wenceslau de Moraes had played important part in the “dialogue of cultures” from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries but somehow went past recollection. Their works and legacies, helped formed the cultural links between Thailand and Portugal. Besides the invaluable efforts from all contributors in this book, we are very thankful to the Centre for European Studies at Chulalongkorn University for funding the publishing process, especially to Assistant Professor Dr. Charit Tingsabadh, the Director, for kind assistance, also for very cooperative assistance of the staff of the Centre for European Studies are especially to Thapiporn Suporn and Palist Lunruangrit. We are also thankful to numerous persons who assist us reviewing the manuscript, to name a few, Dr. Simon Wright, Dr. Bhawan Ruangsilp, Ruengwit Sukrasep, Pathomporn Sabpaitoon, and Panthid Srisathaporn. It is our hope that this “reflexions” volume will contribute to the expansion of Thai-Portuguese studies at large. The Editors Natthanan Kunnamas and Pornsan Watanangura Bangkok, February 2015

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CONTENT Report by Prof. Pirom Kamolratanakul, M.D.

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Pressident of Chulalongkorn University

Remarks by H.E. Dr. Jorge TORRES-PEREIRA

Ambassador of Portugal to the Kingdom of Thailand

Inaugural Adress by HRH Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn Editorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Preface Thai Pavilion in Lisbon, Portugal

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Suppakorn Disatapundhu

The Portuguese and Siam in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: A Brief Survey

Maria da Conceio Flores

Portuguese Military and Naval Innovation in Asia (16th Century)

Vitor Rodrigues

Melaka, Siam and the Portuguese Regional Trading Network

Manuel Lobato

The Community of Portuguese Descent in Siam: From Ayutthaya to Early Bangkok Period

Miguel Castelo-Branco

Artistic Relations between Thailand and Portugal: Discoveries and New Proposals Nuno Vassallo e Silva

‘Peregrinação’ or the Pilgrimage of Mendes Pinto and the History of Siam and Pegu

Sutthachai Yimprasert

The Royal Visits in World Crisis

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Pornsan Watanangura

Portugal Foreign Policy, the European Union and Bilateral Relations

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Natthanan Kunnamas

The Secret of “Phrik” (Chilli) in Ayutthaya History

156

Plubplueng Kongchana

Some Eminent Portuguese Contributors in the Dialogue of Cultures George Sioris

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Pramote Kitchumnongpan: Porto, 2011

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

Thai Pavilion in Lisbon, Portugal Suppakorn Disatapundhu1

On 22nd February 2012, HRH Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn presided over the opening ceremony of the Sala Thai in Belem Park, Lisbon, constructed as a gift from the government of the Kingdom of Thailand to the Portuguese Republic to commemorate the 500 years of the Thai-Portuguese relations in the year 2011.

Associate Professor, Dean of the Faculty of Fine and Applied Arts, Chulalongkorn University and the Fine Arts Department of Thailand.

001

The 22ft-high Thai Pavilion in Lisbon is called “Sala Thai” and was a gift of Thailand to Portugal. It was placed in the gardens of Belém in late 2011 to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the Portuguese arrival in Thailand. Teak woods are used for the structure and construction of this pavilion, due to its excellent qualification for building. The teak tree grows tall and straight, and it contains sap that gives resistance to insects and fungus, helping this “Sala Thai”, teak pavilion last up at least to 200 years.

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The word “Sala” means an open pavilion, used as a meeting place and to protect people from sun and rain. Most are open on all four sides. Salas have many purposes similar to the roadside pavilions of Asoka. Salas are usually found throughout Thailand in Buddhist temple areas, or Wats, although they can also be located in other places. As Thais believe that a person who builds a Sala at a temple or in a public place would gains religious merit. Sala located in a temple is called a Sala wat. Some temples have large Salas or pavilions where laity can hear sermons or receive religious instructions. These are called Sala kan parian, meaning pavilion where monks learn for the Parian examination. The city halls or offices of the province governors are called Sala wa kan (literally meaning a

government pavilion) or Sala klang changwat (literally meaning a provincial main pavilion). In rural areas, travelers can use them to rest and reflect. These Salas are called Sala asai. One at the roadside is a Sala rim thanon and may be used as a bus stop. If on a riverbank or canal at a landing-place for watercraft, they are called Sala tha nam (water pier pavilions). Accordance with Thai tradition, “Sala” is auspicious in Thai way of life and assembled by hand using Thai craftsmen following Royal curator direction. It is dedicated to the King and Royal family and separated from the main pavilion and slightly elevated. It is constructed with intricate woodcarvings, roof tiles and covered with thousands of meticulously placed colored glass tile mosaics. The larger main pavilion is used for community activities such as Mission award ceremonies, representational events and holiday functions. The Thai Pavilion or “Sala Thai” in Lisbon was built in Bangkok, where the components are prepared by carpenters before they were transported to the site. Elements of Sala Thai are traditionally woods joined using wooden pegs. The use of joinery fittings rather than nails allows post, beam and other elements to be disassembled and reused.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

“Sala” has been used as place for visitors

bad influence. “Lamyong” is sculpted in an

and monks to hold meetings and rest. The layout

undulating, serpentine “nag sadung”, the shape

plan of a “Sala Thai” is rectangular format, gabled

of which evokes the Naga (dragon). Its blade-like

roof and the structure is built entirely without

projections suggest both Naga’s fins and the

walls. The open air “Sala” might have the

feathers of Garuda: this lower finial is called

inspiration from the primordial form of the

“hang hong” which means “swan tail” or “goose

temple hall. The design and construction of

tail” referring to hamsa. Hamsa figure, usually

“Sala Thai” in Lisbon required specialists and care

takes the form of Naga’s head turned up and

from Thailand national Master Architect, master

facing away from the roof. At the peak of the

carpenters with Brahmin priest or astrologer to

“lamyong” is the large curving ornament called a

determine an auspicious time for the project.

“cho fa” or “sky tassle”, which resembles the

For the spiritual reason, the construction usually started with very important ground breaking, the first pillar, and other remaining pillars are raised one by one, going in the clockwise direction. This was followed by the construction of the roof elements above the octagon pillars and fitted with tiles. The pediments of Sala Thai are called “na chua”. They enclose the gable ends of the roof to protect the interior floor from the sun, wind, and rain. On the roof of “Sala Thai” are

beak of a bird, perhaps representing Garuda. The intriguingly indeterminate shape of the “cho fa”, both bird-like and reptilian, has led to several hypotheses about its symbolism. It may represent Garuda in his mythical struggle with Naga. “Bai raka” symbolizes both the feathers of Garuda and Naga’s fins as the two deities entwined in battle. Another interpretation sees the “cho fa” as a Naga head, the “lamyong” as its body, and the “hang hong” as “Naga” heads. Or the “Cho fa”

stylized attachments that essentially transform

may represent the celestial swan Hamsa.

the structure into a sculpture while hinting at

mystical concepts. Roof finials are decorated, then

aesthetics. Sala or pavilion is exalted by bases

attached to the bargeboard, the long, thin panel on

that raise floor and sala off the ground, usually

the roof at the gable ends. While the bargeboard

in multiple layers that add height, structural

itself protects the roof covering from wind,

complexity and decoration. The re-dented form

its decorative structure, called the “lamyong”,

of many Thai temple, palaces and pavilions, is

embodies guardian figures that protect against

based on Sala's roots and inheritance from Khmer

The bases of Sala Thai have interesting

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architecture. Curved moulding represent lotus buds, forming what is called a “thaan bua”, or lotus base. Gilded lacquer columns are decorated with colored glass mosaics with lotus blossom capitals and gilded bracket on the columns carved in “kranok” design gilded and lanced with glass mosaics with an assortment of fretted, carved and painted balustrades decorated with gold leaf and stained glass.

The pavilion was shipped to Lisbon following

the same route of Portuguese navigator-diplomat Duarte Fernandes in 1511. The official inauguration was in February of 2012 in the presence of Crown Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, reaffirming the diplomatic relations between Portugal and her country, the oldest alliance between a European nation and Thailand.

The red and golden structure was partly

inspired by the Jeronimos Monastery, but follows Thai traditions such as assembly without the use of any metal or any nails or screws, and a roof covered with motifs resembling the skin of a dragon.

Being only one of four similar structures

found outside Thailand, the Sala Thai now is one

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of the most singular monuments in Lisbon.

References Chua, L. (2012), Building Siam: Leisure, race, and Nationalism in modern Thai architecture, 1910-1973., Dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Cornell University, USA. Sthapitanonda, N. & Mertens, B. (2005), Architecture of Thailand: A guide to traditional and contemporary forms. Bangkok, Thailand: Asia books Co.Ltd.

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Picture Galleries of the Thai Pavilion in Lisbon

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The Portuguese and Siam in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: a Brief Survey Maria da Conceição Flores1

When the Portuguese reached Southeast Asia at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the kingdom of Siam, or Ayutthaya, was undoubtedly the most important state in the region. Siam dominated a great part of modern Thai territory excluding the North, which was then the kingdom of Chiang Mai. To the South, Siam extended its influence well inside the Malay Peninsula, where many sultanates recognised Siamese suzerainty. By the end of the fifteenth century Malacca, which was at the time the most important emporium of the Far East, had rebelled against Siamese rule, thus creating hostility with Ayutthaya. First news of Siam reached Portugal with the return of Vasco da Gama’s voyage of discovery to India. However, it would be about ten years later that the Portuguese obtained more accurate information about Siam after the failed expedition of Diogo Lopes de Sequeira to establish a factory in Malacca in 1509. So, when Governor Afonso de 1

Universidade Nova de Lisboa

Albuquerque decided to besiege the town in 1511, he already knew that Siam was a very important kingdom with large territories, many people, many sea ports and much wealth in rice. Its ruler was a gentile, which could be very useful in a part of the world where the Muslims were creating great problems for the Portuguese, and he was at war with the Sultan of Malacca, something which was of great interest to Portuguese policy makers. Governor Albuquerque, even before taking Malacca, decided to send Duarte Fernandes as ambassador to Ayutthaya, in order to establish good relations with a ruler who promised to be apolitical ally and economic partner to the Portuguese in the region. Albuquerque was careful in his choice of envoy to Siam. Fernandes was a man with knowledge of Southeast Asia because he had been prisoner in Malacca for two years following the failed expedition of 1509. During his captivity he had learned Malay, at that time the principal means of communication in that part of Asia.

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Duarte Fernandesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; arrival in Ayutthaya caused a great sensation because of his very strange form of dress. The King of Siam, Ramathibodi II (1491-1529), had already heard about the Portuguese arrival in Malacca and received the Portuguese envoy cordially but desired to know more about their intentions. Fernandes presented the King with several gifts and a letter sent by the Governor, in which it is believed that he proposed friendship and a trading relationship to the Siamese monarch. Perhaps it even hinted at the government of Malacca in exchange for his military help in taking the city. It is certain that the King of Siam was pleased with the information supplied by Duarte Fernandes because he decided to respond by sending an ambassador to Malacca. When Duarte Fernandes and the Siamese envoy arrived in Malacca, it had already fallen to the Portuguese and Governor Albuquerque received the ambassador with great honours. The Siamese envoy presented two letters from his King, one to the King of Portugal and the other to the Governor. In these letters he expressed his desire for friendship with the Portuguese and placed at their service whatever people, food and merchandise they might need.

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Albuquerque, who at that time was in great need of good trading partners and needed to

secure supplies to Malacca, which depended upon rice and other provisions from external sources, decided to send a more impressive delegation to Siam in 1512. He choose AntĂłnio Miranda de Azevedo as the leader of the seven man mission, one of whom was a clerk named Manuel Fragoso, who was charged with the task of writing a report about Siam and the other places they visited. Once more the Portuguese delegation was well received by the King, who seemed happy with the letter from Albuquerque, expressing the Governorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s desire to have friendly trade relations with Ayutthaya and offered Siam military support if needed. This must have really interested the King of Siam because the Portuguese were dominant in the use of fire arms. Such weapons were relatively unknown in Southeast Asia and Ayutthaya could well have use of them at a time when some of its neighbours, such as Laos and Burma, were beginning to threaten the borders of Siam. Therefore, the King decided to send a further embassy to the Portuguese rulers in 1513, once Azevedo and his companions had returned to Malacca. At same time he inaugurated trade by sending a junk laden with rice to accompany his envoys. When they reached Malacca, the new captain of the town, Rui de Brito Patalim, received the Siamese envoys with many honours in accordance with the orders left by Afonso de

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Albuquerque. He ordered a broadside to be fired by the canons which had been placed in the fortress walls and the Siamese were very impressed with this. They still hinted at the issue of Malacca’s government by Siam but Rui de Brito’s response was that this would only have been possible if the Siamese had assisted in Malacca’s conquest. However, this did not seem to be very important to them and they seemed reassured that the Portuguese meant no harm to Siam and so they left Malacca content in the friendship with Portugal. Following these embassies we can say that the foundations of a good relationship between Portugal and Siam had been established. Some years later, in 1518, the Portuguese authorities would send a new envoy called Duarte Coelho to Ayutthaya in order to placate the King of Siam who had been disturbed by an attack ordered by the Captain of Malacca against the kingdom of Kedah, which was a Siamese vassal. Duarte Coelho who had been a member of António Miranda de Azevedo’s delegation and was a highly experienced statesman, easily achieved the re-establishment of good relations between the Portuguese and Ayutthaya. In the meantime, the Captain of Malacca had sent three ships to develop trade with Siam in 1514. At first, expectations were high but the Portuguese rulers soon realised that the

merchandise Siam had to offer, such as benzoin, sapanwood, ivory, eaglewood, tin and rice were not sufficiently profitable to the Portuguese crown, which was mainly interested in the rich intercontinental spice trade. The establishment of good relations with the kingdom of Pegu in 1512, had also reduced the need for Siamese rice to supply Malacca. Moreover, the replacement of Afonso de Albuquerque by Lopo Soares de Albergaria as Governor of Portuguese India in 1515, brought about a change of policy from one based on commercial centralism to a more liberal view of trade. So commerce with Siam was soon left in the hands of Portuguese private merchants and large numbers of traders began to visit Siam with or without license from the Portuguese authorities. There were two main axes of private trade to Siam: the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Siam/ the China Sea. Trade through the Bay of Bengal was connected to Portuguese settlements located in the kingdom of Bengal and on the Choromandel Coast, places which produced larges quantities of cotton fabric much in demand in Siam. Portuguese traders acquired the fabrics and sold them in Siamese ports located on the shores of the Bay of Bengal, such as Tavoy, Mergui-Tenasserin, Trang and Junkceylon (Phuket). The Portuguese also sold other goods such as velvet from Mecca, and quicksilver, vermillion, cauris and spices. From

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those ports merchandise was transported by land to Ayutthaya. Commerce via the Gulf of Siam was connected to the China trade from the very beginning because the Chinese were great consumers of Siamese goods such as tin and ivory. It was common to find Chinese traders in Siamese ports buying these products and selling the famous silks and porcelain from China. Many Portuguese traders who engaged in this coastal trade thus began to visit ports on the Gulf of Siam such as Ayutthaya and Ligor (Nakhom Si Thammarat) in order to acquire merchandise from China. They also visited the principality of Patane, a vassal of Siam, for the same reason. Traders of greater means, who sailed their ships to China, frequently visited Siamese ports where they sold Indian fabrics and bought tin and ivory to sell in China. When the Portuguese arrived to Japan in early forties, trade with the eastern ports of Siam became much more diverse because the Japanese were great consumers of deer hide, ivory and sapan wood from Siam.

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It is difficult to say how many Portuguese were engaged in trade with Siam because the official documents seldom refer to them. Based on authors such like Diogo do Couto and FernĂŁo Mendes Pinto (Couto, 1975, VI, 7, 9; Pinto, 2010, 81-83, 200), we can estimate that, by the middle of the sixteenth century, they numbered more than

an hundred and were established mainly in Ayutthaya where they formed a settlement which grew over the years through marriage to Asiatic ladies. It was from these people that that the Siamese rulers were to acquire the military assistance they needed concerning the use of firearms because they had not received any of the help which had been offered by Governor Albuquerque in 1512. More than a hundred Portuguese joined the Siamese armies sent against the kingdom of Chiang Mai between 1545 and 1547. They were also very active in Ayutthayaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s defence when the King of Burma invaded Siam and besieged the capital in 1549. At that time the Portuguese, led by a merchant named Diogo Pereira, accepted from the King of Siam the task of defending the more vulnerable of the town walls because he trusted only them for that task. Twenty years later, when the Burmese once more invaded Siam, the Portuguese were, again, active in defending Ayutthaya. About thirty of them died when the town fell to enemy and many others were imprisoned by the Burmese. The Siamese rulers were clearly keen that the Portuguese should stay in their lands and granted them rewards such as payments, tax exemptions for merchandise and even authorization for Catholic priests to preach freely in Siam. They also favoured the existence of a more permanent

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Portuguese presence in their armies as a way of acclimatizing their troops and fortifications to the use of firearms. Domingos de Seixas was the most famous Portuguese soldier of fortune in Siam during the sixteenth century. He was a man of good birth who had been taken captive with some companions in Tenasserim in retaliation for the deeds of a group of Portuguese pirates (alevantados) who had been causing damage in that region. These men were placed in the Siamese army and Seixas, in particular, achieved great success in his career and was appointed captain by King Chairacha of Siam (1534-1547). By 1540 he was a sort of military governor in northern Siam and a field commander in the army which marched on Chiang Mai in 1547. Some years later, perhaps because of the internal convulsions which were afflicting Ayutthaya in the middle of the sixteenth century, he is thought to have returned to Portugal and finished his days in poverty in Lisbon. At the end of the century, at the crucial battle of Nong Sarai in 1593, King Naresuan of Siam (1590-1605) had by his side two Portuguese mercenaries. One of them his reported to have shot and wounded the Burmese crown prince who commanded the enemy forces and over whom King Naresuan achieved a great victory after the famous single combat on elephant.

Siamese rulers were very tolerant when it came to religious matters and allowed the presence of Portuguese priests in Siam, which was also a way of encouraging the settlement of Portuguese people there. The first mission to Siam was in 1566 when two Dominican priests, Father Jerónimo da Cruz and Father Sebastião do Canto, were sent to Siam. Their preaching seems to have achieved some success but there were no mass conversions because the Siamese were profoundly Buddhist. The Burmese conquest of Siam in 1569 put an abrupt end to this mission and it was only at the beginning of the seventeenth century that a new mission took place. Initially, the Franciscans established themselves in Siam by 1601 and, five years later in 1606, the Jesuits also began their ministry there. In spite of not achieving massive success, Portuguese priests were always present in the Portuguese settlement in Ayutthaya where the three religious orders built churches and Siamese rulers frequently employed the services of Portuguese priests as interpreters, scientists and even in matters of diplomacy. There was little official contact between the Portuguese Estado da Índia and Siam in the sixteenth century. Some time after the embassies of Duarte Fernandes, António Miranda de Azevedo and Duarte Coelho, the Portuguese authorities

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became aware that Siam was no longer the major power of mainland Southeast Asia and that there were other countries, such as Burma or Laos, who were in the ascendant. So they kept their distance from Ayutthaya and this proved to be the right policy because the Burmese attacked Siam several times in the second half of the sixteenth century and even managed to gain control of the Kingdom for more than twenty years in the second half of the sixteenth century. When the Siamese regained their independence after the battle of Nong Sarai, King Naresuan began to develop Ayutthaya’s international connections and to increase economic exchanges. To this end, he sent embassies to Malacca by the end of the sixteenth century. The Portuguese authorities were slow to appreciate the changes in mainland Southeast Asia and failed to pay sufficient attention to Siam’s initiatives thus leaving the door open to the Dutch, their great enemy, who were increasing their activities in the Far East and who arrived in Ayutthaya in 1603.

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The Siamese rulers sent a delegation to the Netherlands in 1607 and, some years later in 1613, the Dutch opened a factory in Ayutthaya because they swiftly understood that Siamese goods had the potential for trade with China and Japan. By the time the Portuguese authorities understood that the Dutch presence in Siam was

a potential menace to their establishments in the Far East, which very much depended upon trade with Japan the damage had already been done. The Siamese rulers were now able to capitalise on the rivalry between European nations in order to achieve advantage and counterbalance the foreign influence in Ayutthaya. So, when the Viceroy of India, D. Jerónimo de Azevedo, sent the Dominican Father Francisco da Anunciação as ambassador to Siam in 1516 to solicit the eviction of the Dutch and the improvement of Siamese trade with Malacca, the King (Song Tham 1610-1628) answered that he could not exclude them from his country because they had helped him to withstand pressure from the King of Ava on the northern border of Siam and the Portuguese had not been of any assistance. However the King of Siam did not sever relations with the Portuguese but sent an embassy to Goa in 1617. The intention was to travel directly to Portugal but no progress was made because the ambassador fell ill and was sent back to Siam by D. Jerónimo, who was well aware that there was no way of helping Ayutthaya. In the following years several minor embassies were exchanged between Siam and the Portuguese settlements of Malacca and Macao and these were sufficient to maintain trade and good relations between the two countries in spite of some pitfalls arising from Spanish wrong-

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doings in the Gulf of Siam. The Portuguese were suspected of being implicated in these activities because of the union between the two Iberian crowns. By 1640, King Prasat Thong of Siam (16291656) was prepared to develop official relations with the Portuguese and also with the Spanish as a way of diminishing Dutch influence in Ayutthaya. At that time, the expulsion of the Portuguese from Japan in 1639, followed, one year later, by the overthrow of the Spanish Habsburgs in Portugal which had led to the closure of Manila, had been a great blow to Portuguese interests in the Far East, since their two main trading destinations were no longer accessible. The Portuguese rulers understood that they had to restrict the increasing influence of the Dutch in the East if they wanted to maintain a degree of prosperity in their settlements. Therefore they began to send emissaries to several Asiatic kingdoms, including Siam. Since Dutch trade with Japan was mainly based upon Siamese goods it was clear that, if they had no access to them anymore, this would severely curtail their activities. So, in 1646, Viceroy D. Filipe de Mascarenhas sent an ambassador to Ayutthaya with main purpose of discrediting the Dutch in Siam. This mission was entrusted to Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães, a man who had much experience of Siam, because he had been

imprisoned there for two years in 1635, in retaliation for some bad deeds done by the Spanish. The Portuguese ambassador had orders to encourage the King of Siam to send his junks to trade directly with Japan and to suggest to the Japanese that they could bring their goods to Ayutthaya. It was a very good plan. If Siam became inaccessible to the Dutch their trade with Japan would be ruined and, if Ayutthaya became a trading centre for Japanese silver, then the Portuguese could always obtain it even if Japan remained closed to them. Either way, Macao’s prosperity was assured. However, Viceroy D. Filipe Mascarenhas expected too much. Because he was eager to improve relations with other Europeans, the King of Siam did not expel the Dutch from his kingdom but preferred to maintain good relations with them. There is also no record of Prasat Thong informing the Emperor of Japan that the Dutch were thieves and miscreants as the Viceroy had desired. Still, Magalhães’s embassy did result in some advantage to the Portuguese. Trade with Siam seems to have increased in succeeding years, namely on the Coast of Coromandel. The King of Siam also showed himself to be most friendly with the Portuguese settlement in Ayutthaya. The Portuguese authorities seem to have been contented with these results and

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the next Siamese ruler, the great King Narai (1656-1688), disliked the Dutch because they had not assisted him in his claim for the kingship of Siam and also because they had blockaded the Chao Phraya river for three months in 1663 in order to impose their interests there. Thereafter, for more than three decades, Portuguese rulers did little to improve relations with Siam beyond the exchange of some courtesy letters with King Narai. Once more this policy proved to be unwise because the King was very interested in the development of Ayutthaya’s international trade as a way of balancing the power of the Dutch in the region. Narai’s overtures profited mainly the French, whose Bishops from the Missions Étrangères arrived in Ayutthaya in 1662 and rapidly gained the King’s trust by providing information about the building of fortresses and palaces. By 1680, the French Missionaries had persuaded King Narai to send an embassy to King Louis XIV of France. The King’s favourite, the Greek adventurer Constance Phaulkon, who had great power in the kingdom, was also favoured by the French.

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The presence of French clerics in Siam immediately elicited complaints from the Portuguese missionaries established in Ayutthaya to the authorities back in Portugal. It was indeed a new issue since it was the first time that

Portuguese religious rights had been really affected. The Portuguese rulers began to be justly afraid that the presence of missionaries would lead to the development of trade between France and Siam and, following this, with China, and this could affect the survival of Macao. Therefore, in 1683, they decided, at last, to send am embassy to Siam, led by Pedro Vaz de Siqueira, an important businessman from Macao, with orders to obtain the expulsion of French clergy alleging that they were spies serving King Louis XIV expansionist intentions in Ayutthaya. The delegation arrived in Ayutthaya in 1684. After more than a month in the Portuguese settlement Pedro Vaz de Siqueira was taken upstream on the Chao Phraya to Louvo (Lopburi) where the King was residing. He went in a large ballon followed by a large retinue of ships and people. King Narai received the ambassador with many honours and even hosted a large party for him. In spite of being so well received, the ambassador never broached the French missionaries issue because he was fully aware that the King and his powerful favourite were great friends with them. However, he still obtained some good for the Portuguese settlement and King Narai’s resolution to send an embassy to Lisbon, in order to develop trade between Siam and Portuguese establishments throughout Asia.

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The Siamese legation which was sent to Goa in 1685 could not accomplish anything because their ship sank at the Cape Good Hope during the voyage to Europe. The Portuguese rulers initiated no further measures to improve relations with Siam and, over the next three years, the French had a great hold upon Ayutthaya, having initially sent a large expedition in 1687 and even managing to occupy the two main fortresses of the kingdom: Bangkok and Mergui.

This was to be the general picture of the Portuguese relationship with Siam. In spite of a significant lack of means and the presence of much more powerful European powers in Siam with well organised trading companies, the Portuguese managed to survive and to maintain their activities there. Macao traded and had good relations with Ayutthaya and even managed to obtain a loan of thirty six thousand patacas from King Narai in 1666.

As one might have expected the large presence of foreigners caused much displeasure among the Siamese people, the Buddhist clergy and the main dignitaries of the kingdom. In 1688, there was an insurrection led by Phetracha, the commander of the Elephant Guard, who took advantage of the King’s ailing health to take control of the royal palace and to have the Greek, Phaulkon, executed. After the King’s death he seized the crown, besieged the French forces in Bangkok and Mergui, and forced them to leave Siam. French priests were also subjected to great persecution.

The settlement (bandel) of Portuguese and their descendants, in spite of some setbacks, survived quite well through the seventeenth century, with three churches and its own captain to rule the community. The first captain of the Portuguese settlement, Cristovão Rebelo, was a man who had great trust in King Songtham, and served him with great success as a sort of naval commander. Siamese rulers continue to trust the military skills of the Portuguese and to employ them. The fortress of Bangkok had many Portuguese in its garrison and Portuguese people were also frequently to be found serving in the King’s ships.

The Portuguese community was little affected by these events and new King even wrote to the city of Macao requesting that it send its ships to trade with Siam. So, one could say that, in this way, Siqueira’s purposes, that had not been fulfilled by his 1684 embassy, were achieved.

Portuguese was used as the diplomatic language until the nineteenth century. Therefore it was usual to find Portuguese people attached to the royal palace as interpreters and in other such positions. Portuguese clergy also did this

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kind of task, even participating in embassies, and lent support in more technical matters such as the construction of buildings. The Siamese rulers were undoubtedly favourable to the presence of Portuguese but they always balanced this with the existence of other Europeans in Siam. Contrary to what happened in official circles, the Portuguese community in Ayutthaya seems to have lived quite well alongside other European settlements such as the Dutch. In spite of the ever-present rivalry there were many exchanges between the communities and sometimes they even allied themselves when mutual interest demanded.

Author’s note: As this article is a very general overview of the Portuguese in Siam in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, there are virtually no references in order to avoid overloading the text. In the references section that follows, one can find a selection of titles which contain all the relevant information on this large subject.

References

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AAVV, Five Hundred Years of Thai-Portuguese Relations: A Festschrift, edited by Michael Smithies, The Siam Society, Bangkok, 2011.

Albuquerque, Braz de, Comentários de Afonso d’Albuquerque, Imprensa Nacional, Lisboa, 1973. Barros, João de, Da Ásia, Livraria Sam Carlos, Lisboa, 1973. Boccarro, António, Década 13 da História da Índia, Academia Real das Ciências de Lisboa, Lisboa, 1876. Campos, Joaquim, Early Portuguese Accounts of Thailand, Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, Lisboa, 1983. Carvalho, Rita Bernardes de, La présence portugaise à Ayutthaya (Siam) aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, M.A. dissertation, École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris, 2006. Castanheda, Fernão Lopes de, Historia do Descobrimento e Conquista da Índia pelos Portugueses, Lello & Irmão Editores, Porto, 1979. Correia, Gaspar, Lendas da Índia, Lello & Irmão Editores, Porto, 1975. Coutre, Jacques de, Andanzas Asiáticas, Eddy Stols, B. Teensma and J. Werberckmoes (eds.), Historia 16, Madrid, 1991. Flores, Maria da Conceição, Os Portugueses e o Sião no século XVI, Imprensa Nacional/ Casa da Moeda, Lisboa, 1995, and Orchid Press, Bangkok, 2004.

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Flores, Maria da Conceição, “O Sião como obstáculo ao comércio holandês com o Japão: a Embaixada de Francisco Cutrim de Magalhães ao Rei Prasat Thong em 1646”, O Século Cristão do Japão, Instituto de História de Além-Mar, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa, 1994. Flores, Maria da Conceição, “Influência militar dos Portugueses no Sião”, Revista Militar, Lisboa, nº2364, Janeiro de 1999. Flores, Maria da Conceição, “A Embaixada de Pedro Vaz de Siqueira ao Sião em 1683”, Anais de História de Além-Mar, Vol. II, Centro de História de Além-Mar, Lisboa, 2002. Garnier, Derick, Ayutthaya Venice of the East, River Books, Bangkok, 2004.

Pinto, Fernão Mendes, Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Peregrinação, Fundação Oriente and Imprensa Nacional/ Casa da Moeda, Lisboa, 2010. Smithies, Michael, ed., Witnesses to a Revolution: Siam 1688, Bangkok, 2004. Teixeira, Pe Manuel, Portugal na Tailândia, Macau, 1983. Terwiel, B.J., Thailand’s Political History from the 13th century to recent times, River Books, Bangkok, 2011. Vliet, Jeremias van, Van Vliet’s Siam, by Chris Baker, Dhiravat na Pombejra, Alfons van der Kraan and David K. Wyatt (eds.), Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, 2005. Wyatt, David K., Thailand- A Short History, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1984.

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The Battle of Nong Sarai in 1593 (Garnier, 2004, 183)

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The Portuguese settlement in Ayutthaya (Garnier, 2004, 165)

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The Fort of Bangkok

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Siam and mainland Southeast Asia during the sixteenth century

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Portuguese Military and Naval Innovation in Asia (16th Century) Vitor Luís Gaspar Rodrigues1

The rapid military domination of the Eastern seas during the early 16th century has been explained by most historians on the grounds of a huge superiority in «cannons and sails»2, especially the former, as a result of the development of armaments that occurred in Europe in the last quarter of the 15th century. Actually, initially, this gunpowder revolution was strikingly evident at a war level and in field battles and spread to the realm of naval warfare, since the high board ships – vessels and caravels – were equipped with large cannons. This was eventually crucial to the fate of Portuguese expansion in the Indian Ocean. The development of naval artillery in Portugal was, in a major sense, the result of the King’s 1

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actions in sponsoring the purchase of numerous pieces of artillery and the hiring of German, Flemish and Italian bombardiers and metal founders. This also encouraged the building of new armouries, where, from then on, cannons and other arms were cast according to the most advanced and recent technology3. Thanks to the King’s enterprise, bronze artillery began to be made in Portugal and this resulted in its greater resistance, better preservation and the quicker production of cannons. This led the way to a huge technical and tactical enhancement of weaponry4. On the other hand, as mentioned by Garcia de Resende, the king also commanded that a set of experiments should be conducted in order to set up artillery on high board ships and

Director of the Center for History - Tropical Scientific Research Institute (Centro de História do Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical) – Lisbon. 2 Cf. Carlo M. Cipolla, Canhões e Velas na Primeira Fase da Expansão Europeia (1400-1700), Lisbon, Gradiva, 1989 [1st edition 1965]. 3 D. João II ordered, in 1488, the building of the armouries (“tercenas”) in Pinhel and Pombal, where the artillery, the gunpowder, and the other artefacts necessary for their production, were built and made; afterwards, already during D. Manuel’s reign, new armouries were built in Cata-que-Farás and Ponta da Cruz on the Tagus left bank. 4 Cf. Nuno José Varela Rubim, “A Artilharia em Portugal na segunda metade do século XV”, in A Arquitectura Militar na Expansão Portuguesa, Porto, C.N.C.D.P., 1994, pp. 17 and following .

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thus «many thick bombards and other pieces of artillery, which were largely spoken of in many places»5, were ordered, thus, greatly contributing to turning these ships into powerful and feared war machines6. Thus, by the end of the 15th century, the Portuguese had the human and material means of proceeding to the conquest of a new space, the Indian Ocean, where their powerful and well equipped high board ships, with fully experienced crews, were largely used to confront the numerous, though weak and insufficiently equipped, Eastern fleets.

The “naus” of the Portuguese fleet in India and its galleons, which, only in 1518, appeared in the Indian Ocean, started to accommodate an increasing number of broad cannons – especially “camels” 7 and “lions”8 – and the 300 tun galleons were even able to equip 35 of those artillery guns9, complemented by a much larger number of medium and small calibre cannons (falcons and stocks) and rifles (harquebuses). Furthermore, at least from 1527 onwards, these high board ships also had some technical innovations, viz. «the open portholes and railed bombards», which played a significant role in enhancing their fire rhythm and precision10.

f. Garcia de Resende, Crónica de D. João II, chap. CXLVII and CLXXXI, Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1973, pp. 214, 255 and 256. José Virgílio Pissarra, in a study of the Portuguese fleet in India, is seriously doubtful about the possibility of the caravels accommodating pieces heavier than one ton, given the narrow space aboard. Cf. A Armada da Índia. Cômputo, Tipologia e Funcionalidade das Armadas de Guerra Portuguesas do Oriente (1501-1510), Master’s degree dissertation in History of the Portuguese Discoveries and Expansion – Faculdade de Letras da Universidade Clássica de Lisboa, xerox edition, 2001, p. 37. 6 Jerónimo Munzer claims to have seen, in the port of Lisbon, a powerful Portuguese vessel, the Rainha, with 36 broad bombards and 180 smaller calibre bombards, taking 30 bombardiers aboard, all of them from Germany. Cf. Itinerário do Doutor Jerónimo Munzer, publ. by Basílio de Vasconcelos, Coimbra, University Press, 1932, p. 23. 7 Artillery of large calibre fired large-calibre bullets of stone which shattered the enemy ships (camelos). Cf. «Glossário», in Rafael Moreira, História das Fortificações Portuguesas no Mundo, Lisboa, Alfa, 1989, p. 326. 8 Cannons of medium calibre artillery fired cast iron bullets and had a great shooting range (leões). Idem, Ibidem. 9 Cf. “Lembramça d’algumas cousas que sam passadas em Malaqua, e assy nas outras partes da Imdea”, publ. by Rodrigo José de Lima Felner in Subsidios para a História da India Portugueza, Lisbon, Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1868. 10 See the order of command of Afonso de Albuquerque to Lopo Álvares, the royal treasurer of Cananor, from the 11th September of 1510, ordering him to grant 300 “stock” cannonballs and 5 stone cannonballs for broad bombards from the captain of the round sail caravel that was in place. Cf. IAN/TT, Corpo Cronológico, II-23-123, publ. in Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque seguidas de Documentos que as elucidam, publ. by Raymundo António de Bulhão Pato, Lisbon, Royal Academy of Sciences (Academia Real das Sciencias), 1884, vol. IV, p. 297. 5

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The Portuguese fleet stationed in the Indian Ocean was also composed of latin and round sailed caravels that also accommodated some thick bombards, and one with artillery, whose extraordinary power of manoeuvre and resistance to opponent shots, turned it into a wonderful war vessel, especially for the sea war pursued closer to the shore and the river havens11, the main war sceneries of the Eastern fleets after the local sovereigns became aware of the military superiority of the Portuguese fleets in open sea. But the Portuguese fleets soon learn to use oar powered ships due to the physical constraints of the Indian Ocean, which was littered with zones where the sea was usually shallow, the soft wind alternated with periods of becalmed sea and had a coast full of rough and shallow harbours 11 Reports

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where small ships sought refuge12. This trend towards the formation of mixed fleets would later intensify throughout the 16th century and, especially from the mid century onwards, when there was a proliferation of fleets of oar powered ships in the area dominated by the “Estado da Índia”13. In the early years, most of the cannons in the Portuguese armoury, fortifying the fortresses and fleets, were made of iron and bronze, in relatively equal proportions14. Later on, in 152515, there was a significant increase in the number the fleets registered, their number reaching around 650, few with more than 1070 cannons – the total amount of artillery in the “Estado da Índia” was around 1200 units, which attests to the significant improvement in fire capacity both of the fleet and

by Gaspar Correia and Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, among others, allow us to assess the extraordinary role played by the round sail caravels in the lake area of Kochi, in 1503-04, where, under Duarte Pacheco Pereira’s command, they were able to sustain attacks by the Zamori’s armies, thus preventing the destruction of his traditional ally, the King of Kochi. Cf. Lendas da India, vol. I, Porto, Lello e Irmão, 1975, pp. 439-459; and História do Descobrimento e Conquista da Índia pelos Portugueses, Porto, Lello & Irmão Ed., 1979, book I, chap. LXVI to LXX. 12 Cf. Saturnino Monteiro, Batalhas e Combates da Marinha Portuguesa (1139-1521), vol. I, Lisbon, Livraria Sá da Costa Editora, p. 247. 13 For a more detailed analysis of the transformations observed within the Portuguese fleets in Ásia, that we describe as a process of “Easternization” of the Portuguese naval power in Asia, see our work «The “Easternization” of the Portuguese Fleets in the Asian Seas during the 16th century: causes and consequences», presented at the International Workshop on Gujarat and the Sea, Mandvi – Gujrat – India, 1st-3rd of October 2010 (to be published). 14 Cf. “Artelharia que foy pera a Indea n’armada de Dom Francisco assy a que foy pera ficar la nas fortelezas como a que vay nas naos que ham de tornar de mercadarias”, in IAN/TT, Cartas dos Vice-Reis, nº 158, publ. in Documentos Sobre os Portugueses em Moçambique e na África Central 1497-1840, by A. da Silva Rego and T. W. Baxter, vol. I, Lisbon, CEHU-NARN, 1962, pp. 136-141. 15 This number does not include the artillery existing in the fortress of Ormuz, one of the State’s most important fortifications. Cf. “Lembramça de cousas da Índia […], op. cit., pp. 10-20.

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However, it is important to point out the crucial role played from early on by the gunfoundries of Kochi and Goa, where such men as Francisco Eanes (an expert in the manufacture of bronze artillery)16 or João Vicente (a master gun-founder who served in India between 1509 and 1546)17 – supported by many Portuguese, and mainly, foreign gun-founders (Italian, German and Flemish) – were responsible for the manufacture of a great number of the cannons that furnished the fortresses and the fleet of the “Estado da Índia”.

da Cruz quite exemplary. In the mid 17th century, this mestizo from Macao left the town of the Holy Name of God for Cochinchina in order to follow up on some cannon ordered by the King of Cambodia from the famous Bocarros’ gun-foundry. As is mentioned by António Saldanha, he eventually became an important strategic tool in the settlement of the Jesuits in this region19. Settling there as an artillery gun-founder, just like many other Portuguese and mestizos, both in Pegu and Siam, he became integrated within the Court and ascended to the post of Major-Superintendent of the Royal Foundry and Governor of the Sea Ports.

Later on, another important centre, Macao, would also emerge, according to Charles Boxer, chiefly thanks to the work of the gun-founders Dias and Tavares Bocarro, “who, between them, spanned the century 1580-1680, and possibly longer”18. Actually, both the gun-foundries of Goa and Macao continued to turn out bronze and iron cannon of very high quality and these were eagerly sought after throughout the East. On this particular point, we find the role played by João

Here, according to Charles Boxer and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, the spread of bullet-firing weaponry (artillery, rifles and other fire arms) mainly happened, as it did throughout most of Asia, thanks to private Portuguese individuals rather than through the intervention of the Crown. Actually, the Portuguese in charge were not simply interested in providing their opponents with the technological means that allowed them to impose their military domination over the

their positioning of artillery throughout those years.

16 Settled

in Kochi, in 1525. Another Portuguese gun-founder, whose name was Luís, was settled there as well and he was the responsible for the foundry of falcons and camels that were a significant part of the artillery stock of the Portuguese fleets operating in East. Idem, Ibidem, p. 11. 17 Cf. Sousa Viterbo, Fundidores de Artilharia, Lisbon, 1901, pp. 85-89. 18 Cf. Charles Ralph Boxer, «Asian Potentates and European Artillery in the 16-18th. Centuries: a footnote to Gibson-Hill», in Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXXVIII, Singapore, 1966, p. 159. 19 Cf. António Vasconcelos Saldanha,

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Asian seas. They were also keen on access to their trade which had been denied because of the ongoing embargoes on the sale of armaments to misbelievers imposed by the Pope (attested in the Ecclesiastical Provincial Council, carried out in Goa, in 1567 and 1606). So, obviously favouring the many thousands of Portuguese traders, adventurers and renegades, who, having some gun-foundry know-how, and being bombardiers and musketeers alike, went on offering their services to the different Asian potentates throughout the East. As Sanjay Subrahmanyam states, “by about 1565, over two thousand Portuguese were believed to be serving Asian States, as diverse as China, Pegu, Bengal and Ayuthaya; by the early 17th century the number was put at five thousand”20. However, the presence of many Portuguese mercenaries at the service of the kings of Pegu and Siam, throughout the ongoing wars fought between them, and the subsequent introduction of a great number of fire arms in their armies, did not encourage any of those States to develop their artillery into a real military arm, a situation rather similar to that which had occurred with most 20 Cf.

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states in southern India. There, the exception was the realm of Annam, or Cochinchina, which made the best use of this weaponry, by employing, as mentioned already, the Bocarros’ gun-foundry to supply their armouries21. In fact, the introduction of fire arms into the warfare of the Asian states, as attested to by many authors, was evidently a much longer process than one might have supposed22. Thus, it is easy to understand that the Portuguese, in the early 16th century, had the necessary means, not only in terms of men-at-arms but also in ships and artillery, to launch themselves on the conquest of the Indian Ocean and the Southern Seas. However, in order to realise such an enterprise, the adoption of an innovating tactic by their men in charge in the Eastern seas was crucial. This strategy took the form of combat in column formation, using artillery and the manouevring of ships thereby replacing the traditional attack-boarding tactic, which was still the mark of most naval combats fought not only in the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea but also in the Indian Ocean23. Consequently, a revolutionary tactic of naval combat was intro-

Sanjay Subrahmanyam, «The Kagemusha Effect. The Portuguese Firearms and the State in early Modern South India», in Moyen Orient & Océan Indien, IV, Paris, 1987, p. 108. 21 Cf. C. R. Boxer, «Asian Potentates and European Artillery […], op. cit. p. 166. 22 Cf. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, «The Kagemusha Effect […], op. cit., p. 115. 23 On this subject, see our work, A “Orientalização” das Armadas Portuguesas nos Mares da Ásia: Causas e Consequências (séc. XVI), a lesson organized in the realm of the Doctoral Degree Exams (Phd), Lisbon, Xerox edition, 2007, pp. 4 and following.

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duced, which made the fate of the battles depend on the manoeuvring capacity of the ships and the firepower of their cannons. Actually, soon after, in 1501, the Regiment of Pedro Álvares Cabral’s fleet determined that, whenever any enemy ships came in sight, they were to be taken “not by investing against them, whenever avoidable, only with your artillery besieging them to surrender (...), because like that the war will be made more safely and with less damage in the personal of your ships”24. If, on the one hand, this order – which noticeably ruled the strategy of sea fighting adopted by the Portuguese fleets in the Indian Ocean during the first decade of the 16th century, and even later, – attested to the fear felt by the Portuguese strategists of having to face an opponent equipped with an immeasurably higher number of forces, both in men-at-arms and in ships, on the other hand, it also proved that the authorities in Lisbon were quite aware of the advantages of having more powerful ships, that were relatively easy to manoeuvre in open sea (mainly caravels), manned

by experienced crews who were used to the harsh conditions of navigability in the Atlantic Ocean and a clearly superior artillery, handled by skilled bombardiers recruited from all over Europe. The adoption of these tactics for sea fights also shows the care taken by those responsible for the enterprise to reduce casualties within the crews and men-at-arms to a minimum, recognizing the inability to replace any casualty in the garrison and, thereby, putting the functionality of the ships at risk due to lack of crew members. It was not by chance that the naval combat of Kappatt (occurring in December 1504, one of the rare sea battles held in this period with the Portuguese having to resort to boarding) resulted in the forces of the Crown being seen in the most deadly of all military activities until then25. During the combats occurring in the mean time, the Portuguese tried, whenever possible, to remain in open sea, in order to prevent their ships being grappled and the subsequent hand to hand fighting, in which the Easterners would have the clear advantage because of the greater number of

Original daub of some sheets of the Royal Instructions (Regimento Real) addressed to Cabral for his journey, ca. February 1500, in A.N.T.T., Undated laws, stack I, nº 21, publ. by Fontoura da Costa in Os sete únicos documentos de 1500 conservados em Lisboa referentes à armada de Cabral, Lisbon, A.G.U., 1968, p. 44. 25 It took place on the 31st of December 1504 and has put some ships of Lopo Soares’ fleet and the trading fleet of Kozhikode (Calicut) in confrontation. Cf. Relazione di Lunardo da Cha Masser, publ. in Centenário do Descobrimento da América. Memórias da Comissão Portuguesa, Lisbon, 1982, appendix, p. 75; and Crónica do Descobrimento e Conquista da Índia pelos Portugueses, publ. by Luís de Albuquerque and Adélia Lobato, Separatas Verdes, nº LXXXVI, Coimbra, J.I.U., 1974, p. 124. 26 The fleet of Kozhikode (Calicut), however composed by “a hundred and few sails… all full of Moors” (“cento e tantas velas asi naos como paraos tudo cheo de mouros”), was not equipped with artillery. Cf. Castanheda, História …, book I, p. 96. 24 Cf.

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their soldiers. Indeed, this was the resource by which João da Nova, commanding his four ships and a crew of only 80 men, was able to sustain the attack on a powerful fleet from Kozhikode (Calicut)26, after having instructed his captains “to resist with the artillery so that they do not reach us”, and for that purpose, placing their ships “in a position by which all of them together could deal with their artillery”27. Ultimately, as noticed by Damião de Góis, the main goal was to try and resist the enemy ships’ attempts to “board [them] because their salvation rested on that”28. Along with the use of artillery on board, the Portuguese started using a new naval fighting tactic, the attack in squadron-column formation, which, by replacing the traditional frontal attack followed by boarding, revealed itself as crucial in ensuring the rapid domination of the Portuguese fleets in the Indian Ocean. Actually, the use of the ships “one after the other”, as mentioned in documental sources, heading frontally straight at

After the initial moments of true terror and stupefaction, given the repeated military defeats they suffered, the Muslims and their local allies reacted by trying to find solutions that allowed for a diminishing in the difference in military potentiality separating them. As a matter of fact, contrary to what some historians have said, the ships of Malabar soon started to use cannons, thanks to the help rendered by Italian deserters30 and the resources of their own technology. The reports by Fernão Lopes de Castanheda and those by Damião de Góis confirm this, when they say that, in 1503, the paraus of Malabar were already equipped with artillery (two small guns per ship), the fleet of the Samudri Raja having a total of 380 small cannons, by the time of the second attack on

Ibidem, p. 97. Crónica do Felicissimo Rei D. Manuel, part I, ch. LXIII, Coimbra, Ed. Universidade de Coimbra, 1949, pp. 156 and 157. 29 Soon in 1502, there are news of Vicente Sodré’s squadron, only composed of caravels, when attacked by a numerous fleet from Kozhikode (Calicut), he immediately posted his fleet along the coast: “one ship after the other, in a row, should run with all the sails they could use, shooting artillery as much as they could”, a fact which allowed them to defeat their opponents who, against that tactic, were incapable of getting close to the Portuguese and proceeded to the intended boarding. In Gaspar Correia, Lendas ..., op. cit., book I, p. 329. 30 This action is testified to by the reports made by several Portuguese chroniclers, its importance being testified by the engagement from the Portuguese authorities to capture it. On this theme, see Charles Ralph Boxer, “Asian Potentates and European Artillery in the 16th-18th Centuries: A Footnote to Gibson Hill”, in J. M. B. R. A. S., vol. XXXVIII, part 2, 1965, pp. 156-172. 27 Idem, 28 In

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the enemy and, at a significant distance, striking successive attacks, either to larboard or to starboard, simultaneously with volleys of artillery, goes back to very early times29.

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Cochin31. That number, even though a considerable one, had little practical effect on the forces of the Portuguese-Cochinese coalition, as it happened in other naval confrontations32. Hence, we presume that the explanation for the military inferiority of the fleets operating in the Indian Ocean do not seem to originate as much from the lack of artillery on board (even though we are sure that it was, at least in the first years, inferior in number to that used by the Portuguese), as, chiefly, from the quality of the guns, the ability and skill of their corps of bombardiers and in the quality of their marksmanship, chiefly aiming to hit the sails and not the hull of their opponents, unlike Portuguese practice. Given the frailty of many of the Eastern ships operating in the Indian Ocean, the guns used on board were of a small calibre and made

of iron, in order to prevent their being overweight and the recoil from the cannons causing the destruction of the hull or the unbalancing of the ship. This fact, added to a more deficient production of guns, due to the use of weak quality iron alloys in India, was responsible for the poorer effectiveness of the Eastern artillery, considered both in terms of the level of fire power and its cadence, as well as the accuracy of that fire33. These insufficiencies were greatly aggravated by the inexperience of the local bombardiers34, who were easy prey to the European artillery men in the service of the Portuguese Crown35. The same was happening in relation to the positioning of artillery used in the defence of their fortresses and harbours, which, given its lower quality and the lack of skill of their bombardiers, was unable to inflict casualties on

Castanheda, História ..., op. cit., book I, Ch. LXVIII, pp. 146 and following; Góis, Crónica do Felicíssimo ..., op. cit., part I, Ch. LXXXVI, pp. 201 and following. 32 M. N. Pearson, for instance, ignores this data, by stating that the main reason for the easy naval victories achieved by the Portuguese was the fact that they had better ships, equipped with artillery on board and they were confronting “large trading ships carrying soldiers, but without cannons” (“grandes navios mercantes que transportavam soldados, mas sem nenhum canhão”). Cf. Os Portugueses na Índia, Lisbon, Teorema, 1990, pp. 71 and 72. 33 Geoffrey Parker says that the Turkish and the Indian artilleries were of a lower category, their cannons being very fragile due to the weak quality of the metal used in their manufacture... Cf. The Military Revolution: military innovation and the rise of the West, 1500-1800, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 128 and following. 34 Charles Boxer says, on this issue, that “os artilheiros malabares não tinham ideia de como se disparava e demoravam imenso a carregar as peças”. In “Asian Potentates and European Artillery ...”, op. cit., p. 158. 35 The analysis of the several payment orders of the fees and maintenance of the constables and bombardiers servicing the Indian Ocean, which are sparse in the Corpo Cronológico of the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, has allowed us to understand the great importance of the foreign bombardiers within the Portuguese artillery corps stationed in the Indian Ocean at least during the first two decades of the 16th century. 31 Cf.

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the Portuguese forces and, being used, chiefly, for intimidation through noise. Perhaps the most significant case was that which took place in Malacca, where, after the seizure of the city, the Portuguese took a great number of cannons that had not caused any casualties to their troops during the combat. These artillery pieces were usually dismantled and recast, as happened in 1525, the metal being reused by the Portuguese metal founders because, as the major constable of India used to say, that artillery “is not often mentioned, as it does not serve our ships”36. As a result of this conjunction of facts, the portly Portuguese high board ships were able to resist the joint attack of a vast number of vessels, galleys, small galleys and paraus, by an enemy which, even though it was equipped with artillery, mainly on the prow, had not in sufficient capacity to immobilize or sink them. The excellent quality of the Portuguese artillery, equipped with a great number of bronze cannons, and the superior performance of their bombardiers combined with the manoeuvring capacity of their ships after being placed aweather, not only allowed them to avoid the approach of the enemy fleet but also to 36 Cf.

In addition, the overwhelming need to have their fleets equipped with a firepower that allowed them to counterbalance the great numerical supremacy of the opposing forces, and minimize the inconvenience caused by logistical drawbacks, induced the Portuguese authorities to idealize some of these technical solutions, such as the memorable “cartouches”37, which gave way to the increasing cadence of fire that was so crucial in keeping the numerous enemy fleets at arm’s length. On the other hand, because they feared shooting power of the Eastern archers, not only because of their large number but also because they used poisoned and inflamed arrows, from very early on the Portuguese used to shield their ships with enormous wood planks (paveses). However, there were other reasons contributing to the fact that, in most of the naval fights between the Portuguese and the Eastern fleets, the former had many fewer casualties than the local forces, even discounting the exaggeration of the chronicles. Historians have generally

“Lembramça de cousas da Índia […], op. cit., p. 12. Correia states that a great number of Muslim ships were sunk as a result of the great firepower of the Portuguese fleet, whose bombardiers “were so quick to recharge because they charged their pieces with sacks of gunpowder, which they had brought made to measure for that propose and, thus, very briefly recharged” (“tanta pressa davão a tornar a carregar, que carregavão as peças com saccos de pólvora, que trazião pera isso feitos da medida, que muy brevemente tornavam a carregar”). In Lendas ..., op. cit., vol. I, p. 330.

37 Gaspar

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destroy them with gunfire, since their capacity to escape was slight because they were sailing against the wind.

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ascribed this fact only to the destructive action of the artillery, which, shooting at ships of a weak structure, caused their sinking and their crews’ and soldiers’ subsequent deaths by drowning. Without intending to minimize the very important role played by the Portuguese artillery in the whole process, we tend to believe, however, that other factors also may have contributed to the more effective protection of the European forces during the skirmishes, such as, the defensive weaponry generally used by the Portuguese soldiers and the positions of their men on board during combat. Concerning this subject, it is important to point out that, during the fiercest moments of naval fighting, it was usual among the Portuguese, by that time, for only the bombardiers and their aids to remain on the upper deck, because the sailors were indispensable in manoeuvring of the ship. The remaining men on board were kept

in the lower hatches in order to avoid being exposed to enemy fire38 and to ease the difficulty in loading the artillery weapons, which were normally slow and dangerous and subject to the risk of explosion. By contrast, the Eastern fleets, basically consisting of a large number of ships with only one deck and having all their combat system based on the practice of attack-boarding, had to keep all of their men on the flush deck, where they were much more exposed to enemy fire39. The Portuguese soldiers could still benefit from the fact that, unlike most of their opponents, they fought with the protection of defensive military equipment – cuirasses, helmets, shields, armour, etc. – which, in many cases, covered their whole bodies, thus rendering them nearly invulnerable to the missiles of their enemies, especially during the early years, when the firearms used were rather scarce and of bad quality40. This

38 The

Muslim forces used all sorts of missiles (spears, short darts, arrows, etc.) with great accuracy in their attacks, as well as explosive projectiles, chiefly the dreaded gunpowder pots (also used by the Portuguese), which caused most of the wounds among the Europeans. 39 Gaspar Correia notes, regarding the sea fight between Vasco da Gama’s fleet and the Kozhikode (Calicut) fleet, that a zbombard strike from a Portuguese ship “reached the ship on its flank, causing its total disarray, and killing many people, because the Moors were all visible on the top but our men were placed underneath, and only the bombardiers and their aids were on the top” (“tomou a nao por huma ilharga, que a desconcertou toda, e lhe matou muita gente, porque os mouros todos se mostravão em cima, mas os nossos andavão por baixo, que não pareciam senão os bombardeiros e os homens que os ajudavão”). In Lendas ..., op. cit.., vol. I, p. 331. 40 For a more detailed study on this issue, see Vitor Luís Gaspar Rodrigues, «Personal Armament» («Armamento Pessoal»), in A Viagem que mudou o Mundo. Vasco da Gama 500 anos depois, Lisbon, Ed. Comissão Cultural da Marinha, 1998, pp. 178 and following; and «Armas e Equipamentos de Guerra Portugueses no Oriente nas Primeiras Décadas de Quinhentos», in Weapons, Forts and Military Strategies in East Asia – I, Review of Culture, nº 26, Macao, ICGRAEM, 2008, pp. 43 to 56.

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explains why the Portuguese casualties were, generally, of little significance and were mostly attributable to burns from the explosion of projectiles, chiefly gunpowder pots, or by the bursting of the Portugueseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; own guns, due to excessive use or lack of care in their handling.

Southern Seas was a process marked by multiple

From the above, it is clear that Portuguese naval superiority in the Indian Ocean and in the

truly innovative technical and tactical methods

features and not only by the strength of the artillery in King Manuelâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fleets against defenceless Eastern merchant ships. Indeed, the true dimension of those features can only be properly estimated when considered in the wider framework of the used by the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean.

Melaka, Siam and the Portuguese Regional Trading Network Manuel Lobato1

There are good reasons to strongly emphasize the role of Melaka as the starting point in the relationship between the kingdom of Siam and Portugal. Actually, Siam played a major political role on the Malay Peninsula right down to the Singapore Straits long before the foundation of Melaka as a Malay seaport and also in policy in the late 14th century. Thus, a preliminary inquiry should be how these Southeast Asian states saw one another before the Portuguese seizure of Melaka in 1511. However, a number of aspects have not been satisfactorily clarified given the small number and the types of available Asian and European sources on this subject2. Having two opposite sea coasts facing the Bay of Bengal and the South China Sea, Siam was the only Southeast Asian state occupying, vis-àvis Melaka, the double position of a ‘country to the 1 2

leeward’ (negeri dibawah angin) and a ‘windward country’ (negeri di-atas angin). The route through the Strait, possibly dating back to the 4th century when there is evidence that some small states took advantage of their geographical position for the inter-oceanic navigation, was only consolidated after the Sui reunification of China in the 6th century. For this reason, the route across the Isthmus of Kra, that would bring fortune to the Mergui-Tenasserim sea-ports, is probably older than the one crossing the Strait of Malacca, possibly having been used since the first century of our Era. In later times, by the 12th century, along with the decline of the so called Srivijaya Empire, land routes flourished again, bringing prosperity to polities such as the Kingdom of Pagan, which benefitted from routes across the Northern Vietnam and the Laotian highlands, especially

IICT, Lisbon (mlobato@iict.pt) For further details see Manuel Lobato, “‘Melaka is like a cropping field’. Security and trade management in the Strait of Malacca (1511-1629)”, International Conference on Asian Sea Straits: Functions and History (c. 500 to 1700), Bonn University, 17-18 Sept. 2011, Roderich Ptak, Ralph Kautz and Rui M. Loureiro (orgs.), to be published in the Journal of Asian Studies, special ed., Mar.-Apr. 2013.

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taking control of the port of Tenasserim3. Apparently, in the beginning, Melaka was almost identical to the other riverine anchors and was a fishing port at a key location. Its foundation is usually linked, however, with the renewal of navigation and the revival of the Chinese demand for Southeast Asian products. It was certainly not a stranger to piracy since, from its inception, Melaka had been a nest of pirates, as myth and legend suggest. According to the Malay Annals4, before becoming a well-established polity, around 1403, it was frequented by Orang Laut sea-nomad pirates, the so-called ‘sea gypsies’, that maintained a close association with the Sultans of Melaka, who became the Sultans of Johor after the Portuguese conquest brought the Straits of Singapore under control in a much direct and effective way. The

Historiography assumed long ago that security in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore was improved by this association between the sultans and the sea people6, which myth recalls as the

Keith W. Taylor, “The Early Kingdoms”, in The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, I, Nicholas Tarling (ed.), Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 166, and Victor Lieberman, Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 91-92. 4 Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals, C. C. Brown and R. Roolvink (trans. and ed.), Kuala Lumpur and Singapore, Oxford University Press, 1970. 5 Armando Cortesão, ed., The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires. An Account of the East from the Red Sea to Japan Written in Malacca and India in 1512-1515, London, Hakluyt Society, 1944, I, p. 233; see Leonard Andaya, “Historical Links between the Aquatic Populations and the Coastal Peoples of the Malay World and Celebes”, in Muhammad Abu Bakar et al., eds., Historia. Essays in Commemoration of the 25th Anniversary of the Department of History, Kuala Lumpur, University of Malaya, 1984, pp. 34-51, especially pp. 43-44. Erédia and other Portuguese writers, as João de Barros (Ásia. Década Segunda, H. Cidade and M. Múrias, eds., Lisbon, 1946, bk. VI, Ch. 1) and Fernão Mendes Pinto (“Copia de hüa carta do Irmão fernão mendes q escreueo de Malaca ao Reitor do Collegio de Goa a 20 de nouembro de 1555”, in Fernão Mendes Pinto, Peregrinação, A. Casais Monteiro ed., Lisbon, INCM, 1983, p. 732), considered the Celates a primitive, rude, cruel, thieving and pirate people, who inhabited the region of the Straits of Singapore. 6 M. A. P. Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1962, p. 29. 3

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famous Portuguese Asian cartographer, Manuel Godinho de Erédia, considered the sieges conducted by the Sultan of Johor against Melaka to have been carried out by the Orang Selat (Port. Celates) or the ‘People of the Strait’, coastal inhabitants of the Straits of Malacca whom he also believed to have been the early inhabitants of the city. Erédia reproduced, in this way, the Malay legends, in the same way as Tomé Pires had done almost a century earlier. Pires was the first European to point out the role of this association between the Orang Selat and the kings of Melaka in the foundation of Melaka5.

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‘election’ and ‘choice’ of the first king by the Orang Laut/Selat people and which allowed the first European visitor, Ludovico di Varthema, to state in bold terms: “The inhabitants of this city are of the nation of the Javanese. The king keeps a governor to administer justice for foreigners, but those of the country take the law into their own hands, and they are the worst race that was ever created on earth. When the king wishes to interfere with them, they say that they will abandon the land, because they are men of the sea”7. Varthema probably shared a view on the Melaka society with the Tenasserim merchants with whom he was acquainted during his visit to that port. Anthony Reid, based on Tomé Pires, João de Barros and other non-specified early 16th century Portuguese sources, questioned the jawi identity of the numerous seamen who annually visitedMelaka and whom he considered to be not Javanese but creole people, a mix of Malay,

Chinese and Orang Selat, mainly inhabiting the Sumatrese areas of Jambi and Palembang8. In fact, there is evidence that there were two different jawi identities among the Javanese visiting Melaka at the beginning of the 16th century9, as it also occurs with the jaus, mentioned in late 16th century Portuguese sources, who came to Melaka from different ports in the pasisir and Sundanese areas in both Western Java and East Sumatra. It was in this quite diversified social scenario that the Siamese state played a particular role. According to the Sejarah Melayu10, in the later 14th century, just before Melaka became a sea trading port, the founder of its royal lineage, Prince Parameswara, exiled from Sumatra’s port-city of Palembang, moved into the Singapore area and rose to power against the local Siamese governor, a son-in-law of King Kuna (1355 or 1367-85) or of one of his successors, who ruled over the Straits region. Within a few years, the Siamese had dislodged Parameswara and his Orang Selat followers from Singapore and they found shelter on the Muar River and, later on, moved northwards on to the Melaka River, creating a new

The travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, and Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508, Edited by George Percy Badger; Trans. by John Winter Jones, Hakluyt Society, London, 1863, pp. 226-27. 8 Anthony Reid, “Hybrid Identities in the Fifteenth-Century Straits of Malacca”, Working Paper Series, No. 67, Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, May 2006, pp. 7-11. 9 Jan A. Macgregor, “Notes on the Portuguese in Malaya”, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXVIII, pt. 2, 1955 p. 24. 10 Sejarah Melayu, cit., 1970. 7

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settlement that resembled the traditional Malay model of Srivijaya, from where the rulers of Palembang, Prince Parameswara’s birthplace, claimed to come. Similar Malay versions of this story were recorded by Tomé Pires and João de Barros11, while Diogo do Couto offers his own distinct one: “And because he [Sambu] knew that the land belonged to the King of Siam, he sent an emissary requesting the title of king [of Melaka], and in return he would pay him allegiance, which he [the King of Siam] did, marking its limits”12. His son or grand-son converted to Islam as Iskandar Shah and became a tributary of the Chinese emperor, Chéngzu (alias Yongle, 1402-24), who advised the King of Siam to respect Iskandar Shah as an equal ruler after the Pasai and Melaka envoys to the Ming court had complained about Siamese incursions into the Malay realm13. It should be noted, however, that it was during the period of the maximum influence of the Chinese expeditions of Zheng He to the ‘Western Ocean’ that Melaka, defying Siamese allegiance, became a tributary of the Ming

Whatever may have been the role of the ‘Chinese factor’ in the establishment of the Melaka port-state and sultanate, it was only by the mid-15th century that the city gained a decisive impulse. The peak of the Sultanate was reached under Mudhaffar Syah (r. 1446-59) and the bendahara Tun Perak (c. 1447-d. c. 1498), at a time when the Chinese presence and their search for Southeast Asian spices and raw materials had started to decline and when the dependence of Melaka regarding the Ming and the diplomatic Chinese interest in maritime Southeast Asia, especially in the Malay region, had considerably reduced15. Tomé Pires statement on the Chinese

(ed.), The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires, cit., II, pp. 229-35; Barros, Da Ásia. Década Segunda, cit., bk. VI, Ch. 1, p. 250. Quarta da Ásia de Diogo do Couto, M. Augusta Lima Cruz (ed.), I, Lisbon, CNCDP-FO-INCM, 1999, bk. II, Ch. 1, p. 77. Couto’s version is the only one to replace the hero-king Parameswara with raja Sambu, another Hindu name for a mythic ruler. 13 Leonard Y. Andaya, Leaves of the Same Tree. Trade and Ethnicity in the Straits of Melaka, NUS, Singapore, 2010, p. 69. 14 A. Reid, “Hybrid Identities in the Fifteenth-Century Straits of Malacca”, cit., p. 20. 15 Derek Heng, Sino-Malay Trade and Diplomacy from the Tenth through the Fourteenth Century, Athens, Ohio University Press, 2009, p. 211. 11 Cortesão 12 Década

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Emperor, just after having fully integrated the Muslim network as well. Apart from imperial Chinese interference, some authors such as A. Reid, have suggested other Chinese-Southeast Asian decisive influences in the rise of Singapore/ Melaka polity and on the Siamese state itself during the Yuan period, when creoles of Chinese origin built a self-interested regional trading and piratical web by preying on private and imperial Chinese ships14.

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not having visited Java “for the last hundred years”, which he is likely to have been told during his visit to that Island in 1513, should not be taken literally but in light of the particular context of discontinued Chinese official expeditions16. Anthony Reid has called attention to the ambiguity of these Chinese identities that were closely related to seaport development in the Gulf of Siam and Siamese interests in controlling the Straits of Malacca and Singapore17. According to the Portuguese chronicler, Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, “Melaka lies on the coast of a great kingdom called Siam”18. This Portuguese perception of supposed Siamese rule over Melaka complied with the common view in the Malay area. Tomé Pires, writing in 1514, also

says in his Suma Oriental that “the kingdom of Malacca (…) all lies in the land of Siam”19, as well as the entire coast to the south of Tavoy20. According to him, the second king of Melaka, Sultan Iskandar Shah (‘Darxa’) asked the king of Siam to send Siamese cultivators to settle there, which the Siamese King conceded very willingly21. This good ambiance was not even broken by Sultan Mansur Shah (1459-77) when he took control over a number of ports belonging to Kedah, which was also under allegiance to Siam. This conflict was eventually peacefully solved to the benefit of Melaka via a sort of referendum. According to Pires, Sultan Mansur Shah was married to a princess from Pahang, a niece of the King of Siam, and this was a reason for him to praise the higher ranking descent he received

16 The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires, cit., p. 179. Pires sailed to Java as a steward in the fleet under João Lopes Alvim (Rui de Brito

Patalim to Afonso de Albuquerque, Melaka, 6 Jan. 1514, in A. Basílio de Sá (ed.), Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente. Insulíndia, I, Lisbon, AGU, 1954, p. 48; Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do descobrimento e conquista da Índia pelos portugueses, New Ed., vol. I, Lisbon, Typographia Rollandiana, 1833, bk. III, Ch. CXI. According to L. F. Thomaz (“O malogrado estabelecimento oficial dos portugueses em Sunda e a islamização de Java”, in Aquém e Além da Taprobana. Estudos Orientais à memória de Jean Aubin e Denys Lombard, L. F. Thomaz ed., Lisbon, CHAM, 2002, p. 427), they left Melaka in March 14th and returned to this port on June 22nd 1513. This author identifies part of the Pires’ itinerary along the Javanese coast (pp. 427 and 434), also sketched in the Book of Francisco Rodrigues (Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, ed. by Armando Cortesão and A. Teixeira da Mota, I, Lisbon, 1960, p. 84 and plate 35-V; José Manuel Garcia, O Livro de Francisco Rodrigues. O Primeiro Atlas do Mundo Moderno, Oporto, Universidade do Porto, 2008, pp. 84-85). 17 A. Reid, “Hybrid Identities in the Fifteenth-Century Straits of Malacca”, cit., pp. 5-6. 18 Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do descobrimento e conquista, cit., bk. II, chap. XCII, p. 355. 19 Cortesão (ed.), The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires, cit., II, p. 262. 20 Luís Filipe Thomaz, “De Malaca a Pegu. 1.ª Parte: As duas viagens do feitor Pero Pais (1512-1515)”, in L. F. Thomaz, De Ceuta a Timor, Lisbon, Difel, 1994, p. 300. 21 Idem, ibid., p. 238.

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from her compared with the other members of Melaka’s royal family. Elephants were the most priced presents that Melaka used to send to the King of Siam, as well as to the Ming Emperor and the Javanese King of Majapahit. By 1493, Sultan Mahmud (1488-1511) had broken his allegiance to Siam and Majapahit. In order to reduce Melaka by force, the Siamese sent a fleet which was defeated by the Malay Laksamana (admiral) off Pulo Pisang 22. In his Da Ásia, João de Barros, the most celebrated Portuguese chronicler, includes Siam among the most important non-Muslim states: Vijayanagar, Orissa, Bengal (Arakan), Pegu and China23. Barros, Pires, Castanheda, and other early Portuguese authors, usually overstate the importance of Siam in the context of Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean. They were excessively attached to the idea of conquest (conquista), a much

“The King of Siam is a prince whose state, prior to the rebellion of the Moors of Melaka, began in this city, which lay at 2.5º north, and ended up in the mountains of the kingdom of the Guéus24 [Shan], at 29º. And even today [1552] his state is 300 miles long and there are these seven kingdoms subject to him, not counting the proper Siam, such as Cambodia, Lan Chang, Chiang Rai, Chencrão (Chao Rao?25), Chiang Mai, Camburi, Chaipumo (Lamphun), and he is a prince who has 30 000 elephants of all kinds, of which only 3000 are used in wartime, and

ibid., pp. 248-50 and 253. de Barros, Da Ásia. Década Terceira, H. Cidade and M. Múrias, eds., Lisbon, 1946, bk. II, p. 350. 24 The Geos or Gueos are also mentioned by Fernão Mendes Pinto in his famous Peregrinação (cit., pp. 13, 114, 130, 340, 374 and 556). For several attempts to identify the Gueos see Fernão Mendes Pinto, The Travels of Mendes Pinto, ed. and trans. by Rebecca D. Catz, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1989, p. 526. See also Sebastião Manrique, Itinerário de Sebastião Manrique [Itinerário de las Missiones Orientales del P. Manrique ], Luís Silveira, ed., I, Lisbon, AGC, p. 221), who identifies the Gueos as the Siamese themselves. 25 The term Chencrão only occurs in Barros. On the use of the chao rao expression, see Pinkaew Laungaramsri, “Constructing marginality: the ‘hill tribe’ Karen and their shifting locations within the Thai state and public perspectives” and Reiner Buergin, “Trapped in environmental discourses and politics of exclusion: Karen in the Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary in the context of forest and hill tribe policies in Thailand”, in Living at the Edge of Thai Society. The Karen in the highlands of northern Thailand, edited by Claudio O. Delang, New York, Routledge, 2003, pp. 29-31 and 56; also Chayan Vaddhanaphuti, “The Thai State and Ethnic Minorities: From Assimilation to Selective Integration”, in Ethnic conflicts in Southeast Asia, edited by Kusuma Snitwongse and W. Scott Thompson, ISEAS, Singapore, p. 157. 22 Idem, 23 João

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praised concept in Portugal and Spain, to the extent that that they took the Siamese military campaigns over some neighbouring areas, including the Malay Peninsula, as fair legitimate rule:

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

the city of Ayutthaya, the capital of the kingdom, can enlist 50 thousand warriors”26. The Portuguese believed that the artillery they captured in Melaka in 1511 originated either in Pegu or Siam27. During the siege, the Portuguese Governor in India, Afonso de Albuquerque (1509-15), called for the support of the King of Siam, Ramathibodi II (1491-1529), against whom the predecessors of the Sultan of Melaka, Muhammad Syah (r. 1424-44), had revolted. Siam had failed in early attempts to subdue Melaka by invading its domain in 1445-46 and around 1499. The Portuguese ambassador who had been sent to Ayutthaya for that purpose promised to offer the Malay port-city once it had been captured to the Siamese king, possibly exceeding Albuquerque’s instructions. The fact is that the Siamese did not arrive in time to participate in the siege led by the Portuguese who refused to surrender Melaka to them later on28. This does not mean, however, that King Manuel was interested in retaining possession of the city, as is expressly stated by Diogo do Couto:

“It should be known that after the valiant Captain Afonso de Albuquerque took that city of the king of Melaka, Sultan Mahmud Syah, King Manuel yearned to restore his city to him, so that the Sultan should reign and rule over his subjects with the revenue from the customhouse, because he no longer wanted to own a fortress there or to carry to India all the drugs that used to come there”29. From the very first moment, Melaka was connected with the Siamese kingdom in spite of the fact that no Siamese are said to have settled in Melaka during the 15th century. It is noticeable that, previous to Macao’s foundation, by 1557 the Portuguese who sailed to China presented themselves as foreignsubjects of the King of Siam coming from Melaka30. The historiography of the Portuguese in Asia has paid attention to the relationship between Portugal and Siam through a number of studies and documental inventories published over the years. The subject has been approached in different ways: the history of diplomatic relations

Da Ásia. Década Primeira, cit., bk. IX, chap. 2, p. 369. Godinho de Eredia, Malaca, l’Inde Méridionale et le Cathay. Manuscrit original autographe (…) appartenant a la Bibliothèque de Bruxelles. Traduction par M. Léon Janssen, Brussels, 1882, p. 21. 28 See Maria da Conceição Flores, Os Portugueses e o Sião no século XVI, Lisbon, CNCDP-INCM, 1995, pp. 22-29. 29 Diogo do Couto, Da Ásia. Década Quinta, pt. 2, Lisbon, 1780, bk. IX, chap. III, p. 315; similar in Simão Botelho, “Tombo do Estado da Índia (1554)”, in Subsídios para a História da Índia Portuguesa, dir. by R. J. Lima Felner, V, Lisbon, 1868, pp. 105-06. 30 F. Mendes Pinto, Peregrinação, cit., chap. LXXXVI, p. 240. 26 Barros,

27 Manuel

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between the two countries, the history of the Portuguese communities that settled in Siam, mostly in Ayutthaya, and, finally, the relations developed between Macao and Siam. However, during the early days of Portuguese visitors and settlers in Siam for diplomatic and trading contact and on account of their military expertise, Macao did not yet play a part, this role belonging those days almost exclusively to Melaka in close connection to several ports in the Gulf of Siam. In spite of the fact that this is an important aspect which most authors consistently deal with, Melaka has been rather overlooked by historians, who have not brought it into the discussion as a major centre for Luso-Siamese trading and diplomatic relations before the success of Macao. The influence of Melaka left some cultural vestiges in the Portuguese settlement of Ayutthaya. According to La Loubere31 the Portuguese named this settlement the camp, a word that suggests the Portuguese word campo or ‘field’. However, in an urban context, campo should really mean an empty space and was used interchangeably with the term terreiro (‘front yard’) to designate a town square, where from time to time a marketplace could take place. It is more likely that the camp in Ayutthaya was a misspelled form of the Malay

de La Loubere, Description du Royaume de Siam, vol. I, Amsterdam, 1700 [16911], p. 337. Wade, Ryukyu in the Ming Reign Annals 1380s-1580s, Asia Research Institute, Working Paper Series no. 93; Roderich Ptak, “The Ryukyu Network in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries”, Review of Culture, 6, 2003, pp. 7-23. For the Portuguese trade between Siam and Japan via this particular route see Conceição Flores, “Comércio português entre o Japão e o Sião nos séculos XVI e XVII”, Review of Culture, 17 (series II), Oct.-Dec. 1993, pp. 17-22.

31 Simon

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kampong designating a village or a neighbourhood and, specifically, one inhabited by a particular ethnic community. It is still in use throughout the Malay Archipelago as it was the case in Ayutthaya, where the Portuguese settlement was located on the outskirts of the capital along with the Japanese. This is also in accordance with what is known about the role played by the Malay language and culture in structuring the Portuguese creole tongue that is still in use in Macao up to the present day. Those elements were introduced by the early Portuguese merchants from Melaka who settled in Macao at the time of the foundation of this city-port on the Southern China Coast of Guangdong. It can be easily assumed, given the scanty information available on the origins of the Portuguese settlement in Ayutthaya, that a similar process occurred here, with the early settlers also coming from Melaka and at least a few of them being married to Malay women. Some of these Portuguese-Asian settlers from Ayutthaya found their way to Macao since this port was, from the very beginning, closely linked to Japan and Siam, and especially to Ayutthaya, with which regular relations with Japan had been established since the 14th century through the local Japanese community and the Ryukyu network32.

32 Geoff

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Melaka under Portuguese rule displayed some unexpected characteristics. According to the Jesuit Francisco de Sousa, it “changed continuously from residents as a general lodging of all nations and sects of the East”. He notes that, during the last half of the 16th century, Melaka was a stopover for Muslim teachers from Cairo, Mecca and Constantinople, passing through in the guise of merchants and boarding Portuguese vessels to Siam and other destinations in the South China Sea and the Eastern Malay Archipelago33. As the local archives were destroyed after the Dutch captured Melaka in 1641, there is a significant shortage of archival sources.. We have to rely upon published chronicles and materials preserved in Goa, Macao and other archives in Portugal. Accordingly, very few references can be found on Siamese embassies and commercial missions visiting Melaka, where all entering foreign merchants paid only a very low 6% duty tax rate ad valorem against 22.5% in Siamese ports on the Bay of Bengal34. Trade was resumed in

1513 when Melaka’s bendahara, the rich Keling merchant Naina Chatu, sent two junks to Siam in a joint commercial operation with the Portuguese Crown. However, by 1515 the relationship had been muddied by some Portuguese attacks on the north-western coast of the Malay Peninsula, an area allied to Siam35. A Siamese delegation visited Melaka in 1597 or 1598, as is mentioned by the King Philip II in a letter to the viceroy, Francisco da Gama. The captain of Melaka reciprocated by sending an ambassador who was warmly welcomed by the Siamese King. At this juncture the King of Cambodia, Chau Ponhea Ton (Barom Reachea II), was trying to engage the Portuguese in a peaceful diplomatic solution of the long lasting conflict between the two states by offering the concession of land areas and jurisdiction over the Portuguese community in Cambodia to the captain of Melaka. There were also to be some 400 Christians held prisoner in Siam36. Though trying to approach each other with caution, the

de Sousa, Oriente Conquistado a Jesus Cristo, M. Lopes de Almeida (ed.), Oporto, Lello & Irmão, 1978, p. 1082. F. Thomaz, “The Economic Policy of the Sultanate of Malaca (15th -16th centuries)”, in Moyen Orient & Ocean Indien / Middle East & Indian Ocean, 7, 1990, p. 9. 35 For the ensuing facts see the work quoted in note 27. For a brief résumé of the early Portuguese missions to Siam see John Villiers, “Ayutthaya as a City of Commerce in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries”, Review of Culture, 13-14, Jan.-Jun. 1991, pp. 62-63. 36 King to viceroy Francisco da Gama, Lisbon, 12th January 1599, Portuguese National Archives of Torre do Tombo (ANTT, Lisbon), Miscelâneas Manuscritas do Convento da Graça, 3, VIL, p. 155; Viceroy Francisco da Gama to the King, Goa, 23rd January 1599, Portuguese National Library (BNP, Lisbon), Reservados, codex 1976, fl. 143v; Portuguese translation of two letters from ‘Prauncar’, King of Cambodia, to the viceroy Francisco da Gama [n.d.], ANTT, Miscelâneas Manuscritas do Convento da Graça, 2, III, pp. 309-10, 315-16 and 337-40. 33 Francisco 34 L.

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relationship between the Estado da Índia and Siam did not improve. This is also the period when plans to seize Patani and invade Siam were presented to the King by the bishop of Melaka, João Ribeiro Gayo (1581-1601), who was used to sending his own private trading agents to Ayutthaya and was in conflict with the Melaka’s City Council. Bishop Ribeiro Gayo proposed the invasion of Siam by a force of a thousand soldiers, to be sent from the Philippines and Melaka: “After this kingdom [Siam] be seized and subdued, he said, another five realms will come with it, such as Linga [sic] and Tenasserim, and the kingdoms of Laos and Pahang, because all these are subject and pay tribute to the kingdom of Siam and all of them have the same wealthy things that it has”37. He also recommended that Aceh, Johor, Cambodia, Cochinchine (Tonkin), China and Japan, be conquered by some 4000 soldiers, most of them from Mexico, and that up to 900 thousand golden ducats be spend on such military campaigns38.

37 “Relacion

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In 1591, Philip II, the King of Spain and Portugal, instructed the viceroy, Mathias de Albuquerque, to protect Melaka by assisting the king of Pegu if he displayed the intention of attacking Siam again. By 1602, he had warned the viceroy; “I am informed that the city of Melaka is poorly provided for with ammunition, artillery and bombers, and I have been told that the King of Siam has written to the Kings of Aceh and Johor to come together over it”39. In 1606 the viceroy, Martin Afonso de Castro, in his defective journey from Goa to Melaka, seized a huge Siamese vessel (nau) anchored off Aceh40.

The Portuguese trade and maritime routes in the Indian Ocean and the China Sea During the early days in Melaka, the Portuguese were strongly committed to warlike and piratical activities. It became difficult for them to trade with security in several Siamese seaports in the Bay of Bengal. Some incidents occurred

del reyno de Sian sacada de un Rotero muy largo que hiço Para su Magestad don juº ribero Gayo, obispo de malaca com Ant.º ferreira capp.n que fue de los Viages de sian e com otras personas el qual ymbio a don Luis peres das marinas governando Las Philipinas para que se hiçiesse jornada al dho rreino de Sian” [n.d., c.1593-96], Archivo General de Indias (Seville), Filipinas, 19, 4, no. 57. 38 C. R. Boxer, “A Late Sixteenth Century Manila MS”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Apr. 1950, p. 40; idem, “Portuguese and Spanish projects for the Conquest of Southeast Asia”, Journal of Asian History, III, 1969, pp. 122-29. 39 King to viceroy Aires de Saldanha, Valladolid, 31st January 1602, Portuguese Overseas Archives (AHU, Lisbon) Conselho Ultramarino, codex 282, fl. 73v. 40 Paulo da Trindade, Conquista Espiritual do Oriente, III, Félix Lopes O.F.M. (ed.), Lisbon, CEHU, 1967, p. 407.

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in Tenasserim, where the Portuguese usually purchased rice for their fortresses in Melaka and Pasai, at the Northern tip of Sumatra. In 1523, three vessels loaded with supplies for Pasai, under the command of Domingos de Seixas, an accountant stationed in the Bengal area, were confiscated in Tenasserim in retaliation for raids perpetrated by Portuguese defectors and pirates. Seixas and his 16 companions were arrested and sent to the Ayutthaya court. He would stay in Siam for the next 25 years as a military commander in the Northern borderline area41. This Tenasserim incident put an end to the first cycle of the official Portuguese trade in Siam, which took place only sporadically42, but would be resumed before the end of the 16th century by ships coming from the Portuguese ports in India to purchase rice and palm spirit in Tenasserim43. The Portuguese did not bring true innovation to the maritime trade that Muslims practised in the Indian Ocean. The main novelty was the implementation by the Crown of a system of administered trade relating to the holding of major shipping routes. This was the so called carreiras or ‘sea-lines’ system, later on known as viagens (literally ‘voyages’), which sought to give practical expression to the degree of royal

monopoly adopted in Asian waters: only the Crown, through its agents or royal accountants (feitores) could trade in certain products and shipping routes. This formula of administered trade monopoly was never fully implemented because of the smuggling and corruption of the many officials responsible for ensuring its implementation, especially the commanding officers of Crown owned ships. The need to refrain from such abuses and to get some profit from Portuguese trading structures resulted in a great debate, that was taking place by the mid-16th century, on the best system eventually to be adopted. Among the various possible solutions, the granting system prevailed. Initially, it took the experimental and manifold form of either a free grant or a leasing contract or a selling contract on selected trading routes. After several formulae had been tested, a standard toll free concession prevailed. The new regime, besides solving the problem of the exploitation of the sea-lines also sought to address the issue of smuggling, by requiring the concessionaire to enforce his own rights of exclusivity. Several authors consider the captaincy of the route, Goa-Melaka-Macao-Nagasaki, to be the first granted under this new pattern and it also

Da Ásia. Década Terceira, cit., bk. II, chap. 5, p. 79; F. Mendes Pinto, Peregrinação, cit., chap. CLXXXIII, p. 563. few examples in M. Conceição Flores, Os portugueses e o Sião no século XVI, cit., pp. 33-34. 43 The voyages of Sir James Lancaster to Brazil and the East Indies, William Foster (ed.), London, Hakluyt Society, 1940, pp. 14-15. 41 Barros, 42 A

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served as a “model” for later concessions, due to the powerful post of captain of Macao which was inherently associated with this sea-line during the stop-over in that city. However, the transition from direct administration by the Crown to the concession system shows that problems in the exploitation of other routes weighed far more in the ensuing discussion. Therefore, different types of concessions were tested. The record of these experiments in operating trading routes can be summarized as follows. Around 1555, Governor Pedro Mascarenhas (1554-55) suggested that the king lease the captaincy of the Mozambique fortress, along with the routes connected with it as a way for the royal treasury to reduce expenses and increase revenues. The funds from the leasing would compensate the noblemen already appointed to these positions with a certain sum every year for the loss they were expected to suffer.

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This issue generated controversy among the Portuguese peers in Asia. However, in 1557, Governor Francisco Barreto (1555-58) openly declared his opposition to the leasing because of the dangers which, in his opinion, could threaten the security of Portuguese Asia. Arguing that none of the routes should be leased, Barreto showed himself to be inclined to the establishment of a system of contracting the most important sea

routes exclusively to the fidalgos or groups of noblemen who were usually already appointed. In return, they should give the royal treasury a certain, previously stipulated, quantity of goods. He tried to make such a contract with D. Jorge d’Eça, who that year was travelling from Goa to the Moluccas Islands as commander of the galleon’s regular sea route and who was obliged to deliver, at his own expense, a certain quantity of cloves. However, this negotiation eventually came to nothing. Barreto’s major objection concerned the leasing of the spice sea routes to the Moluccas and Banda, as well as, broadly, those linking the Western Indian and Coromandel coasts, Sri Lanka and Pegu. Regarding the latter, he argued that, since it was small charge for the royal treasury, the Crown needed these voyages to reward services that had been rendered by the noblemen. Governor Francisco Barreto was also opposed to both the leasing of the captaincy of Melaka, which the viceroy Pedro Mascarenhas had unsuccessfully attempted, and the rental of the customs house of that city-port, which was about to be completed. He argued that to lease the captaincy of Melaka would be to create a private monopoly over the trading links between Melaka and a number of East and Southeast Asian destinations such as Timor, Sunda, Patani, Siam, Pegu, China and Japan, which would considerably

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

reduce the revenue of the customs houses and impoverish the merchants, thus placing the Estado da Índia in danger. Barreto also declared that the project of leasing the captaincy of Melaka had not been effective during the rule of his predecessor due to the interference of the Jesuit confessors to the viceroy, Pedro Mascarenhas (1554-55)44. Ignatius Loyola himself, the founder of the Society of Jesus, had been his confessor during Mascarenhas’ diplomatic missions to Europe and the viceroy had also been a strenuous promoter of the Jesuits in Asia45. Ultimately, the series of experiments aimed at transferring royal trade into the hands of privateers failed due to the opposition of the noblemen and the Jesuits, and not by coincidence. The fidalgos, refusing to forfeit their privileges, became, in the long run, the primary beneficiaries from changes introduced into the system46. The Jesuits, being opposed to any monopolistic formula, in the 17th century, would become major financial administrators of Portuguese royal funds in Asia.

It is clear from what has been said above that a noble qualification was required for all positions on regular sea-routes, as a ship’s captain, accountant or clerk. The captaincy, in particular, was the prerogative of noblemen, as a reward for services rendered by themselves, their relatives or ancestors. They were usually rewarded with two voyages to the same destination, reducing in this way the probability of major losses if one of them failed for whatever reason be it sailing, political or commercial. Some voyages, however, were sometimes granted to casados or ‘married men’ who, occasionally, might also be appointed to the command of military expeditions, getting paid in trading privileges similar to those associated with regular voyages47. Possibly, these casados, married and residing in India or Melaka, were also either noblemen or merchants with some experience of the routes and markets to which they were appointed or they might have bought the position from other people who had previously been appointed48. In fact, the delay between the granting of a voyage “in the vacancy of assigned

Francisco Barreto to the King, Bassein, 19th Jan. 1557, in A. da Silva Rego (ed.), As Gavetas da Torre do Tombo, IV, Lisbon, CEHU, 1964, pp. 233-35. 45 Georg Schurhammer, “S. Francisco Xavier e a sua época”, Stvdia, 12, Jul. 1963, p. 12. 46 By the 1580s the exceeding of annual public expenditure due to abuses by the governors of the fortresses represented some 9% of the total revenue of the Estado da Índia (cf. “Receipt of the Revenues of the State of India: as also the Expenses publike therein”, in Samuel Purchas (ed.), Hakluytus Postthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes, IX, Glasgow, 1950, chap. X, p. 165). 47 “Relação dos feitos eróicos em armas que Sancho de Vasconcelos fez nas partes de Amboyno e Maluco...”, in A. Basílio de Sá (ed.), Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente. Insulíndia, cit., IV, 1956, pp. 369 and 381. 48 To sell official positions was a common practice encouraged by the Portuguese Crown (Cazos Diuersos (...) [Goa, c. 1571], Portuguese National Archives of Torre do Tombo (ANTT, Lisbon), Ms. da Livraria, nº 805, fl. 102).

44 Governor

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officials” and the time when the nominated person actually accomplished it, made them rather unattractive. Accordingly, several valuable annual sea-routes, such as those to Japan, were initially granted to people who, later on, were considered to be “much inferior in quality and service, and often incompetent”49. When competitiveness for the ownership of the East Asian voyages increased during the last decades of the 16th century, the social status and the skills of the captains were questioned as a major diplomatic and administrative role in representing the Estado da India to the Chinese and Japanese authorities as part of their function. Though some exceptional or atypical concessions were made to the casados, the system remained clearly structured for the benefit of the Crown and low and midranking noblemen, mostly younger sons denied access to the family household patrimony50. The new system of granting voyages to noblemen acting as Crown representatives but also their assuming themselves to be privateer managers of a monopolistic trading enterprise granted to them by the Crown, under the conditions described above, spread within the Portu-

49 F.

056

guese network, although we do not know exactly when it started. Probably, the earliest concessions of this type date back to the 1550s, although the system only became common in the following decade, during the reign of King Sebastian, due to the need to reduce public expenditure and under the influence of the Spanish contratación model and because of the importance that Brazil had acquired in the Portuguese global empire at the expense of Asia. According to L. F. Thomaz, the concession regime was fully adopted in the Portuguese Asian network around 1570, with the earliest examples of concessions going back to the 1550s51. Jesuit, Francisco Rodrigues, commenting on some royal decrees and on-going practices suggests that, by 1570-71, the system had already been well established some years before, probably since the early 1560s. The captains assigned to official sea-routes or voyages began paying for the vessel and other operating costs, receiving from the royal treasure an allowance of some 2 to 3 thousand ducats, a practice that would eventually be considered abusive and was abolished later on. However, the voyages to Mozambique, Sri Lanka and the Moluccas continued under direct explo-

P. Mendes da Luz (ed.), “Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas, que a Coroa de Portugal tem nas partes da índia, e das capitanias, e mais cargos, que nelas ha, e da importância deles”, in facsimile, Stvdia, 6, 1960, fl. 95v. 50 “Carta régia ao vice-rei Mathias d’Albuquerque”, Lisbon, 12th Jan. 1591, in J. H. da Cunha Rivara (ed.), Archivo PortuguezOriental, III, pt. 1, 1861, p. 258. 51 “Les Portugais dans les mers de l’Archipel au XVIe siècle», Archipel, 18, 1979, pp. 108-09.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

ration by the Crown52. In the early 17th century, however, the official voyage to Mozambique also began to be leased and assigned and sometimes even sold at public auction, to aristocratic individuals who were legally qualified for the job53. Anyhow, the early Crown owned sea-routes and the later concession system presented little difference in practical terms. As most soldiers coming to Asia abandoned the regular military forces and became private merchants, settling in different Portuguese city-ports throughout the Indian Ocean, the Portuguese network expanded to a new dynamic. By the mid-16th century a fairly centralized organization is revealed from the ordinances issued by the Viceroy to the nominees for official voyages, the earliest of which may even date back to the reign of Viceroy João de Castro (1545-48), when the restructuring of the management of the sea lines was first considered. Sailing side by side along the same routes there coexisted ships of the Crown under the command of captains - whether of forts and voyages – and ships belonging to privateers under private owners, some of them Asian merchants. In spite of being a highly hierarchical system implemented

by the Crown through the distribution of personal privileges to the assigned commanders, actually there was no strictly monopolistic regime running the sea-routes under Portuguese control54. The interest of the appointed sea-route captain, as a concessionaire of a voyage, resided primarily in the freight he charged to the merchants who accompanied him on the journey, even if they sailed in their own ships. The position of chief captain (capitão-mor) by which a concessionaire invested in a monopolistic “voyage to a destination” (viagem de lugar) conferred upon him jurisdiction over all ships whether they were owned by Portuguese or Luso-Asian merchants, as well as their slaves and servants, who undertook the same journey. Theoretically, the concessionaire could provide a ship at his own expense and charge freight to merchants who wanted to carry goods on it. Commercially, however, he operated the voyage without any restrictions to his command. If the route was one of the great trade routes, the concessionaire could negotiate the admission of other ship owners. He could personally undertake the journey or designate an accountant to take charge of it on his behalf. This was the case every

52 Mendes

da Luz (ed.), “Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas”, cit., fls. 81-v. Lobato, “Maritime Trade from India to Mozambique. A Study of Indo-Portuguese Enterprise (16th to 17th Centuries)”, in K. S. Mathew (ed.), Ship-building and navigation in the Indian Ocean Region, Ad 1400-1800, New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1997, pp. 126-27. 54 Treslado das provizões, Goa, 1571, Portuguese National Archives of Torre do Tombo (ANTT, Lisbon), Ms. da Livraria, nº 805, fl. 90. 53 Manuel

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time he was the concessionaire of several trips simultaneously or when he carried out other military and administrative functions that he could not delegate, being captain of a fortress for instance. Often he was also entrusted with the functions of a ‘guardian of the goods of deceased people’ (provedor dos defuntos), which on certain routes was his main source of profit, since he was charged with managing the property and goods of those who died during the journey.

Trading voyages from Melaka to Siam: Tenasserim, Patani, Ayutthaya The destinations with which Melaka was ‘officially’ linked were considered to be the monopoly of the local captain, who had the jurisdiction of a governor over the entire port-city and some hinterland areas. As well as the Javanese ports and the Moluccas, these destinations were Macao and the ports on the Coromandel Coast, as well as occasionally, in a rather ambiguous and unclear way, the Portuguese ports on the Western Indian Coast, such as Cochin and Goa, i.e., the route linking India to China on which Melaka lies between. All remaining destinations, although in practice they were often an exclusive journey for the captain of the Melaka fortress, were, at least in theory, ports where merchants

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55 L.

and ship-owners from Melaka could freely send their ships. In fact, according to the Jesuit, Gomes Vaz, freedom of navigation and commerce was part of the Melaka City Council’s (Câmara) regulations and ordinances emanating from Goa. That freedom applied to both Portuguese and Asians merchants. The profitability of each sea-voyage depended on several factors but chiefly on the volume and value of commodities flowing on that particular route, as well as on the political circumstances in Melaka and at the destination port. That trading turnover was publicly known and evaluated on the basis of previous earnings and future prospects, which depended on the state of affairs. During the time of the Sultanate, there was a 50% charge for the loan of commodities to merchants sailing to Siam, Pegu, Sunda and Borneo, under a partnership contract known as comandita that was not condemned by the Islamic Law (Sharia)55. According to Tomé Pires, this rate ranged from 35% for Kedah, Pedir or Pasai, to 40% for Java, 80% to 90% on other destinations in the Bay of Bengal, reaching 200% for China. These trading practices persisted under the Portuguese rule side by side with the Crown monopolies and the new sea-voyage concession system56.

F. Thomaz, “De Malaca a Pegu”, cit., p. 306. Lobato, “Notas e correcções para uma edição crítica do Ms. da Livraria n.º 805 (IAN/TT), a propósito da publicação de um tratado do Pe. Manuel de Carvalho SJ», in Anais de História de Além-Mar, III, vol. in Honour of Luís Filipe Thomaz, Lisbon, 2002, pp. 389-408.

56 Manuel

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In the present section we will try to overview and articulate Siamese trading features with the Portuguese owned sea-routes, even though there is not much information on the voyages linking Melaka to Siam. Though there was intense Portuguese traffic to Junkceylon, Tenasserim, Pahang and Patani, with these sea-ports being intermittently under Siamese allegiance in the period from the 1540s to the 1580s, only Ayutthaya was clearly a Siamese destination, even though the upstream port of Lopburi could, possibly, also be meant in the some 16th century Portuguese texts57. Voyages granted to the captain of Melaka or those that depended on him through the control he exerted over harbour traffic represented over half of the total income from all Portuguese Crown owned routes east of Sri Lanka, with the emphasis being on those linking Melaka to Macao and Melaka to the Sundanese port of Banten; all the other routes were much less profitable. By 1582, according to the Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas, sixteen voyages were associated with the captaincy of Melaka and the town governors could sell or exploit them through commercial agents privately employed for that purpose. The Livro explicitly mentions that “by the viceroy’s

ordinances, the captain of Melaka always holds the voyages to Bengal, Siam, Patani, Solor and Timor”58. While an increasing number of concessionaires used to sell the voyages to other skilful noblemen officially approved for the position, the new owner usually paying about one third of the estimated profit, the governor of Melaka, as the concessionaire of the sea-routes from Melaka to Bengal, Borneo and Siam, never undertook any of them personally. Seldom did he sell any of them either, preferring to appoint a relative or someone from his household to perform the job. In other words, the only sea-line involving the Siamese ports granted by the Portuguese Crown to a specific person was the one linking the Coromandel Coast to Tenasserim. This was called the “voyage to Tenasserim” (viagem or carreira de Tenaçarim). Being the only voyage granted through royal letters to the person assigned for the job, some of them have been preserved in the archives and transcribed in several historical works59. The routes from Melaka to Tenasserim and Siam (Ayutthaya) were inherently attributed to the governor of Melaka, in spite of his ships not being the only official vessels calling at the Siamese ports. The fleets from Goa to Macao always called at Melaka

F. Thomaz, “Os Portugueses e o Mar de Bengala na Época Manuelina”, in L. F. Thomaz, De Ceuta a Timor, cit., p. 404. da Luz (ed.), “Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas”, cit., fl. 59-v. 59 Mostly in M. C. Flores aforementioned book. 57 L.

58 Mendes

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and, on several occasions, at the ports in the Gulf of Siam, including Patani and Ayutthaya. The Portuguese ships usually carried sapanwood, lead and leather from Ayutthaya to Japan. In his detailed account of a visit to Siam, written in Melaka where he lived, Jacques de Coutre, a Flemish dealer in precious stones, states that “the voyages from Siam to Japan were granted by His Majesty to men in reward for their services”60. However, there are only a few official records endorsing this statement and referring to concessions involving this particular trading route61. Among the different voyages to Japan departing from India, Melaka and Siam, this was the only one that was made directly to Japan without calling at Macao on the outward journey, and, accordingly, up to the foundation of Macao, it was easy to eluding the control of the captain of Melaka. It continued in this way until it started to be officially conceded to reward services and the Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas, written by 1582, makes explicit mention of it: “For the kingdom of Siam, and thence to Japan, a voyage is usually organised each

de Coutre, Andanzas Asiáticas, E. Stols, B. Teensma and J. Werberckmoes (eds.), Madrid, Historia 16, 1991, p. 380. to Conceição Flores (“Comércio português entre o Japão e o Sião nos séculos XVI e XVII”, cit., pp. 20 and 22) there are only four concessions of viagens do Sião recorded at the Portuguese royal chancellery in Lisbon, all of them dating from 1584 to 1588. Only one of these letters, to Pedro Alves (1588), explicitly mentions the concession of a voyage “from Siam to Japan”, which C. Flores transcribed in appendix (p. 22). She adds, however, that these voyages could also be granted by the viceroy in Goa, where some other charts may be eventually found.

60 Jacques

61 According

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year granted in this kingdom of Portugal or in India by the viceroys. The people assigned to it depart in their own ships from Melaka and then straight to Siam, and the port they head to is the city of Ayutthaya, the capital of this kingdom, located in the streams of the great River Menam, which means ‘mother of waters’, so called due to the great flow (...). The main products that the captains of these voyages carry on board are clothes from Bengal and cowrie shells, which are a certain kind of seafood (which we call conches) fished in the Maldives Islands, and they are taken to many places, mainly to Bengal and Siam, where they serve as copper coins to buy small things in the marketplace. (…) From Siam they leave for Japan, and the main commodity that is taken is sapanwood to make ink and lead, and deer leathers, raw coloured silk and other goods. And from Japan they bring the same things we said that the captains of the voyages of China bring. And on the homeward journey they visit the port of Macao, and thence come to Melaka. Some fifteen hundred ducats can be

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

earned from each one of these voyages and they are bought for five hundred ducats. When this voyage is not granted in Portugal or in India, or the concessionaire does not accomplish it, the Captain General of the voyage to[China and] Japan will send for it and take advantage of it. But then they do not sail from Melaka to Siam, but they leave from China and straight for Siam and then on to Japan”62. This Japanese connection developed in such a way that the French military advisor for the Bangkok-Ayutthaya area, the Count of Fourbin, considered all Portuguese in Siam to be mestizos or creole from a Portuguese father and a Japanese Christian mother63. Though this judgment is too simplistic, the significance of the PortugueseJapanese identity among the Christian community in Ayutthaya should not be disregarded. Melaka was visited by ships from all over Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean. From the Siamese realm to Melaka, Coutre mentions

junks coming from specific ports, such as Patani, Lugor and Siam (Ayutthaya), usually loaded with sapanwood for the dyeing of cloths on the Coromandel Coast, civet, benzoin and much gold64. He adds that the Portuguese travelled from Melaka to Johor, Pahang, Patani, Lugor, Siam and the city of Ayutthaya, which he mentions separately, and Cambodia, “in their own ships, selling clothes and other commodities, bringing from there to Melaka much gold and other commodities to the Indian markets”65. Trading in Melaka was not, however, free from obstacles and difficulties. The inquiry that followed the three year mandate of each captain would question him about whether he had prevented local merchants from freely sailing to Bengal, Solor, Kedah, Java, Siam or Japan, or if he had sanctioned only certain people for his own personal profit and specifically asked him about sending cloves, nutmeg and mace to China, Java or Siam, even under the excuse of purchasing supplies, defrauding, in this way the cargo of the Crown’s galleons66.

62 Mendes

da Luz (ed.), “Livro das Cidades e Fortalezas”, cit., fls. 97-98. du Comte de Forbin à Siam suivi de quelques détails extraits des mémoires de l’abbé de Choisy (1685-1688), Paris, Hachette, 1853, p. 58. 64 Coutre, Andanzas Asiáticas, cit., p. 170. 65 Idem, ibid., p. 377. 66 Alvará e Capítulos pellos quaes se tome Residencia aos Capitães das fortalezas da India, Lisboa, 1589-03-25, J. H. da Cunha Rivara (ed.), Archivo Portuguez-Oriental, III, pt. 1, 1861, pp. 234-35. 63 Voyage

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These administrative practices regulating the Portuguese network proved to be outdated since luxury spices from the Moluccas and Banda islands were increasingly arriving in Melaka via the Philippines, Borneo and Siam after 1582, when the Spaniards started to share Portuguese rule over the Moluccas while the Manila galleons and the East Asian markets only absorbed small quantities of those spices. Siamese and Japanese merchants used to sail from Siam to sell cloves, nutmeg, pepper and sandalwood, in Melaka, as reported by the Spaniard friar, Martin Ignacio de Loyola, in 158567. This was a significant temporary change in the long-running trade pattern in practice from 1530s to 1570s68. During this period the Siamese merchants did not visit Melaka regularly. Products from Siam and Cambodia were mostly brought there by Portuguese merchants, who were settled in ports around the Gulf of Siam, such as Patani and Pahang, and on the Strait of Melaka, including Aceh, after the Portuguese military campaign against the Johor sultanate in 153669. In the final years of the century,

Siam and the regions under its influence have a prominent place in the economic description of East and Southeast Asia. From Siam, the Portuguese carried to India large quantities of Chinese and locally coloured raw silk to be woven in Gujarat as patolas, a type of expensive golden embroidered cloth sold throughout Asia. Sapanwood or Brazil wood, musk, benzoin, green cloth, seal, saltpetre, tin, lead, brass and copper items, ‘the best jars’, cooking oil, salt and large quantities of rice are items also listed. The Siamese were also said to be ‘starting to produce indigo’. In Patani, the Portuguese acquired diamonds, pepper, rich silk cloth embroidered in gold, silk weaved ‘at the frame’, cattle and large numbers of unspecified slaves71. Gold from

Ignacio de Loyola, Viaje alrededor del mundo [1585], J. I. Tellechea Idígoras (ed.), Madrid, Historia 16, 1989 p. 188. Ptak, “The Northern Trade Route to the Spice Islands: South China Sea - Sulu Zone - North Moluccas (14th to early 16th century)”, Archipel, 43, 1992, p. 43. 69 Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence, cit., pp. 141 and 171. 70 Marcello de Ribadeneyra, Historia de las islas del archipielago y reynos de la gran China, Tartaria, Cuchinchina, Malaca, Sian, Camboxa y Iappon, y de los sucedido en ellos a los religiosos descalços, Barcelona, 1601, pp. 165 and 171. 71 “Estado da India e aonde tem o seu principio” [post 1592], in A. da Silva Rego (ed.), Documentação Ultramarina Portuguesa, I, Lisbon, CEHU, 1960, pp. 231-33. 67 Martin

68 Roderich

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friar Marcello de Ribadeneyra referred to “many Chinese and Portuguese ships from Macao and Melaka, and Muslims from Pattani and Borneo [Brunei]” visiting Ayutthaya, which also became a regular stopover for ships from Melaka to Manila70, when official relations between Melaka and Siam were no longer on good terms.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

the eastern coast of the Malay Peninsula came regularly from Patani to Melaka, to be traded by the governor and the merchants of Melaka on the Coromandel Coast72. In the 17th century, trade from Tenasserim to Melaka also declined. By 1616, the concessionaire of that voyage, previously nominated in Portugal by the King himself, started to be appointed by the Viceroy in Goa due to its “little importance”, because of yielding only 500 xerafins to the concessionaire if he invested his own money73. From 1511 to 1641, a large number of Portuguese and Asian merchants living in Melaka traded in Siam on a regular or occasional basis. Fernão Mendes Pinto and Jacques de Coutre mention a few of them, while other names have to be patiently gathered from a huge and diverse number of printed and unpublished sources. Such is the case of a certain Diogo Pimentel who, in 1575, discovered, in Ayutthaya, a story about the martyrdom in Aceh in Northernmost Sumatra, of some Portuguese Christians from Saint Thomas of Melyapor on the Coromandel Coast74.

Along with the merchants, some religious friars from Melaka also went into Siam as missionaries. According to the Spanish friar Marcello de Ribadeneyra, a number of Franciscans came from Melaka to Ayutthaya in 1587, just after the Peguan invaders withdraw from Siam, where Christians were under the religious jurisdiction of the bishop of Melaka75.

Conclusion To conclude briefly, it should be remembered that, while strategically positioned on the route linking the Indian Ocean to the China Seas, Melaka was entirely dependent on rice supplies from Pegu, Siam, Java and, occasionally, the Coromandel Coast. The Melaka district, that runs Southwards to the Muar River and to Nanning in the hinterland, was sparsely populated and short of foodstuff76. The vital importance of rice supplies in Melaka led the Portuguese authorities to support Pegu militarily in the enduring conflict against Siam which allowed Ayutthaya finally to recover from the severe setbacks that had

72 Manuel

Godinho de Eredia, “Informação Da Aurea Chersoneso, ou Peninsula, e das Ilhas Auriferas, Carbunculas, e Aromaticas” [1615], in Ordenações da India, Lisbon, Antonio Lourenço Caminha, 1807, pp. 81-82. 73 António Barreto da Silva et al., “Lista de todas as capitanias, e cargos que ha na India, E sua estimação, e rendimento” [Goa, 14th Dec. 1616], Revista Portugueza Colonial e Marítima, 1900-01, 1rst sem., p. 348. 74 Francisco de Sousa, Oriente Conquistado a Jesus Cristo, cit., p. 1097. 75 Ribadeneyra, Historia de las islas, cit., pp. 165 and 362. 76 Erédia, Malaca l’Inde Méridionale et le Cathay, cit., p. 7.

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occurred a few decades earlier. The Portuguese authorities in India sought this policy to better protect their interests in Pegu, but they could not prevent the Peguan rice supplies to Melaka from being interrupted when Pegu was defeated by Siam and invaded by Arakan. The Portuguese also supported Cambodia whose kings were deposed by the Siamese. Accordingly, relations

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with Siam deteriorated. However, the account by Jacques de Coutre of trading embassies sent from Melaka to Ayutthaya in the later 16th and early 17th centuries proves that Melaka pursued a diplomatic policy of its own and was engaged in close relations with the royal court and the large Portuguese community at Ayutthaya.

The Community of Portuguese Descent in Siam: From Ayutthaya to Early Bangkok Period Miguel Castelo-Branco1

1. The invisible empire: half-caste Portuguese communities in Southeast Asia

the east and south, and to Timor. In the Far East, Macao permitted access to Japan.

The presence of Portugal in Asia, from the beginning of the 16th century to the first quarter of the 19th century, that is, up to the introduction of liberalism, was not limited to the Portuguese State of India, but was also subject to important indirect intervention from the sources of Portuguese Patronage and the corresponding missionary and religious grid. At its peak, the empire was small if considered in terms of its territorial mass. Also, it was discontinuous, spreading across thousands of kilometres, with sea enclaves, ports, trading posts, fortresses, settlements and villages from East Africa to Oman, the western coast of India, Ceylon and Malacca, controlling the spice archipelagos to

Later, it started to shrink, slowly losing natural unity and consistency, and in late the 18th century it seemed limited to three enclaves in India (Goa, Daman and Diu), Flores and Timor in Insulindia and Macao in China. However, as we have seen previously Portugal was still, in the late 18th century, the second global empire in terms of territorial area and in Asia, considering the characteristics of the East Indies administered by the VOC and India by the EIC was, in fact, the only European state that had full power over the territories under its authority. Wisely, someone once mentioned a Portuguese “Shadow Empire”2 beyond Goa. Another historian named it the “Informal Empire”3, which

Senior researcher in the National Library of Portugal, master in Politics and candidate for a Ph.D. in International Relations on Portuguese-Siamese Relations in Rattanakosin Period, author of Os Portugueses no Oriente: Sião-China-Japão (1840-1940), Das Partes do Sião (with António Vasconcelos Saldanha) and The Portuguese-Siamese Treaty of 1820. 2 Georges Winius, “Portugal’s “Shadow Empire” in the Bay of Bengal”, in Revista de Cultura, nº13-14, Janeiro-Junho 1991, p. 273-287. 3 Leonard Y. Andaya, “The ‘informal Portuguese empire’ and the Topasses in the Solor archipelago and Timor in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries”, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 41, September 2010, p. 365-389.

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is equally pertinent but less eloquent or even redundant, since the Portuguese presence in Asia always had large doses of individual initiative. These were spontaneous colonies, establishments tolerated or even formally accepted by the rulers of the land, where a certain number of Portuguese – from Portugal or Portuguese descendants in any form (pure blood or half-caste) – formed, with their servants and slaves, a homogeneous group that settled in villages or on the outskirts of villages in the lands of local princes. The expression “Shadow Empire” is fairly surprising since no empire voluntarily deprives itself from displaying its greatness and influence. Furthermore, it invites one to reflect on the different methods of power in the States, beyond those tangible characteristics usually listed. Winius states that the Portuguese Shadow Empire in the region had not been purchased [nor conquered] or financed by Goa or Lisbon but had been populated peacefully by individuals, most of whom were married soldiers, retired from active duty, and also by fugitives. Relations with the Portuguese in Goa were informal and the only relationship with a stable bond and tie of obedience was with the Portuguese Catholic Church and its Patronage. Winius studied, with special attention, the Gulf of Bengal. Taking into

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consideration the characteristics that we shall enunciate throughout the present chapter, we have dared to change Winius fortunate expression to one that only deepens the mystery. We call it the “Invisible Empire”, since it was all around and nowhere, it was not understood nor perceived by its members nor by the people among which they lived but it worked as a powerful clientele network, based on affections and the defence of a certain idea of universal fraternity that was very similar to the stubborn but inaudible culture of resistance of the Jewish Diaspora. The association between this lusotopia and the Armenians and the Jews is, indeed, apparent. Unlike the Jews and the Armenians, who presence was spread all over the east and crossed by the Arab and Persian commercial routes, the half-caste Portuguese lusotopias identified themselves with a State already present on the continent (Portugal) and were linked to it by bonds of cultural, linguistic and mainly religious loyalty that were vague but powerful. All these self-proclaimed Portuguese, whether they were European Portuguese descendants or not, identified their difference and self-genesis as a group by invoking the legacy - real or mythical - of a “bearded man”4 and Catholic who had arrived one day and was the founder of the lineage. The

The reference to a “bearded man” is part of the myth of many people that, still today, is claimed by Portuguese descendants. I have found it among the Chinese in Taiwan, Thais and even Malays.

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information that follows will, without any other concern than detecting the flagrant similarities between all lusotopias, certainly be eloquent in demonstrating the existence of a Portuguese empire that has never been identified by geographical charts of the time or mentioned in the historical Atlas.

2. Bandel and Kampong The basic unit of this Invisible Empire was the bandel or kampong. Being homonyms – bandel, from Bengali; kampong or kampong, from Malay – refer to the concept that covers villages and settlements of varied dimensions and population density and existing mainly on the sea front of southern Asia and Southeast Asia, and were occupied by religiously homogeneous populations. Centred around a temple, a place of worship or a building that reproduced enculturation - mosque, church, chapel, madrasa, seminary – these settlements, hierarchically markedly autocephalous and possessing a social structure centred on the nuclear family and had a clear economic and productive specialization that transformed them into social units different from their neighbours. Bandel and kampong could, therefore, be isolated villages but also neighbour5

hoods set in peri-urban areas, differing from surrounding groups because of the strong identity cultivated by its members. In pre-modern and modern Southeast Asia they were the agents of commercial, linguistic and religious mediation with the external world and had, until the birth of the Nation State or direct colonisation, courts and liberties quite similar to communes. Usually, bandel or kampong were transformed into administrative units of a higher level Councils, in Thai Amphoe/อำ�เภอ – or stayed on a lower level (settlement - in Thai Mubâan/หมู่บ้าน)) depending on their dimensions. One of the characteristics of these social units was that they had two heads. The population of the bandel was under the supervision of one or more chiefs (Kapitan), who maintained order through a police corps that dispensed justice by settling arguments between traders, resolving disputes about the possession of goods and properties and sorting out personal quarrels. These community leaders represented their people to Ministers and, sometimes, before the royal court5. On the other hand, the religious hierarchy – controlled by a priest or Imam, depending on the practised religion – had a spiritual leadership in close partnership with the Captain (Kapitan) of the community. The Kapitan was nothing more than

Howard Federspiel, Sultans, shamans, and saints. Islam and Muslims in Southeast Asia, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2008, p. 13.

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an adaptation in Asia of the system that in Medieval Portugal was in force in Muslim and Jewish minority enclaves. The Portuguese used it in regions under the direct administration of the Crown, with the difference that, in the case studied here, it worked in reverse. The Portuguese and their descendants, living in communities with a non Christian majority, barricaded themselves behind a community formula that they knew would preserve them from absorption into surrounding social environment. Liberties, exemptions and privileges were given to populations in bandel, allowing them a long and successful existence until very recently, when state intervention, standardization and nationalism began to prevail as global phenomena.

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Who were the residents of these bandel? When the Europeans arrived in the Orient, they received the generic exonyms of Feringi (India), Farang (Siam), Ferengi (Malay peninsula) or Falangxi (China), all supposedly imported from the Arabic, Frank (Franc), referring to the period of the Christian crusades in the Holy Land. Quickly, however, other adjectives, some with a pejorative meaning, others trying to characterise more accurately foreigners with light skin coming from the westerns seas, were added to the exonym – that still exists and means today white foreigner –: Bengali Puthe (white from Bengal) and Nasrani (Nazarene) and Serani among the Malay, Gwailo (ghost) for the Cantonese language and Nanbanjin (barbarians from the south) for

the Japanese. With the spread of Portuguese throughout Asia and the appearance of Christian communities born from miscegenation between natives and Portuguese, as well as the native conversion to the religion of the white foreigners, half-caste Christians and the converted started to refer to their group with the autonym that best described the nature of the difference: Protukét (Siam), Kristang or Kristang People (Malay peninsula) and Hoalang (Vietnam). In turn, non Catholic neighbours, aware of the differences between those hybrid communities and the remaining Europeans, also Christians, began identifying them by nicknames, by the professions that they had or by releasing them from the religion of majority: Grago (“small shrimp”) in Malacca, Topasse in India e Insulindia, the first expresses a derogatory evaluation, being a synonym for poverty, while the second can be translated as “militia soldier” or auxiliary army [of white], Kala pit (foreign soldier) for Burmese.

3. The Bandel of Ayutthaya The Portuguese Bandel of Ayutthaya was, perhaps, the biggest and most consistent Portuguese establishment in the region. It grew because of the accidents of Siamese political and commercial life and the highs and lows of the Portuguese Empire in the Orient, whose maximum expansion had been in the late 16th century and had by then begun a slow backward

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

movement in the face of pressure from regional and European competitors, in a long and stubborn fight that would drag on for almost two hundred years. Ayutthaya had never been a commercial priority for the Portuguese but, being located on the path between the Indian Ocean and the China Sea, it had been chosen, since 1511, as the privileged interlocutor for the Portuguese State of India, because relations with the Burmese had proven to be unpredictable and dangerous and Cambodia, to the east, was nothing more than a residual Mandala, fighting desperately for survival. Even though the bandel was transformed into a big refugee centre, the State of India never possessed any trading post there. The bandel was definitely not a priority for the treasury of Portuguese businesses in the east6. In Siam, there was no factory or fortress and there was always a hybrid type of self-government

centred on the figure of the Bandel Captain, nominated by Goa and confirmed by the King of Siam7. The original core of the Portuguese Bandel of Ayutthaya is thought to date back to the mid 16th century, when it was founded by Portuguese to whom the Siamese kings showed gratitude with the donation of land for settlement. It could not have been here, however, that the Portuguese Bandel was located where the ambassador, Vaz de Siqueira, settled on his arrival in the Siamese capital in 1684. In fact, following the success of the Portuguese mission of Francisco de Aguiar Evangelho to King Prasat Tong in 1639, Dominican Fathers António de S. Domingos and Jacinto Ximenes became the founders of the first fixed mission in Ayutthaya, promoting the move of Portuguese bandel up north8. Finding a place

Unlike the Portuguese, who never developed any great commercial activity in Siam, the British and Dutch had established trading posts in Ayutthaya since the 1610’s. “They are in the city of Odiá, seat to the Kingdom of Siam, two trading posts, one from the Dutch with great profits, and the other from the English, with a little less profit”. See António Bocarro, Década 13 da História da Índia, Lisboa, Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, 1871, p. 530. 7 The available sources indicate, however, that the choice for leader of the Bandel of Ayutthaya did not depend solely on the Siamese ruler. After the initial informality of a simple settlement of the Catholic population, followed the phase of the establishment of an internal order, based on the suggestion from Goa to the Siamese authorities of a Bandel Captain. In 1616, upon the request of the King of Siam to appoint a man who could be the direct leader of the Portuguese population in Ayutthaya, the Viceroy of India appointed a “gentleman from my court, very big, who is like a small King among my vassals; he is named among the Portuguese Cristóvão Ribeiro, Captain-Major, and among the Siamese Oya Som Som”. See Antonio Bocarro, Decada 13 da historia da India (Parte 2), Lisboa, Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1900, p. 526. 8 “For their honest conduct, the Portuguese conquered the spirit of the Prince, who not only allowed them to trade in the whole kingdom but employed them in the most important matters and authorised them to build a Church in the capital, paying a priest to assist them”. A de Wicquefort, Voyages celebres & remarquables faits de Perse aux Indes Orientales para Jean-Albert de Mandelslo, Amsterdam, chez Michel Charles Le Cene, t.1, 1727, p. 330.

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that, as well as being “indecent” was “very harmful for health”, the priests were the ones who, after three arduous months of negotiations with the Phra Khlang, succeeded in moving the Portuguese to the land occupied by the Peguan “that stood in front of the city on the other side of the river”. The authorization included the demolition of a Peguan “pagoda temple”9 and the construction of a church devoted to Our Lady of the Rosary, which became, in 1640, the first of the bandel. The population on the Portuguese Field tended to grow in proportion to the military setbacks in Insulindia. When Malacca surrendered to the Dutch, in January 1641, part of the Catholic population fled to Cambodia and from there to Ayutthaya. Years later, in the 1660’s, Makassar was abandoned and the population sought refuge in Siam. The Portuguese numbered around four thousand in the late 1680’s, and stabilised their number until the attack and fall 9

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of the city in 1767. Being more than a village, it was a district within the Siamese administrative order. Lead by a Captain or Nai (Lord) appointed by the Siamese King and under the authority of the Phra Khlang10, the Amphoen would have had a variegated ethnic population covering all the varieties of amazing African-Indians, IndiaMalays, Japanese-Portuguese, Chinese-Indian and the Peguan-Portuguese mix – as well as, of course, the Thai-Portuguese; this made the Portuguese Asian world a true miscegenation laboratory. The Bandel was little different from any other village in Southeast Asia. If it had not been for the brick buildings with Chinese glazed tiles, the only solid and lasting materials - the Franciscan chapel, the church of Our Lady of the Rosary of the Dominicans, the Jesuit church of S. Paul and the home-seminary that was attached to it - the Ban Protukét was not much different from the remaining kampong outside the gates11.

“In the field there was an ancient and venerated pagoda [and the King] ordered it to be destroyed and, in the same place (…) a church was built”. Lucas de Santa Maria, Quarta parte da história de S. Domingos (…), Lisboa, Officina de António Rodrigues Galhardo, 1767, p. 702. 10 Damrong Rajanubhab, The Chronicle of Our Wars with the Burmese: hostilities between the Siamese and Burmese when Ayutthaya was the Capital of Siam, Bangkok, White Lotus, 2001, p. 245. 11 In July 1690, shortly after the revolution, Engelbert Kaempfer was in the city and described the Portuguese Bandel in the following terms: “on the opposite side of the river, there is a village occupied by a breed of Portuguese born from Indian women and, further away, there is a church devoted to Saint Dominic, served by three Dominican fathers. Behind it, there is another small church, where two fathers of the Order of Saint Augustine officiate. (…) Quite near, there is a Jesuit church, that bears the name of Saint Paul”. See Engelbert Kaempfer, Histoire naturelle, civile, et ecclesiastique du Japon, T. 1, Haye, chez P. Gosse & J. Neaulme, 1729, p. 27.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

Isolated houses built on stilts, with a yard below destined for casks of water for domestic consumption and cages for poultry with bamboo, wooden or intertwining wicker walls, allowing ventilation inside, with trapdoors and windows for protection against the rain, insects and reptiles, all these family constructions were separated by small waste lands used to dry fish or to house pig sties. Unlike the big city, kampongs were not paved and were subject to the flood cycle that, annually, flooded the shores and invaded the riverside lands transforming the land into a huge quagmire. Since these were people living from activities mainly linked to the river, it is supposed that part of the Ban Protukét lived in stilt houses, with an anchorage and an area to keep pirogues that transported men from the Bandel to the Ayutthaya customs dock, on the opposite side of the river. Since there is no documentary testimony worth mentioning about the population’s daily life, we have to trust Guy Tachard when, taking pity on the impoverished conditions where Father Soares, an elderly septuagenarian Jesuit

from S. Paul with thirty years of activity in the east, lived, stated that he “lived in a small house with two poor rooms, which were so poorly caulked that “tuké” were everywhere, behind the trunks and [moving] free of care between the furniture”12 . Objects discovered during archaeological excavation campaigns in the early 1990’s showed indications of the material culture of the Catholic population of the kampong: bead rosaries, talismans, crucifixes, cups, cutlery, buckles and small ivory figurines. With the exception of churches that had pews for believers, paraments and sacred images, as well as a wooden pulpit and sacristy furniture used for storing ecclesiastical robes, ordinary houses were limited to a trunk, oil lamps, a cross, kitchen utensils, the inseparable box of betel or tobacco, mats and little more. Mandelslo has left us some indications of the contents of Siamese houses at the time and, from what we can see, Catholic houses would have had the same sobriety13. In the homes of the wealthier, there would have been porcelain pieces and glasses, copper and iron boilers, rugs and metal cutlery, contrasting with the copper

12 Guy

Tachard, Voyage de Siam, des Pères Jesuítes envoyez par le Roy aux Indes (…), Paris, Arnoult Seneuze & Daniel Horthemels, 1686, vol.1, p. 155-156. 13 “They do not have other furniture than that needed for the bedroom and kitchen”, in Ade Wicquefort, Voyages celébres & remarquables faits de Perse aux Indes Orientales para Jean-Albert de Mandelslo, Amsterdam, chez Michel Charles Le Cene, 1727, t.1, p. 327.

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cups, clay dishes and kitchen utensils destined to prepare meals of rice and dry fish, mice, lizards and insects that delighted Siamese gastronomy of the time. With no rice and vegetable plantations, it is assumed that they got supplies from the market in the neighboring Chinese kampong in exchange for their products. The population, subject to the King of Siam, was part of the Sakdina social regime in the status of Phrai Luang, even if it had some privileges inherent to its status as a religious minority. Unlike the majority of Siamese, who cut their hair short and had a quiff on the top of their heads (hua juk, “head lid”), Catholics were authorised to let their hair grow14. They were also authorised to rest on Sundays and were excused of fulfilling any religious obligations that applied to Buddhists, namely sending their children to the temple, having a tonsure, earning merit by donations or releasing birds and fishes. The one demand, common to all with a responsibility in ministerial service was the annual oath of allegiance to the sovereign, a ceremony only required for higher officials. This population was marked by a strong cultural duality and was a strategic social group that performed specific roles in the city. They served in the Krom Tha as pilots

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14 Adrien 15

and interpreters and in the Kalahom as soldiers in units equipped with individual firearms, or as artillerymen. Such occupations took place under a corvée regime - four or six months annually - so it is logical that, as happened later in Bangkok, Catholics would dedicate the remaining time to activities aimed at providing the means of subsistence: fishing, fish drying, net making, raising pigs and chickens, supplying interpreter services with other foreigners living in the Dutch and English trading posts, building and repairing boats, etc. The centre of community life centred on priests and the local elite of strong men who ruled the community and were, also, the leaders of brotherhoods in charge of social control and applying justice. The sense of belonging to the community was constantly emphasised by the demand for participation in the religious ceremonies of the Catholic calendar. On Sundays there was mass in the presence of the entire population, followed by a procession through the streets of the Bandel15. During Lent there were penances, Fathers and Brothers preached and there were chants in which the kampong children took part.

Launay, Siam et les missionaires français, Tours, Alfred Mame et Fils, 1896, p. 15. “Residência do Reino de Siam”,in Jesuítas na Ásia, 1665, Codex 49-V-15, fl. 255, BA.

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Around Christmas, there was a live Nativity scene that was the main attraction for the residents of the neighboring villages – the Peguan, Chinese and Japanese - mainly the first, who were so impressed that they sent their children to the Mission [of the Jesuits]16.

theless, deprived of the rudiments of education. In addition to Christian doctrine, students in the Jesuit Mission were taught how to read and write, they were taught arithmetic and music and, the most assiduous and motivated, were taught the rudiments of Latin.

Brotherhoods were responsible for the believer’s integration and support. In the late 17th century, there were four brotherhoods operating on the field: the Brotherhood of the Holy Name of Jesus, designated as free men that is Phrai Luang – “those that wear Portuguese clothes and in India are called Christians of the country”; the Brotherhood of Santo António, designated as servants and slaves; the Brotherhood of Our Lady of Conception, for “school and catechist boys”, that is, for catechumen17; and the Brotherhood of Our Lady of the Rosary that seems to have gathered the most influential people in the community and was open to men and women. It was in this Brotherhood that the most important group of leaders in the community would emerge during the fall of Ayutthaya and move to Thonburi and Bangkok.

The population of the Protukét Bandel does not seem to have been affected by the serious events in 1688 nor by the much discussed xenophobic policy of Phetracha. The Siamese Revolution, that ended the French-Thai convergence, clearly affected the French Priests and those who were familiar with them, that is, the Cochinchinese of the village of Saint Joseph, but it had no effect on the Ban Protukét.

Being a poor population, it was not, never-

16 “Missão

In 1691, King Phetracha chose Vicente Pinheiro, a Portuguese-Siamese Catholic, as his envoy to Pondicherry in a delicate diplomatic mission destined to inquire of the French about possible appeasement and the reestablishment of relations between France and Siam, and, in 1706, King Suea (r.1703-1708) named João Rodrigues de Matos, also a Protukét, to head a mission to Madras to start negotiations with the English, since they had been interrupted in 168718.

de Siam, 20 Novembro 1686” in Jesuítas na Ásia, Codex 49-V-19, fl. 860v, BA. do Reino de Siam”, in Jesuítas na Ásia, 1665, Codex 49-V-15, fl. 255, BA 18 Bhawan Ruangsilp, Dutch East India Merchants at the Court of Ayutthaya: Dutch perception of Thai Kingdom c.1604-1765, Boston, Brill, 2007, p. 219. 17 “Residência

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4. The Protukét in the early Bangkok period: prejudices and erroneous perception The Protukét is an inseparable part of all accounts from foreigners who passed through Bangkok in the early 19th century. Western historiography has given to such accounts an importance that we consider to be exaggerated. It is obvious that such writings, published in Europe and the USA, in popular and cheap publications, were directed at the morning recess of gentlemen seated at the breakfast table or bored housewives during a pause in sewing. As Anna Leonowens would have confessed, it was important to embellish with exoticism and sensuality – the macabre even - the little pictures of oriental curiosities. To accounts filled with punished loves, imposed marriages, decapitations and wars, were added later, with the appearance of reliability, collections of impressions of the life, culinary matters, clothing and institutions, in a melting pot of “knowledge” that set the stage for short stories. It is therefore important to look with the greatest of reservations at these testimonies and give them the proper place partial, literal, misinformed - that they deserve.

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For several reasons the Catholic community experienced, during the reigns of Rama II and 19 John

Rama III, the height of its prestige, and this was maintained throughout the reign of Rama IV and, afterwards, began a slow decline under Rama V until it disappeared from the eyes of Western foreigners in the first decades of the 20th century. For a well-informed and sagacious man like John Bowring, an expert on Portuguese language and literature, the Protukét was, merely, the extravagant echo of a glorious past. Rather influenced by the theory of decay and degeneration of the people, then much in vogue, the master girder of imperialism – the British and the French - conducted around the Protukét, real exercises of pessimistic anthropological speculation, justifying its fall by the conjugated effect of cultural nativisation and racial miscegenation. “They are mostly composed of descendants, by native woman, of the Portuguese settlers who, from the days of their ancient oriental glories, have been from time to time powered out upon the various countries of the East. Few of these mixed races have retained the language of their fore-fathers”19. Roberts, who had met them decades before, during the American-Siamese negotiations, followed the same line of thinking: “the descendants of Portuguese, in whose veins runs the blood of courageous adventurers, of the fearless

Bowring, The Kingdom and People of Siam; with a narrative of the Mission to that Country in 1855, v. 1, London, John Parker and Son, 1857, p. 479-480.

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Vasco da Gama, who had the boldness to round the Cape of Good Hope, of the cruel Albuquerque, are now slaves squatting before the nobles of the country and are mere employees in insignificant positions (…), which requires a tough survival”20. Later, history gave place to stories and the appearance of misery, measured by the Western criterion of manifestations of wealth, was disappointed by the genealogy of the fall and decline of moral qualities: “they are despised both by the Europeans and the natives, and certainly not without cause; for they do no credit to any country which might own them. How the majority of these people can live is impossible to say but appearances are strongly against the supposition that they earn their subsistence by honest occupations. Their communication with Europeans has enabled them to acquire a more extensive degree of knowledge than the natives and some of them, consequently, are employed as interpreters and pilots. The captain of the port also belongs to this class” (…) ”they are said to be complete adepts in pig-stealing, so much so, that a grunter can be whipped up and carried off without the least noise and even without the

animal itself being perfectly aware of the circumstance”21. Miscegenation was transformed into a relational problem. The Protukét were, therefore, a case of social pathology, the product of irresponsible crossbreeding between the Portuguese and races in a lower evolutionary state. Just as Europe was divided into “progressive societies” and “immobilist societies” - with the Europe of industry, technology and science corresponding to the boundaries of the Protestant Reform and the Europe of “superstition” and rurality corresponding to Catholicism - the Catholicism of the Protukét constituted a double infirmity. Karl Gutzlaff, a German with some knowledge of medicine and a member of the Dutch Missionary Society that went through Bangkok in 1831 stated frankly that “the general idea here about Europeans derives from a small number of Christians (…) partially descendants of the Portuguese, who crawl at the feet of their nobles like dogs and are used in minor services (…) being occasionally recruited as surgeons and soldiers”. They are like superstitious children and their joining of the Roman papists is widely shown by drunkenness and cockfighting”22; a recurrent

20 Edmund

Roberts, M.D. Ruschenberger, Michael Smithies (ed), Two Yankee Diplomats in 1830’s Siam, Bangkok, Orchid Press, 2002, p. 80. 21 George Windsor Earl, The Eastern Seas or voyages and adventures in the Indian Archipelago in 1832-33-34 (…), London, WMH Allen & Co, 1837, p. 173-174. 22 Anthony Farrington (ed), Early Missionaries in Bangkok: the Journals of Tomlin, Gutzlaff and Abeel 1828-1832, Bangkok, White Lotus, 2001, p. 70.

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image of Rome sunk in vice, so characteristic of anti-Catholic propaganda. His partner in Biblical preaching and fellow fisherman of lost souls, David Abbel (1804-1846), the north-American missionary belonging to the Dutch Reformed Church, was in Bangkok in 1831 and later in 1832. The diagnosis he exhibits a true anathema to the “Portuguese [who] professed a corrupted Catholicism similar, in many aspects, to the superstitions of their pagan neighbours (…). With rare exceptions, they are deeply plunged into the moral and mental degrading of the lowest classes of pagan around them. The profound degradation and scandalous immoralities of many of this caste dishonor the name of Christ”23. After all, the scornful smile at the cruelty and implacable judgement of the Protukét seems to hide a problem that is quite prosaic but psychologically difficult to manage for those who, accepting an almost zoological paradigm of human classification, was unable to understand social transformation in any other way than by a mission bestowed upon the white man by providence. In the Calvinist inspired colonial world, the mulatto was a double abomination; a natural abomination because he violated the divine plan and a cultural abomination because he broke the influential linearity of the evolutionary

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23 Idem,

p. 127.

belief and progress. The topoi of a certain subculture about the harm of interracial crossbreeding were long settled in the relationship of Westerners with other people and dated back to the end of the 16th century, long before the arrival of scientific rationality and the triumph of scientism. Confronted with the Siamese reality, the terms half-caste and half-breed common in colonial English and American classification and with a semantic weight that is different from the Portuguese mestizo or mulatto, clashed with roles and expectations. The complete disinformation of Western foreigners about the environment, the social and moral institutions, religion and mentalities worsened the embarrassment. Almost every coeval testimony that we have today is hostile to Protukét: remarks from north-American missionaries, memoires and notes from diplomats, adventurers and farang residents in pre-Westernized Bangkok, are equally hostile to the invective of French Catholic priests of the Mission in Siam. A profound silence, that has never been contradicted, forces us to look for other evidence that will enable the reconstitution of this deaf society from discreet but eloquent marks about its character, influence and resistance to the transformations it was forced to experience.

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5. The Catholic community in Bangkok How numerous were the Protukét? Demographic studies of Siam at the beginning of the Ratanakosin period are weak and unsystematic and do no more than reproduce record censuses ordered by the authorities. It is known that these censuses concealed reality, because, as we have seen, one of the main aspirations of the free common men was to avoid the weight of free labour. As for the lords (Nai), they pretended to have fewer workers than they really had. The non-declaration of labourers was the equivalent of evading taxes in regimes of pecuniary taxation. However, trusting the references of foreigners, we can get a quantitative assessment that is not too distant from reality. Another stabilizing element is the fact that the Protukét, being Phrai Luang, could not escape statistical control because their survival depended directly on the royal Treasury. The numbers offered by Bowring, Pallegoix and Earl are not identical but the most reliable seem to correspond to Bowring, who got them from the French bishop in Bangkok: 7000 Catholics in Siam (1855), of which 3500 were in the capital (1400 Vietnamese, Siamese 1300 and 800 Chinese); 1100 in Chantaburi; in Phukhet 500; 200 in the former capital (Ayutthaya); and 200 in Salaburi. 24 The

Their number corresponded, therefore, to a little more than 3% of the urban Siamese population. As a social group that was ethnically heterogeneous and very diverse in the strata that made them, with an equally diverse system of social honour and prestige granted or acquired, the place of the Protukét in Siamese society cannot be understood from any specific role in the social organisation nor from any organisation dictated to by the outside reducing the group to, merely, a religious minority. The distribution of Protukét through different parishes indicates not only the diverse origins of that population but also great differences in wealth, status and influence. In the mid 19th century, on the eve of the wave of “unequal” treaties that dictated the forced integration of Siam in the international community, there were four nuclei of the Catholic population in the capital. The most important Catholic group remained the one of Santa Cruz in Thonburi. At the end of the 1830’s there were around 500 residents in the parish of Santa Cruz in Thonburi, a number that tended to decrease when, in 1782, Rama I transferred the capital to the opposite shore of the Chao Phraya. The village burned down completely in March 1833 and a new church was built between 1838 and 183924. The envoy of the

church would be demolished in 1913, being replaced by an uncharacteristic neo-gothic construction.

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American government, Edmund Roberts, who witnessed the great fire in the Catholic neighbourhood, stated that the residents had few possessions - kitchen utensils, a change of clothes and little more - and that they lived in bamboo huts. The church, built of clay and wood, had a deplorable look, ruined by time25. However - evidence is irrefutable - the kampong was not an insignificant hamlet, nor were its residents as poor and unfortunate as the American thought. It was located in front of the new royal citadel and the vibrant Chinese trading neighbourhood of Sampeng, the commercial lung of Siam and it had at its right the influential Muslim community and a stronghold that allowed for crossfire with a similar fortlet that existed on the opposite margin. The kampong shared an artificial island, divided by a canal, with the Palace of the Kalahom, the all mighty Minister of the South or Minister of War. On its left, no more than a kilometer to the north, there was the Ta Chang (Quay), the port for royal barges and the arsenal of the capital. Also to its left, at a distance of little more than 500 metres, was the 25 Edmund

residence of Prince Wongsa (1808-1871), who was responsible for the court’s doctors and a half-brother of King Rama III. The men of the community were divided into three professional groups: doctors, interpreters and soldiers, in other words, the occupations required for the maintenance of the fort, the residences of the Kalahom and Prince Wongsa, as well as the quay. The eighteen doctors were managed by two chiefs and earned 40 Baht per year26. “They are almost always [the two chief doctors] occupied at court, which increases their income by fifty per cent. The others (…) receive annually an income of 15 Baht and are forced to follow the army in time of war”27. They were recognizable by their small box of medicinal herbs and unguents, since they were both doctors and pharmacists. In the 1860’s, these traditional doctors still controlled the business and were seen as the only people with the ability to perform surgical operations “although they do not dare performing risky operations, doing no more than lancing furuncles and abscesses and treating ulcers”28.

Roberts, M. D. Ruschenberger, Michael Smithies (ed), op. cit , p. 40.

26 To assess the State payment for its workers, it is important that we do a conversion exercise. The current price of 1 rice picul

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(1 picul=133 pounds=58,85 kg.) between 1820 and 1860 was 4 Baht or Tical. A salary of 40 Baht per year was equivalent to 580 kg of rice per year, clearly not enough to provide for all the needs of a familiy. It is important, however, to remind ourselves that mandatory work time varied between 4 and 6 days a month, the rest being at the expense of the Phrai Luang. 27 In Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, n. LXVI, Lyon, Septembre 1839, p. 518. 28 The Bangkok Calendar for the Year of Our Lord 1861 (…), Bangkok, Missionary Association, 1861, p. 86.

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The interpreters were eighteen in number, the most prominent being the Sura-Sakhon, or captain of the port. He received 60 Baht or Tical per year and took 40 to 50 Tical for each ship that was unloaded. The soldiers were led by a Kalama (commander), with a pay of 60 Baht, and he was assisted by two Balak, officers of lower rank (lieutenants), each receiving pay of 40 Baht, and two sergeants receiving 20 Baht. The soldiers received 12 Baht in time of peace and 19 in time of war together with a ration of rice. In times of peace they mounted guard at the King’s palace and took part in artillery manoeuvres. When they were released from the corvée, these men devoted themselves to fishing and women baked and sold cakes and worked in lobster beds. Each family raised pigs, which were sold to the Chinese in the market of Sampeng. The population of Santa Cruz stayed at that place through higher imposition and did not move to Bangkok because they performed the same tasks that they had been specialized in since the foundation of the neighbourhood, during the reign of Taksin. So, all things indicate that the custom officials at the port, the rowers of State barges, the interpreters that we find in the accounts of European missions to Siam - namely those of José da Piedade –

29 Claude

and the deputies of the governor at the mouth of the river (Pak Nam) were from Santa Cruz. On the other side of the river was the parish of Conception and its church. It was located in Samsen, north of the political-administrative and religious complex of the Royal City of Bangkok and had existed since the 17th century, being the cradle of the current Thai capital. The first group of residents settled in the 1670’s thanks to a donation by King Narai to seventy Portuguese families who were natives of the Bandel of Ayutthaya. The permanent guard of the Portuguese that Forbin mentioned29 in the 1680’s, that is, Protukét from the Conception constituted the garrison in the fort of Bangkok. When the flight from Ayutthaya took place some families from the Ban Protukét of the old capital settled there and it is supposed that not all of them obeyed the order of Taksin to move to Thonburi. In 1830, the field was not more than 120 feet wide and the houses were built near the river and some were floating. “At each angle of the brick walls surrounding the neighborhood there is a kind of bastion with double walls and a turret”30. The primitive wooden church with thatched roof was demolished and substituted in 1837 by a new

de Forbin, Voyage du comte de Forbin à Siam, suivi de quelques détails extraits des mémoires de l’abbé de Choisy, 1685-1688, L. Hachette, 1853. 30 Anthony Farrington (ed), Dr. Richardson’s missions to Siam 1829-1838, Bangkok, White Lotus Co, 2004, p. 198-199.

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one in brick, covered with Chinese tiles and an elegant portico. It cost more than 4000 Tical, of which 1000 was the donation of French priests and the remaining the subscription of parishioners and a present from the youngest son of Rama III. In the church was displayed a wooden image of Our Lady of Conception, Patroness of Portugal, whom the locals called Phra Mae Khanom Jee, and which is still on display today in a neoNorman style church that the MEP erected in the meantime. The village numbered 700 Christians in the late 1830s and was under the authority of an army general army. It was an entirely military kampong. These men were the King’s principal soldiers. The Phraya earned 200 Baht a year, his deputy 100 Baht, the third 80 Baht, the fourth and fifth 40 Baht and the soldiers 12 Baht31. The three highest ranking officers often attended the audience. Subaltern chiefs and simple soldiers were forced to report for duty one week a month. “This work consists of doing the maintenance on canons, craft moorings and ropes and sometimes mounting guard on the King. In times of war they are artillery mates32. Outside of duty, they raised chickens, hunted otters and Nok Katen, whose plumage they sold.

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31 Annales

Some had little grocery stores. Women and old people made fishing nets and raised pigs, which they then sold to Chinese. “On days of feasting they wear silk of various colours and every family has small gold and silver items of jewellery that they place on the arms and legs of their children”33. Christians from the Conception were, certainly, the most fervent of the Mission in Siam and were much praised in the annual letters from French priests for their religious zeal and dedication to religious observances. The majority of the population was distributed between the three brotherhoods of the parish: the Brotherhood of the Holy Sacrament, the Brotherhood of the Holy Virgin and the Third Order of Saint Francis. Two schools, one for boys, the other for girls, taught the rudiments to the children of the small village. In 1786, it received a great contingent of Khmer – 450 from among the approximately 2.500 Cambodians brought by Rama I from the campaign against the Tay Són – and they were given land by the side of the Protukét. Decades later, in 1834, another group of refugees from the Khmer-Portuguese ethnic group arrived at the field during the war between Siam and Vietnam for the control of Cambodia. In 1833, the Chao Phraya Bodin, commander of the Siamese armed

de la Propagation de la Foi, n. LXVI, Lyon, Septembre 1839, p. 520. p. 521. 33 Ibidem, p. 521. 32 Idem,

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forces, occupied Phnom Penh and advanced on Saigon but a volte-face in the face of arms forced him to a speedy retreat34. In abandoning the Cambodian territory to the Vietnamese, he brought with him 3000 Cambodians, many of them Catholics, who were ordered to settle in a village near the Khmers who had already settled. There was, immediately, a differentiation between “those that live near the river” and “those that live inland”, an invisible frontier, which is very pronounced up until today, between those that “founded the village” and those “that came later”. The differentiation in the occupation of the land was, also, social. In front, by the river, were the families of the royal army officers and prominent dignitaries from the palace; at the back, were the foot soldiers. Contiguous to the Conception were the fields of Saint Francis Xavier and Ban Yuan. The Cochinchinese and Annamese arrived in Samsen in three waves. During the campaign against the Tay Són, along with the Khmer-Portuguese, 500 Catholic Cochinchinese arrived in Bangkok. Rama I, not knowing what to do with them, ordered their settlement in Samsen in a vast area of land near the Church of Conception, where 34 David

some Annamise Catholic families already resided. Since they did not speak Portuguese or Siamese, a poor chapel was built for them35. In the Cambodian war between 1833 and 1834, as well as the already mentioned Cambodians, the Siamese also brought countless Catholic Cochinchinese who feared reprisal from the Vietnamese government. The Consul of Portugal in Siam informed Macao that they had arrived; “1362 Christian Cochinchinese in order to not be the victims of the atrocities of that pagan people who had persecuted and killed them by the thousands, were sheltered by this King [Rama III], being subject to Phraya Viset, chief of all the Christians in Siam”36. Between 1841 and 1847, the Siamese and Vietnamese fought again for control of Cambodia. It was a hard fight, as ruthless as the wars between the Burmese and Siamese, from which Siam emerged victorious, forcing the retreat of the Vietnamese armies from Cambodia. The number of prisoners was great, so it was important to place them under surveillance and assimilate them. Samsen was chosen and it was left to the Nai of the Catholic Kampong of Conception to be responsible for the new arrivals. It seems that

Chandler, A History of Cambodia, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2000, p. 123. from M. Lavoué, 1790, to M. Alary, AME, v. 786, p. 308. 36 Official letter, from the Consul in Siam Marcelino Araújo Rosa, May 28th 1834, to the Loyal Senate in Macao, in António Avesta, O Senado, fontes documentais do Leal Senado de Macao, Macao, Leal Senado, 1998, p. 370. 35 Letter

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he was successful in his task, since Monsignor Pallegoix noted, in 1854, that “the new King [Rama IV] (…) placed in the hands of the Christian mandarin Pascoal, an artillery general, around three thousand Annamise, prisoners of war, recommending that he made them Christians and include them in our Annamise” adding that “many had already received the grace of baptism”37. According to Richardson, they lived in small and dirty huts38 and gathered in a bamboo church with a thatched roof. Today, the old church is made of rock and is just one of many in the French style that reminds us of the French priests’ presence in Indochina. Ending the journey through Catholic Bangkok, some short notes exist about the Rosary and the seat of the Catholic diocese of Siam, situated in Bang Rak, near the General Consulate of Portugal. “It is the place where schismatics gather, those who gave so much pain to the Apostolic Vicars, Monsignors Coudé, Garnault and Florent”. Since the conflict would not end until the late 1830’s the French priests stated that the parish’s promoters were people from the Portuguese trading post established in the vicinity. They were around 100 in number

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37 Pallegoix,

“led by a native priest, who is also the boy’s teacher”39. The field enjoyed intense apostolate activity with Chinese. The last created field, the stronghold of resistance and the epicentre of the “Schism of Siam” against the determinations of the Holy See, would have been formed around the time of the visit of Friar Francisco das Chagas Ribeiro. The Portuguese emissary left Bangkok hastily but the brothers of Our Lady of the Rosary of Siam took advantage of the concession and built a chapel there, as well as houses. The seat of the apostolic vicarage and the residence of the Bishop, was built thanks to an offer of the Portuguese from Bengal and the Christians of Penang. In 1839, the college had 16 students in theology and Latin and had annexed a hospital that received the disadvantaged. In front of the bishop’s residence the current cathedral was built in the Gothic revivalist style together with the houses of the MEP monks. On the ground floor of the residence of the bishop the printing house of the Mission in Siam was established. How can we produce a psychological portrait of these people since we have almost no documents? We work with shadows and

description du Royaume Thai ou Siam comprenant la topographie, histoire naturelle, moeurs et coutumes, legislation (…), T. 2, Lagny, Imprimerie de Vialat et Cie, 1854, p. 295. 38 Anthony Farrington (ed), Dr. Richardson’s missions to Siam 1829-1838, Bangkok, White Lotus Co, 2004, p. 200. 39 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, n. LXVI, Lyon, Septembre 1839, p. 525.

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near imperceptible signs. If it weren’t for some writings, fragments that survived the Brotherhood of Our Lady of the Rosary of Siam and the white ants that devoured part of the archives of the consulate of Portugal in Bangkok, there would be less than nothing to support the lightest exercise of imagination. The Protukét of the first decade of Bangkok lived, like their Thai neighbours, under threat of war. In their small parish world, that in Ayutthaya had been a solid defence against the outside world, they fought incessantly with French priests and, perhaps, with other Catholics that had taken the side of the French. If seems, after all, that these combustions were short lived and ended in crying and hugging; in the customary Portuguese way: “here violent controversies would ensue, which generally ended in a flood of tears and a hugging match all round”40. Christians did not take their conflicts before the juridical authorities. A small council of elders that included the catechists would be informed of the case and decide on disputes. If the parties were not satisfied with the council’s decision, the guidance of the Priest was required, and if, even then, the conflict persisted, the matter would be taken up to the bishop. Disputes were rare between them, “hatred was of

short duration and revenge of almost no effect”41. The important part of life was lived behind the walls, far from the gaze and ears of the palace and priests. The protection of its secrets was the responsibility of the old Brotherhood of the Rosary, that was founded in the 17th century by Father Luís do Rosário, OP. He helped the needy, visited the bedridden and prisoners, prepared burials and supported widows and orphans. It was not, naturally, a secret organization, but a discreet one. Joining was by invitation and the choice of patron members who could attest that the candidate was a Catholic, apostolic, Roman, of age, of sound morals, and appropriate civil and religious behaviour. “Says João Júlio da Silva that, he, the supplicant for the devotion that he has in serving the Holy Virgin of the Rosary, wants to be a brother and confidante of this brotherhood, and to win the indulgences that are granted to him by the Popes”42. The formula being written, the board would assemble and issue an opinion on the application. The organisation was efficient and, beyond the salvation of the souls, it was the centre for vital information. The letters to the French bishop were opened and their contents

40 Arthur

Neale, Narrative of a residence in the capital of Siam with a description of the manners, customs, and laws of the modern Siamese, Bangkok, White Lotus, 1996, p. 32. 41 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, n. LXVI, Lyon, Septembre 1839, p. 521. 42 Application to the Brotherhood of our Lady of the Rosary of Siam, March 25th 1784, ANTT, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Consulate of Portugal in Bangkok, Box 101.

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taken to the board of the Brotherhood. Furthermore, the brothers were legatee owners of the possessions left by Catholics who had died. Testaments, signed in the presence of the brothers, ended, invariably, with the donation in life of the possessions to the Brotherhood: “I, Merência Luís, widow and steward of this Portuguese village in the Kingdom of Siam, give my soul to God, my body to the earth and the rottenness of vermin. (…) I willingly leave the possessions of earth and its vanities, and repent wholeheartedly for all my sins, for the love of God, I forgive all of those who have offended me and publicly seek forgiveness and request that everyone intercede with God on my behalf”. “(…) [I leave as inheritance to the Brotherhood] one ring with five rubies, one gold necklace, one pair of earrings, forty crystal buckles, one pig and one house”43. To those prepared for the great journey, the Brotherhood ensured the rites of passage and serenity. To leave their children safe was certainly the greatest comfort. Members swore to take care of the orphan children as if they were theirs: “I, Catarina Serra, in sound mind and before all those present” [leave my children Domingo, Rosa, Gracinha and Escolástica to Feliz Dono and to Mrs. Fabiana Baú] “given the infirmity I have 43 Testament

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and the misery I live in, since nothing is safe in life, I have made this [will] leaving all my children under the protection of the aforesaid gentleman and lady pleading for the love of God that they use all charity to provide them with an education, devotedly as if they were their children” . Catarina died, leaving the house and furniture to the adoptive parents of her children44. The Catholics of Bangkok lived in terror and fear of death. The fear of dying alone, with no sons around, forced the dying to an effort of vitality. From old Cirilo Falcão, dated September 1818, comes the desire to have beside him at the hour of his death his favourite son, who was somewhere on a mission on the coast of Malacca: “André, I really need to see you. Come as fast as you can before I die and before you have to bury your father’s body, because I do not have the same trust in my other son and daughter, that I have in you”45. The study of the Protukét community requires extensive research. In the hope that these brief notes will serve to encourage Thai researchers, it is important that scholars from both countries should work together for a greater knowledge of the common past.

of Merência Luís, Bangkok, October 24th 1804, ANTT, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Consulate of Portugal in Bangkok, Brotherhood of our Lady of the Rosary and other ancient documents, Box 101, f. 63. 44 estament of Catarina Serra, Bangkok, January 19th 1815, ANTT, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Consulate of Portugal in Bangkok, Brotherhood of our Lady of the Rosary and other ancient documents, Box 101, f. 78. 45 Letter from Cirilo Falcão, Bangkok, September 15th 1818, to André Falcão, ANTT, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Consulate of Portugal in Bangkok, Brotherhood of our Lady of the Rosary and other ancient documents, Box 101, f. 79.

Artistic Relations between Thailand and Portugal: Discoveries and New Proposals Nuno Vassallo e Silva1 Few nations can be more proud of maintaining diplomatic relations over such a long period of time as Thailand and Portugal. Yet, little is known so far about the artistic connection between the two countries, especially in the so-called decorative arts. The past two decades, in particular, have witnessed a growing interest, accompanied by new interpretations of the decorative arts and the diffusion of models, techniques and materials used in the trade routes opened by the former Portuguese empire in the East. This information has enabled us to draw up a logical framework, although it is in a constant state of evolution.

of major trade routes and is much too important

The history of art in the Portuguese empire or under Portuguese influence, has been concentrated in specific areas such as Africa, India, China and Japan, largely relegating other cultures and civilizations to a secondary role. The former Siam, now known as Thailand, stands at the crossroads

1 2

to be overlooked.

This presentation is intended to shed light

on some of the most recent discoveries made in this area and focuses particularly on lacquer, mother-of-pearl and ivory, incorporating them into the network of contacts developed by the Portuguese in Asia. I have gathered mostly dispersed signals and have not drawn any conclusions or, at least, any definitive ones. I am particularly interested in presenting new data and new research proposals in order to stimulate debate and encourage research. The main focus of this presentation is a Thai

chest from the Tรกvora-Sequeira Pinto collection in Oporto, Portugal, showcased in the temporary exhibition held at the National Museum of Bangkok in celebration of the 500th anniversary of relations between Portugal and Thailand2.

Calouste Gulbenkian Museum, Lisbon Pedro Dias (2011), Thailand and Portugal 500 years of a common past art legacy : The Tรกvora Sequeira Pinto Collection, Coimbra, [The Embassy of Portugal in Bangkok].

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Of European style and in keeping with the models carried by the Portuguese to the East, this chest is very similar to the ones taken on board ships - for which there was a proper industry in Cochin – its gold decoration being suggestive of a palatial atmosphere. It is a piece from the 16th or 17th centuries, possibly from the Ayutthaya period. In order to understand it better, from an artistic point of view, we have to go back to the period of the initial contact between the Portuguese and the Thais, on the eve of the conquest of Malacca, and recall the trade of artistic objects in the East which was largely driven, on an unprecedented scale, by Portuguese traders and sailors. Collating the first known Portuguese descriptions of the kingdom of Siam has enabled us to identify the products that the Portuguese might have found in such markets. We know that shortly before the conquest of Malacca, Afonso de Albuquerque sent messengers to the Kingdom of Siam with gifts which were “many and rich”, mainly gold, silver, benzoin (a resin obtained from trees, according to Castanheda), lacquer, tin and musk3.

Fernão Mendes Pinto would later list the products that could be found in Siam, such as, “plenty of silk, Calaba, benzoin, lacquer, indigo, cotton cloths, rubies, sapphires, ivory and gold in large amounts”4. Marvelling at the prospect of being acquainted with different products and new trade possibilities, the first Portuguese to reach Siam could not help but be drawn by the beauty and richness of its cities with “very rich palaces and pleasant gardens, several types of trees and scented herbs, many water pipes, very nice fountains and houses painted gold inside

Fernão Lopes de Castanheda (1979), História do descobrimento e conquista da Índia pelos portugueses, I, Porto, Lello & Irmão: 648. 4 Manuel Teixeira (1983), Portugal na Tailândia, Macau, Direcção dos Serviços de Turismo: 418; Joachim de Campos (2011), “Early Portuguese Accounts of Thailand”, in: 500 years of Thai-Portuguese relations: A Festschrift, ed. Michael Smithies, Bangkok, Siam Society: 19. 3

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In the first quarter of the 16th century, Duarte Barbosa mentions the richness of the Port of Tenasserim, from whose backlands sprang a fine benzoin, a resin obtained from trees. Tenasserim was just outside the Kingdom of Pegu, where ships from different countries converged with highly profitable goods such as copper, quicksilver, vermillion, grained cloths (scarlet-tinted fabrics), painted velvets from Mecca, threaded white coral, rosewater and cloths from Cambay. The list of merchandise bears witness to the international nature of this port that was located at the crossroads of major intercontinental routes.

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and out”5. This was one of the first images of Siam that spread through Portugal and across Europe. As mentioned above, in 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque sent an embassy to Siam, headed by Duarte Fernandes, which aimed to seek the support of the king for the imminent conquest of Malacca. The reception by King Ramathibodi II could not have been more impressive in the eyes of the Portuguese. The king was in “a large room, sitting on a tall and golden throne, the room being embellished with brocades. He was finely dressed, in Chinese style, and all his wives and daughters sat on either side of the room, surrounded by gold and jewels.”6 The Portuguese governor had sent a messenger with a letter and a “rich” sword, probably enchased with precious stones. The sword certainly created a sensation because it must have been rather different from the ones usually seen in Siam. It is extremely interesting to note the influence of Portuguese armoury, particularly the so called “bladed weapons”, on the East, but that is another subject. The king’s generosity was expressed with a very rich present sent via his ambassador to the Portuguese governor in Malacca, which, 5

as well as a letter, included a ring with a ruby, a gold trunck and an equally gold goblet. Ramathibodi II’s mother also sent some jewelled bracelets and three cases of gold. Albuquerque shipped all gifts to the Portuguese king, in the nau Flor de la Mar7 but the shipment, including the lion-shaped perfume burner belonging to the late king of Malacca, encrusted with gold and precious stones, was largely lost in a shipwreck to the east of Sumatra. Fortunately, the Siam King’s jewels seem to have been saved because Albuquerque wrote in his comments: “nothing was saved with the exception of the sword, the gold crown and the ruby ring that the king of Siam sent to D. Manuel;” This embassy had been so important that it was described in the chronicle of King Manuel, listing all the gifts sent by Afonso de Albuquerque8. In January 1512, Albuquerque commissioned a new Ambassador to Siam named António de Miranda. As an offer to the King, Miranda brought the following items: some crimson velvet-covered breastplates; cold weapons, “very fine and garnished”; a dagger with rich cordons; a brocaded sling; three large velvet hangings with interlined colours and satins “which belonged to

Castanheda (1979): 648. Castanheda (1979): 649. 7 Literal translation: Flower of the sea. 8 Damião de Gois (1619), Crónica de D. Manuel, pt III, cap. XIX, Lisboa: pp. 177-177v 6

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the King of Malacca”, embroidered in gold, “an extremely rich and beautiful work”; a silver wash basin carved with strongholds; a silver boiler; two clay bottles; two cups, “all finely carved”; a crossbow, with its strings and four extremely thin and thick coral nocks, as well as a scarlet piece9.

pic 1: Chest, Thailand, 16th/17th centuries, Távora-Sequeira Pinto, Oporto, Portugal

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Portuguese maritime conquests and the establishment of the Portuguese State of India, allowed for the consolidation of trade routes that would soon extend from the east coast of Africa to Japan. These were centred on the capital, Goa, 9

and headed for Lisbon. This genuine network, mainly developed by merchants, enabled access to the most sought-after raw materials from drugs, pearls or precious stones to major products. Commonly used objects from Europe, such as coffers and easily transportable chests, served as the true catalysts for a new production aimed at exportation either to Europe, through Goa, or to other destinations in Asia. With reference to coffers, let us consider the early 16th century Iberian leather and iron caskets – a typology that we can find in the earliest Sinhalese ivories – and the famous caskets from the Portuguese Royal collection, now at the Munich Residence; or the tortoiseshell or motherof-pearl caskets made in Gujarat, North of India, but enriched with silver mounts in Goa in order to be exported to Lisbon. Indeed, this last issue is of paramount importance though it is very difficult to reconstitute nowadays due to the shortage of written sources and has mainly become known because of the interpretation of the material testimonies that reached us. Let us now approach two technical methods, restricted to Asia at the time and extraordinarily developed in Thailand, which were formerly considered of great interest by Portuguese traders: the art of lacquer and mother-of-pearl.

Castanheda (1979), pp. 679-680; Afonso de Albuquerque (1774), Comentários, vol. III, Lisbon: pp. 178-179, p. 131.

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One of the art productions that aroused much interest was that of lacquer. This included mostly small furniture pieces in carved and lacquered wood ornamented with gold. Although they displayed a clear unity, which might explain why they were aimed at a single market – the Portuguese one – different types of treatment were in evidence particularly with regard to the gold motifs. When the Portuguese first arrived in Siam, they certainly admired the works in lacquer and mother-of-pearl, an art that had been developed at least since the Dvarati Period (6th - 11th centuries), the archaeological evidence presenting examples dating back to the 9th – 10th century10. A motherof-pearl inlay on a black lacquered background in the centre of a decorative stucco was found in Suphaburi Province. The use of mother-of-pearl can also be seen in the beautiful Ayutthaya gilded copper figure of Buddha standing on a lotus pedestal, dating from the 15th or 16th century, and belonging to the Victoria & Albert Museum in London11. Lacquer is known to have aroused the interest of the Portuguese at least from the mid 16 th century, particularly in regions such as

Japan, South-West Asia and India. This amazing production, only recently studied, consists mostly of writing-boxes often in angelim wood, well known in south India, carved in high relief on the outside, mostly with floral motifs lacquered in black and gold. The inside is, in most cases, painted in red with the inner cover richly decorated with motifs painted in gold flower and plant compositions. Some European themes are also to be found, some of them copying engravings from that period12. Here we can discover a rich and astonishing universe of European Renaissance prints. In one particular case (a private collection in Lisbon), we find the “Triumph of Love” in one Italian print inspired by a Francesco Petrarca poem, probably by Bernardino de Novara, dated 148813. The origin of these works has not been agreed upon so far. One may think of Cochin, in south India, with its community of craftsmen of Chinese origin, and also the coast of Bengal or even Southeast Asia. However, judged by the usual standards, it is clear that there are differences among the pieces. This might suggest different places of origin, with only their commissioners as

Byachranamda (2001), Thai Mother-of-Pearl Inlay, London, Thames & Hudson: 8 & Albert Museum, IS – 11 - 1996 12 The World of Lacquer, 2000 Years of History, ed. Pedro Moura de Carvalho, Lisbon (2001), Calouste Gulbenkian Museum: pp. 127-142. 13 The World of Lacquer, cat. 143 10 Julathusana 11 Victoria

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the unifying element. Unfortunately, the role played by the Portuguese network in encountering different techniques and places of origin has not yet been studied. Nevertheless, the wooden gilded chest from the Távora-Sequeira Pinto’s collection, from Southeast Asia, offers great opportunities. It is a magnificent example of lacquerware, executed in Thailand in the 16th or 17th century. Even though gold paint on lacquer is used, similar to the above mentioned writing cases, instead of the universe of images familiar to Europeans, we find a clear Thai treatment, without the hybrid nature of the other pieces. The classification of this coffer or chest was made, quite correctly, by Pedro Dias, based on the similarities of its painted motifs

with those of a book box, painted in the Ayutthaya period in the 16th and 17th centuries and currently at the National Library, in Bangkok. This book box is ornamented with Portuguese soldiers, that are also present in the chest referred to above, but this is a mere iconographical observation. The most important aspect to keep in mind is the stylistically similar painting of its several scenes suggestive of a single school.

pic 3: Lacquer detail, Chest, Thailand, 16th/17th centuries, Távora-Sequeira Pinto, Oporto

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pic 2: Lacquer detail, Chest, Thailand, 16th/17th centuries, Távora-Sequeira Pinto, Oporto 14 Pedro

Dias (2011): p. 19.

The special features of this chest were acutely described by Pedro Dias recently14. I will only point out their palatial atmosphere with the motifs of pavilions, gardens and water tanks evoking the description of Thai cities, possibly

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

Ayutthaya, by Castanheda, as previous cited: “very rich palaces and pleasant gardens, several types of trees and scented herbs, many water pipes, very nice fountains and houses painted gold inside and out”. The main figure on the front panel is probably a monarch standing under a giant sunshade. Among the other figures, it is worth mentioning the soldiers equipped with cannons, in what was described by Pedro Dias as the former Royal Palace of Ayutthaya, prior to its destruction in the mid 17th century15.

pic 4: Lacquer detail, Chest, Thailand, 16th/17th centuries, Távora-Sequeira Pinto, Oporto

15 However,

Significantly, this piece’s early provenance is from a Goan collection. Such a fact suggests that it was probably a commission for export, possibly for a merchant or a diplomat living in Portuguese India. Nonetheless, its strong narrative nature strengthens the idea that it was someone who was well acquainted with depictions in gold. The art of mother-of-pearl inlaying had an extraordinary development in Thailand. Unfortunately, the bulk of this artistic creation dates from the late Ayutthaya Period. To give just a few examples, I recall the door panels on the Scripture Hall of the Emerald Buddha Temple, Bangkok, ordered originally from different shrines such as Wat Borom Buddharam in 1751. Other notable examples of door panels of exquisite craftsmanship can also be found in the Viharn Yod, the Emerald Buddha temple made for the Study Hall, Wat Buddha Saiyat Panok, Ang Thong Province, in 1753. All this early production was thoroughly studied by Julathusana Byachrananda, including the Regalia item of furniture used as the state throne made originally for the Amarindraphisek Maha Prasat Throne Hall c. 1783-1784. Noteworthy,

the typology of the fire weapons could suggest an early dating. I would like to express my gratitude to Vitor Rodrigues for this information.

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due to their dimensions and quality of execution and design, are the footprints of the Reclining Buddha, Wat Phra Chetuphon16. It is essential to reflect on this art production, much of which had already been executed in the 18th century, including the works in black lacquer and mother-of-pearl inlays known by the Portuguese and their agents in Asia which had an extraordinary increment after the fall of Ayuttahya, in the Rattanakosin Period. A similar case is possibly the production of mother-of-pearl made in north India, in Gujarat, for the Indian market and for exportation. Apart from some magnificent shrines in India (for instance, Shaikh Salim‘s cenotaph, in Fatehpur Sikri), the works that we know of were produced for Europe in the 16th century. Some examples of these are dishes and ewers completely made with mother-of-pearl plaques. From this Gujarat production, we are also aware of a large group of caskets totally inlaid with small mother-of-pearl plaques sometimes in the design of fish scales. One particular north-Indian specimen immediately recalls a Thai mother-of-pearl inlay because the little mother-of-pearl elements are inlaid in black mastic using different motifs from geometric,

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16 Julathusana

floral or even human figures. Examples from the 16th and early 17th centuries, mostly caskets, can be found at the Grüne Gewölbe in Dresden, the Victoria & Albert Museum, the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, the Monastery of the Descalzas Reales, Madrid, or in several Portuguese collections. The Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence, has a rare and beautiful shield ornamented with mother-of-pearl floral motifs, horses and human figures in hunting scenes contrasting with a black mastic background.17. In addition, reference should be made to the Chinese production of lacquerware and motherof-pearl from the Ming period, with depictions of floral motifs and daily scenes evoking a decorative universe of porcelain. This influenced the Thai art of mother-of-pearl inlay in the 19th century because of the rise in trade with China and the influence of Chinese architecture and decorative styles on Thai production18. Moreover, we should not overlook the Japanese art of inlaying lacquer with mother-of-pearl, a work aimed at exportation, known as Namban art. Unlike Thailand, or even India, it does not depict human figures.

Byachranamda (2001): pp. 11-31. Jordão Felgueiras (1996), “A Family of Precious Gujarati Objects” in: The Heritage of Rauluchantim, Lisboa, Museu de S. Roque: pp. 142-144. 18 Julathusana Byachranamda (2001): pp. 29-30. 17 José

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When referring to Japan, we cannot help thinking about the list of amazing offers received by the French court after its embassy to Siam in 1685. This list, which includes presents for several members of the French royal family, mentions the origin of most of the items. The large number of works described as “Japan work” is particularly intriguing. This aspect raises several questions. Was it referring to lacquerware with mother-ofpearl inlay, which generally corresponded to Japanese lacquerware in 17th century France? Was it used to designate works using this technique but which were executed in Thailand or even a Japanese work? No matter what it meant, the number of items on the list is impressive. In a rather different domain, Pedro Dias attributes, for the first time, a set of figures of the Christ Child in ivory, whose origin was never established, to Thailand19. These little figures Christ, mostly as the Good Shepherd, are presented in the same way as the supine Buddha over a mantle of jasmine leaves. Their position recalls Thai sculpture with the right hand supporting the head. This attribution to Thailand has become a strong working hypothesis now that I have emphasised it in our recent study on ivory20. For the first time, there is an effort to incorporate a production area outside the major monoliths – India, China and Japan – now framed in a larger

pic 5: Sleeping Child Jesus, Southeast Asia, Thailand (?), 17th century, ivory, Private collection, Portugal

pic 6: Sleeping Child Jesus, Southeast Asia, Thailand (?), 17th century, ivory, Private collection, Portugal

Dias, Thailand and Portugal 500 Years of a Common Past art Legacy: pp. 26-28. 18: pp. 116-119.

19 Pedro 20 ibid

picture. Only new research, to be conducted by Portuguese and Thai scholars, will enable us to increase our knowledge about this new and thrilling field.

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pic 7: Sleeping Child Jesus, Southeast Asia, Thailand (?), 17th century, ivory, Private collection, Portugal

pic 9: Child Jesus Savior of the World, Southeast Asia, Thailand (?), 17th century, ivory, Private collection, Portugal

pic 8: Sleeping Child Jesus, Southeast Asia, Thailand (?), 17th century, ivory, Private collection, Portugal

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‘Peregrinação’ or the Pilgrimage of Mendes Pinto and the History of Siam and Pegu Suthachai Yimprasert1

1. Introduction Fernão Mendes Pinto2 was a Portuguese traveller and adventurer who lived in Asia for twenty-one years. After his return to Portugal he wrote a great book about his life and adventures in Asia. This book was named in Portuguese, using the old spelling, ‘Peregrinaçam’, which is spelt today, ‘Peregrinação’, and has English meaning ‘The Pilgrimage’. This book has played an important role in Thai history studies as Portuguese evidence of historical events in Siam in those days, for which other proofs, even those from Siam itself, remain unclear. First of all, I must explain that this book, ‘Peregrinaçam’, since its first publication in 1614 has been well-known in Portugal until today. This book was one of the most important works

written in prose at a time when poems were more famous. The prose language used in Pinto’s book is a style of Portuguese as elegant as the Castilian prose in Cervantes’ novel, ‘Don Quixote’3. Consequently, some of the contents of this book have also been used in textbooks for literary studies in Portugal.4 From what I have observed of the world of Portuguese literature, this book has been republished over and over again, in its full version, condensed or abridged versions, modern Portuguese versions or as comics and storybooks for children, and it has been retold or expanded into more than sixty different versions. Some examples are the version by Aquilino Ribeiro published in 1933, which retells Pinto’s story by cutting it down to a ten-chapter epic novel;5 the most recent version by the National Commission for the Commemoration of the

Associate Professor in History Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University The Thai version of this article uses the transcription เมนดึส ปินตู because it is reasonably approximate to the Portuguese pronunciation of the name Mendes Pinto. 3 El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha, written by Miguel De Cervantes and published in 1605 is part of the national literature of Spain. 4 See examples from: João David Pinto Correra, 1979. Textos Literários : a Peregrinação de Fernão Mendes Pinto. (Lisboa : Seara Nova Editorial Comunicação). 5 See: Aquilino Ribeiro, 1933. Peregrinação de Fernão Mendes Pinto , Adventuras Extraordinarias de um Português no Oriente. (Lisboa : Livraria Sá da Costa). 2

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Nantha Woranetiwong, from the English version translated by Henry Cogan, which was republished in the year 1891.9 Only the parts about Thailand were selected and the translation was published in the book, Collected Translations of Historical Books & Documents, Vol. III, 1995.

Portuguese Discoveries, published in 1995, that used the 1614 edition as the model plate for republication and is thus an exact replica of the book;6 and the most recent version by Fernando Cardoso, published in 2002, adapted into modern Portuguese, cut to thirty chapters and simplified in order to make it suitable for young readers.7 Moreover, this ‘Peregrinaçam’ was so famous in Europe at that time that it was translated into many languages. In the Thai language, Pinto’s book was translated into some three versions, but only the parts about Siam and not the whole book. The three translated versions were collected and published in one volume by the Literature and History Division.8 They are:

1.1

การท่องเทีย่ วผจญภัยของแฟร์นงั มันเดซ ปินโต ค.ศ. ๑๕๓๗-๑๕๕๘, translated by San Th.

Komolputra, from the 1932 edition of the French language version by Jacques Boulenger, and published for the first time in 1983.

การท่องเทีย่ ว การเดินทาง และการผจญภัย ของ เฟอร์ดินันด์ เมนเดซ ปินโต, translated by

1.3

การท่องเที่ยวของเมนเดส ปินโต (แฟร์นาว เมนเดส ปินโต), translated by Charat

Singhadechakul, from the English version regarded as the most recent and up to date by Rebecca Catz. Only the parts about Thailand were selected and not the redundant elements of the first two versions. The translated parts are chapter 183 and 189, part of the preface, the prologue and the glossary. It was published in the magazine Silpakorn, year 36, Vol. V (September-October 1993). The first remarkable point here is that the term ‘Karn Thong Thiaw’ (the travels) used in the Thai title of this book, or even ‘Karn Thong Thiaw

See : Peregrinação de Fernão Mendes Pinto Edição fac- símile da Edição de 1614 (Lisboa : Castoliva editora). 1995. See : Fernando Cardoso, 2002. Peregrinação. (Lisboa : Livro Auxiliar). 8 Phornphan Thongtan & Charat Singhadechakul, editor, 2005. Collection of Translated Works on Mendes Pinto’s Voyages. (Bangkok : Literature and History Division, Department of Fine Arts). 9 Nantha Woranetiwong explained that it was translated from the English version which was entitled ‘The Travels, Voyages, and Adventures of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto’ but did not mention the name of the translator. After careful inspection, however, I would say that it comes from the 1891 edition by Henry Cogan, which was entitled ‘The Travels, Voyages, and Adventures of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, The Portuguese’. (London : T. Fischer Unwin), introduction by Arminius Vambéry. 7

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Phacon Phai’ (the travels and the adventures) used by San Th. Komolputra, are not really consistent with the true meaning because Pinto’s voyages at his time were quite far from today’s sense of the term ‘travel’. The term ‘Karn Doenthang lae Karn Phacon Phai’ (the voyages and the adventures) used by Nantha Woranetiwong is more appropriate to describe Pinto’s voyage. In this article, however, I will use the term ‘the pilgrimage of Mendes Pinto’, which matches his intention of describing his voyages as a journey in search of spiritual meaning, which is the meaning of the term ‘Peregrinação’. He defined his own voyages in Asia as fated by God, in whom, as he mentioned in the first page of his story, he had strong faith: (Quotation)

(Michael Lowery, 1992 : 1)

And thus was the outspoken objective for writing the book ‘the Pilgrimage of Mendes Pinto’ (herein called ‘The Pilgrimage’ for the sake of convenience). The next remarkable point is the way in which Pinto presented his stories in this book in the manner of autobiographical narration from his own experiences. Pinto explained that he wanted to tell both seen and heard stories. Some information was given about the Oriental Kingdoms and this was new to Westerners and

this made his book attract much attention, as I will discuss later.

2. Portuguese Asia during the Age of Pinto In ‘The Pilgrimage’ Pinto narrated stories about Portuguese, Indian and Eastern Asian states in genera and, firstly, this article shall explain the overall circumstances in Asia and the status of Portugal in the early 16th Century. The Portuguese had begun searching for the routes to Asia in the late 15th Century, motivated by the search for spices, which were highly-priced goods in Europe and had to be imported from Asia. In May 1498, for the first time ever, Vasco Da Gama led his fleet out of Lisboa and around the continent of Africa to the port of Calicut on the Malabar Coast (the western Indian coast). This opened an important direct trading route between Europe and Asia. Later in 1501, the Portuguese established a trading post on the Malabar Coast, south of Calicut, and so Cochin became the first trading post in Asia. With its desire to monopolise the spice trade and also to destroy Muslim trade, the then Portuguese royal court instigated the use of gunship policy in order to establish marine power and state power in Asia. So, in 1505, the King of Portugal appointed Francisco de Almeida

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as the first Viceroy of India, using Cochin as the berth of a gunship fleet to control the seas. At that time, Egypt became the focal point of cooperation between local princes from the states of Gujarat and Calicut and other Muslim states to unite and resist the Portuguese fleet. A great marine battle took place in 1509 just off the coast of Diu Island and it resulted in a total victory by the Portuguese fleet and the establishment of Portuguese power over the Malabar Coast for the next several hundred years. Later on, the Portuguese royal court had appointed Afonso de Albuquerque Governor of the Portuguese Asia States in 1510. Albuquerque conducted imperial policy very seriously by capturing the city of Goa from the ruler of Bijapur in 1510, Malacca from the Sultan of Malaysia in 1511, and Hormuz in 1515, taking control of the spice trade in the Indian Ocean and off the Malabar Coast and on the trading routes to China. The capture of these areas and the firm enforcement of marine power established the State of Portuguese India. The term â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, by that time, meant the Portuguese territories on the Indian subcontinent and Asia, with Cochin as the centre of power. In the year 1530, Portugal moved the centre to the city of Goa.

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The State of Portuguese India was in power for about a century then its power began to decline just after 1600 when the Dutch began

send in their fleet into Asia to grab the spoils from the Portuguese. At that time, Portugal was about to establish more than 30 trading posts along the coast of the Indian Ocean and in the Asia region; the official ones were in Goa, Cochin, Diu, on Hormuz Island and in Colombo on Lanka Island. In East Asia, apart from the base in Malacca, in 1521 Portugal also built a fortress on Ternate Island, one of the Moluccan Islands. Moreover, she tried to open trade, for example, with many cities such as Arakan, Pegu, Ayutthaya and Pattani, and all the way to Guangdong. Initially, Portugal was not welcomed in China and was opposed by Aceh and Johor, however, her imperial power in Asia was still strong. Apart from establishing official fortalezas and trading posts, some independent Portuguese who came to Asia also built settlements outside the sphere of Portuguese power such as the Portuguese community in Pulicat on the shores of Cholamandalam, in Hooghly in Bengal, in Arakan (Rakhine), on Amboina Island, and in Macau in China. Even the Portuguese Village in Ayutthaya was deemed to be a settlement beyond Portuguese power. The result of the establishment of Portuguese power in Asia was the expansion of trade within the territory, with Portuguese free traders acting as the medium. However, this also led to the proliferation of pirates in Asian waters, especially

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those from the Western world. Moreover, the introduction of firearm technology had changed the face of wars among Asian kings. Portuguese militias were established under the Siamese, Arakan and Burmese armies, causing the violence of these interstate wars to increase. Later, when the Portuguese also introduced firearms to Japan, the violence level in wars between the Daimyos also increase and it appears that the Japanese warlords later produced their own firearms to use against one another and this became crucial to the shaping of the central power during the time of Oda Nobunaga’s.10 Furthermore, the arrival of Portuguese missionaries resulted in the settlement of many Christian communities in the Asian port cities. These missionaries, it appeared, played important an role in the establishment of the Portuguese communities in Japan, Amboina, the Solor Islands and Timor Island, to name but a few.

3. Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Background and His Travels As a matter of fact, little Pinto’s background was known from sources other than that which was told and perceived in ‘The Pilgrimage’. The book suggests that Pinto was born in Montemoro-Velho, a small town just north of Coimbra, to 10 Oda

a very poor family. Though his parents’ names are not mentioned, he had two brothers by the name of António and Álvaro, as can be found in another document. Both brothers travelled to Asia and one of them died in the Battle of Bintang. In another letter he wrote that he had sisters and brothers in Lisboa (Rebecca Catz 1989: xxxix). There is no evidence to suggest how and where he was officially educated but he possesses an excellent knowledge of writing. In ‘The Pilgrimage’ he says that, while he was growing up, his uncle from Lisboa paid his father a visit and agreed to take him to Lisboa. Pinto’s first arrival in Lisboa was on 13th December 1521, the year in which King João III succeeded to the throne of Portugal. Pinto wrote that he had lived a poor life without honour for 10-12 years, which became the only statement indicating that Pinto was born around 1509-1511. Pinto’s uncle took him to serve a noble lady in the hope that he could improve his social status. Pinto does not state clearly who this lady was but only says that he served her for 18 months and then something happened that changed his life. He had to run away from the lady’s house to Alfama, on the banks of Teju River in Lisboa, and escaped in a ship to Setubal, which was a neighbouring city. However, after the

Nobunaga (1534-1582) was one of the greatest warlords in the history of Japan, an offspring of Daimyo of Owari, who established himself through his military power and began the unification Japan.

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ship had set sail from the coast, she encountered French pirates. The ship was captured and Pinto and the crew were robbed, left with nothing and abandoned on the shore. Pinto still managed to find his way to Setubal and applied for a job as a page to a nobleman named Francisco de Faria. Pinto served Faria for 4 years and then he was nominated for the post of chamberlain in the Royal Court of Santiago (Ordem de Santiago), whose master was Prince George, Duke of Coimbra (Doque de Coimbra) the illegitimate child of King João II. However, it appears that Pinto’s earnings were sufficient to keep him at court and he decided to leave to seek his fortune overseas, in the hope of returning wealthy and prompted by confidence among the Portuguese that Asia was a land of wealth and opportunities. Pinto left Lisboa on 11th March 1537 at the age of around 28.11 From that day onwards, he spent 21 years in Asia returning to Portugal on 22nd September 1558. It is the story of this adventure in Asia that is bizarrely described in ‘The Pilgrimage’. There are a number of unbelievable experiences that he narrates. During his stay in Asia he experienced five shipwreck, was taken captive 13 times and was sold into slavery 17

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11 The

times, but somehow he survived. He made his living as a soldier who served in the Portuguese courts of Asia, as a free merchant in East Asia who travelled to trade in Japan, as a member of the militia for several Eastern Kings including the Siamese King and, sometimes, as a pirate in the China Sea. The story of Pinto’s life in Asia can be summarised thus. At first, when he left Portugal, he joined the crew at the battle of Diu, which was a Portugal island on the tip of Saowarat Cape; then he pursued the Turks into the Red Sea and all the way to Abyssinia, where he fought in the battle at Hormus; and finally arrived in Goa, the centre of Portuguese Asia, during which stay he met Pêro de Faria, a relative of his former master who had been appointed as the Commander in Chief of Malacca and welcomed Pinto, who departed for Malacca in April, 1539as, a soldier. Pinto claims that from 1540 onwards he travelled to a great number of cities, starting with his appointment as ambassador to several cities in Sumatra and Malaya. Later, he travelled to China, Japan and Ryukyu and then back to Malacca, and on to Pegu (Mon-Burma), Java, Siam and many other towns. In about 1550

noteworthy point is that, between the years 1521 and 1537 when Pinto roamed the seas for 16 years, he says that he served the lady for 18 months, Francisco Faria for 4 years, and Prince George for 18 months, totaling about 7 years. The other 9 years of his life may have included the days of his escape and being captured by the pirates. However, this could not have been that long and Pinto does not mention what he did during the rest of the time.

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he stayed in Malacca and met Father Francisco Xavier, who was a very important person and, therefore, needs to be mentioned first. Francisco Xavier was from Narvar, a territory in the northern part of Spain next to the Pyrenees. He was born on 7th April 1506. In 1525 he attended university in Paris and became acquainted with Inácio Loiola. Later they together formed a new order under the Catholic Church called the Society of Jesus (a Companhia de Jesus) commonly known as the Jesuits. This company had Loiola as its head. It focused on strict discipline and practices, great loyalty to the Pope and spreading knowledge to its followers through education. The Jesuit order expanded very rapidly and its founding became part of the fight against religious reformation in Europe and the mission to stop Southern Europe from converting to Protestantism. Once King João III of Portugal heard of the foundation of the Jesuits he became interested and invited them to teach throughout the kingdom, both within the Portuguese territories in Europe and overseas. The Jesuits decided to send Xavier to take responsibility in the Portugal area and he arrived in Lisboa in 1540 and decided to make a pilgrimage to teach in the Eastern world. Xavier reached Goa in May 1442, and remained at the 12 Francisco

centre of Portuguese India for 4 years, helping with the establishment of the Jesuits until it was well secured. Then he decided to leave for the east to spread the teachings there. In 1546 Xavier arrived in Malacca and went on to the Moluccan Islands where he taught for about a year, then back to Malacca in 1547 and then Goa. During this period, Xavier decided to spread Christianity in Japan, so he went back to Malacca and travelled to Japan. This led to Xavier meeting Mendes Pinto in the Bungo province of Kyushu. Pinto really admired Francisco Xavier, so he gave him a loan of 300 Crusados to build the first church in Bungo. In 1552, Pinto and Xavier left Japan. Xavier went on his way with the intention of spreading Christianity in China but he died on San Chuan Island near Macau, on 3rd December 1552. Later, Xavier was canonized by the Catholic Church and the Jesuits transported his body back to Goa.12 At that time, Pinto came back to Goa on his way back to Lisboa and he remained there long to see Xavier’s body enshrined in 1554. It happens that Pinto had faith in the Jesuits, so he joined the society and prepared for ordination as a novice while accompanying the mission back to Japan. They set off in April 1555 together with Father Belchior Nunes, the Jesuit leader in Asia, who

Xavier’s body, said never to have decomposed, is still preserved at the Basilica in Goa. Many Christians come to Goa to pay their respects to his body.

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was had been appointed the head of the mission, and Father Luís Fróis. The mission reached Japan in 1556 and stayed for 1 year. After this, Belchior and Pinto left Japan and arrived in Goa on 17th December 1557, leaving Luís Fróis to continue teaching in Japan. For no clear reason, it appears that Pinto was not getting along with the Jesuits and so he decided to leave the Order and not to be ordained. He prepared to leave for Portugal but did not totally break up with Society. They managed to maintain a good relationship. Pinto arrived in Lisboa on 23th September 1558 and brought a letter from the Indian Vizier, explaining his services to Portugal, to Lady Catarina, the Vizier’s mother and the regent of King Sebastião, who was still young. Catarina summoned Pinto to tell her the story of his tough adventures. She promised to assist him with his expenses but, after a long wait of four and a half years, nothing had happened. Pinto had to make do on the money he had received in Asia. He was married, in 1562, to Maria Correio de Brito, purchased a small house in Pragal, Almada, south of the Teju River and opposite to Lisboa, where he lived for the rest of his life. It was during this time that he began to write Peregrinaçam though it is unclear when

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exactly he started. However, in 1569, when a group of Jesuit priests paid Pinto a visit, the work was said to have had much progress. Actually, at that time Pinto was already quite famous because it was known that Pinto was the messenger from Malacca who had sent the letter, dated 5th December 1554, to the Jesuits office in Lisboa to inform them of the death of Francisco Xavier. His letter was published in Portugal and translated into Spanish, Italian and French. Pinto, therefore, enjoyed the status of one who knew a lot about Asia. Even João de Barros, who wrote about the history of Asia, had to consult Pinto.13 Moreover, there were many priests, especially the Jesuits, who came to his house. For example, in 1582, Father Giovanni Peiter Maffei, who was compiling a history of Jesuits, came to interview Pinto about Francisco Xavier in Japan. Furthermore, the work of Father Giovanni Botero called ‘Relationi Universali’, published in Rome 1591-1592, also refers to Pinto as a source of information on the kingdom of Pegu. Later, in 1582, Peregrinaçam was finished and edited just as Pinto wanted but he did not publish it. In April 1583, his service for the royal court was accepted, and King Philip II of Spain, who was also King Filipe I of Portugal,14 gave

de Barros (1496-1570) was an important scribe in the royal court of Portugal. He was appointed to write on the history of Asia for the royal court. Barros’s work assembled stories decade by decade, starting from 1498, when Vasco de Gama came to Asia. The name of the book was Décadas da Ásia, and he continued writing it to volume IV. 14 The merging of the Spanish and Portuguese thrones was in 1581.

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him a pension. However, only 3 months later, on the 8th of July 1583, Pinto died. He came to be celebrated by the Portuguese as a pioneer explorer, just like the other Portuguese pioneers. Wherever monuments of maritime exploration are erected, Pinto’s image will be one among those Portuguese explorers.

4. On the Different Versions of ‘The Pilgrimage’ After Pinto’s death, his daughter gave the book he had written to the chair of Casa Pia de Penitentes, which was a charitable organisation in Lisboa that helped elderly women, in the hope that the book would be published. Publication was not very prompt but Pinto’s manuscript attracted some attention and many copies were made, especially by priests. The document became quite famous. Finally, the Portuguese Inquisition gave permission for its publication on 25th May 1603 and Manuel Coelho, the president of the Inquisition, who was really pleased with the work suggested that “it was probably the first review of Pinto’s work.” (Maurice Collis 1949: 297) Pinto’s book was not finally published until Francisco de Andrade, the royal scribe, took the manuscript for editing and then the Pedro Crasbeeck publishing house published it for the first time in 1614, 31 years after the Pinto’s death.

Unfortunately, Andrade’s version turned out to be quite disorganised and packed wit errors, especially about the times at which such and such events had taken place. We cannot be tell if Pinto was responsible for these errors or whether Andrade had misperceived, due to the fact that he had never been to Asia himself, or whether they were simply typological errors. Also, it is impossible to verify anything because Pinto’s handwritten manuscript was also lost. So, Pinto’s work that we have today is the version already that had already been read and edited’ by Andrade, who had managed to reorganise the book so that it was more systematic. Originally, Pinto’s work was a long continuous text without chapters and it was Andrade who divided it to 226 chapters, with a short introduction that summarised the content of each chapter. Maurice Collis (1949:296) remarked that: without Andrade’s editing, no one would have wanted to publish Pinto’s lengthy work about some events that took place 60-80 years before in places with which nobody was familiar. However, this published version of Pinto’s work was very successful. Andrade died one year after the publication of Pinto’s work but the Spanish version editor, translator and proofreader, Francisco de Herrera Maldonaldo, complained that Andrade had made many errors in the publication and all that he had done was to divide the chapters and insert the

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explanatory notes. The Spanish version aimed to make it more accurate and clearer. Herrera finished editing the Spanish version and published it in 1620, 8 years after the Portuguese version, under the name Historia Oriental de las Peregrinacions de Fernan Mendes Pinto, Portugues. However, the Spanish version was not in any way more accurate than Andrade’s because it had used Andrade’s version as a reference. Furthermore, the Spanish version was somewhat influenced by religious faith, as can be seen from the way in which Herrera modified some contents, leaving out anything he regarded as ‘unorthodox’, adding words and content that strengthened faith and praised God and cutting out or changing ironies about religion and society. Also, he edited the style in a way that was not particularly faithful to the source text. So, the Spanish version, in spite of having an equal number of chapters to that of Andrade, became a longer book than the original and displayed a religiously conservative nature that contrasted with Pinto’s actual character, which, although loyal to God, was religiously forgiving and flexible.

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Herrera’s version received so much attention that it had to be reprinted in 1627 and, once again, in 1628. In 1628, the French version of ‘The Pilgrimage’, translated by Bernard Figuier under the name Les Voyages Adventureux de Fernand Mendez Pinto, was published for the first time. The translator, by the name of Bernard Figuier,

was seemingly unknown but it was explained on the flyleaf of the French version that the translator was ‘a Portuguese gentleman’; if it were so, the Portuguese name should have been Bernado Figuiero. This French version seemed to use both the Portuguese and Spanish versions as its base but Figuier, being more religiously liberal than Herrera, lightened some of religious weight of the Spanish version and modified the text as he saw appropriate. Among those versions published in Europe it could be considered that the French version was the best, (Rebecca Catz 1989: xviii) though it is not certain that this version was as consistent with the original version as Andrade’s Portuguese version had been since it is possible that Figuier had not seen Pinto’s original text. The French version was published for the second time in 1645. Later the book was translated into Dutch in an abridged version by an anonymous translator and published in Amsterdam in 1652. It may have been abridged from the Portuguese version of 1614 but it became so popular that it was republished the very next year. It was also in 1653 that the English translation came out, 29 years after the Portuguese version. The translator was Henry Cogan and it was also abridged and re-edited. Cogan’s version was called The Voyages and Adventures of Fernand Mendez Pinto, a Portuguese, but, in the book, Cogan called Pinto ‘Ferdinand’ instead of ‘Fernand’ as it appeared on the cover.

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Moreover, Cogan reduced the number of chapters from 226 to 81, doing the opposite of Herrera, and skipping every chapter that talked about the Catholic Church, including the story of Francisco Xavier, because England at the time of Cogan’s translation was in the age of the Protestant revolution when the leading thought was Puritan, that is, very strong on principles and vehemently anti-Catholic. In effect, the English version of ‘The Pilgrimage’ became just an ordinary adventure story, without any idea of pilgrimage as Pinto had intended. For this reason, the historian, G.E. Harvey, criticised Cogan’s translation for being very poor (G.E. Harvey 1925: 342). In 1671 ‘The Pilgrimage’ was published in German, also in Amsterdam. The German version was even more abridged and concise, reducing the text from 226 chapters to only 63 chapters, and the translator was also anonymous. The German translator explained that his version had originated from the French and Dutch ones. To sum up, in the 17th century, Pinto’s book was published 19 times: Portuguese 2 times, Spanish 7 times, French 3 times, Dutch 2 times, German 2 times and English 3 times (Rebecca Catz, 1989: xxvii). Being a book with so many editions in the 17th century was a sign that it was

famous, since in that century most books were published with hard covers and the price was high. Readers were likely to be people of high social status and a handful of scholars, since mass education was not yet available and many lower class people were illiterate. Therefore, it is possible that high class people and scholars throughout Europe saw and had read Pinto’s book. “The Pilgrimage’ in other languages than those mentioned above was mostly translated in later centuries; for instance the Czech version was published in 1966 and the Italian in 1970, both versions being abridged and cut. As the Italian version translator, Erilde Melillo Reali, explained, his version had been translated from Portuguese but very much abridged.15 Apart from this, there was a full Japanese version translated by Takiko Okamura in 1979-1980 and this version is considered to be fairly complete. As for the English speaking world, even though Cogan’s version had had problems and had been criticised, it is noteworthy that the book has never been properly retranslated since then. Maurice Collis, who was interested, wrote ‘The Grand Peregrination,’ which was published in 191416 and was also about Pinto’s life but he retold ‘The Pilgrimage’ in episodes but did not

Fernão Mendes Pinto Peregrinazione 1537-1558 (Milano: Longanesi), 1970. Collis was born in Ireland. He traveled to Burma and entered service in the Indian office in 1912. In 1922 he decided to retire and came back to London. He wrote The Grand Peregrination in 1949.

15 See

16 Maurice

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translate the whole book. Rebecca Catz’s version, retranslated and published in the year 1889, can be regarded as the most complete version in the world of English. Catz had been interested in Pinto’s story ever since she proposed her thesis to The University of California in 1972 under the title: Iconoclasm as literary technique: a study of the satiric devices used in the Peregrinacão of Fernão Mendes Pinto. She also collected letters and other documentary proof about Pinto. In 198317 Catz considered ‘The Pilgrimage’ as an iconoclast piece of literature on Portuguese society and political institutions, that criticised religious organisations, and reflected upon the silliness of Crusade thought,18 and explained way in which Pinto had raised the question on the morale behind Portugal’s expansion of power. Later on, Catz still spent several years completing the translation and editing the book, including inserting footnotes and detailed explanations. Later, in 1991, there was a complete French version newly retranslated by Robert Viale under the title ‘Pérégrination’.19 It appeared that Catz’s work was 663 pages long excluding 46 pages of introduction but Viale’s work was even longer at 808 pages. Both works were quite academic, so

5. Pinto’s work and the History of Siam and Pegu Before the Portuguese travelled to Asia, European knowledge about South East Asia was limited. Siam, Pegu, Aracan and Malacca were all unknown even though an Italian merchant named Nicolò di Conti had travelled to Pegu (Hanthawaddy) in 1435. Later, Tomé Pires’s work of 1515 called ‘Suma Oriental’ told a lot about Siam and Pegu but when ‘The Pilgrimage’ came out, it was the first book written by a European who had direct experience in South East Asia. Pinto’s tale about South East Asia begins from when he travelled to Malacca in April 1539. Later he was sent as an ambassador to Bata and, unsuccessfully, attempted to help the King of Aaru fight with Aceh, the King of Aaru being slain on the battlefield. Later Pinto was sent to Pahang, involving his travelling further to

Rebecca Catz, 1983. Carta de Fernão Mendes Pinto e outros documentos. (Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional – Editurial Prersensa). Crusade thought means extreme Christian thought believing that the use of violence and even war is allowed for the sake of protecting religion from the unorthodox. This was even accepted by the Pope. 19 See Robert Viale tra., 1991. Pérégrination. (Paris: ELA La Différence). 20 See Michael Lowery, 1992. The peregrination of Fernão Mendes Pinto. (Manchester: Carcanet). 17 See

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Michael Lowery retranslated the work, making it simpler and shorter, and published it in the year 1992 and this is the most recent English version we now have.20

18 The

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Pattani and boarding a trading ship to Nakhon Si Thammarat. This was the first time Pinto had travelled to a territory of the Kingdom of Siam. It appears that Pinto’s trading ship was ransacked by Coja Acem’s pirate ship. The crew was killed and Pinto had a narrow escape. After this, Pinto joined António de Faria’s ship in order to hunt for Coja Acem and retrieve his lost property. This forced him to travel along the coast of Kampuchea, passing Champa, Annam, and all the way to Hainan Island. They vanquished the pirates but later António’s ship was wrecked on Palawan Island. However, the Portuguese managed to capture a Chinese ship and travelled on to Liampo Island, which because the Chinese had not opened an official trading route with Portugal, was another Portuguese settlement doing illegal trade off the Chinese coast. After five months at Liampo, António’s ship continued the journey, until it was wrecked just off the Chinese coast. Pinto was swept ashore near Nanking and so he was able to travel in the Kingdom of China all the way to Peking. ‘The Pilgrimage’ provides some impressive descriptions of events in China. After this, Pinto explains, together with a group of Portuguese he joined the crew of a Chinese pirate and the monsoon blew them way off route to Tanisuma, Japan. Pinto was thus in the first Portuguese group to reach Japan. ‘The Pilgrimage’ describes the story 21 Ibid,

pp. 301-306.

in Japan in full detail. Pinto tells us further that he was successful in trace, came back to Liampo, went back to Japan for a second time, but this time the ship was wrecked in a storm and he came ashore at Lequio Island (Ryukyu Island). Once Pinto was back in Malacca in 1542 he was sent as an ambassador to the royal court of Saw Binnya (สอพินยา), a Mon king of Martaban and an ally of Portugal. Pinto witnessed King Tabinshwehti’s launching of an assault on Martaban. Pinto was appointed to search for a captain named Lancelot Guerreira and summon him back to defend Malacca from Aceh’s attack but it emerged that Lancelot had been hired by the Burmese king to attack Martaban and Pinto was unable to convince him to return to Malacca. Pinto’s book also mentions a Portuguese man, called Lançarote Guerreiro, who became a pirate in Siamese waters. This man travelled from Portugal to join the navy in Goa but later separated from them, together with his own fleet, and became a pirate leader ruling over the Asian sea. In 1542 Guerreiro was roaming around the Martaban Bay, committing countless numbers of crimes, haunting the merchants with fear and terror and causing the income of Mergui port to diminish gradually. So, the king of Siam appointed some noblemen to eliminate this pirate but they were unsuccessful.21 Pinto sought

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this pirate’s assistance on Malacca, which was under serious attack by the Sultan of Aceh, and Guerreiro agreed to help. Finally the great pirate received an amnesty and was appointed to an office in Malacca.

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Pinto states that in the battle between Burma and Mon the Martaban side also had a Portuguese militia man named Paulo de Seixas, while, on the Burmese side, a Portuguese man named João Cayeyro led a militia of 700 men to help the king of Burma. Martaban resisted so resolutely that the Burmese army had to surround the city for 6 months and 13 days, and was still unable to capture it. Nevertheless, due to a great famine inside the city causing many deaths, Saw Binnya had to offer the condition that Burma should disband the army and he would willingly send tributes to the king of Burma. The Burmese, however, demanded that Saw Binnya submit himself to Burma first and so the negotiations could not be settled. At this point the Mon king sent Paulo de Seixas to meet Cayeyro, asking him to open a route for him to escape in exchange with half the treasure in the royal treasury for Cayeyro and the King of Portugal. Cayeyro knew from Paolo de Seixas that the treasure in Saw Binnya’s possession was plentiful and so he considered agreeing. However, when he called a meeting, most of his men did not agree, and De Seixas had to return to the Mon camp. Having

allowed De Seixas to leave, the Mon king then submitted to Burma. Finally Tabinshwehti’s army marched into the city while Saw Binnya arranged a great ceremony of surrender. After that, the Burmese plundered the city and burned the palace as well as temples, houses, and the whole Martaban area. Pinto says that, in addition, the king of Burma executed noble ladies, consorts, concubines and the sons of Saw Binnya, and he even Saw Binnya himself being executed by drowning. These points and details never appear in Burmese documents. As for Pinto, he was accused, as ambassador to Martaban, by another Portuguese man, named Gonçalo Falcão, of offering military assistance to Saw Binnya. Therefore, Pinto was seized as a royal prisoner and sent to Hanthawaddy as a slave under the treasury. Pinto met eight more Portuguese people in the same situation. After this, Tabinshwehti marched his troops to attack Pyi, which was at that time ruled by a 13-year-old king. The burden of defending the city fell on the consort, who was a daughter of the king of Ainwa, and was 36 years old- much older than the young king. Finally the city of Pyi fell to Burma. Tabinshwehti, enraged by Pyi’s lengthy resistance to his power, violently executed the king and members of the Pyi royal family. The consort, who had been his enemy, was stripped, flogged to death and her body drowned.

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Next, the king of Burma sent a treasurer, named Diosaray, as ambassador to the kingdom of Calaminhana. Pinto, as a slave, was also sent along.22 Pinto explains that Calaminhana was a city deep in the inner land. It was a Buddhist kingdom to the east of the Tai Yai kingdoms. Today, it is believed that such kingdom never existed. Pinto says that to get to Calaminhana they had to travel by boat across a great lake to the east of Ainwa. This lake, also, never existed. The ambassadors passed Gumbim in the kingdom of Chiang Mai and went on to Timplan, the capital city of Calaminhana, outside which was a great pagoda named Tinagoogoo. When the band reached the city, it was the time of a god worshipping ceremony called ‘Cakragaenot’, for which there were human sacrifices. This kind of ceremony, however, did not exist in South East Asian cities. After the mission was accomplished, the ambassadors returned to Hanthawaddy. Later, the king of Burma marched his troops on a city called Savadi, another stronghold of the Mon side. Pinto was in the troop. The war resulted in the treasurer troop’s defeat, the men being almost totally eliminated, and the treasurer, who was Pinto’s master, being killed. Pinto and some Portuguese soldiers somehow survived but they became lost in the forest until they finally found their way out to the city of Cosmin (Bassein) and

boarded a Portuguese ship to Banta in Java Island, where they applied as militia to King Sonde, who was at war with King Pasuruan. Later, Pinto travelled from Java to China but on the way back the ship was wrecked and Pinto changed his mind choosing to try his luck in Siam. “The Pilgrimage’ says that Pinto arrived in Ayutthaya in 1546, during the later years of King Chai Raja’s reign. Pinto’s description of Siam can be summarised thus: Siam was an abundant country, full of mineral mines and valuable products, especially agar wood and ebony, which were sent to China, Hai Nan, Ryukyu, Kampuchea and Champa. Each year, there were trading ships from many countries coming in to trade with Ayutthaya, making a great deal of income for the kingdom but this income was spent on making merit and erecting temples and stupas. The king of Siam accepted the power of the Emperor of China, enabling his people to trade there. Siam had 2,600 villages and no fortresses, simply wooden walls which were easy targets to attack. Generally the Siamese people were not only a weak race but they also lacked the weapons necessary for war. There were 14 dominions and the kings of these dominions had to offer tribute to the king of Ayutthaya in person and do ‘Sambaya’ in front of the king of Ayutthaya by kissing the Royal Knife beside the

22 Maurice Cloris (1949: 188) believed that this part was the only part in the book that Pinto made up without any basis of fact.

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throne. Siamese people followed 12 different sects of Buddhism. Pinto also states that, in 1545, King Chai Racha of Siam recruited soldiers and launched an attack on Sri Sattanakhanahut (Tuparahos). 161 Portuguese militias joined the battle and among these men was an important person called Domingos de Seixas, who had served the royal court of Siam for more than 2 years. Pinto says that the 160 Portuguese soldiers fought bravely and only one was lax and therefore was punished and sent back home. After this victory, the king of Siam rewarded them generously and permitted the Portuguese to build churches.

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Then it was learnt that the King of Chiang Mai had gathered the Lao, Ngiao, and Srisattanakhanahut people and attacked Siam’s Northern Provinces. Ok Ya Kamphaeng Phet was slain in the battle. So, the king of Siam gathered men from the entire kingdom and recruited foreigners in Ayutthaya to join the army. Any foreigner violating the conditions would be deported within three days so the Portuguese settlement in Ayutthaya faced strong pressure. When the king of Siam sent a man to contact them, 120 Portuguese joined, including Pinto. The battle ended in Siam’s victory and the Portuguese militias were rewarded by being given 3 years tax exemption. ‘The Pilgrimage’ describes this extraordinary battle in detail.

Twenty days after returning from the battlefield, King Chai Racha was given poison by his consort in a jarful of milk, causing his death within five days. The consort had committed adultery with an officer holding the rank of Khun Chinnarat and had become pregnant so she had had to assassinate King Chai Racha before the secret could leak out. After that she let her son, (Prince Yod Fa) who was only 9 years old, succeed to the throne. Pinto also describes the crowning ceremony in detail. Because the king was too young his mother was appointed as his regent. She held the royal cremation ceremony in quite a rush and a procession was formed to bring the king’s ashes in a boat to Chai Phuttha (Quiay Poutor) Temple. Later, the mother gave birth to another son, so she married to Khun Chinnarat openly and gave the regency to Khun Chinnarat instead. Then she executed many officers who were loyal to the young king, confiscated their property, and gave it to her men. Later she poisoned the young monarch as well in order to make way for Khun Chinnarat to ascend the throne. According to Pinto’s memoir, the event when Khun Chinnarat became king took place on 11th November 1545, but on 2nd January 1546 the mother and Khun Chinnarat were assassinated by Ok Ya Phitsanulok together with the Prince of Kampuchea at a great feast among officers held at Chai Phikul (Quiay Figráu) Temple. After that, they invited Prince Thian, who was King Chai

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Racha’s half-brother and had been a monk for 30 years, to leave the monkhood and succeed to the throne. In April 1548 when King Tabinshwehti, the tyrant of Burma who was reigning in Hanthawaddy, heard of the incident in Siam, he marched a great troop with great number of infantry, elephants, horses, and artillery to attack Ayutthaya, accompanied by a Portuguese militia under Diogo Soarez de Mello. This started in June.23 Pinto says that the Burmese troops were joined by foreign militias from many nations, including a Portuguese militia of 180 men led by Diogo Soares de Albergaria. On the Siamese side there was also a Portuguese militia led by DIogo Pereira. Pinto describes how the King of Burma attacked the fort of Taparau and slew many Siamese including thousands of women. Then he marched on to Sukhothai (Sacotay) and right down to the capital city. Pinto says that the King of Burma tried to bribe Diogo Pereira to double-cross Siam but was unsuccessful. Finally, the Burmese troops had to retreat in a hurry because they were informed that a rebellion had broken out in Hanthawaddy led by Smim Htaw (Xemindoo), who was a Mon. The rebels had 23 This

killed many Burmese. A notable point is that, even though Pinto describes the details and the scenes of this battle in an interesting and exciting fashion, he never mentions the role of the Siamese consort named Sri Suriyothai,24 who lost her life in the battle. In October 1548, the King of Burma retreated to Martaban and led his army against Smim Htaw. The Burmese won but Smim Htaw escaped. Pinto tells us further about events in Burma, stating that Smim Htaw, the rebel leader, was descended from noblemen and related to the Mon royal family who had once ruled over Hanthawaddy. He had been a monk for the whole time and was respected by many. However, Tabinshwehti managed to rout the rebels but Smim Htaw escaped. Pinto writes further about the death of Tabinshwehti in 1550 and how a Mon leader named Smim Sawhtut, the Governor of Sittaung, seized power in Hanthawaddy and proclaimed himself king. Then Smim Htaw returned to assemble the Mons and himself seized power in 1552. However, he did not keep the throne for long because Bayinnaung, a Burmese officer, proclaimed himself as Tabinshwehti ‘s successor, recovered power and defeated the

may be Pinto’s mistake about time because in South East Asia, June is in the rainy season, when marching troops through forests and over mountains is nearly impossible. 24 As a matter of fact, the role of the consort Sri Suriyothai appears only in Thai documents and has never been been supported by foreign documents let alone Burmese ones. However the issue of Sri Suriyothai is not the concern of this paper.

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King of the Mons in 1554. Smim Htaw fled to Arakan but was captured and sent back to Bayinnaung. His execution was performed in front of a crowd and Pinto also includes the details of this occasion in his book, as the last event in Burma appearing in ‘The Pilgrimage’. The tales told by Pinto make him the first European adventurer to tell many stories about Siam and Pegu bringing these two kingdoms to the attention of Europeans for the first time.

6. Evaluation of Pinto’s Work We can see that ‘The Pilgrimage’ by Pinto is not only an interesting piece of Portuguese literature but it is also very important as a contemporary document for the study of Siamese and Burmese history because it contains so much detail that has never appeared in other evidence. In Europe during the 17th Century, Pinto’s book was popular because the Europeans were curious about the new and bizarre stories that Pinto told. It became famous as an epic and pirate tale at sea set far from Europe in a place which no European knew. This was probably far from Pinto’s intention and was the result, partly, of mistranslation and of all the cutting. The immediate problem

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25 Letters

with Pinto’s book was the criticism that it was fraudulent and exaggerated. After its first publication in 1614, discussion and accusations quickly arose labelling Pinto as a liar. So, the 1620 edition of Herrara’s Spanish version had to include an explanation of how Pinto had been accused of fraud. One of the first interesting comments in the English speaking world was a letter from Dorothy Osborne in 1553 to Sir William Temple, saying that the book was a good work and even if there were some exaggerations, they didn’t harm anyone.25 However, it must be noted that Pinto’s work about Siam and Pegu still has explanatory problems stemming from from how he tries to suggest that he himself was a part of the events when it is sometimes highly unlikely that he was there. Apart from this there are also mistakes about the period of time that certain events took and, sometimes, they impossibly overlap each other, as for example the parts about Siam. A Siamese historian, Wood,26 has demonstrated that there is fact and fiction mixed together in the same proportion (See, W.A.R. Wood 1959: 199). Furthermore, Wood has criticised much of Pinto’s account of the Kingdom of Calaminhana, which, obviously, can be seen as a complete invention.

from Dorothy Osborne to Sir William Temple, 1652-1654, referred to in (C.R.Boxer, 1951: 18-19). (W.A.R. Wood) was supposedly the first Western scholar to write a full history book of Siam in English, called History of Siam, published for the first time in 1959.

26 Wood

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Nevertheless, it appearsthat a lot of information explaining the stories and the kingdoms of the East have been accepted as moderately accurate and correct; for example, the account of Francisco Xavier, whose story, as told by Pinto, was based on accepted fact. As for the story about the kingdom of Ethiopia, Albert Cammerer who has studied this suggested that, whereas the story Pinto wrote about himself travelling to Ethiopia is unlikely to be true, he accepted that Pinto’s information about Ethiopia is quite accurate. Also, many of Pinto’s tales about the kingdoms of Siam and Pegu are consistent with the local evidence. More importantly, there are many incidents and details that only appear in Pinto’s work so evaluation is not easy, considering that Pinto’s work is the document closest in the time to when the events took place. During Pinto’s time, modern historical studies were not yet born, and the boundary line between historical writing and imaginary prose tales was still unclear. Modern historical study with its clear writing and reference systems began in the 19th century. Moreover, Pinto’s objective in writing this book was to narrate his extraordinary experiences to the children of Portugal and he explained that he simply wanted to tell all the stories ‘both as seen and heard’. Taking this into consideration, the quality of Pinto’s work in the 17th century should be acceptable.

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The Royal Visits in World Crisis Pornsan Watanangura1

Introduction The two state visits of King Bhumibol, Rama IX of Thailand, accompanied by Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, in 1960 and 1962, as the youngest monarchs in the world, proved to be highly significant for a small country in Southeast Asia, after the crisis of World War II, and, also, for how, thereafter, the country was to be perceived internationally. Similar to the first visit to Europe of King Chulalongkorn, in 1897, the prevailing conditions after World War II, at the time of the ‘Cold War’, made the state visits of King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit not only advisable but unavoidable. Both state visits of the two Siamese Kings took place during a period of world political crisis, namely, during the age of colonization in the 19th century and that of the confrontation between two political ideologies during the ‘Cold War’ in the 20th century. Through the royal visits, which were very important for the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Siam, the Siamese monarchs gained tremendous kudos

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in Europe and in every country they visited. The royal tours set the stage for a new era in Siamese-European and Thai-Western relations in many respects and strengthened the already existing ties between the Siamese court and some of the leading countries. The trips marked the start of remarkable official diplomatic relations with Western countries and strengthened already existing ties between the Siamese court and some of the leading countries of Asia, Europe, the United States of America and Australasia. King Bhumibhol and Her Majesty Queen Sirikit succeeded in changing the way in which the West viewed Siam, its monarchy and its people. Siam was no longer just the name of an exotic, faraway land of fairy tales – it was a real place. This research paper, beginning from the start of the first visit to Europe of King Chulalongkorn, in 1897, will illustrate its significant international impact on diplomatic, political and cultural aspects at such a critical time.

Dr. phil Pornsan Watanangura, Emert. Professor of German Language and Literature, Department of Western Languages, Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University; Associate Fellow, The Royal Institute of Thailand; Project leader of the research project Buddhism in World Literature, Excellence Centre for Language, Linguistics and Literature, Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University.

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1. The State Visits during the World Crisis

pic 1: Queen Sirikit and Duke of Edinburgh in England, 1960.

The state visits of the Chakri Dynasty, in 1960 and 1962, were not, strictly, world tours but they are considered of great importance in the establishment of Thailand on the world stage during the political and ideological conflicts of the mid-twentieth century. Similar politically threatening conditions that were occurring during the first state visit of 1897, by King Chulalongkorn, were in evidence during the second in 1960 and 1962. A comparison of the preconditions for the royal tours of both of the Siamese monarchs, can lead to a greater understanding of the significance of the State Visits of His Majesty King Bhumibol 2

and Her Majesty Queen Sirikit in the middle of the twentieth century. At the end of the 19th century, events in Siam and throughout the region were changing rapidly. Even before King Chulalongkorn had come to the throne, in 1868, Siam was under threat from the aggressive colonial politics of the European powers and there had been wars with neighbouring countries. Clashes with those European powers intent on extending their influence in the region had led to the loss of the independence and sovereignty of a number of Siam’s neighbours. The first of a series of wars between Britain and Burma, which had erupted in 1825 during the reign of King Rama III, convinced the King of Siam of the imminent danger and the necessity to be prepared for the coming situation. On King Rama III’s deathbed, in 1851, the Third King of the Chakri Dynasty commented about the presence of the Europeans: “...from now on, we need not to be afraid of wars with Vietnam and Burma, it is the Europeans we have to be aware of. Be cautious not to be at a disadvantage to them ...”2

Tipakorawong, Chao Phraya, Anekdote der Rattanakosin-Periode, Band II., p. 188.

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In 1826, the rebel Prince Anuvong of Vientiane raised an army, intending to march on Bangkok under the pretence of helping the Siamese to fend off the British. Between 1833 and 1847, Siam went to war with Vietnam. China also came into conflict with the Western powers and was defeated during the Opium Wars, fought between 1839 and 1842. During the reign of King Rama IV, Burma lost the second of its wars against the British (1851-1868) and during the reign of King Rama V, in 1885, after a third and final war, the country was forced to cede sovereignty to the Western colonizer.

South and Southeast Asia. France and Britain, in particular, were no longer content to maintain trade and religious missions in the countries of the region as in earlier times. The armed clashes between France and Siam of 1893, in the reign of King Chulalongkorn, (Rama V) were the final spark that lit the fuse and prompted the King to embark on a new course of action aimed at preserving Siamese sovereignty. In the words of the King: “I must travel to Europe. It is essential that we establish a presence there.” 4

In northeastern Asia, after a policy of isolation that had lasted for more than two hundred years, the Japanese opened their doors to the outside world. Persuaded by American gunboat diplomacy, Japan signed the Treaty of Kanagawa in 1854, during the reign of King Rama IV. Also, India became a British colony, in 1858, during the reign of King Rama IV.3 These events were all warning signs of the Western powers’ imperialist intentions in

Pornsan Watanangura, Tosporn Kasikam, Relations between the Kingdom of Siam and the Royal Houses of Europe in the Documents Pertaining to King Chulalongkorn’s First Visit to Europe in 1897, (370 pages), research award of the ‘Ratchdapisek Sompot-Prize’ 2009, with distinction ‘very good’, published by Chulalongkorn University on commemoration of the 100th Death of King Chulalongkorn. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn Printing House, 2010 (370 pages), p. 29-31. 4 Letter from King Chulalongkorn to Prince Svasti Sophon, dated September 3rd, 1893, cited in: Jiraporn Sathapanawatana, Siam in Crisis R.E.112, Bangkok: Teachers Training Department 1976, p. 194. 3

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pic 2: King Chulalongkorn in a carriage with a prince in Lisbon, 1897.

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This turmoil prevailed not only throughout Asia. An overview of Europe-Asia relations at the End of the 19th Century will shed some light on the decision of King Chulalongkorn to go to Europe in 1897 at the time of world crisis. What was happening in Europe at the time of the Siamese monarch’s trips to the continent and what, exactly, did he encounter during his travels? At the end of the 19th century and continuing until the end of the Second World War in 1945, Europe was at the very heart of the major changes affecting world events. More than any other continent, Europe, in the 19th century, post Industrial Revolution, drove changes whose consequences are still felt today. Europe gave birth to new countries and it was in Europe that the cult of “nationalism” – as a force for both positive and negative – was first felt. Competition among the major European powers was also rife as countries fought to hold on to their colonies and expand their economic and political sphere of influence throughout Asia and Africa. In Southeast Asia, it was principally Britain and France – already in conflict over their interests in Egypt – who were eager to exert their control. In Russia, the Czar was eager to assert his power in Eastern Europe, on the Balkan peninsular and in those parts of Asia bordering China and Afghanistan. Russian ambitions brought the Imperial Court in Moscow into conflict with the

British, who exercised control over India, Burma and other areas bordering China and Afghanistan. In contrast, Germany took a less aggressive stance, seeking out just a few small colonies, chiefly in Africa. Having only been established in 1871, the German Empire was still too fragile to enter into direct confrontation with either Britain or France. Reichchancellor Bismarck formed strategic alliances with numerous countries in Europe with the intention of isolating Germany’s traditional rival, France. The turmoil of the late 19th century can be compared with the state of great political anxiety, confusion and uncertainty during the 20th century, during the reign of King Bhumibol (1927 - ). The European colonization before World War I in Siam was, in some ways, similar to the threat from the socialist-communist countries as perceived by many nations, including Thailand, worldwide. After World War II, before the world tour and state visits of King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit of Thailand, in 1960 and 1962, Europe was in the state of restoration, economically, politically and, even, culturally. The United States of America had replaced Europe and become the ‘world power’ that led the ‘Western Democratic World’. The fact that the Alliance had won the Second World War against Hitler’s Germany did not end the conflicts in Europe, particularly with Stalin’s socialist-communist regime, which continued to

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expand its political ideology. The situation had led, in the end, to confrontation between countries with different political and economic ideologies, i.e., between democratic and socialist-communist led nations in Asia, Europe and America. The ideological conflict in the twentieth century was sharpened after the establishment of the ‘Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavian’ in 1948. The Cold War had begun. The world was then divided into two blocks with the United States of America on one side and the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China, after its revolution in 1949, on the other. Portugal experienced a situation similar to that of the Weimar Republic in Germany after the abolition of the monarchy in 1910. In Portugal, a revolt of the army led to the fall of the democratic government and the dissolution of parliament on 28th May 1926. Prof. Dr. Liverier Salazar was appointed to be the Finance Minister in the Government of the Military Dictator and on July 5th, 1932, he became Prime Minister of Portugal and remained so until his health collapsed in 1968. During his regime, Portugal, in spite of elections, was known as a parliamentary dictatorship. Salazar’s authoritarian ideas found their match in 5

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the Spanish regime of General Francisco Franco that took power in 1939. Both Franco and Salazar pursued, in their own ways, an anti-communist policy.5 Many countries in the world, especially those in Southeast Asia and including Thailand, fought against the Communists. Communist parties were active regionally. In Europe, the German Democratic Republic (die Deutsche Demokratische Republik/ die DDR or East Germany) was established in 1949, together with the Federal Republic of Germany (Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland or West Germany). The violent military expansion of the Soviet Union into East-block states (Poland, Hungary and East Germany between 1950 and 1960), escalated the confrontation between the two ideologies. In 1950, the People’s Republic of China claimed Thailand as its former colony, presenting a clear and present danger. This alarming sign indeed prompted Thailand into becoming a member of the United Nations in 1950. The government also showed solidarity with the UN by sending troops to the Korean War, giving shelter to Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘Kuomintang’ army in northern Thailand, near the border with China6 and criminalizing

Compare: Jörg Schubert, Lissabon, Frankfurt/Main: Penguin-Verlag, Innsbruck Umschau-Verlag, 1981, p. 41-42. The region was later known as the ‘Golden Triangle’ in northern part of Thailand with ‘Khun Sa’, known as the “King of Opium” as its leader. Members of this army were partly integrated with the hill tribes in the North and partly with the Thais. It is the projects of His Majesty King Bhumibol of Thailand in the sixties that gradually transformed this opium region into agricultural land.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

communism. Many Thai intellectuals showed sympathy with the communist ideology. Among them was Chit Bhumisak, a student at the Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University. The process of communist expansion in Thailand after World War II, can be best demonstrated by the literary movement of littérature engagée developed in Thailand, which had its first phase between 1947 and 1957. This political-literary movement was characterized by the first actions of the so-called “progressive” writers and their proclamation of art for life against art for art’s sake (l’pour l’art). The central question was about the function of literature and the actual task of the writer. This “peaceful uprising” of 1952 resulted in many Thai authors considering the social problems of the country and therefore, giving greater impetus to “progressive literature”. This also applies to the time after the first military putsch by General Sarit Thanarat in 1957 which led to a blossoming of progressive “literature for life” in Thailand, if only for the period of a year. The second military putsch in Thailand was, however, a major turning point. General Sarit abolished the constitution, dissolved parliament and governed the country with 20 laws of his own devising. Communist actions or actions considered as such were forbidden and the media was heavily censored. 7

Many writers and journalists were put under strict surveillance or arrested as communists. Among them was Chit Bhumisa who was accused of being a communist. In May 1965, Chit went “into the jungle” in order to take part in the revolutionary fight of the farmers, workers and the Communist Party of Thailand. On 5th May 1966, in the jungle in a province of north-eastern Thailand, Chit Bhumisak was shot dead. Following Chit’s death, the previously more literary socialist battle of the Thai people gained a new realism and became, for many, a political reality in many regions of Thailand. Satien Chantimathorn, a famous Thai writer, with his book ‘The Thread of littérature engagée’7, called the period after the second military putsch in the year 1958 the “Dark Ages of Enlightenment”. It was also the beginning of the Vietnam War with Henry Kissinger’s ‘Domino Theory”, which feared the countries of South East Asia would topple and became Communist, one after the other. This literary and political movement in Thailand after World War II did not change the stable and clear position of the Thai government, which at that time was supporting ‘Western Democratic ideology’ and considered the United

Satien Chantimathorn wrote this book, in which a first view of this literary movement in Thailand is given, after joining other students going ‘to the jungle for 5 years after student demonstration in October 1976.

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States of America to be a close ally. Between 1961 and 1975, the Thai military, wanting, above all else, to safeguard their independence, welcomed the formidable military presence of the United States in Thailand and it was within this context that King Bhumibol, the ninth monarch of the Chakri Dynasty, realised it was imperative to make state visits in 1960 to 15 countries in Europe and North America, one year prior to the building of the ‘Berlin Wall’, the symbol of the peak of the ‘Cold War’. In 1962, at the time of the Vietnam War and political turmoil in South East Asia, the Thai monarchs visited four countries in Asia including Australia and New Zealand. Queen Sirikit’s composition in In Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King8 witnesses the world crisis during His Majesty’s State Visits to the United States in 1960 and after the beginning of the Vietnam War in Australia in 1962: “…An important appointment that myself and the members of our entourage awaited with enthusiasm and excitement was the day when the King would be awarded an Honorary Degree at Williams University, one of the oldest universities in the United

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States. […] That night, I could not sleep well. I confess it was because a member of the committee had whispered to me, “Tomorrow, even if something goes wrong, you should not be frightened. And please don’t think that we are dishonouring you. There might be a distribution of leaflets or a students’ walk-out during the ceremony.” […]. But the situation was totally different. That night, at dinner, the Rector of Williams University, said, “ … You know that in America, no one can stop people from expressing their opinions. He himself was surprised that there had been no reaction as expected and therefore, he had asked these students (many with long hair which made them look even more frightening) why they had not walked out of the ceremony when one of the leaders of Southeast Asian country was being awarded a degree. The students said that they had not intended to attack Thailand directly, but because Thailand had friendly relations with their

In Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, Her Majesty Queen Sirikit was gracious to grant Her permission for the first edition of this book on the Occasion of the Ceremonial Celebration of Her Majesty the Queen’s Third Cycle Birthday on 12th August 1968 (B.E. 2511) and on the Occasion of the Ceremonial Celebration of Her Majesty the Queen’s Sixth Cycle Birthday on 12th August 2004 (B.E. 2547)

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

government, and they were against their Government’s policy, they had planned to walk out of the ceremony while the King was giving his speech. But they did not do so because the King had clapped his hands to honour the three of them. They thought the King was opened minded because he had listened to other people’s opinions. […]”9 Events two years later, in Sydney and Melbourne, Australia, were more dramatic. Here is the story in Sydney: “…The weather was fine on the day when we arrived in Sydney […] A large crowd had already gathered, but as soon as our car stopped at the city hall, a protest sign appeared, once again, to chase away the dictator. There was the noise of people trying to subdue a troublemaker just two cars behind us. This person had at first been part of the crowd then, when our car had passed by, he had lifted the sign up in his hand. The people nearby and some police officers caught him and snatched

away the sign but it was too late because we had already seen it. […]. After the ceremony and on our return to Government House in Sydney, some people brought these leaflets to him (His Majesty the King) in his private quarters. The leaflets’ message was the same; it was to ‘drive the dictator back to Thailand’, together with an additional message accusing Thailand’s 1962 Government of being murderers for having executed innocent people. Anyone who knew nothing about Thailand except for what was on these leaflets would think that our country was entirely lawless, like something out of a gangland movie. Some Thai students in Sydney privately told us that this country has a secret organization of reds which is very well funded. […] Their criticisms of our Government were not really reasonable. Those called innocent in the leaflets were those who had been sentenced to death for arson and those who were spies and had committed various crimes in our country.10

In Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, footnote 9, p. 236-242. Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, footnote 9, p. 200-202.

10 In

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the political situation in the reign of King Bhumibol, in around 1960, and the situation at the end of the 19th century, at the time of King Chulalongkorn, as a clue to a better understanding of the policy of the balance of power pursued by both Siamese monarchs.

pic 3: From New Zealand to Australia, 1962.

Because of the comparative ease of twentieth

century travel, a far more extensive tour was carried out by King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit in 1960, 1962 and 1963, far more extensive than the during voyage to Europe of King Chulalongkorn in 1897. Both royal tours illustrated the importance of maintaining the sovereignty of a country, by being accepted as equal, by all the countries visited. In this regard, the policy of the ‘balance of power’ played a most crucial role.

2. The policy of the balance of power,

cauchemar des coalitions11, during the ‘Cold War’ It is vital to make a comparison between

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The first visit to Europe of King Chulalongkorn was not scarred by the two world wars of the 20th century, Europe was still at the peak of its political, cultural, diplomatic and military powers. The Europe after World War II had changed tremendously and it would take the Continent almost half a century to recover from the wounds inflicted by these wars. Europe experienced a new situation, thanks to ideological conflicts in the world and the war had a huge effect a South-eastern Asian country, Thailand. In the eyes of these European nations, Siam, at the turn of the last century under King Chulalongkorn, was a small country with relatively little political bargaining power and, unlike Japan, weak militarily. Strategically and economically it was much less important than either China or India yet it was key to the success of France’s colonial ambitions to lay claim to the Indochina peninsula and to British control of Burma, India, and Malaya. The friendship that

is known among European historians that cauchemar des coalitions belonged to the politics of Frederich the Great of Prussia in the 18th century.

11 It

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French President, Félix Faure, displayed to the Siamese monarch during the time of King Chulalongkorn’s visit to Paris, in 1897, was motivated in part by his awareness of the possibility of a conflict between England and Russia. The political situation in Europe, around this time, was tense with the conflicts between the different interests of the European powers, England, France, Russia, particularly in the colonial politics. These political tensions help to clarify the reasons behind the tactics of the Siamese monarch, when he decided to forge relations with two of the major powers of the time, namely Russia and Germany. In befriending Russia and Germany, the King hoped to preserve the sovereignty of his Kingdom against the colonial designs of the French and British, whilst also achieving a balance of power between the various foreign influences in Siam. During the reign of King Rama IV and King Rama V, there were only a few Western countries with a significant presence in Siam; France, England, Russia, Germany and the United Staes of America. The shifting nature of relations between many of the major European powers at the time is particularly

useful in explaining the strategy pursued by King Chulalongkorn i.e. to “lean on Russia” to “intimidate France.”12 It is of special significance that King Chulalongkorn chose to make his trips to Europe at a time when cordial relations between the great European powers and the Siamese court seemed so particularly out of reach. It required tremendous ingenuity on the part of the King to prevent the Western powers, chiefly France and Britain, from laying claim to the Kingdom of Siam, as they had done to other countries in Southeast Asia. Prof. Dr. Eberhard Lämmert finds this especially interesting in light of the fact that the King was visiting Europe at a time when the major powers were unlikely to recognize the monarch of such a small Asian nation as an equal partner, set as they were on pursuing a policy of colonization throughout much of Asia.13 According the former European Union ambassador, H.E. Klauspeter Schmallenbach, who remarked in February 2003, King Chulalongkorn’s success in establishing cordial relations with the

Watanangura, Tosporn Kasikam, Relations between the Kingdom of Siam and the Royal Houses of Europe in the Documents Pertaining to King Chulalongkorn’s First Visit to Europe in 1897, footnote 4, p. 48-49, 94-98, 105-111. 13 Professor Dr. Eberhard Lämmert, Professor of Literature and Comparative Literature, expressed a similar view in the article “King Chulalongkorn’s Experiences with European Culture”: “King Chulalongkorn embarked on a journey to a foreign continent at a time when any real partnership between European powers and his country was inconceivable...”. In: The Journal of European Studies, Special Edition, Year 12, Volume 1, January – June 2004, 38. 12 Pornsan

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European powers, at such a difficult time, was no less an achievement than that of French Foreign Minister, Robert Schumann, who convinced his German counterpart to sign a treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community in the 1950s14, not long after the conclusion of the Second World War.15 The difficult period after World War II was evident in Europe and in Asia and similar to the situation at the end of the 19th century in Thailand when Prime Minister Phibun Songkram, with his traditional anti-communist position, led Thailand to persist in its recognition of Taiwan. He also supported the French in their actions against communist insurgents in Indochina. In the meantime, the balance of power in the world shifted from the ‘Old World’ to the ‘New’ and the United States assumed a dominant role, culturally, politically, military and subsequently economically. In 1955, the headquarters of the new South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) was established in Bangkok and, in 1967, Thailand offered the United States the use of Thai military bases. By the 1960s, several countries in Western 14 Schumann

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Europe had embraced the call for European integration and, in 1967, the European Economic Community (EEC) was established. Thailand became a founding member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. This anti-communist policy of Thailand greatly influenced the foreign policy of the country after World War II during the reign of King Bhumibol. Thailand, still a small country in the eyes of the West, gained a strategic position in Southeast Asia as a border state against a communist invasion from the East, that is, from Korea, Vietnam and Cambodia. Each country in Indo-China including Thailand enjoyed a strategic status and the loss of one country, according to Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger’s, ‘DominoTheory’, could have led to the loss of the whole region of Indo-China, which was one of the most important strategic bases of the United States in Asia. Before the world tour of the Monarchs in 1960, the Thai policy of pursuing a ‘balance of power’ foreign policy, was marked by the number

relied for success on the close cooperation of Konrad Adenauer, the first Chancellor of the newly-formed Federal Democratic Republic of Germany, a country that historically had been an enemy of the French and that had but recently occupied their country. Then, in 1963, at a time when many of the countries of Western Europe were still highly protective of their recently acquired independence, France, represented by President Charles de Gaulle, and Germany, under Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, signed a Friendship Treaty. 15 H.E. Klauspeter Schmallenbach, King Chulalongkorn – A First True Honourary European. In: The Journal of European Studies, Special Issue, Year 12, Volume 1, January – June 2004, 11-79.

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of state visits of Their Majesties to neighbouring countries, thus cementing old friendships. State visits were undertaken regionally to the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam on December 18th-21st 1959); Indonesia and Burma (February 8th-16th and March 2nd to 5th respectively in 1960); Pakistan (11th-22nd March 1962) and Malaysia in June 1962). Their Majesties were warmly welcomed by President NhĂ´ Dinh DiĂŠm of South Vietnam, President Achmad Sukarno of Infonesia, President U Win Maung of Burma, President Field Marshal Mohammed Ayub Khan of Pakistan and the King of Malaysia and His Majesty King Yang di-Pertuan Agong Syed Putra Jamalullail and Her Majesty Queen Raja Permaisuri Agong, in a magnificent and dignified ceremony in Kuala Lumpur.

pic 4: King Bhumibol in Malaya, 1962.

pic 5: With President Chiang Kai Chek in Taiwan, Taipei, 1963.

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fight against the communists in South East Asia. The policy of establishing a balance of power, at the time of King Chulalongkorn, had been achieved by making alliances with Russia and Germany, in order to counterbalance the two powers of Europe, England and France, and it developed into a policy of friendship with the whole ‘Western democratic world’ in the 20th century. The result was to balance and protect Thailand from the power of the two major ‘socialist-communist countries’, Soviet Union and the People Republic of China. pic 6: Their Majesties in Japan, 1963.

The state visits, thereafter in June 1960, which lasted seven months and four days, were not only to present the world’s youngest monarch to the world but they also clearly demonstrated the position of Thailand’s foreign policy, which was aiming to form alliances with the Western world and, particularly, the United States of America. In this connection, the presence of Queen Sirikit of Thailand, with her charm and beauty, was major to the success of the royal tours. With these state visits, Thailand established ties with all the neighbouring countries and incorporated the condition of an alliance to

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3. On Their Majesties’ State Visits in 1960 and 1962 – Ambassadors of successful Mission from Thailand When King Chulalongkorn travelled to Europe in 1897 he went alone without Queen Savabha Pongsi. The world travel of the ninth Monarch of the Chakri Dynasty was different. Here, - Queen Sirikit, as the second Queen Regent in the Thai history, accompanied the monarch for the first time in His Majesty King Bhumibol’s successful mission to represent Thailand as a goodwill Ambassador which marked an important turning point in relations between Thailand and Asian and Western countries. Similar to the second visit to Europe of King Chulalongkorn, the state visits in 1960 and 1962 were not recreational trips.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

In the words of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit in In Memory of the States Visits of His Majesty the King:

The account by Her Majesty Queen Sirikit confirms the hidden political agenda of both state visits in 1960 and 1962.

“I once thought that visiting foreign countries would be a joyful and exciting experience, especially for young people. […] I had never left my homeland at all because the King definitely had no intention of leaving the country, except for an unavoidable reason. As the Head of the Thai Nation, the King thought it best to stay inside the country in order to be close to his People. […] as for me, I never thought of going anywhere if He did not go.”

The state visits were indeed of great importance and the Thai government consequently took care of Their Majesties trip in every respect. The long journey which took seven months and four days, led the government to arrange for the royal family to stay at one location, in Switzerland. The house arranged for this was called Flonzaley and was located in the mountains between Lausanne and Montreux, on the Swiss-French side in the Puidoux-Chexbres district. Their Majesties could see their children and stay with them for short periods after returning from each of the visits. Her Majesty also relates that the house provided the parents with some relief from their travels.

In 1959, I accompanied the King to some foreign countries for the first time. We travelled to the Republic of Vietnam for a State Visit for a few days. Then the King visited Indonesia and Burma, and I had a chance to go with him. During that time, I heard that the government had contacted the governments of fourteen European countries, as well as America, in preparationfor State Visits by the King. These trips were very important and were to take many months to complete […]”16

16 In

3.1 Friendship with the Whole ‘Western Democratic World’ in the 20th Century Thailand’s foreign policy was to ally with the Western world, particularly with the United States of America. The first country in the program was America and the visit lasted one whole month since it was the most crucial destination of the journey.

Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, footnote 9, p. 81.

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On June 29th, 1960, King Bhumibol addressed the Congress of the United States saying: “ Firstly, I have long desired to see and learn more of your country. When I hear of intolerance and oppression in so many parts of the world. I want to know how, in this country, millions of people who differ in race, traditions and beliefs, can live together freely and harmoniously. [..] How, in short, do they tolerate each other at all. “Secondly, I wish to bring to you, in person, the greetings and goodwill of my own people. Although Americans and Thais live on opposite sides of the globe, they have one thing in common – their love of freedom. Indeed, the word “Thai” actually means free. The kind of reception I am enjoying in this country allows me to take back to my people your friendship and goodwill. […].17

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17 Amporn

His Majesty’s speech had a great impression on the audience which was cemented by his personal desire to see his birthplace in Boston, the fact that his Father was educated at Harvard and because of the spirit of good will of all Thai people. The American people were moved to feel more sympathy with the King of Thailand and his country when it came to the question of American aid and cooperation between two countries. In his opinion, “ … American assistance is to enable Thai people to achieve their objectives through their own efforts. I need hardly say that this concept has our complete endorsement. Indeed, there is a precept of the Lord Buddha that says ‘Thou art thine own refuge’. We are grateful for American aid but we intend, one day, to do without it.18

Samosorn, His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand – A Model Goodwill Ambassador of the Country. In: Thai Airways Kinnaree Magazine to celebrate His Majesty The King’s Diamond Jubilee on 9th June 2006. Also see: http:// thaiairways.com 18 Ibid. Footnote 18.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

between the years 1859 and 1861 – hundred years previously. His great grandfather proffered a gesture of friendship by offering to send elephants, to be set loose for breeding on the uncultivated lands of America, to the President and the Congress That offer was made with no objective other than to provide a friend with something he lacked, in the same spirit in which the American aid programme is offered. That offer became historic.

pic 7: As soon as Their Majesties stepped down from the aeroplane, President Eisenhower went to welcome Them and shake hands with them.

His Majesty went on to remind U.S. congressmen of the smooth relationship enjoyed by both Thais and Americans in the early years of the United States of America’s nationhood. His Majesty’s great-grandfather, King Mongkut, was in communication with President Buchanan

The trip to America was hard and exhausting. There were ceremonies to be attended and many places to be visited. During the whole month, Their Majesties rarely returned to the residence before midnight or one o’clock in the morning. The Queen admitted that journeys like this were new to her and during the trip to New York she felt very weak, queasy and airsick because of inadequate sleep for many weeks. Her Majesty related her experience of New York to the press: “although I followed the King’s instructions to use my mental powers and not give in, I still could not move at all… But when the plane circled La Guardia Airport in New York, my mental powers evaporated. I ran to the toilet, paying no attention to people questioning me in Thai and in English […] I stood in front of

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the wash basin […] I heard a knock at the door…the King had called for me […] I shall never forget that moment. I felt terribly sick. Both my heart and my legs were trembling. My hands were completely cold, and my head was in a whirl. […] I followed the King downstairs into a big crowd. […] My ears heard people shout “Queen, Queen smile!,’ […] While I was feeling queasy and dizzy, someone held a small tape recorder to my mouth and asked, “ What is your impression of New York?” It seemed strange to ask someone who had just stepped off an aeroplane such a question but I gave an answer to the inquirer and he or she seemed to be satisfied with it. I cannot even remember my answer […].19 For the young royal couple, the trip to the United States of America was a prelude to a long and persisting friendship with the US Presidents. TIME MAGAZINE (11.July 1960) reported on the warmest of receptions from President Eisenhower in the White House and characterised the Queen of Thailand as “the enchantingly elegant and the most feminine Queen Sirikit, 27”20

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pic 8: His Majesty the King received a warm welcome from the people of New York, 1960.

Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, footnote 9, p. 96, 98. Sirikit: Glory of the Nation, published by the National Identity Office, The Office of the permanent Secretary, The Office of the Prime Minister, Royal Thai Government, first published 2011, German version, p. 72.

19 In

20 Queen

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Thailand became not only a close ally of the United States but also of all European countries with the same political ideology. Everywhere in Europe, the couple from Thailand were welcomed and hailed with great enthusiasm. In 1960, from the United States of America, the King and Queen went on to the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Portugal, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Italy, the Vatican City, Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Spain. Especially in Germany, after the austerity that followed World War II, King Bhumibolâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and Queen Sirikitâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s was the highlight of all states visits ever made there.

pic 10: Their Majesties with King Baudouin of Belgium in 1960.

pic 9: Their Majesties with Lord Mayer Jonas in Vienna, 1964.

pic 11: Their Majesties in The Netherlands, 1960.

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pic 12: Her Majesty in Norway, 1960.

pic 13: Their Majestiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; official visit to Spain with Generalissimo Francisco Franco and spouse, 3, November, 1960.

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pic 14: Their Majesties with President Charles de Gaulle and spouse during the official visit in France, 11-14 October, 1969.

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On the day of Their Majesties’ arrival in Germany the Queen was very excited to see big crowds of people, who joyfully greeted them from the sides of the road of the royal route. The German people smiled and looked happy to see the royal couple from the Orient. Some had words of blessing and some shouted “Long Live Thailand”. Even after the King and the Queen had entered the building, the crowd still refused to go home. The gatherings grew larger and they kept shouting the names of Their Majesties. The Queen went out on the balcony with King Bhumibol, smiling and waving to the crowd for a while but they would still not go home, so that the royal couple was delighted to have to go out three times. One of the explanations for this wonderful welcome has been offered by a German is that the monarchs of Thailand had come to Germany shortly after Germany had been suffering from guilt and was still struggling for their survival by rebuilding their nation. Germany had just recovered from crisis and had just experienced the period of “Wirtschaftswunder” in the early 60s. Feelings of unhappiness, disappointment and guilt were still perceptible and in this atmosphere, the arrival of the young royal couple from a far away land was a huge encouragement. The young, fresh and intelligent

royals and, particularly, the beauty of Her Majesty Queen with her delicate and elegant gestures conquered the hearts of the Germans and Europeans.

pic 15: Their Majesties and Bundeschancellor Konrad Adenauer in Germany, 1960.

The visit to Portugal was also a highlight. After Germany Their Majesties went to Portugal: “…. After our first visit to Germany and on returning to Switzerland, The King and I had the opportunity for a long rest. This time there was no need to rush the repacking of our luggage within a day or two. Then, on August 22nd, I accompanied the King to Portugal ”

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In Portugal, the Royal Couple were warmly welcomed by the President of Portugal, President Américo de Deus Rodrigues Tomás. Their Majesties also went to visit the Museu Nacional Dos Coches, Lisboa (The National Coach

Museum, Lisbon) and signed the Book of Visitors. News about the Royal visit of Their Majesties the King and Queen of Thailand was published in the Portuguese newspapers.

pic 16: Persident Américo Tomáz and spouse greeted Their Majesties King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit in Lisbon, Portugal, 1960.

pic 17: King Bhumibol at the parade of the Navy, Lisbon.

pic 18: Queen Sirikit and King Bhumibol at a Gala dinner in Portugal.

pic 19: The National Coach museum, Lisbon.

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pic 20: The National Coach museum, Lisbon.

pic 21: Signature of Their Majesties in The â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Book of Visitâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, The National Coach museum, Lisbon.

pic 23: President fare well kiss to Queen Sirikit in Portugal.

pic 22: Queen Sirikit on a conversation in a hospital.

pic 24: King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit in Portuguese newspapers.

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pic 25: News in Portuguese Newspaper about the QUEEN in Flama Lisboa.

3.2 The Kings are not Fairy Tales

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My argument is that King Chulalongkorn’s voyage to Europe in 1897 and also King Bhumibol’s and Queen Sirikit’s world trip in 1960, and the state visits in 1962 and 1965, set the stage for a new era in Siamese-European-Western relations. These bonds would define the country’s relations with Europe throughout the 20th century up to the formation of the European Union. Especially important is that on these trips, the monarchs were received as an “equal” by the crowned heads and leaders of Europe and they drastically changed the ‘old images’ of ‘Siam’ or ‘Thailand’.

The voyages to the West by the Siamese Monarchs in the 19th and 20th centuries had many points in common. In sailing to the Continent, King Chulalongkorn set Siam on a course of development based almost entirely on the Western model, particularly on its education. His trips marked the start of official diplomatic relations with European countries such as Russia, Norway and Poland, and strengthened already existing ties between the Siamese court and some of the leading countries of Europe, especially Russia, Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The State Visits of King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit in the 20th century strengthened these bonds and established ‘old friendships’ in the new circumstances after World War II with the State Visits to the United States of America, Germany, France, Belgium and the United Kingdom in 1960. A new era began of transporting technology from the Western world as ‘aid for third world-countries’, as mentioned in the speech of King Bhumibol to the American Congress. While the most tangible rationale for King Chulalongkorn’s first trip to Europe in 1897 was to prevent the kingdom from becoming a colony of the West, there were other more abstract reasons for the journey. The first of these was to familiarize the West with Siam and to fix

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in the minds of the people of Europe an image of the country as ‘civilized’. This is why it mattered that the King was hailed by the European media as an intelligent leader skilled in winning the hearts of almost all those whom he met, whether they were royals like himself or common people.21 The affection, in almost the same way as was the case with his grandson, King Bhumibol and Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, was virtually equal to that showered upon him by his own subjects in Siam. Abundant documentary evidence confirms that praise and admiration were heaped on the Kings by European royals and commoners alike. In the Swiss newspaper Der Bund of June 5th, 1897, there is an account by the Markgräfin von Ansbach-Bayreuth of the Russian Czar Peter’s journey to Western Europe, in which the Baroness remarks: “From a European perspective, King Chulalongkorn is much more elegant and graceful in both appearance and manner than Czar Peter of Russia.” 22

After King Chulalongkorn’s visit to Sweden, a stretch of road between Utanede and Holleforsen was named in his honour. On his first journey across the Continent in 1897, the Siamese monarch was frequently hailed, especially in newspapers and magazines such as ‘Tygodnik Ilustrowany’ (The Illustrierte Weekly), the most crucial and popular Cultural Magazine in Poland, which honoured King Chulalongkorn of Siam as “The Civilizer of the East” and “the most educated of the Asian rulers.” 23 This first voyage to Europe marked an important turning point in relations between Siam and the countries of Europe. King Chulalongkorn succeeded in changing the way in which the West viewed Siam, its monarchy and its people. Siam was no longer just the name of an exotic, faraway land – it was a real place. King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit also experienced the fairy tale image of Thailand. Thailand was not known to many countries in the world. In Los Angeles,

Watanangura, Tosporn Kasikam, Relations between the Kingdom of Siam and the Royal Houses of Europe in the Documents Pertaining to King Chulalongkorn’s First Visit to Europe in 1897, footnote 4, p. 119-268 (capital 4, 5) 22 Der Bund, Bern. Saturday, June 5, 1897. From the column Feuilleton, “König Paramindr Maha Chulalongkorn in Berner Oberland, transcribed in German from Sütterlin script. 23 From the Illustrated Weekly, July 3, 1897 in The 100th Anniversary of the Visit of the King of Siam Chulalongkorn (Rama V) to the Kingdom of Poland, page 17, The publication commissioned by the Royal Thai Embassy in Poland with the assistance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Texts prepared by the Institute of History, Warsaw University. 21 Pornsan

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“Mr. and Mrs. Simmermann, long-time American friends of the Princess Mother, came to visit us. […]. They told us that professors at the university in Los Angeles knew very little about oriental countries. They did not know about Thailand and thought that Southeast Asian countries were backward. They usually mentioned only the heat, flies and mosquitoes, demonstrating the narrow view that Westerners could have of other countries. […].”24 In Canada, in Montreal, at a reception, Queen Sirikit wrote: “They (many guests) were very interested in Thailand, although we could hardly find many people who really knew about Thailand … it could be concluded that the Canadians knew very little about Thailand.25 “ […] it could be concluded that the Canadians knew very little about Thailand because we were so far away from each other. I thought that this was because of a lack of knowledge; in Future, our public

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relations should have a wider coverage. I showed them that medicine in Thailand was very advanced and we were proud that it was second to none. Our physicians could perform brain surgery, cardiac operations and other major operations without difficulty. That was new information to them. […]. The King told me later that when he visited a elementary school in Canada, a teacher was teaching young students about Thailand. The teacher asked what the name of the capital of Thailand was and one of the students answered that it was Moscow!”.26 King Chulalongkorn succeeded in changing the way in which the West viewed Siam, its monarchy and its people. Siam was no longer just the name of an exotic, faraway land, it was indeed a real place. We cannot deny that both voyages in 1960 and1962 gave a more accurate view of Thailand, its monarch and its people. Their Majesties’s journeys transformed the perception of Thailand in Europe and Asia and that of Europe and the Europeans, and America as well as the Americans, in Thailand.

Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, footnote 9, p. 256. Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, footnote 9, p. 286. 26 In Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, footnote 9, p. 276. 24 In 25 In

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4. Fazit: A New Era in Siamese-European and Western Relations In conclusion, King Chulalongkorn’s travels through Europe served a purpose as important as the round-the-world tour made by Their Majesties King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Queen Sirikit after the Second World War; an historic trip that reacquainted the world with Thailand and introduced the country’s young monarch. In 1960, the world was entering a new phase in its history, the Cold War. Tensions between the capitalist economies of the West and the Communist Eastern bloc were heating up and the countries of Europe were seeking to forge new bonds after the destruction of the Second World War. His Majesty King Bhumibol set off on his journey at a time when Communist ideology threatened to topple governments throughout Southeast Asia. Like his grandfather before him, the present monarch excited the people of the West. His arrival in Europe transformed the perception of “Siam” in Europe and that of “Europe” and “the Europeans” in Siam. With King Chulalongkorn’s trip, Siam and the countries of Europe entered a new era in diplomatic, political and cultural relations. Their Majeties’s arrivals in Europe, America and many countries in Asia in the 20th century were also symbols of Thailand’s reopening and reorientation to the West.

References Burutrattana Ratchapallop, Phraya (Nop Krairuek), 1991. Telling Stories of the First Trip to Europe in 1897. Bangkok: Teerattanasan Press. Chulachomglau-Chaoyuhua, Phrabatsomdejphra, Klaiban (book 1, book 2),1965. Bangkok: Prae Pittaya Press. Chulachomglau-Chaoyuhua, Phrabatsomdejphra, Private letters to Queen Saovabha Pongsri, 1992. Publication of Prince Damrong Rajanubhap and Princess Chong Chit Thanom Diskul on the occasion of the 5th Cycle Birthday of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, August 12, 1992. Der Bund, Bern. Saturday, June 5, 1897. From the column Feuilleton, “König Paramindr Maha Chulalongkorn in Berner Oberland. The 100th Anniversary of the Visit of the King of Siam Chulalongkorn (Rama V) to the Kingdom of Poland, 1997, a publication commissioned by the Royal Thai Embassy in Poland with the assistance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Texts prepared by the Institute of History, Warsaw University. King Chulalongkorn’s trip to Europe, 1897, Volume 1, 1980. National Archives, Fine Arts Department, 1980.

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A Nagão, Volume 21, October 1897 (Newspaper from Protugal) German Political Archives, German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, File R 19239 Volume 19, 20. SIAM NO. 1 A 6488. Pornsan Watananguhn, Naruemitr Sodsuk, Kanittha Bunpan (editors), 2003. The First Trip to Europe of King Chulalongkorn in 1897. Translation of a Collection of letters and telegrams of King Chulalongkorn, ThaiGerman version. Bangkok: The Centre for European Studies at Chulalongkorn University.

Secondary Sources The 100th Anniversary of the Visit of the King of Siam Chulalongkorn (Rama V) to the Kingdom of Poland, 1997, a publication commissioned by the Royal Thai Embassy in Poland with the assistance of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Texts prepared by the Institute of History, Warsaw University. Chalong Suntravanich, 2001. The Politics Behind the Visit to Europe. Bangkok: Matichon. Jiraporn Sathapanawatana’s Siam in Crisis R.E.112, Bangkok: Teachers Training Department 1976, p. 194.

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Kořenský, Josef. Nové cesty po svĕtĕ, v. 10: V Siamu a Činĕ. Praha: Otto, 1907-1909, Siam through the Eyes of the Czech Travellers E. S. Vráz and J. Kořenský during the Reign of Rama V. Lämmert, Eberhard, 2004. King Chulalongkorn’s Experiences with European Culture. In: The Journal of European Studies Special Issue, Year 12, Volume 1, January-June 2004, 38. Mommsen, Wilhelm, 1966. Otto von Bismarck. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag. Pensri Duke, 2001. The Foreign Affairs, Independence and Sovereignty of Thailand (From Rama IV to end of the Government of General P. Pibulsongkram, 2nd edition, The Royal Institute Thailand. Pornsan Watanangura, 2007. 136 Years After German Unification: From the Legend of “Sigfried” to “WM 2006”. In: The Journal of European Studies, Year 15, Volume 2, JulyDecember 2007, 12-15. Pornsan Watanangura, Tosporn Kasikam (2010). Relations between the Kingdom of Siam and the Royal Houses of Europe in Documents Pertaining to King Chulalongkorn’s First Trip to Europe in 1897. Research project with ‘Ratchada Pisek Sombot Award 2009’, support from Chulalongkorn University (370 pages)

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Pornsan Watanangura, 2005. The Visit of King Chulalongkorn to France in 1897 and the European Colonial Politics. Paper presented at the Seminar “Siam, France Indo-China in the Reign of King Chulalongkorn, 20 September 2005, Maha Chulalongkorn Building, room 105, Chulalongkorn University. In: Tuay-Toon, Special issue. Bangkok: P. Vatin Publication, January 91-98. Pornsan Watanangura, 2012. The Two Cultures of Weimar. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Press. H.E. Schmallenbach, Klauspeter. 2004. King Chulalongkorn – A First True Honorary European. In: The Journal of European Studies Special Edition, Year 12, Volume 1, JanuaryJune 2004, 11-79.

References and Picture Description: pic 1: During His Majesty the King’s official visit to England on July 19, 1960, along street lined with people all the way to the Palace. Queen Elizabeth rides in a Royal Carriage together with Their Majesties the King and Queen and the Duke of Edenburgh, Her Husband in: In Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, Her Majesty Queen Sirikit is gracious to grant Her Royal permission for the first edition of this book on the Auspicious Occasion of the Royal Ceremonial Celebration of Her Majesty the Queen’s Third Cycle Birthday Anniversary on 12th August 1968 (B.E. 2511) and on the Auspicious Occasion of the Royal Ceremonial Celebration of Her Majesty the Queen’s Sixth Cycle Birthday Anniversary on 12th August 2004 (B.E. 2547), p.55.

Tosporn Kasikam, 1996. Psychological Factors in the Foreign Policy with the Western Powers in 19th Century – A Comparative Study of the Kingdom of Siam and Mienma. M.A. Thesis, Faculty of Political Science, the Graduate School, Chiangmai University (unpublished).

pic 2: King Chulalongkorn on a carriage with a Siamese Prince in Lisbon, Oktober 1897, picture from the Portuguese Embassy Bangkok, received 2011.

Vráz, E. S. In the Land of White Elephant, 1901. Documents translated from the Czech language into English by The Embassy of the Czech Republic Bangkok.

pic 3: Their Majesties farewell from New Zealand before the flight to Australia, 26. August 1962, in: Königin Sirikit, Juwel ihres Landes, p.107.

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pic 4: His Majesty King Bhumibol with His Majesty King Yang di-Pertuan Agong Syed Putra Jamalullail of Malaya, 20 June 1962, in: Königin Sirikit, Juwel ihres Landes, National Identity Office, The Office of Permanent Secretary, The Office of the Prime Minister, Royal Thai Government, first published 2011, p.103. pic 5: His Majesty King Bhumibol and President General Chiang Kai Chek in Taiwan (5.-8. June 1963, in: Königin Sirikit, Juwel ihres Landes, p.110. pic 6: Their Majesties, Emperor Hirohito and Empress Nagako in Japan, May 1963, in: Königin Sirikit, Juwel ihres Landes, p.109 pic 7: As soon as Their Majesties stepped down from the aeroplane, President Eisenhaower went to welcome Them and shake hands with Them. Washington, 1960. In: In Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, p. 41. pic 8: His Majesty the King received a warm welcome from the people of New York, 1960, in: In Memory of the State Visits of His Majesty the King, The Royal Compositions of Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, p. 43.

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pic 9: Their Majesties with Lord Mayer Jonas in Vienna, 1964. Source: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien, Bildarchiv, Austria, Bildnummer # 10005911. With compliment from the Austrian Embassay in Bangkok. Picture received August 2008 pic 10: Their Majesties with King Baudouin of Belgium in 1960. Source not known pic 11: Their Majesties in the Netherlands, 1960. In: Post Today, special publication on the occasion of 400 years of Thai-Dutch Relations 2004, picture with ccompliment from the Royal Netherlands Embassy in Bangkok. pic 12: Her Majesty in Norway, 1960. Source not known pic 13: Their Majesties’ official visit to Spain with Generalissimo Francisco Franco and spouse, 3 November 1960. In: Königin Sirikit, Juwel ihres Landes, National Identity Office, The Office of Permanent Secretary, The Office of the Prime Minister, Royal Thai Government, first published 2011, p. 100. pic 14: Their Majesties with President Charles de Gaulle and spouse during the official visit in France, 11-14 October 1969. In: Königin Sirikit, Juwel ihres Landes, National Identity Office, The Office of Permanent Secretary, The Office of the Prime Minister, Royal Thai Government, first published 2011, p. 95.

pic 15: Their Majesties and Bundeschancellor Konrad Adenauer in Germany, 1960. Pictures from the German Embassy Bangkok pic 16: President Américo Tomáz and spouse greeted Their Majesties King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit in Lisbon, Portugal, 1960. In: Königin Sirikit, Juwel ihres Landes, National Identity Office, The Office of Permanent Secretary, The Office of the Prime Minister, Royal Thai Government, first published 2011, p. 85. Pictures 17-18, 22-24 are from the Archive of the Foreign Ministry, Lisbon, Portugal, and pictures 19-21 from The National Coach Museum, Lisbon during the author’s visit in Lisbon, July 2010 pic 17: King Bhumibol at the Parade of the Navy, Lisbon pic 18: A dinner banquet to honour Their Majesties the King and Queen, in Lisbon, Portugal

pic 19: Museu Nacional Dos Coches, Lisboa (The National Coach Museum, Lisbon), where all Royal carriages were kept, also the carriage for King Chulalongkorn in His Majesty’s visit to Lisbon in 1897 pic 20: ‘Book of Visit’, The National Coach Museum, Lisbon pic 21: Signatures of Their Majesties in the ‘Book of Visit’, The National Coach Museum, Lisbon pic 22: Her Majesty Queen Sirikit on a conversation in a hospital in Portugal pic 23: The farewell kiss of President Américo de Deus Rodrigues Tomáz pic 24: News of the State Visit of Their Majesties’ King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit of Thailand in Portuguese newspapers pic 25: Queen Sirikit in Portuguese newspaper, Flama Lisboa, 26 June 1960: Sirikit of Thailand: the most beautiful Queen of the world.

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Portugal Foreign Policy, the European Union and Bilateral Relations Natthanan Kunnamas1

Introduction

Foreign policy during dictatorship

This article aims to provide a background and a proper analysis Portuguese foreign policy and her bilateral relations in terms of both the historical and contemporary context. Portugal, a small sized country once had an overarching international impact because of her status as a former empire. In the modern era, Portugal was ruled by a dictatorial regime for a long time before seeking integration with the West in order to stabilize her newborn democracy. Here, I argue that Portugal has undergone significant changes in the direction of her foreign policy through the European Union (EU) and via bilateral relations in order to survive and increase her influence amidst the changing circumstances of international politics.

Before becoming part of the integration process with the European Union, Portuguese foreign policy was ambiguous. Of course, Portugal should be regarded as belonging to the European continent for several reasons. She is one of the oldest nations-states in Europe whose borders are the most stable on the continent. She has long-developed privileged ties with the old European powers (Flanders, France and England) and has participated in some of the most fundamental episodes of European history, among them, the conquest of the new world and expansion of power.2 At the same time, Portugal once placed herself in opposition to Europe by reaffirming her identity as an empire and giving preference to her colonial relations. So, the main concern for

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Assistant Professor, Ph.D. in International Relations, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Director of Interdisciplinary Department of European Studies, and Deputy Director for Publications, Centre for European Studies, Chulalongkorn University. 2 Simon Bulmer and Christian Lequesne, â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Member States of the European Unionâ&#x20AC;? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 233.

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Portuguese foreign policy in the old days was Africa not Europe. She also structured herself in opposition to Spain with the economic, political and military support of England, which at the time was considered as non-European.3 Salazar’s regime was caught up in the emergence of the bi-polar system of the two non-European Superpowers during the Cold War4, the United States and the Soviet Union. Salazar remained skeptical towards the United States as the main maritime power that had replaced the declining Britain5 and Portugal 3

rejected a multilateral framework under the auspices of the United Nations. Salazar still reserved the right of Portugal to govern its African colonies, countering the trend towards decolonization that had begun after the end of World War II, and he watched the process of European integration6 and construction in silence. However, the Lajes Treaty Agreement in 1948, a bilateral defence pact between Portugal and the United States, signaled Portugal’s incorporation into the Atlantic security system, which was later transformed into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949.7

British foreign affairs were characterized by a partial feeling of difference towards Europe. Britain was dubbed as an “awkward partner” of the EU. Please see Stephen George, An Awkward Partner: Britain in the European Community, 3rd Edition (Oxford University Press, 1998). Mainstream scholars say that the Cold War was an equal fight between two titans, the United States and the Soviet Union. The United States was forced to abandon its isolationist policy and reluctantly adopted internationalism in order to protect democratic values and save the world from communist expansion by an autocratic Soviet Union. The United States may have constructed a postwar empire but it was democratic and defensive in character. Moreover, the Cold War was considered as long moment of peace as John Lewis Gaddis has argued. There were no major wars among the great powers. However, revisionists have seen tragedy in the mainstream Cold War historiography. Walter Lafeber argued that the aim of American foreign policy was to establish and perpetuate capitalism after World War II. The Cold War was not a bi-polar system but rather unipolar and the Soviets was inferior to the United States in all respects. For the debate between the two main schools, please see Soravis Jayanama, “Rethinking the Cold War and the American empire,” in Asian Review 2003, ed. Kullada Kesboonchu Mead (Bangkok: Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, 2003) Even before Pearl Harbor and the American entrance into World War II, America and political business leaders had agreed that two things were necessary to breathe life and energy back into the world system and the United States was the only entity that had capacity to see them done. Firstly, the US had replaced a declining Pax Britannica as the new hegemony, playing the dual role of judge and policeman in the system. Secondly, was to restore economic expansiveness to a system that had been racked and distorted by the Great Depression and the ensuing war. Please see Thomas McCormick, “Crisis, Commitment, and Counter Revolution, 1945-1952,” in America in Vietnam, eds. William Appleman Williams et al. (New York and London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1989) Geir Lundestad observed there are five logical reasons why European integration was supported by America, as follows; (1) to promote the US “corporatist” system as a model (2)to create a more rationally organized and efficient Europe (3) to reduce the US’ financial burden (4)as a part of strategy to contain the USSR (5) to contain Germany Antonio Costa Pinto, “Portugal and European Integration-an Introduction; Conference EU and Democracy in Southern Europe: Portugal, Spain and Greece” (Institute of European Studies: University of California-Berkeley, 2002), 2.

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Thus, during the 1950s, the Atlantic front and the position of the United States were the cornerstone of Portuguese foreign policy. Portugal stood alongside her partner Britain in the integrationist movement and she closely followed the positions adopted by the United Kingdom in European affairs, at least until it became a founding member of European Free Trade Association (EFTA).8 Intense economic relations with the European states put more pressure on Portugal to seek for partnerships abroad for the sake of Portuguese economy. The choice had to be made between the European Economic Community (EEC) and EFTA. Being against any lost or transfer of sovereignty, EFTA was seen as the preferred choice, allowing Portugal economic advantage without political cost. EFTA was a free trade zone rather than a customs union and it was intergovernmental in character, allowing Portugal to remain within the organization whilst maintaining a privileged relationship with her colonies.9 Later, during Marcello Caetano’s incumbency, the ideas on European integration and colonial ties did not differ dramatically from Salazar’s approach. Britain’s resignation from EFTA and her renewed request for EEC membership forced Portugal to forge a relationship with the EEC by negotiating directly and bilaterally.

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8 9

Ibid., 3. Ibid., 4.

Following in the UK’s footsteps, Portugal s ubmitted her application to join the EEC in 1970. A trade agreement between the EEC and Portugal was reached in 1972. In conclusion, Portugal’s approaches from 1945 to 1974 laid emphasis on intergovernmental cooperation while rejecting supranational or integrationist features. Europe was a necessity. It could partly help boost Portugal’s economic performance via foreign trade and tourism as was longed for by some economic interest groups but it was not a main project because to become fully-integrated into Europe, Portugal required democratization and decolonization. The maintenance of empire and her colonies was at the heart of the political elite that time.

After the empire, framework within the EU, a More on Europe Portuguese foreign policy underwent a considerable modification after the collapse of the authoritarian regime on 25th April 1974. A coup d’état paved the way for Portuguese democracy to take root and this meant the curtain was drawn on the Portuguese empire. Portugal became the first country to undergo a process of democratization euphemistically labelled by

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Samuel Huntington the Third Wave of Democratization.10 The EEC observed Portugal’s transition with discretion. After the first democratic election took place in 1975, the European council announced that it was ready to resume economic and financial negotiations with Portugal on the condition that Portugal complied with Europe’s historical and political tradition by supporting a pluralist democracy.11 The first significant international challenge for the nascent Portuguese democracy was to strip herself of her imperial mantle and free the colonies.12 The second task lay in setting Portugal free on the international arena and her diplomatic resurrection with all countries, nullifying the international isolation that had been imposed by the dictatorial regime. During the accession period, the European integration process became the primary motivation of the Portuguese elite in order to strengthen her newborn democracy. After the election of the first constitutional government in 1976, it was clear that both Atlanticist and European vectors were to become Portugal’s main strategy. Portugal positioned herself as a

Western country and the establishment of good bilateral relations with the United States and the fostering of multilateral ties within NATO were the most apparent gestures of the new democracy’s international position.13 However, there were some domestic factors which hindered the accession negotiations. The economy was impeded by the nationalization of important economic sectors. Furthermore, the process of democratization was not complete. The new Portuguese regime was unstable and it was a democracy under the tutelage of an undemocratic military. Power was concentrated within the Council of the Revolution which had given birth to the 1976 constitution and only after the revision of the constitution in 1982, abolishing the council and creating a civilian Constitutional Court and adopting the National Defence Law, together with the election of the civilian, Mario Soares, as President of the Republic, in early 1986, that one could speak of a completed process of civilianization of the new political system.14 In the same year, Mario Soares signed a letter requesting EU accession. It was the entry to the EC

Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 162. 11 Antonio Costa Pinto, “Portugal and European Integration: An Introduction. Conference EU and Democracy in Southern Europe: Portugal, Spain and Greece” (Institute of European Studies: University of California-Berkeley, 2002), 6. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid., 7. 14 Ian Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 164. 10 Ian

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on 1st January 1986 that launched the reconstruction of Portuguese foreign and defence policy. By incorporating Portugal into the EU, the “EU-isation” of bilateral relations between Portugal and the other 26 Member States took place and this was a demonstration of the EU’s development as an international actor and her expansion across the European continent. If it had not been for the EU, Portugal would not have had any reason to forge any sort of bilateral relations with countries such as those in Central and Eastern Europe.15

relationship with Spain16. For centuries, the two states lived back-to-back but with European integration both countries began to travel in the same direction in terms of their identity in general and foreign and defence policy in particular. Both countries had to abandon the isolationist standpoints of their authoritarian regimes and became firmly interlinked with the European defence identity.17 European integration has also enhanced Luso-Spanish bilateral relations, locating bilateral co-operation between the two Iberian states firmly in the EU context.18

The most peculiar element of adaptation through membership was, and is, Portugal’s

Portugal’s foreign policy can be appraised through the Europeanization lens19. Over the

Robinson, “Assessing the Europeanization of Portuguese Foreign Policy” (UCAS Annual Conference: College of Europe, 2010), 11-12. 16 Both states were former empires, competing with each other to acquire territories for strategic and economic calculations over the centuries. In the Seven Years war in the 18th century, Portugal aligned herself with Britain while Spain sided with Bourbon France. At that time, Spain launched an invasion of Portugal. Portugal and Spain still have a territorial dispute over Olivenza. Spain claims de jure sovereignty over Olivenza on the grounds that the Treaty of Badajoz still stands and has never been revoked. Portugal claims de jure sovereignty over Olivenza because the Treaty of Badajoz was revoked on its own terms when Spain invaded Portugal in the Peninsular War of 1807. 17 Ian Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 164. 18 Steven Robinson, “Assessing the Europeanization of Portuguese Foreign Policy” (UCAS Annual Conference: College of Europe, 2010), 12. 19 There are several facets which establish the term “Europeanization”; 1) development of institutions of governance at the European level 2) central penetration of national and sub-national systems of governance 3) exporting forms of political organization and governance which are typical and distinct for Europe beyond the European territory 4) a political project aimed at unifying a politically-strong Europe 5) a process whereby domestic politics becomes increasingly subject to European policymaking. The relationship between the EU and its member states is not a one-way street. Member states are not merely passive receivers of EU demands for domestic change as is commonly thought. They may proactively shape European policies, institutions, and processes to which they have to adapt later. Moreover, the need to adapt domestically to EU pressures may have significant return effects at the European level, where member states seek to reduce the misalignment between European and domestic arrangement. Please see Simon Bulmer and Christian Lequesne, “The Member States of the European Union” (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 15 Steven

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past twenty five years, her foreign policy has become synergetic with the EU. It was in the third revision of the constitution that the major parties adjusted it to meet the new qualifications in order to comply with the Treaty on the European Union (TEU).20 Europeanization, elite socialization and networking have shaped Portugal’s relations with Europe since the 1970s. The Portuguese centre-right eventually became more enthusiastic towards Europe21 and the political elite and policymakers have firmly anchored themselves in Europe and placed national foreign policy priorities firmly in the context of EU membership, intertwining Portugal’s national interest with the broader European ones.22 For example, it had long been commonly understood that Portugal has long standing ties with her former colonies and in spite of jumping into the integration process, Portugal still wants to preserve her influence over Africa and Latin America. This suggests that the idea of being a former empire has not totally disappeared. Portugal has been very keen on strengthening a Euro-Africa dialogue and she was a major force

in shaping the dialogue between the EU and the South Africa Development Community (SADC). The Lisbon government was successful in uploading her agenda on the EU, putting Brazil and Africa at the “service of the EU” and aiming at preserving her privileged political and economic ties, especially during the Presidency of the EU Council in 1992, 2000 and 2007.23 In 2000, the EU-Africa summit in Cairo and a dialogue between the EU and Latin America took place. In the second half of 2007, the former Prime Minister, Jose Socrates, the President of the European Council at that time, outlined three key issues concerning external relations. The first was to reform the Treaties following the demise of the European Constitution. The second was concerned with the modernization of Europe’s economies and societies. The last was to use the Portuguese Presidency to bolster Europe’s place in the world. This was achieved by the first EU-Brazil summit and the Second EU-Africa Summit.24 Portugal’s economic inability to maintain effective post-colonial bilateral relations with her former colonies forced her to follow

Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 167. 21 Steven Robinson, “Assessing the Europeanization of Portuguese Foreign Policy” (UCAS Annual Conference: College of Europe, 2010), 12-13. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid., 10. 24 Ibid. 20 Ian

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a different approach from the other wealthier European countries, such as Britain and France. Rather than following a more autonomous path, the strategy embraced by Lisbon was to assume the role of ‘intermediary’ between the EU’s resources and the development needs of her former colonies.25 However, it was believed that, actually, Portugal was more likely to push for more aid measures rather than trade liberalization. Indeed, as a full Member State, Portugal started lobbying the Community for greater financial support for the Lusophone countries and tried to complement her own resources by joint funding. Such collaboration enhanced Portuguese business interests, which in turn should have contributed to reinforcing Portugal’s African policy.26 The case of East Timor was a clear manifestation of the fostering of a national position through common action with the other Member States of the EU. Since her accession to the European Community (EC), Portugal had always tried to influence the position of the other

Moreover, the “Mediterraneanisation” of Portuguese foreign and security policy was extremely marked. It was illustrated by its participation in two major forces for rapid intervention in the Mediterranean region; the Eurofor operation in Albania and the Euromafor operation in Macedonia29, established in 1995, and consisting

Raimundo, “The Europeanization of Portugal’s aid Policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa: Chiefly Projecting National Preferences?” (Department of International Relations: London School of Economics and Political Science, 2011), 5. 26 Ibid., 16. 27 Ian Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 171. 28 Ibid. 29 Both have been participated in two deployments. The first was “Mission Albania”, a response, under the auspices of NATO, to deal with the refugee crisis in Albania following the Kosovo War. The second operation was “Mission Macedonia”. This mission took place in 2003 when the Macedonian authorities asked for assistance in establishing a stable and secure environment. 25 Antonio

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Member States on this issue through the European Political Cooperation (EPC), and later the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Portugal was able to achieve a common position in the EU towards East Timor, in 1989, during the Greek presidency, there by reinforcing the Portuguese position.27 A condemnation of the annexation of East Timor by Indonesia was achieved in 1996. In other words, Portuguese diplomacy was very enthusiastic to restore to the East Timorese people the right to choose for themselves which kind of political solution they would like for the future.28 Here, Portugal projected herself as a truly European country and was able to take advantage of the synergies of policy created within the EU forum.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

of Spanish, Italian, French and Portuguese troops.30 These two forces can be used by NATO, the UN and the EU. The Portuguese government also has observer status in the Eurocorps and is well-engaged in several peacekeeping and monitoring missions around the world under the auspices of the United Nations (UN).31 Economic co-operation lies at the core of the Mediterraneanisation of Portuguese foreign policy. The northern and the southern rims of the Mediterranean have been brought together through 5+5 dialogue, The forum groups together Italy, France, Spain, Portugal and Malta from the northern Mediterranean and Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Libya and Mauritania from the south. The most important initiative was originated by Spain in November 1995. The Barcelona Conference, during the Spanish presidency, initiated what is now called the Euro-Mediterranean partnership which led to the creation of a Mediterranean Free Trade Area (MEFTA), consisting of European Union Member States and 12 southern and eastern Mediterranean States, namely Algeria, Cyprus, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Malta, Morocco, the Palestinian Territories, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey. A fund from the EU and this organi-

zation are intended to improve the living conditions of the population on the southern rim of the Mediterranean and bring these countries closer to the level of economic development in the northern rim EU Member States.32 The Mediterranean region became less volatile and emigration to the EU from Africa can be stopped. Portugal is a true supporter to all these mechanisms.

Promotion of Democracy; an Epitome of the Kantian Manner Many International Relations scholars believe that the EU is capable of becoming a superpower in the future but some, for example John McCormick, argue that that day has already arrived. The EU is now an alternative superpower but without pursuing military means. The EU is an economic colossus, the world’s biggest capitalist market place, the world biggest trading partner and a magnet for foreign direct investment (FDI). Also, with the 2004 and 2007 enlargements, the EU surpassed the United States as the biggest and richest capitalist market place in the world, accounting for nearly one-third of the world’s GDP and nearly half of the industrialized world’s consumer population. Apart from looking at

30 Ibid. 31 Ibid.

Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 172.

32 Ian

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it through the economic lens, the EU actively contributes to world peace. It has operated at least 15 civil and military operations under the aegis of European security and defence policy (ESDP) since 2003. Furthermore, as Robert Kagan has suggested, the EU and the US are totally different. The former lives in a Kantian world of perpetual peace while the latter resides in a Hobbesian world. Europe is turning away from power and moving into a self-contained world of laws, rules, transnational negotiations and co-operation.33 Portugal’s actions correspond well with the Kantian identity of Europe. The Lisbon government has a good record of support for the promotion of democracy abroad and is an active participant in the OSCE, the UN and NATO. This has highlighted her commitment to these organizations and the effort to support the construction of a democratic Europe.34 European integration is being exported to other parts of the world and the Community method has become a new way of overcoming regional tensions and fostering democratic behaviour and economic co-opera-

After decolonization, civil wars between different political factions broke out and this weakened economic and social development in almost all the African states. The reconstruction of Portugal with other Portuguese-speaking countries started in the 1990s and led, in 1996, to the creation of the Community of Portuguesespeaking countries (CPLP), which attempts to foster political, economic, social and cultural co-operation between the different countries.35 The forum’s progress constantly intensifies. Portugal has been especially helpful to her former colonies in supporting their efforts to hold free and fair elections by monitoring these votes, assisting non-governmental organizations and putting pressure on recalcitrant regimes via sanctions. After more than two decades of bloodshed in Timor, orchestrated by the Indonesian government, Portugal ardently defended her

see John McCormick, The European Superpower (Hamshire: Palgrave McMillan, 2007) and Robert Kagan Of Paradise and Power: American and Europe in the New World Order (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003) 34 Defending Democracy: a Global Survey of Foreign Policy Trends 1992-2002, “Portugal” available from www.democoalition. org/pdf/Portugal.pdf; accessed 20 May 2012. 35 Ian Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 173. 33 Please

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tion. There is no longer a contradiction between Portuguese foreign policy from within and without European parameters, the main reason being that the EU is highly committed to the UN’s principles of peace, democracy and human rights.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

former colony’s right to self-determination and democratization.36 This was, in part, assisted by UN negotiations. In Zimbabwe, the Portuguese government made use of the EU’s leverage to provide humanitarian assistance to the people, to impose targeted sanctions against Mugabe’s clique and demand the maintenance of EU observers in Zimbabwe to supervise the electoral process. Portugal was once unable to get along with Spain in the promotion of democracy but Portugal increased her commitment to the Ibero-American cooperation initiated by Spain in July 1991 in Guadalajara in Mexico. The summit was designed for the exchange of information on the challenges associated with poverty, external debt, economic, social, technological and cultural development, childhood, health, drug trafficking, marginalization, underdevelopment and co-operation.37 At first, the Portuguese elite viewed Spain with suspicion on these matters but, since 1995, co-operation between the two countries in synergetic foreign policy issues has increased markedly. Portuguese and Spanish are the two languages of the Common Market of the Southern Cone (MERCOSUR)

and this may have helped empower the bridge between Portugal and Spain in a future more well-defined EU CFSP.38

On Asia-Pacific; Macau Portugal completed her process of decolonization by handing over Macao to China at the end of 2000. Since the establishment of the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR), Macao has remained on good terms with Portugal. The Macao Economic and Trade Representative Office in the Portuguese capital, Lisbon, further strengthens the relationship between the two partners. The agreement between MSAR and Portugal was reached in 2001 in order to promote greater co-operation in the areas of economics, finance, science, technology, culture, internal public security and justice.39 Portugal and China have forged a strategic partnership and this has allowed Macau to become a platform for China and the Portuguese speaking countries. The central government of Macao also attaches importance to hosting the Ministerial Conference of the Forum for Economic

Democracy: a Global Survey of Foreign Policy Trends 1992-2002, “Portugal” available from www.democoalition. org/pdf/Portugal.pdf; accessed 20 May 2012. 37 Ian Manner and Richard G. Whitman (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 174. 38 Ibid. 39 “External Relations” available from www.gcs.gov.mo/files/factsheet/external_en.pdf ; accessed 20 May 2012. 36 Defending

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and Trade Co-operation between China and Portuguese-speaking countries. The first meeting was held in 2003. China and seven Portuguese speaking countries sent government and business delegations to this significant event. Macau’s role is to facilitate multi-lateral business relations such as trade and investment. The statistics show that trade between China and Portuguese-speaking countries grew by 35% in 2007 and amounted to US$46.35 billion.40 Portugal was the third largest trading partner of China. Forming a partnership with China for Macao and the Portuguese speaking countries was a wise move. Now that the Euro economic area is troubled by sovereignty debt crises and the European Union accounts for 70% to 75% of Portugal’s exports, market diversification is urgently required.41 Portugal has to be where the interests of Portugal and business opportunities are and between the 1998 and 2008, the weight of non-EU markets in regard to Portuguese exports rose from 16% to 26%.42

After the collapse of the authoritarian regime which was responsible for the end of the Portuguese empire, Portugal underwent significant changes in her foreign policy. European integration was responsible for a modification of strategy and the fostering of Portuguese foreign policy within the European framework. Thus, Portuguese foreign policy became not only less fragmented but also more integrated, efficient and pragmatic. The peaceful settlement of conflicts, the promotion of democracy, trade and investment and the improving of wellbeing became the cornerstones of Portuguese foreign policy, which was very much orientated towards Europe. This article would like to conclude with the observation that with the EU, the dignity of a territorially and politically small state like Portugal has been restored.

Role of Macao as an Economic Co-Operation Platform Between the People’s Republic of China and Countries of the PortugueseSpeaking World” available from www.ipim.gov.mo/en/ccpsc/index.htm accessed: 20 May 2012. 41 Paulo Gorjao, “Portugal’s Economic Diplomacy: A New Paradigm or Old Rhetoric?” in Ipris Viewpoint (Lisbon: Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security), 1. 42 Ibid., 2. 40 “The

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References Costa Pinto, Antonio, “Portugal and European Integration-an Introduction; Conference EU and Democracy in Southern Europe: Portugal, Spain and Greece” (Institute of European Studies: University of California-Berkeley, 2002). Defending Democracy: a Global Survey of Foreign Policy Trends 1992-2002, “Portugal available from www.democoalition.org/pdf/Portugal. pdf. External Relations available from www.gcs.gov. mo/files/factsheet/external_en.pdf. George, Stephen, An Awkward Partner: Britain in the European Community, 3rd Edition (Oxford University Press, 1998). Gorjao, Paolo, “Portugal’s Economic Diplomacy: A New Paradigm or Old Rhetoric?” in Ipris Viewpoint (Lisbon: Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security). Kagan, Robert Of Paradise and Power: American and Europe in the New World Order (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003) Manner, Ian and Whitman Richard G. (eds.), “The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).

McCormick, John, The European Superpower (Hamshire: Palgrave McMillan, 2007). McCormick, Thomas, “Crisis, Commitment, and Counter Revolution, 1945-1952,” in America in Vietnam, eds. William Appleman Williams et al. (New York and London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1989). Raimundo, Antonio, “The Europeanization of Portugal’s aid Policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa: Chiefly Projecting National Preferences?” (Department of International Relations: London School of Economics and Political Science, 2011). Robinson, Steven “Assessing the Europeanization of Portuguese Foreign Policy” (UCAS Annual Conference: College of Europe, 2010). Soravis Jayanama, “Rethinking the Cold War and the American empire,” in Asian Review 2003, ed. Kullada Kesboonchu Mead (Bangkok: Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, 2003). The Role of Macao as an Economic Co-Operation Platform Between the People’s Republic of China and Countries of the Portuguese-Speaking World” available from www.ipim.gov.mo/en/ccpsc/ index.htm.

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The Secret of “Phrik” (Chilli) in Ayutthaya History Plubplueng Kongchana1

Introduction

When discussing Thai cuisine it is common

knowledge that it is hot spicy food. Foreigners may wonder how Thai people can eat such hot stuff without fear. The fact is that most Thai cuisine, which can be prepared in many different ways: currying, boiling, steaming, pan frying, deep frying, roasting, salad making and charcoal baking, contains different kinds of chilli that the Thai people call “Phrik”. As a consequence, some dishes are very hot though some others are less hot. Moreover, Thai people like to eat chillies in various ways: fresh, dried, roasted, charcoal baked, fried and so on. Thus, the chilli is regarded as an indispensable food and condiment in the Thai kitchen. Because of this, Thai people believe that chilli must be a plant indigenous to Thailand since it has been a primordial ingredient in Thai cooking. 1

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However, according to botanical studies, the chilli has its origins in the continent of America, in Latin America and South America. Thus, the question arises, how did the chilli come to Thailand? Who was the first group of people to bring the chilli to Thailand? These questions may lead to a lengthy discussion and no satisfactory answer. This is simply because there is no clear historical evidence, so far, to provide a good answer to these questions. So, the intention of this article is to investigate the secret of “Phrik” (chilli) through the study of the Siamese and Portuguese relationship in the Ayutthaya period since there is evidence that Portugal was the first nation to bring chillies from America to Europe, and from Europe to Asia. In addition, Portugal was the first European nation to trade with Siam. Therefore, there is a high possibility that Portugal was the first nation to introduce the chilli into Siamese society.2

Assistant Professor Dr., Department of History, Faculty of Social Science, Srinakharinwirot University (retired). Ayutthaya at that time was an inter-racial society with a variety of merchants from many parts of the world coming to make their transactions. It is also possible that Indian, Persian or Arabian merchants could have brought the chilli to Siam and cultivated it. This has been suggested by Dr. Kanit Muntarbhorn. Also searches of the Internet have found that the chilli was introduced into Sichuan, China. (http://www.chillies-down-under.com/chilli-history-world.html)

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

Apart from searching for historical information on the introduction of the chilli to Thai cuisine, this article also aims to make a contribution to the commemoration of the 500th anniversary of the Thai-Portuguese relationship by demonstrating that the chilli is one of the examples that reflects the long lasting relationship between the two countries. The question that begs for an answer is: exactly, who or what group from Portugal first brought the chilli to Siam and planted it in Ayutthaya, and to what extent has the chilli affected the development of Thai food since then? Noting the fact that chilli plays a significant role in hot, spicy Thai food, it is expected that once the secret of the chilli is revealed, the development of Thai cooking with chillies will be understood. The time-frame for this article is set at the beginning of the 16th century. This was the time when the Portuguese first arrived at the capital of Ayutthaya and remained there until the latter part of the 18th century. The story here is presented in four stages. The first stage starts with the travel route of the chilli from America to Europe and Asia to provide the reason why the chilli came to Siam from Europe. The second stage explains the Portuguese settlement in Ayutthaya with the aim of investigating which group of Portuguese brought the chilli for cultivation in Ayutthaya. The third stage is to find out who, exactly, first

brought and cultivated chillies in Ayutthaya through the analysis of available information. The final stage is to identify the role of the chilli in Thai food in the context of old Ayutthaya in order to understand the development of Thai cooking with chillies that has resulted in the familiar hot, spicy Thai food of the present time.

1. Chilli Route from Europe to Asia

Peter_Martyr_dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Anghiera cited from 220px-Peter_Martyr_dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Anghiera03a.jpg

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With reference to The Cambridge World History of Food3 on the travel route of the chilli from America to Europe, a Spanish, Diago Alvares Chanca who was with Christopher Columbus on his second trip to the continent of America in 1492, brought back the chilli seed to grow at home in Spain a year later.4 Pietro Martyre d’ Anghiera, a historian who also accompanied the Columbus expedition on the same trip, reported in his memorandum that the chilli brought back from America was very hot.5 According to this record, the chilli was indeed a new plant in Europe in the 15th century. At this time, the Europeans pioneering the New World noticed that the indigenous people there made use of chillies in their hot spicy food. Furthermore, the chilli was also used by indigenous people as medicine to heal colds with a fever, sore throats and toothache. Due to the burning sensation, the chilli was used to rub on the eyelids of a daughter who was found sneaking out to meet men, as a punishment. For a daughter who was found to

When the chilli was brought to Spain it grew very well but, in the early years, nobody consumed it. Only later, when the Portuguese brought the chilli from Brazil to Europe, did it gradually become popular to add chillies to a recipe, starting on the Iberian Peninsula. The

Kiple & Ornelas, ‘Chilli Paper.(2000). The Cambridge World History of Food. vol II p. 1753 “Capsicums: Innovative Use of an Ancient Crop” in http://www.hort.purdue.edu/newcrop/proceeding1996/v3-479.html 4 Alvares Chanca wrote in his travel book about plants, animals and indigenous people in the continent of America. This can be considered the first document to have been written about the New World. His manuscript was published in 1506. 5 Pietro Martire d’Anghiera (Peter Martyr), an Italian who was on board with Christopher Columbus on the second trip, wrote a memorandum about new knowledge in history, geography and discovery. His writings were published between 1511 and 1530 and they were later compiled to produce a book entitled, Decades. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Martyr) 6 Maneechat Nikornphan (1998) Chili, pp. 1-3; and Chuanphit Aroonrangsikul, Chili: The Astonishing Plant. (http://clgc. rdi.ku.ac.th/article/seed/chilli/chilli.htmlhttp://guru.google.co.th/guru/thread?tid=697873ff03557840&pli=1 and http://blog. eduzones.com/sippa/274 3

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have lost her virginity by breaching customary law, chillies would be smeared on her sexual organs, also as a punishment. Boys were treated with chillies on their wounds as part of their training in endurance. When enemies were arrested, chillies were applied to torture captives and, after they had died, their flesh was taken to be prepared as food with chilli seasoning. It has also been claimed that Spanish soldiers were chased away by the smoke from chillies burning.6 In conclusion, the chili had multiple and useful functions for the indigenous people in America, as food and food seasoning, for healing, for chasing away enemies and, socially, as a punishment. All this was recorded by the Europeans on their visits to the New World.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

chilli route extended across the ocean to England and then the spice spread all over Western as well as Eastern Europe and through the Ottoman

Empire to Northern Europe and parts of Africa and Asia. Between the 15th and 16th centuries the chilli had spread throughout the world7

Map illustrating Portuguese Maritime routes from Lisbon to India, Southeast Asia and East Asia. Cited from Collcutt Martin, Jansen Marius B., Isao Kumakura, (1988). “Cultural Atlas of Japan” pp. 142-143.

Vasco da Gama and his crew were the first generation of Portuguese seafarers to bring the chilli to Asia when, in 1498, he discovered the route to India by travelling southwards along the coastline of Africa and made a detour at the Cape of Good Hope at the southerly end of the continent and crossed the Arabian Sea to Calicut which was situated on the Western flank of the Indian sub-continent. Historians have always been interested in his travel achievement because 7

it marked the beginning of Western imperial expansion and Portuguese control of the spice trade routes from Europe to Africa and Asia. Vasco da Gama’s discovery of the route to India changed European history dramatically later on. In addition, Vasco da Gama’s arrival in India also changed the features of Asian history in the sense that the Portuguese brought great change to cuisine in Siam and other Asian nations.

Collcutt Martin and Othes (1988). Cultural Atlas of Japan. pp. 142-143

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2. The Settlement of the Portuguese in Ayutthaya

same time, to seek for spices to bring back for sale in Europe. In addition, the mission of evangelists to introduce Christianity was part of the reason for Europeans going to the East. These two driving forces were primary factors in the creation of the relationship between Portugal and the lands which the Portuguese visited. The Portuguese – Siamese relationship began as a result of the Portuguese expedition to Malacca in 1509. Requiring a trading station, the Portuguese eventually took control of Malacca in 1511. Later, from the notes of the Portuguese,Tome Pires, we learn that the commodities from Siam to Malacca were, rice, salt, dried salty fish, Oraquas* and vegetables. There were also forest products, such as, lac, sapanwood and frankincense. Some other goods were ivory, lead, tin, gold, Indian Laburnum, metal goods made of copper and gold, jewellery such as diamond and ruby rings and plain cotton cloth for poor people to purchase. Transactions were made through Chinese middlemen who bought male and female slaves, spices and luxury items, such as, fine Indian cloth, rose water and carpets to bring back to Siam.9

The driving force behind the Portuguese desire to come to the East was trade and, at the

The reason Siam attracted Portugal was because of information the Portuguese had

After the Portuguese had set up a trade station in Goa, India, they started to expand the trade route to other areas. One of the new routes was to pass Sri Lanka and the Indian Ocean to Southeast Asia with a new trading station located in Malacca at the end of the Malay Peninsula. The travel route went further to the Spice Islands or the Moluccas, which at present belong to Indonesia. The Portuguese expanded their trade as far as Eastern Asia and China, where the trade station was located in Macao, and passed by Taiwan to Japan.8 On their journey, the Portuguese brought with them a variety of plants taken from the New World, such as, the potato, the sweet potato, the tomato, the papaya, the chili and tobacco as their purveyance from the lands they set foot on. This led to a great distribution of new plants along the sea trade routes of the Portuguese and eventually, over time, the new plants became indigenous.

Elisonas, Jurgin (1991), “ Chapter 7 Christianity and the Daimyo,” The Cambridge History of Japan Vol 4. Early Modern Japan., pp. 301-372. * Oraquas (spelling taken from the original reference.) 9 มาโตส, ลูอิส เดอ. “เอกสารสมัยแรกของโปรตุเกสที่เกี่ยวกับประเทศสยาม” ใน ๔๗๐ ปี แห่งมิตรสัมพันธ์ระหว่างไทยและโปรตุเกส. หน้า ๔๕. (Matos, de Luis, Thailand and Portugal : 476 Years of Friendship, 2nd ed. (1987), p. 45.) 8

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gathered about Siam. For example, it appeared from the experience of Siam’s trade with Malacca that it was a kingdom endowed with abundant resources with considerable resources of land and people. Moreover, the fact that the King of Siam was not a Muslim10 was another factor that attracted the Portuguese. At the time, the Portuguese were waging wars with Sultans at the far end of the Malayan peninsula. So, Alfonso de Albuquerque, the Viceroy assigned to East India, dispatched Duarte Fernandes as an ambassador to establish a relationship with Siam. In 1511, the ambassador and his men were greeted by King Ramathibodee II (1491-1529) in Ayutthaya. The account of the Portugal – Siam relationship in the Ayutthaya period has been studied, for example, by Maria da Conceicao Flores, “The Portuguese and Siam in the 16th Century”, using evidence from primary sources in Portugal and Thailand. The author of this article makes reference to the Thai – Portuguese diplomatic relationship in order to prove that the Portuguese came to

Ayutthaya, the capital of Siam in the 16th century. The relationship between Siam and Portugal was on and off. Nevertheless, from the reign of King Ramathibodee II (1491-1529) to King Chairajathiraj (1534-1546), i.e., between 1516 and 1538, there were Portuguese settlements distributed throughout the Kingdom of Siam, in Pattani, Nakon Srithammaraj, Tavoy, Marid, and Tenasserim, with Ayutthaya at the centre. According to the record made by Fernando Mendes Pinto, there were about 300 Portuguese in Ayutthaya.11 Patiphat Phoomphongphaet has expressed the opinion that the Portuguese came to Ayutthaya even before any land for settlement was granted by the King. It was after assisting the Siamese army in the Chiang Kran expedition in 1538, that the Portuguese paramilitaries may have been granted residential land as a reward.12 Thus, the first group of Portuguese residents in the Portuguese Village could have been paramilitaries, merchants, adventurers, craftsmen, architects, engineers and medical doctors.

Maria da Conceicao, (2004). Portuguese and Siamese During the Sixteenth Century, p. 12. (Somjai Anumanratchadhon, (1966) Thai Diplomacy during Ayutthaya Period., p. 9.) 12 ปฏิพัฒน์ พุ่มพงษ์แพทย์. (๒๕๓๐). “ข้อมูลที่ได้จากหมู่บ้านชาติชาติ” ใน ชาวโปรตุเกสในยุคกรุงศรีอยุธยา หน้า ๒๗. (Patiphat Phoomphongphet, (1987) Portuguese in Ayutthaya., p. 27.) 10 Flores, 11

สมจัย อนุมานราชธน. (๒๕๐๙). การทูตของไทยสมัยกรุงศรีอยุธยา. หน้า ๙.

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Map illustrating a Portuguese village located on the left bank of the Chao Phraya River, cited from Thawatchai Tangsiriwanich, (2006) Ayutthaya in a Foreigner’s Map, (in Thai), p. 84.

The Portuguese who came to settle in Ayutthaya were ruled by a village chief whose position was also that of a Siamese Lord, the Chief of the Paramilitary Department. Under this chief, there was a hierarchy of bureaucrats as mentioned in ‘the Laws of the Three Seals’.13

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According to Engelbert Kaempfer’s notes,14 as time passed, most of the villagers were Portuguese descendants who had adopted Siamese wives. This Portuguese village existed in Ayutthaya until the end of the Ayutthaya period.

ศิลปากร, กรม. (๒๕๓๕). “เกนหัดหย่างฝรั่ง”. กฎหมายตราสามดวง. เล่ม ๑ หน้า ๒๙๙. (Fine Arts Department, (1992) The Law of the Three Seals, Book 1., p. 299.) Engelbert, (1971). The History of Japan : Together with a Description of the Kingdom of Siam, 1690-92.

14 Kaempfer,

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

Picture illustrating a Portuguese village on the left bank of the Chao Phraya River, cited from Thawatchai Tangsiriwanich, (2006), Ayutthaya in a Foreigner’s Map, (in Thai), p. 60.

3. Who Introduced the Chilli to Ayutthaya?

appears that the Ayutthaya chronicles during

I have tried to provide an answer to this question by searching the primary historical documents of Thailand, the Royal Chronicles of Ayutthaya and by focusing only on the period from the reign of King Ramathibodee II, the first king when the Portuguese arrived in Siam, to the reign of King Ekathosarot (1605-1610) when the last group of Jesuit monks came to Siam. It

to the kings, for example, the normal royal duties,

this time mention only important events related the succession to the throne and rebellions, wars and abnormal natural phenomena. Not a single chronicle was found with a trace of reference to chilli. In addition, I have reviewed the primary Portuguese historical document written in the 16th Century from the Thai translation of Thailand and Portugal : 476 Years of Friendship,15 in which

มาโตส, ลูอิส เดอ. “เอกสารสมัยแรกของโปรตุเกสที่เกี่ยวกับประเทศสยาม” ใน ๔๗๐ ปี แห่งมิตรสัมพันธ์ระหว่างไทยและโปรตุเกส. หน้า ๓๓-๕๓. (Matos,

de Luis, Thailand and Portugal : 476 Years of Friendship, 2nd ed. (1987), pp. 33-53.)

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there is a letter written by Rui de Araujo to Alfonso de Albukurke, some accounts from the notes of Tome Pires on ‘A Suma Oriental’ and also from the note of Duarte Barbosa on ‘Livro das Cousas da

India’. These documents are useful in portraying the picture of trade between the Portuguese and Siamese. However, no document has been that discusses chili.

‘Furious Fire’ is claimed to be the hottest chilli in the world, cited from “Matichon News Paper”, 4 September, 2012, p. 9.

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M.R. Kukrit Pramoj, the Thai scholar, expressed an opinion in his book entitled, Namprik (in Thai), that Christian monks introduced chilli and distributed its seeds among the indigenous people so that they could try planting and eating it. There were varieties of chilli introduced by the monks, namely, guinea pepper, goat pepper and sweet pepper. These chillies are referred to as “Phrik Thet” (foreign chilli) in Thai. It is unfortunate that M.R. Kukrit Pramoj did not provide any reference for his description. On the 16 Togarashi

other hand, there is an article that indicates that, in 1552, a Portuguese monk by the name of Balthazar Gago16 gave chilli seeds to Daimyo Otomo Yoshishige, the overlord of the Bungo region (located in the Oita Prefecture at present) on Southern Kyushu Island. From this account, it was possible for M.R. Kukrit Pramoj to make his assumption that the Portuguese monks also brought chillies to Ayutthaya. However, this interpretation contradicts the historical fact that the first Portuguese monks, Jeronimo da Cruz

(in Japanese) “(Chili)” from wikipedia http://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/, in Japanese, 2011/10/09

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

and Sebastiao da Canto of the Dominican order came to Ayutthaya in 156717 after the Portuguese paramilitaries had been settled in Ayutthaya for about 29 years (since they had helped the Siamese army in a military expedition to Chiang Kran in 1538). Moreover, Luis de Matos makes reference to Manuel Fragoso who, according to Suthachai Yimprasert, went on the diplomatic mission to Ayutthaya led by Antonio Miranda de Azavedo in 1511 where he was assigned to reside in order to gather important information to send back to Portugal on types of commodity that could be found in Siam, its traditions and customs, the precise geographical location of Ayutthaya, the water depth of Ayutthaya pier and the military power of Siam. He stayed in Ayutthaya for two years. This led Suthachai Yimprasert to conclude that Fragoso could probably be regarded as the first spy in Siam.18 Based on this information, I would rather suggest that Fragoso was likely to be the first Portuguese to bring chillies to Ayutthaya because he lived in Siam for over two years. During his stay in Ayutthaya, Fragoso may have had planted some chillies for consumption and, even later when he left Ayutthaya, this chilli planting practice probably affected the Thai diet

for a long time. Here, I would like to propose my primary disclosure of the secret of chilli by pointing to Manuel Fragoso as the first Portuguese who brought chilli to Thailand and had it planted in Ayutthaya at the time of King Ramathibodee II. In the beginning, eating or using chilli in cooking would have been practised among the Portuguese and their indigenous wives. Through motherhood, this knowledge and practice of chilli preference had been transmitted by the Portuguese indigenous wives to their offspring and from family to the community and to the whole of society. Furthermore, chilli plants could be distributed much faster not only by people, but also by animals, birds for instance. Together with the spread of chili well-known Thai cooking with chilli emerged.

4. “Phrik” (Chilli) in Thai Food During the Ayutthaya Period The first question to start with is, before the Siamese learnt about “Phrik” (chilli), what did they use to create the hot taste. Tri Bhum Pha Ruang – literally, King Ruang’s Three Worlds in

an account of the first two Portuguese monks to Ayutthaya, please see, ฟลอรืช, มาเรีย ดา กงไซเซา. (๒๕๔๗). ล.ด. หน้า ๑๒๑-๑๒๒. (Flores, Maria da Conceicao, (2004) Portuguese and Siamese During the Sixteenth Century, pp. 121-122.)

17 For 18

สุธาชัย ยิม้ ประเสริฐ. (๒๕๔๐). “ความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างโปรตุเกสและราชอาณาจักรอยุธยา”. ความสัมพันธ์ไทย-ยุโรป จากอดีตสูป่ จั จุบนั : เยอรมนี โปรตุเกส รัสเซีย หน้า ๑๘๕-๑๘๖. (Sutachai Yemprasert, (2003) “Portuguese - Kingdom of Ayutthaya Relationship”, in Pornsan Watananguhn, ed. (2003). Thai-European Relations from the Past to Present Day Germany, Portugal, and Russia, pp. 185-186.)

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the Phraya Li Thai King of Sukhothai version, mentions Prate ghost – a class of Thai demon that were skinny and “were starved of hot food.”19 This piece of literature is evidence that people during the Sukhothai period ate food with a hot taste. The same Tri Bhum Pra Ruang also mentions the source of flavored sauces such as a sweet flavour from sugar cane or honey and a salty flavour from salt, for example. The source of a hot flavor, however, is not mentioned. M.R. Kukrit Pramoj once mentioned the chilli hot taste in the Thai food. According to him, the hot chilli flavour originated in the Sukhothai period. They used pepper which was crushed with mortar and pestle to extract the hot chilli taste. This observation was made by analyzing Kaeng Liang curry because Kaeng Liang was simply a chilli dipping sauce.20 The development of chilli eating among the Siamese during the Ayutthaya period has been inferred from the records kept by foreigners residing in the kingdom at the time. A Dutch document notes pepper, ginger, garlic and onion21. These were used by the Siamese in their cooking to achieve the hot taste with other 19 Phraya

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products, such as lemongrass, galangal and other heat producing herbs. Initially, chilli hot food eating was widespread in Siamese society. This is inferred from the records of foreigners who had the chance to eat Siamese food in Ayutthaya which mention pepper. Jeremias van Vliet, for one, mentions that they ate shrimp paste dipping sauce and a curry whose ingredients included onion, garlic and strong spices. Likewise, Francois Henri Turpin wrote about a Siamese sauce that included liquid and added garlic and aromatics. The Siamese used coconut in place of oil and shrimp paste instead of butter.22 Chevalier de Forbin noted the food given out to the followers of King Narai always included rice and curry was regarded as most delicious by the Siamese people. The French people who were not familiar with this kind of food, however, did not really enjoy it.23 Abbe de Choisy, who travelled to Ayutthaya along with Chevalier de Chaumont, noted that “…This buffet is great. We thought the Japanese stew was the best but that of the Siamese is even better. That of the Portuguese has become tasteless.”24

Lithai’s Triphum Pra Luang. Page 45 and Kobkaew Najpinit. (2004). “Nation-Supporting Chili Dipping: A Tasty Food at Suan Dusit”. Suan Dusit Journal. Bangkok: Suan Dusit Journal Editorial Board. Suan Dusit Rajabhat Institute. 20 Kukrit Pramoj, M.R. (1992). Chili Dipping Sauce. Bangkok: Siamrath. pp. 71-72. 21 Fine Arts Department, (1970). Dutch Archives During Ayutthaya 1608-1620 and 1624-1642. Translated by Nantha Sutakul, Bangkok, p. 83. 22 Turpin, Francois Henri, (1987). Histoire du Royaume de Siam. p. 232. 23 Fine Arts, Department. (1966). The 80th Historical Annals: Memories du Comte de Forbin. p. 88. 24 De Choisy, Abbé. (1973). Journal du Voyage de Siam in 1685 and 1686, the complete version., p. 241.

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Moreover, there were some records, including that of Abbe Nicolas Gervaise who travelled to Ayutthaya in the Simon de La Loubère led diplomatic mission, that noted that every kind of Siamese curry was composed of salt, coconut milk and was made deliciously hot by adding pepper and some herbs.25 In the archives, de La Loubère notes that:

Besides the records of Europeans, the archive compiled by the Iranian diplomatic corps to Ayutthaya and Lopburi at the end of the reign of King Narai mentions that the Siamese took only rice. They would not add salt, meat or spices to it. They ate rice with some fish head soup. Everyone, from both the high and low echelons, ate these as their main food.27

“Their Sauces are plain, a little Water with some Spices, Garlic, Chibols or some sweet Herb, such as Baulm. They do very much esteem liquid Sauce, like Mustard, which is only Cray Fish corrupted, because they are ill salted ; they called it Capi.”26

Various historical records and documents might lead to the conclusion that, in those days, the Siamese used galangal, lemongrass, onion, garlic and pepper to make the food have a hot taste. Later, when the Portuguese came and brought along the chilli that was regarded as foreign, it was used along with pepper which had been in use all along. At the end of Ayutthaya period, there is evidence of it in the tale of Khun Chang Khun Phaen, which narrates the life of the Siamese people in the lower part of the Chao Phraya River basin. It mentions the uses of both “Thai pepper” (pepper) and “foreign pepper” (chilli) in the context of food literature in which a major character prepares the food for a long journey.28 Such literature indicates that the chilli

Seafood Salad cooked with Chilli.

Nicolas. (1963). Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam. (in the Reign of King Narai The Great), p. 96. Loubère, Simon de. (1691). Du Royaume de Siam. (The Kingdom of Siam; with an introduction by David K. Wyatt (1969), p. 35) 27 Ibni Muhammad Ibrahim Robi. (2003). The Ship of Sulaiman. Translated in Iran-Thai Historical and Cultural Relationships. p. 163. 28 The Teacher Council Business Corporation. (1962). Thai Literature – Sepha Khun Chang Khun Plaen. 2nd Printing. p. 35, mentioned “Kaeng Thepo” in which foreign pepper was used in the curry paste. p. 801. 25 Gervaise, 26 La

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eating had come to enjoy popularity among the middle echelons of people in the society.

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Moreover, a part of this literature mentions action on part of the rulers to discover wrong doers by putting all the suspected people in a small room in which dry chillies were burned to smoke out the suspected with poisonous fumes. It is evident that Thai society at the end of the late Ayutthaya period not only used the chilli food but also as an instrument for driving away the enemy.29 It was also used in certain rituals such as salt and chilli burning to imprecate those whom they hated. It can be concluded that, by the end of the Ayutthaya period, chilli had become part of the household meal for the Siamese. Chillies brought into the Kingdom in the Reign of King Ramathibodee II of Ayutthaya had become the choice for hot food consumption. Chilli had become the plant that provided heat which was easier to achieve at a cheaper price than pepper. Nonetheless, at the end of Ayutthaya period, chilli was not yet widespread. This can be inferred from the terms used in Khun Chang Khun Plaen literature which coined the term “Phrik Thai” (Thai pepper) for pepper and “Phrik Thet” (foreign pepper) for chilli. Originally, pepper had been called “Prik” in Thai before chilli was introduced into Thai society. However, after chilli was introduced into Thai society the 29 On

Thais started to call pepper “Phrik Thai” (Thai pepper) and chilli “Phrik Thet” (foreign pepper) and, eventually, called it just “Phrik” (chilli). This could have been because the Thai people had become so fond of eating the foreign pepper that they no longer regarded it as “foreign.”

Conclusion Previously, the Siamese made their food spicy by adding some herbs such as pepper, ginger, galangal, lemongrass and garlic and the vegetables used in certain kinds of food such as Tom Khlong or Kaeng Liang. In addition, the taste of some food was supplemented with coconut milk. This can be seen in ancient Thai dishes such as galangal or sugar palm nut soups. Later on, when they became acquainted with the “Phrik Thet” (foreign pepper), i.e. the chilli, they used it to add taste to their food. For example, they transformed the Kaeng Liang into Kaeng Pa or literally “forest curry.” They began to prepare the chili paste by pulverizing the dried chilli with other curry ingredients. They later added something else such as coconut milk to the curry to create other dishes unique to Thai food. In addition, the Siamese invented chilli powder. They burned and fried chilli to add different yet good flavours to the food. When preparing curry, they tried out new kinds of meat such as fish,

p. 933, Phlai Chumphon ordered his followers to burn chilli under the house which Therawat was in.

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both fresh and dried one, pickled fish or “Pla Ra” and preserved fish with a sour flavour or “Pla Chao.” By adding chilli the fishy smell of the food could be minimized and the food made tastier. Thus, it can be said that the chilli intro-

duced by the Portuguese had wide repercussions on the development of Thai food creating new varieties and types and establishing procedural steps such as in the following examples:

Examples of Thai Food Supplemented with Chilli Method of Preparation

Example of Dishes

Pulverizing

Chilli dipping sauce and curry paste

Curry Making

Hot curry, Hot and Sour Curry, Forest-style Curry

Boiling

Various kinds of Thai soup such as shrimp soup

Mixing

Rice or vegetables mixed with various kinds of chilli sauce or chilli

powder

Salad

Various kinds of salad using meat and certain kinds of vegetable

Salad (rare or half-cooked)

Beef salad, Shrimp salad, etc.

Dry Roasted in the pan

Roasted chilli, Pork with yellow curry paste, Roasted pork liver

Stewing

Stewed pickled fish, Stewed salted crabs, stewed salted soya beans

Frying

Fried ginger with chilli, Fried catfish with chili

Deep Frying

Deep-fried chilli to supplement other food

Preserved meat steaming

Various kinds of steamed meat with curry paste

Steaming

Steamed fish with lemon & chilli

Roasting

Roasted chilli to be ground into a dipping sauce and eaten with

fresh vegetables or as an ingredient in the curry

Spicy minced meat salad

Spicy minced meat salad or spicy minced vegetable

Source: Compiled by Plubplung Kongchana

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As for food adopted from foreign countries, the Siamese added chilli to create accentuate taste in various ways such as in noodles or “Yong Tau Fu” (Chinese noodles made from beans) which were topped with some chilli powder, crushed chilli, or pickled chilli, chicken oil, steamed rice with chicken on top or sukiyaki. All of these were served with a side dish of chilli dipping sauce. This, then, is the reason why Thai food is generally classified as a hot food.

“Yong Tau Fu” with chilli added, Sakulthai Monthly Magazine, Vol. 58, No. 2986, Tuesday January 10, 2012: 57.

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It is still difficult to conclude that chillies were brought into Siam by the Portuguese during the 16th century. However, it is certain that the Portuguese played an important role in introducing the chilli into Siam as has been shown in this study and this is further historical evidence of the Thai-Portuguese cultural relationship that

has continued until the present day. The Siamese use chillies for creating various food flavours and this is far beyond the expectation of Manuel Fragoso, who probably brought the chili to grow in the Kingdom during the Ayutthaya period in the 16th century.

Endnote The author would like to express her appreciation to the following individuals, namely, Prof. Dr. Pornsan Watanangura, who invited the author to present her article and Mr. Sukoom Somprasonk, a former Secretary to the Thai Embassy in Lisbon, in 2006, and his wife, Mrs. Janjira Somprasonk who kindly took us around the historical sites in Portugal. Thanks also should go to Mr. Pimolphan Viboolsiritat, Ms. Vitida Viboolsiritat, and Mr. Chainarong Sripong, who compiled the documents and searched for additional information. The author expresses her appreciation to Dir. Phrarapin Duangloi, Mrs. Pornpan Prongjit, Mr. Tawatchai Prommana and the graduate students of the History Department of Srinakharinwirot University, namely, Mr. Vorapot Visedsirri, Mr. Thanyapong Sararat, Ms. Sasithorn Kongchan, Mr. Sitthichok Anuchan and Ms. Supreeya Buaphon. Last but not least the person the author would like to sincerely thank is a Portuguese woman at the big church in Sintra city who, while there was heavy rain, allowed us to enter the church on the day of our visit.

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

Bibliography Books (in theThai language or in a Thai translated version) Agricultural Base Printing. (1988). Chili or Hot Pepper. Bangkok: Sahamit Offset. Beze, Claude de. (2007). Memoire du pere de Beze sur la vie de Constance Phaulkon, Translated by San Komolbutra. 2nd Printing, Bangkok: Sri Panya Publisher. Choisy, François-Timoléon de. (1973). Journal du Voyage de Siam in 1685 and 1686, the complete version. Translated by San Komolbutra, Bangkok: Progress Publishers. Cultural Center, Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Thailand. (2003). Iranian-Thai Historical and Cultural Relations. Bangkok: Cultural Center, Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Thailand Fine Arts, Department. (1987). 476 Years of Friendship Between Thailand and Portugal. Translated by Nantha Tantikul. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department. ”. (1966). The 80th Historical Annals: “ Memories du Comte de Forbin. Bangkok: Prachan Printing House. ”. (1970). Dutch Archives During Ayutthaya “ 1608-1620 and 1624-1642. Translated by Nantha Sutakul. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department. ”. (1974). Traibhumikatha or Traiphuum “ Phra Ruang – verified version, Bangkok: Fine Arts Department.

”. (1987). Portuguese in Ayutthaya: Chao Sam Phraya National Museum and Portuguese Village Reconstruction. Fine Arts Department. ”. (2005). The Law of the Three Seals. “ Bangkok: The Teacher Council Business Corporation. Flores, Maria da Conceição. (2004). Portuguese and Siamese During the Sixteenth Century. Translated by Mathuros Suppapol. Bangkok: Orchid. Gervaise, Nicolas. (1963). Natural and Political History of the Kingdom of Siam. (in the Reign of King Narai The Great). Translated by San Komolbutra. Bangkok: Progress Printing. Kaempfer, Engelbert (1965). Thais in Kaempfer’s Archive. Published for the Funeral of Nai Ruay Sayamanon. Bangkok: Fine Arts Department. Kairuek Nana. (2011). 500 Years of the Two Nations: Thailand-Portugal Relationship Under Her Royal Highness the Queen’s Patronage, Bangkok: Matichon. Kukrit Pramoj,M.R. (1992). Chili Dipping Sauce. Bangkok: Siamrath. La Loubère, Simon de. (1691). Du Royaume de Siam. (The Kingdom of Siam ; with an introduction by David K. Wyatt. (1969)) Maneechat Nikornpun. (1998). Chili. Bangkok: Odeon Store. Preedee Phisphumvidee. (2010). Golden Board: Two Lands. Bangkok: Matichon. “

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Somjai Anumanratchadhon. (1966). Thai Diplomacy during the Ayutthaya Period. Bangkok: Prachan Printing House. Suree Bhumibhamon. (2005). Plants in Thai History. Bangkok: Matichon. Swangwan Tricharoenwiwat, Rassamee Krisanamis, Wipada Petcharak. (1999). Thai- Spanish Dictionary. Bangkok: Fa-apai Printing. Terb, Chumsai, M.L. (1982). Ratanakosin Meals. Bangkok: Sai Panya Society. Thawatchai Tangsiriwanit. (2006). History and Maps of Phra Nakhon Si Ayutthaya from Western Sources. Bangkok: Matichon. The Teacher Council Business Corporation. (1962). Thai Literature – Sepha Khun Chang Khun Plaen. 2nd Printing. Bangkok: Suksapan Panich. Turpin, François Henri. (1987). Histoire du Royaume de Siam. Translated by Paul Xavier. Bangkok: Department of Fine Arts. Vasconcelos, Joana., Pralom and Boonrussamee. (1999). Dicionario Portugues-Tailandes, TailandesPortugues, 1st Printing, Bangkok: Portuguese Embassy in Thailand Articles (in the Thai language)

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Charnvit Kasetsiri. (2011). “Ayutthaya Kingdom.” Material for the International Conference on 500 Years of Thai-Portugal and Western

Countries in Southeast Asia 1511-2011: International Conference, 26-27 January 2011 at Main Auditorium, Phranakhon Si Ayutthaya Rajabhat University. Phranakhon Si Ayutthaya Province. Organized by The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project and Thammasart University. Bangkok: The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project. Kobkaew Najpinit. (2004). “Nation-Supporting Chili Dipping: Tasty Food at Suan Dusit.” Suan Dusit Journal. Bangkok: Suan Dusit Journal Editorial Board. Rajabhat Suan Dusit University. Nithi Eawsriwong. (2011). “Portuguese in Thailand – Sailing, Spices, and Faith.” Material for the International Conference on 500 Years of Thai-Portugal and Western Countries in Southeast Asia 1511-2011: International Conference, 26-27 January 2011 in theMain Auditorium, Phranakhon Si Ayutthaya Rajabhat University. Phranakhon Sri Ayutthaya Province. Organized by The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project and Thammasart University. Bangkok: The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project.

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Pires, Tome. (2011). “Journals of Tome Pires in Relation to Siam – in the Reign of King Rama II (1491-1529). Translated by Pattanapong Prakulpong.Material for the International Conference on 500 Years of Thai-Portugal and Western Countries in Southeast Asia 1511-2011: International Conference, 26-27 January 2011 in the Main Auditorium, Phranakhon Si Ayutthaya Rajabhat University. Phranakhon Sri Ayutthaya Province. Organized by The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project and Thammasart University. Bangkok: The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project. Surachai Chumsriphan. (2011). “Portuguese in Thailand.” Material for the International Conference on 500 Years of Thai-Portugal and Western Countries in Southeast Asia 1511-2011: International Conference, 26-27 January 2011 in the Main Auditorium, Phranakhon Sri Ayutthaya Rajabhat university. Phranakhon Sri Ayutthaya Province. Organized by The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project and Thammasart University. Bangkok: The Foundation for the Promotion of Social Sciences and Humanities Textbooks Project. Sutachai Yemprasert. (2003). “Portuguese - Kingdom of Ayutthaya Relationsip”, in Pornsan

Watananguhn, ed. (2003). Thai-European Relations from the Past to the Present: Germany, Portugal, Russia. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University Centre for European Studies. Publications (in English) Collingham, Lizzie. (2006). Curry: A Tale of Cooks and Conquerors. London: Vintage Books. Hall, John Whitney, and McClain, James, L. (1991). The Cambridge History of Japan Vol. 4. Early Modern Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University. Mann, Charles C. (2006). 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus. New York: Vintage Books. Kiple, Kenneth F., Ornelas, Kriemhild Coneè, (2000). The Cambridge World History of Food I-II. Cambridge: Cambridge University. Muntarbhorn, Kanit. (1950). Thai Food History and Transliterations: Gastronomy in Asia III. Bangkok: M. T. Press. Photos Collcutt Martin, Jansen Marius B., Isao Kumakura, (1988). Cultural Atlas of Japan. University of Michigan, Phaidon. Matichon News Paper, 4 September, 2012 Sakulthai Monthly Magazine, Vol. 58, No. 2986, Tuesday January 10, 2012

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Websites http://www.hort.purdue.edu/newcrop/proceeding1996/v3-479.html http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Martyr http://ja.wikipedia.org/ http://clgc.rdi.ku.ac.th/article/seed/chilli/chilli. html http://guru.google.co.th/guru/thread?tid= 697873ff03557840&pli=1 http://blog.eduzones.com/sippa/274 http://www.chillies-down-under.com/chillihistory-world.html

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Some Eminent Portuguese Contributors in the Dialogue Of Cultures George Sioris1

If roles were reversed and the author of these lines were a critic, the latter could, very legitimately, object to the use of the above title for our paper: Does not this essay exceed the broader parameters of our colloquium which restricts us to an overview of the 500 years of Thai-Portuguese Relations? The answer cannot be a simple yes or no since, strictly speaking, our proposed talk seems to go beyond our general thematic constraints. And yet, can a parenthetically broader approach to the Portuguese impact on the world be forgiven? In spite of its undeniable significance, the Thai-Portuguese encounter of the 16th century can only gain in importance if viewed in a broader context, in terms of what this small Iberian country achieved so far away from its shores, in Africa, in the Americas and in the Far East...Thus, the marvel of this ‘first mercantile superstate” spanning four continents and “rising

1 2

Former Ambassador of Grece to Thailand Barnaby Rogerson: The Last Crusaders, 2009.

meteorically from being the poorest to become one of the richest kingdoms in Europe”,2 can be better understood. Last year, I was happy to accomplish a childhood dream: to reach the legendary Cape of Good Hope in South Africa. As I was scaling this rocky and windy headland of the Atlantic Ocean, I was overwhelmed not only by the extreme beauty and uniqueness of the landscape but also by memories of the first European to discover this awe-inspiring “Cabo das Tormentas”, Bartolomeu Dias, who was rounding it, way back, in the year of our Lord 1488! This was one of the most fascinating moments in the glorious era of Portuguese seamanship and discovery. Wasn’t it none other than Adam Smith who designated the opening of America and the passage to the East Indies via this promontory as the two greatest and most important events recorded in the history of mankind? And wasn’t it with deep foresight that

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Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

John II of Portugal renamed it “Cabo da Boa Esperanca”, replacing the idea of “Tormentas” with “Hope” and optimism about what existed further to the East? Consequently, can’t we say that the 500 years of interchange with Siam did not, somehow, originate, in this extraordinary nautical achievement in far away Africa? But even the legend has to be adjusted. The Cape of Good Hope is not the end of a continent because after driving 170 kilometres southeast of Cape Town, we reach Cape Agulhas, a spectacular but eerie place with a distinct flavour of remoteness, majesty and solitude. This is indeed the southernmost tip of the whole African continent, the meeting point of two great oceans, the Atlantic and the Indian, the symbolic merging of West and East, and first in a geographic and, later, in a cultural sense! Once again, the credit for this discovery is owed to Portuguese navigators who were noticed that at this place, the compass needle -”agulhas”- coincided with true North in the region. Standing by the solitary lighthouse, we can recall the great hazard that this promontory has been through the centuries and the tragic shipwrecks that litter the past off this forgotten and forsaken coast. It is a really strange feeling when you stand on the last rock jutting out into the great sea and realise that behind you stands

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Ibid.

the mass of a whole continent and in front of you an endless ocean! Years ago, I had a similar feeling when, after visiting Goa -another memorable Portuguese footprint, in India this time and I proceeded to Kanyakumari, the southernmost tip of the Indian continent. It is no wonder that, at another point higher up on the western coast of Africa, the Cape Bojador, which used to be in earlier times the furthest outpost of Portuguese African explorations, the contemporary British historian Barnaby Rogerson claimed that, even today, there is “a climatic, cultural and emotional frontier”.3 Exactly as at Cape Agulhas.... With larger than life figures like Vasco da Gama, Bartolomeu Diaz, Don Enrique the Navigator -the famous crusader Prince- and so many other Portuguese explorers, we conclude the “first phase”, so to speak, of the encounter among Continents, the “foundations” of new relationships. As time went by, new figures appeared and, slowly but steadily, deeper links of interpenetrating cultures were forged. Also, the appearance of the Portuguese on the Asian stage -we leave the Brazilian episode to other more expert hands..., has had an influence even on historic developments in these far away regions. (My distinguished Portuguese academic colleagues at this colloquium have already lent

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

broader perspectives on the Portuguese impact on Siam. For my part -and quite parenthetically-, I would limit myself to appealing to Portuguese friends here present in connection with the Phaulkon incident in Ayutthayan times. It is sometimes forgotten that many of my famous and controversial compatriots’ letters were written in Portuguese, the then lingua franca of the region. As Portuguese historian, Joaquim de Campos -who died in Bangkok in 1945,- remarked: “There are still many reports and documents and also missionary accounts, mostly unpublished, not only of the sixteenth but also of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, lying in the libraries of Portugal, most notably in the Torre do Tombo, the National Library of Lisbon, the Library of Ayuda and that of Evora and their study and examination will provide a rich mine of information for research scholars of Thailand.” This path certainly merits a modern “exploration”...)4 May I now propose that we move, even further, to the shores of “a world elsewhere”, to the archipelago of Japan. I would like to summarize here my many years fascination with three outstanding Portuguese figures who played an important part in the “dialogue of cultures” from the 16th to the 19th centuries. As the leading personalities linked with Portuguese action in the

George Sioris: Phaulkon, Siam Society, 1998.

Orient, Pinto and Camoens, have been examined separately, I would like to focus on these three figures who, in spite of their importance, are perhaps mentioned not so often. I also beg forgiveness for the many others I leave aside because of the limitations of space in my present endeavour. Jorge Alvarez, a friend of the pioneer missionary St Francis Xavier, was a captain, adventurer, trader and, finally, a writer, the firstever European chronicler of Japan. In his “Livro que trata das cousas da India e do Japao”, he shows a meticulous grasp of the new exotic realities he witnessed. His realistic look covers many topics, like religion, the landscape, material life, the language, food etc. As I wrote elsewhere many years ago, Alvarez comes to us as a symbol of that extraordinary symbiosis between Jesuits and traders in 16th century Japan, which was so profitable there and so misunderstood and frowned upon in Iberia and Rome. His case vividly portrays the idea of how amazing it was that “sea-wolves” of his kind, coming from a completely different background, managed to approach, befriend and understand so alien a people as the Japanese. Beneath his plain, descriptive prose, we can detect his inner pleasure when occasionally he could trace some similarity

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between his old and his new world. He, a rough captain, eventually showed more understanding and moderation towards an alien culture than his contemporary, the brilliant ecclesiastic, Francisco Cabral, an imposing but unyielding and inflexible Jesuit missionary in Japan. While Alvarez tried to understand, Cabral represented extreme missionary conservatism and rigidity. The latter’s adamant position that “it was essential for Europeans to treat the Japanese as inferiors” resulted in his removal from the Mission by the great Italian Visitor, Valignano, who managed to maintain a median and more pragmatic approach.5 But Alvarez’s simpler background allowed him more space for tolerance and moderation.

missionary: “...The world is greatly indebted to Frois for the elegant in-depth reports on Japan that he sent back to Europe...Frois’ s communiqués greatly helped the West come to learn something of the real Japan, beyond the fabled myth of Zipangu, fostered by Marco Polo some centuries earlier.”

We now come to examine another figure of the 16th century, this time a true missionary turned first class historian, Luis Frois. Long ago, in 1997, a well attended conference dedicated to this attractive personality was organized in Tokyo at the United Nations University. May I summarize and reflect here this conference’s proceedings.6

In my turn, I tried to elaborate on my life’s fascination with this chapter of “dialogue of cultures”, focusing in particular on its Portuguese dimension.

The then Rector of the UN University, Hans van Ginkel, had this to say about the Portuguese

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This introduction was followed by the opening address of then Portuguese Ambassador to Japan, my counterpart Rui Goulart de Avila: “...Japan and the Japanese became known in Europe from his [Frois’s] letters and works since he described in detail not only the Mission’s activities but the country, the people, its traditions and its mentality....Frois [was] one of the most relevant Portuguese who ever came to Japan...”

Frois, I noted, permeates all texts dealing with the 16th century, the “Christian Century” of Japan, but always as a low profile witness who shuns centre stage, a kind of “waki” -a deuteragonistand never a “shite”-the main actor-, if we borrow these words from the Noh drama terminology.

George Sioris: Some 16th and 17th century Interpretations of Japan and Siam, in “Transactions” of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol 10, 1995. 6 George Sioris: Luis Frois, Chronicler and Interpreter of Japan, A Jesuit Between Two Cultures, in “Proceedings” of the International Conference, United Nations University, Tokyo, 1997.

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Yet, his monumental “History of Japan” is widely considered to be the best source for the study of this period. The image he projects is always the one of “the faithful scribe”, the meticulous “chronicler” but Frois was also an “interpreter” of Japan, possibly the first one and one of the first “Japanologists” as well. His famous work, the “Tratado”, is a masterpiece of comparative cultural anthropology, even before this academic term was coined. If we view Frois next to two of his companions, the Italian Organtino -unequivocally pro-Japanese- and the Portuguese Cabral -rigid and uncompromising as we saw earlier-, he comes somewhere in the middle with no overenthusiastic pro-Japanese outbursts but also no verbal flagellations. He remains a true Christian believer but objective enough to give credit where credit is due to his new surroundings. I think it is precisely this charisma or relative objectivity that guided him on the path from zealot to interpreter! One gets the impression that subsequent scores of Japanologists might have felt in a way jealous of his unique opportunity directly to come to know figures like St Francis Xavier, Yoshiteru, Nobunaga and even Hideyoshi! And this, in those historic times of the ill-fated Japanese expeditions to Korea, the 1587 anti-Christian Edict, the 1597 Christian martyrdom in Nagasaki and so many other crucial chapters of the history unfolding in

the Far East. The leitmotif is one of cataclysmic events and, against this dramatic background, the tireless pen of the chronicler, at times even managing modestly influence their course. Christianity finally failed in the archipelago for reasons too well highlighted in the monumental works of a leading Japanese – the Catholic-novelist of the end of last century and my late close friend, Endo Shusaku. If it marked a degree of success in the initial stages, this was mainly thanks to the silent dedication of missionaries like Frois and others who risked so much, for so long and so far away from home. I have always maintained that if we try to evaluate figures like Frois, we should do it through the lens of his times and not our own. This of course should apply to all comparable cases where there is a danger of distortion because of the modernity and, therefore, incompatibility of the lens used. A missionary in the 16th century was and had to be a zealot with a monolithic attachment to his faith. Even when, at times, his exposure to a completely alien culture might provoke within him some hesitation, he had to cling to his faith as the only available anchor. In spite of these considerations and in spite of several critical and dismissive comments by Frois regarding Buddhist monks, the truth is that he also found time to study Shintoism and Buddhism, something no other European of his time had

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Time constraints prevent us here from going into more detail on this matter. The terrain is slippery but I am inclined to think that the foundations of Frois’s faith remained unshakeable. Where, however, I find him somewhat wavering, is in the domain of aesthetics. In that field he probably felt a certain attraction to Japanese architecture and gardens. His remarkable description of the famous Shanjusangendo temple in Kyoto is indeed highly aesthetic and detached from any theological reservations, as if the architectural beauty before him was devout of any Buddhist characteristics.

the 1587 Edict until much later, in 1597. My own point is that Frois was writing during the course of History without the security of hindsight and the ecclesiastical historian often came to grips with harsh political realities. In a way, we have to view him, by reversing terminology, as a “correspondent” of the Vatican and his Jesuit Order in the Orient Extremus. Although his main mission was pastoral, he later added to it the chronicler’s dimension which, in the ultimate analysis, may have somewhat blurred his vision and created an untold inner drama. A clash between cultures, as well as between religious and political affairs, must have been an overwhelming experience for this dedicated and self-effacing Portuguese Jesuit living and toiling on shores so far away from his Iberian roots. His dual role does not appear to have shaken his religious moorings but, possibly, his mantel as a “Japanologist” allowed him to slightly soften his critique of aesthetic Japanese values.

The influential Church politician, Valignano, may have imposed a certain censorship on the writings of his friend, Frois, in the broader interests of the Mission and a later great historian of Japan, James Murdoch, may have criticized the humble scribe for not revealing the true nature of

In concluding this brief overview, I would like to say a word about the particular affinity which I have felt with Frois for many decades, perhaps because of the implication of “divided loyalties”. Might I recall, in this instance, that some years ago, while lecturing at this same

done. A modern scholar focusing on Portuguese voyages to Asia and Japan, Helmut Feldmann, even detected a certain ambiguity and a veiled empathy with Zen Buddhism on the part of Frois. This scholar’s daring conclusion was that our missionary had experienced a deep culture shock that resulted in the shattering of his missionary beliefs.7

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Helmut Feldmann: As disputas de Sao Francisco Xavier com bonzos e nobres do Japao relatados por Luis Frois, S.J e Joao Rodrigues, S.J., in “Portuguese Voyages to Asia and Japan in the Renaissance Period”, Sophia University, Tokyo, 1993.

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prestigious University, I was asked by someone in the audience, who was aware of my many years in the Far East and my permanent retreat in Chiang Mai, whether I had fallen victim to the tendency of “going native”. Far from claiming a similar high level as that of Frois, my reply was in the form of a personal confession which I hope will also be forgiven before this present audience. I admit to a great attraction to Thailand and to the Far East in the broader sense, certainly, but this does not detract from the memory of my native Greece, from respect for my roots and the graves of my ancestors. Imagine how many times this statement could be magnified in the case of the modest but brilliant Portuguese missionary! We are moving now to examine the last subject of this essay, this time not from the world of seafaring or the Church, but from the world of literature. The name Wenceslau de Moraes may be not as well known as that of his contemporary interpreter of things Japanese, the Greek-Irish Lafcadio Hearn, but, in fact, his work is entirely comparable and his case is captivating in the intensity of feelings and in the sadness of its ending.8 I owe my admiration for Moraes to another Portuguese who was his country’s Ambassador

8 9

to the land of the Mikado in the nineteen sixties, when I was just starting my own peregrinations in the Far East. Armando Martins Janeira, a diplomat but mainly a man of belles lettres, who has written extensively on Moraes, became one of my early mentors on the path of comparative cultural studies.9 Born in Lisbon, in 1854, Moraes served first in the Portuguese Navy. He spent several years in Macao as deputy harbour master, doubling also as a teacher at the Macao secondary school. He married an Anglo- Chinese woman, whom he subsequently left, along with their two sons. In 1889 he came to Japan and later decided to settle in Kobe where he became the Portuguese Consul. There, he started his life’s work interpreting this fascinating country for his compatriots and for Europe, while going through traumatic experiences in his emotional by living with a Japanese lady who early left him a widower and then with her young niece who also died prematurely. Subsequently, Wenceslau resigned from his consular duties and lived the rest of his life, a sad recluse, ruminating on the memories of his two last great loves, in Tokushima in the eastern part of Shikoku island, until the curtain finally fell in the year 1929.

George Sioris: Far Eastern Cultural Transplantations, in the “Journal of the Siam Society”, vol. 80, 1992, Bangkok. Armando Martins Janeira: Um Interprete Portugues do Japao, Macau, 1966.

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To my mind, Moraes is to the world of Letters what Organtino was to the world of the Church: totally and unreservedly dedicated to and captivated by the infinite charm of the land of Amaterasu! So deep was his immersion, that there was no room for even the slightest criticism, only respect and appreciation. He adored the land and its people either when they embraced him or when they rejected him, in days of joy and sorrow, love and abandonment. “I drank her”, he wrote somewhere, “as one would a nectar!” Living close to the major regional events of the time, the Sino-Japanese and the Russo-Japanese wars, his stance was adamantly pro-Japanese in both cases, hailing the victories of the diminutive David against those all powerful Goliaths! In Moraes’s face, I think, is reflected a most wholesome picture of cultural transplantation and assimilation, of love which becomes blind passion for a different country, for different people, different values in which, nevertheless, the writer is relentlessly looking for the seeds of universality of the human race, the hopeful mixture of heterogeneous but not necessarily incompatible elements.

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Perhaps some critics would characterize his case as a mutilation of the objectivity of judgement, being a one-sided and very biased analysis of a world elsewhere; the unbecoming stance of someone who claims to be interpreting an alien

culture. Others, myself included, would rather marvel at the depth of his attachment and at his absolute, integral and all-round sentimentalism. For a writer with his multiple personal dramas, such an approach can be understood and forgiven because, in a way, he transferred his profound affection for two Japanese ladies -and their shadows, for they both died so prematurely-, to a love for their country. I sometimes wonder whether the hermit of Tokushima ever himself wondered whether he was not the reincarnation of his great compatriot, Fernao Mendes Pinto, who was one of the first foreigners to set foot on Tanegashima island in the 1540’s. In the long self imposed exile of Moraes in nearby regions it was as if the Japanese had become acquainted with a second face, that of the Portuguese mariner and this one was sweet, calm, friendly, scholarly, melancholic. Moraes and Pinto, two interchangeable figures in the saga of Portuguese interaction with Oriens Extremus... The figure of Moraes and his work represent, perhaps, the most complete example of cultural transplantation in the Japanese area. It is doubtful whether any other foreigner, at his time or later, has managed to plumb such depths and achieve such identification with so different a rhythm and way of life. Lafcadio Hearn could be a parallel but his writings do not reveal a total surrendering,

Reflexions on 500 Years of the Thai-Portuguese Relations

as he often retraced his steps showing some hesitation or second thoughts. Moraes does not write for the sake of others or for posterity, he just looks around, delivers a monologue and modestly puts to paper his spontaneous composition. His style is not even autobiographical. That genre presupposes a certain previous planning and structure that is absent from Wenceslau. Autobiographical writings are often a kind of confession, emerging through effort and difficulty, as a result of a ruthless fight with the ego’s cruel tentacles. In Moraes, on the contrary, the subjective flows quietly, like a breath in front of a mirror, with traces spreading over the image and covering it softly. For those familiar with early Japanese literature, Moraes’s style reminds one of the Nikki, those classic Japanese “personal notebooks” with their stray observations from whatever deep and innermost emotions shake the traveller of life. If all these remarks are correct then they can also help us to better understand the “distortions” of the author’s uncritical interpretation of Japan: The recluse does not aim at an audience but only to be in harmony with the pulses of his heart... In Tokushima, the hermit sheds all vestiges of his past life; he is oblivious to the glory of his past titles. “I live poorly but I do not need anything”, he says and I wonder whether he is 10 Helmut

really aware of the deep Buddhist echo reflected in his philosophy of life, even if he never adhered formally to Buddhist ranks. What a precious teaching in the endless greed of our times! May be, after all, the former naval officer, living at the end a poor and solitary life, devoid of anything except the memories of his two great loves, was still happier in his innermost self than many of us, the prisoners of the “monoculture of consumerism”. To borrow the phrase of our contemporary Thai thinker, Sulak Siravaksa, His solitude and misfortune enabled him to better grasp the inner feelings of Japanese aestheticism and mysticism; a unique mono no aware, a sweet melancholy imbuing the soul and leading it to the serene heavens of sentimental peace and harmony, at the antipodes of stress, insecurity and anxiety. Moraes represents a case for which I can find no other word but to come back to his own name, “Moraes”... He was a man disillusioned with the materialism of the West, escaping from it without hating it, a man adjusting himself to a very different environment, contented in spite of penury, the toils of age and solitude, and not displaying any wish to return home. One of his recent biographers, H. Feldmann, summarizes him as an “ambiguous” personality, an “intellectual Ulysses” with a Donquichotic irrealism.10

Feldmann: Wenceslau de Moraes e o Japao, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1992.

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Time does not allow a thorough examination of all of Moraes’ works but a pause is necessary for a few thoughts on O Yone and Ko Haru, his masterpieces. The first is the chronicle of a moving love story between two creatures born in worlds far apart and separated, against all odds, only by the untimely death of the younger one. The second is even more impressive. What ageing Wenceslau felt for this person, full of life and youth, was not exactly love, nor friendliness; it was a strange passion burning him to his inner self. Ko Haru became, at his life’s twilight, a pure symbol and Moraes caught hold of her as if of life itself. When she, also, was called to the nether world, he let himself fade away into a sentimental limbo up to the moment when the time came to follow both of his loves to the Unknown...For the Japanese of his times he was poetically known as “Sokoinden Kyokusho”, which means “a pilgrim and writer living in a castle surrounded by seaweed and light!

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Taking leave of this extraordinary figure

we cannot but hail him as an unusual man who tried throughout his life to harmonize the values of two worlds which the cursed muddling of prejudice, fanaticism or ignorance kept on presenting as incompatible and contradictory. Now, when there is so much talk about the famous “Other”, about limitations in comprehension and acceptance among races, religions and political beliefs, we can fairly say that the recluse of Tokushima dedicated his whole life to grasping this concept of the “Other” and the meaninglessness of dividing walls...

It is now time to draw the curtain on this

slight digression from our conference’s main thematic title and readjust the focus on its Luso-Siamese dimension. My only hope is that, in spite of this meandering, the importance of the Portuguese impact on Asian and other shores may be appreciated even further...