Theology & Culture 4 (June 2022) by Departamenti i Theologjisë dhe Kulturës, Kolegji Universitar Logos

Theology & Culture

The Academic Journal of the Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Theology & Culture Volume 4, June 2022 ISSN: 2708-6755

Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Publication information:

Theology & Culture is the Academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and is published online two times per year. The Department is located at Saint Blaise, 5 minutes outside Durrës, Albania.

Volume 4, June 2022 ISSN: 2708-6755 Aims and Scope:

Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts and scholars worldwide to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal will be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian.

Editorial Board Members:

1. Dr. Georgios Gaitanos, Lecturer of Religious Studies (Head of the Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos) 2. Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos, Lecturer of Liturgical Studies (Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos) Manuscripts and correspondence are invited for publication. You can submit your papers via e-mail to theolculture@gmail.com. Submission guidelines and Web Submission system are available at https://theolkulogos.wordpress. com/2020/01/30/theology-culture/ Copyright© 2022 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and individual contributors. All rights reserved. The Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos holds the exclusive copyright of all the contents of this journal. In accordance with the international convention, no part of this journal may be reproduced or transmitted by any media or publishing organs (including various websites) without the written permission of the copyright holder. Otherwise, any conduct would be considered as the violation of the copyright. The contents of this journal are available for any citation, however, all the citations should be clearly indicated with the title of this journal, serial number and the name of the author.

Contents Acknowledgements 7 Thoma Çomëni 1. Aspects of reshaping the consciousness in the Orthodox Church of Albania after the fall of the Communist System

Thoma Shkira 2. Religious Coexistence through the Cult of the Saints in Albania. Saints George and Blaise

Thomas Mavromoustakos & Sotirios Despotis 3. Numerology in the Gospel of John I: A contribution to the understanding of the numbers (2:6)

Georgios Gaitanos 4. Religious Freedom and Millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Thomas Mavromoustakos & Sotirios Despotis 5. Numerology in the Gospel of John II: The Jesus’ burial, the resurrection and the significance of the numbers two and one hundred 81

Acknowledgements

his edition is the fourth volume of the Journal “Theology & Culture” (ISSN: 2708-6755), which is the official academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos. This academic journal is published two times per year in print and online. Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature, Social Sciences and Religious Tourism. All research articles in this journal undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial editor screening and anonymous refereeing by at least two anonymous referees. And also, our reviewers and editorial board members are from different countries all over the world. The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts, scholars and researchers that has started their career now to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal is be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian. The journal will be indexed by Google scholar, DOAJ (Directory of Open Journals) and is hosted to our Issuu page (https://issuu.com/ departamentiitheologjisedhekultures). Also, the journal has its own Academia (https://independent.academia.edu/AcademicJournalTheologyCulture) and Researchgate (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Theology_Culture) account and every article is accompanied by a Doi number. For this fourth volume, we are publishing 5 articles that refer to Hagiology in Albania, Religious Coexistence, New Testament heremeneutics, History of Religions, Religious Freedom and the History of the Orthodox Church in Albania after the Communist Regime. We would like to thank our contributors for this second edition and especially As. Lecturer Msc. Thoma Çomëni“Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness in the Orthodox Church of Albania after the fall of the Communist System”, Lecturer Dr. Thoma Shkira-“Religious Coexistence through the Cult of Saints in Albania: Saints George and Blaise”, Professors Dr. Thomas Mavromoustakos & Dr. Sotirios Despotis 7

Acknowledgements

with two articles -“Numerology in the Gospel of John I: A contribution to the understanding of the numbers (2:6)” and “Numerology in the Gospel of John II: The Jesus’ burial, the resurrection and the significance of the numbers two and one hundred”, and Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“Religious freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform”. The Editorial Board Dr. Georgios Gaitanos Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos

1 Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness in the Orthodox Church of Albania after the fall of the Communist System Thoma Çomëni

As. Lecturer of Christian Ethics, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: thoma.comeni@kulogos.edu.al

Abstract

personal experience in relationship with God makes them not merely fossils of the past, but an important basis for continuing and enriching the ecclesiastical experience. Sermons, catechistic teachings, spiritual speeches, the publication of books with theological and spiritual content, the remembrance of various saints, local or not, who have an impact on the lives of believers and the Church are another attempt to form the parish consciousness. The analysis is based on facts fixed by reality and daily life, combining it with the tradition, life and theological thought of the Church.

The parish is the cell of church life. It’s the focus of Church life, and as such carries a significant weight in church life and activity. As such its absence creates emptiness in the life of the Church. The topic analyzes some aspects of the parish life and the reshaping of its consciousness in the case of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania, after the fall of the communist system. Coping with the physical absence of parishioners, the impact on their consciousness and subconscious of the ideology and propaganda of the communist system, the fossilization of memory, the acceptance and assimilation of divine truths are some aspects that make up the effort to form the ecclesiastical consciousness. The challenges of overcoming collectivization, massification and the power of propaganda, created by the communist system with the individualism, secularism and consumer spirit offered by contemporary society are part of the effort to form the ecclesiastical consciousness. Considering the memory and heritage of traditions and customs in the faith is another aspect of forming the parish consciousness. Feeding them with new

Keywords:

parish, parish conscience, temple, pastoral care, worship life, collectivism, individualism, dialogue, Eucharistic society.

Citation:

Çomëni T. Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness in the Orthodox Church of Albania after the fall of the Communist System. Theology & Culture. 2022; 4: 11-26. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.20312.57600 11

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

Introduction

he parish is a society in which the faithful, under the ecclesiastical guidance of the bishop and the priests, participate in a god-human society centered on Holy Eucharist. Each parish is a community, whose members are associated with faith in the Triune God, with the Christian ethos and the worship life, where the Divine Liturgy has an essential and central role. The parish is a society that is based on faith in Christ and is formed, becomes felt and strong in a specific area, which surrounds the parish church (Gregoriati,1993, p. 16). This is a priest-centered thanksgiving gathering within the boundaries of the episcopal Church. This shows that the parish has an essential need for the presence of the priest, who operates and manages the sacraments, the teaching, and the catechism of the flock, with the aim of guiding the deification of the members of this flock. The presence and guidance of the priest in the parish includes the whole spectrum of the society, that is, his ministry includes the whole society with its characteristics, without losing its characteristic as a divine Eucharistic society. Starting from this dimension, we understand that its construction or reconstruction and its continuous functioning is one of its most difficult but blessed missions. The above thought implies that the inspirer and leader of this mission, whom God has called to accomplish and who leads the believing people in spiritual challenges, has significant weight. And in the case of the Orthodox Church in Albania, the revival of the spiritual life of the parish is connected with its head, Archbishop Anastasios, who inspired and inspires this mission in the strong faith in God. The development of the topic will highlight the fact that the dimension of the resurrection of parish life has the seal of God, but also the effort, faith, hope and joy of Archbishop Anastasios. It is a resurrection experience over the absence of churches, clergy, and an ecclesiastical conscience. Thus, this topic tries to touch not only the events that accompanied this resurrection of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania, under the leadership of Archbishop Anastasios, but also to present some pastoral theological elements.

1. The parish church in Albania from death to the Resurrection The destruction and conversion of the temples for other uses by the totalitarian regime is an act without the will of the Church crew, which interrupted 12

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

the life of the Church, the close relationship of the parishioners and the close mutual relationship between the Church and the of the world. The temple expresses the faith and the life of the generations. These characteristics make him a place of reference for the continuity of the spiritual and worship life. Their leveling or conversion interrupted the relationship of people with their ancestors, but also with their contemporaries and their future, “because man cannot be understood without his ancestors and contemporaries, in fact he is often largely determined by them” (Mantzaridis, 2003, p.310). The construction or restoration of temples contributes to the reconnection of people with tradition and to the rebirth of tradition. He recalled the reasons, the history, the motives and the way the temples were built, as well as the relationship of the community with the church, the role that the parish church played in the relationship between man and God. Inside this temple the priesthood is connected with the sacramental life and the preaching of the word of God. In the holy orthodox temples that are operating again comes the Albanian society that had suffered deeply atheistic and ideological pressure and now are the members with a close or loose or indifferent participation in the life of the Church or do not agree with the church life. The latter are members of the Church who have been baptized before the ban on religious freedom. Thus in the life of the sanctuary, the parish meet the characteristics of today’s Albanian society: the search and the atheistic attitude (Anastasios, 2011, p.58). The pastoral work of the parish of the Albanian Orthodox Church is confronted with these features of modern Albanian society. To help the spiritual search of the people, the search emphasized the revival of tradition, because the older generations still remember the events, the moments from their daily Christian parish life and that of their ancestors. The presence of the temple among other things helps in the remembrance of these events. Which means that for man the decision of today is important, which is based on yesterday. In this way the memory of yesterday is linked to the identification and refers to tomorrow (Mantzaridis, 1996, p. 173). Thus, with the restoration of the church and the formation of the parish and the community of believers in Christ, the past is utilized, it is experienced today and it is an important element of determination for tomorrow. However, the relationship with tradition must be real, in order to unify tradition itself and make it active in the life of the Church, keeping it away from any dogmatism and ideological symbolism, open to any change that comes in the life of the Church (Lialiou, 2000, p. 49). Tradition becomes real when man or community bases it on faith in Christ. Faith made the Apostle Paul turn the tradition of his ancestors into a force of 13

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

“transformation”. The function of parish life renews the Christian tradition, experiences that did not exist in the age of atheism. The period when religion was persecuted was indirectly or directly a big gap in the tradition, because the continuity was interrupted, but at the same time the spiritual confrontation of the social phenomena that oppress the daily life of the world is absent. The reopening of the temples in a short period of time is a great effort to bridge the gap created by the anti-religious and anti-Christian actions of communism. It is an important impetus for parish life, because it enables the faithful to communicate with the sanctified place. Free access to the sanctified place, the worship and spiritual life in it reshapes the parish, which finds its three characteristics: “a - the worship unit, b - the loving relationship and c - the variety of gifts” (Matsouka, 1997, p. 102). In 1944 the Albanian Orthodox Church had four dioceses, 365 parishes and 373 priests and 23% of the Albanian population (Beduli, 1992, p. 31). In 1967, when religious freedom was banned, the parish number was 365, the clergy 217. At the beginning of the democratic development there was no parish, while there were 22 clergy left in old age. Today 460 parishes were reorganized and 146 clergy were ordained (Kalendari Orthodhoks 2012). This effort encountered many difficulties due to the problems left behind by communism, but also to the challenges of modern society. With the reopening of the parish life, the church was reconnected with the priest and the worship life. The function of the parish requires the worship service of the priest, the appropriate place, the participation of the faithful and the preaching of the word of God. In the era of communism after 1967 the first three important factors (priest, temple and people) in some cases existed, but were cut off from each other. The worship life was missing, the divine Eucharist, the central sacrament of union of the body of Christ, the function of the altar but also the function of the speech. In this way the freedom of the worship of God finds its true dimension, because the freedom of faith is also connected with the possibility of participation in the sacramental life of the Church, where each of its actors (priest, temple, people and word of God) has his position.

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

2. Reopening of temples in Albania as a transition from collectivism to Eucharistic society The periods before and after the totalitarian regime have an important and common element for the tradition. In both periods the function of the parish is the local living Church, the body of Christ that shapes the Christian tradition in Christ. This means that the Church in her life shaped the tradition into “living bodies and innumerable monuments” (Matsouka, 2000, p. 184). This tradition is shaped in the local Christian communities and becomes the consciousness of the Church, as it is based on the example, on the teaching and practice of Christ (Acts 1:1 “all that Jesus began to do and teach”), who gave the disciples a regulatory interpretation of how to interpret the old scriptures (Matthew 5:20-48), and teach in his name (Matthew 28:20). Jesus Christ also gave the living example of how to act and do. In the letter to the Philippians, the Apostle Paul, expressing his ecclesiastical perspective, emphasizes that the communion between members of the Church must have the humility that Christ had and showed (Karavidopoulos, 1992, p. 299-300). While in the first letter to the Corinthians “the example of Christ is generally shown by His emptiness and by the reversal of the historical Jesus to all kinds of people” (Agouridis, 1982, p. 175). The reopening and refunction of parishes after the fall of communism enabled Christians to experience the example of Christ, at the same time another dimension of society, of man’s relationship with fellow man and of man with God. This other dimension finds itself in opposition to the relations formed by communism or projected by the new conditions of today’s society. Communist society is distinguished by the character of collectivism (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 145-46) and in another form exists today by participating in various political and social organizations. The large number of these organizations confirm to us the fact of existence, as well as in other societies, of individualism and selfishness, as fear and anxiety are found among the members of this society (Keselopoulos, 2009, p. 290). The re-function of parish life enables the faithful to move away from collectivist gatherings of people and to experience communion with one another as the “body of Christ” (1 Cor. 12:27) the “communion of the Holy Spirit” (2 Cor. 13:13, Philip. 2:1). This means that life flows in the Church, in it the human experiences of faith find their meaning, because the Church is “a divine, unchangeable and unshakable foundation, while human transcendences have transience and often wrong experiences” (Gioultsi, 15

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

1999, p. 327-328). The young clergy who serve lived a special experience, as long as they studied during their years of training at the Ecclesiastical Seminary (Theological Academy) by participating in communal life, in the sacraments, and the sacred sacraments (Anastasios, 2011, p. 48) as a small parish. This special, important and essential difference in the nature and function of the Church makes it impossible for the Church to identify or submit to society. As this distinction of the Church from society made her withstand the pressures of the caesarean and dictatorial powers and the various groups that have a negative attitude towards it. In fact, after 1967 there are cases when the priests and the faithful continued the work of the parish, but in a secret way. They are parishes that did not have as their center the temple, but the houses of the faithful. In the houses the Divine Liturgy, the baptisms and other worship prayers took place, and the chanting in a low voice, which came from the depths of the soul. The priest without beard and beard, but had deep faith, hope and love. The believers of this parish were not from the same neighborhood, village or town, as is usually a parish, but they were believers who were united by the grace of God. One of these cases is that of Father Kosmas from Bestrova in Vlora (Bulika, 2005, p. 24-25). But also in other cities such as Korçë, Tiranë, Durrës, etc. (Tushi, 2012, p. 49-53). This tendency of disobedience to the rulers of this world has continued in recent years in the Albanian Orthodox Church. The pastoral presence of the Archbishop and other high priests, the ordination of priests, the worship, pastoral and spiritual function of the parishes is directed by the ecclesiastical body and not by various political non-religious actors. In the first 20 years after 1990 the political power tried hard to enter the life of the parish by promoting national, patriotic ideologies, in order to divide the life of the parish and the Church (Anastasios, 2011, p. 87, 97). However, the unifying grace of God confronted the divisive tendency of power, because the Church relies on the power of authority and not on the power of sovereignty (Karras, 2001, p. 232). The authentic and non-authoritarian attitude of the offering and ministry of the Orthodox Christian Church is different from the dominant authoritarian attitude of the world. This nature of the Church did not allow the parish to participate or become a community with a political spectrum, although members of the parish - Church have the right to vote and to be elected (Anastasios, “Orthodox must be responsible citizens”, “Ngjallja” 44 (1996), p. 12. Papapavli, “A happy anniversary for the Orthodox community of Albania”, “Ngjallja”, Special edition - 2 Αύγουστος 1997, p. 4). This expresses the spirit 16

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

that the Church is a peaceful authority, based on the acceptance of the Passion and Resurrection of Christ, passion, humility and patience for the sake of others (Anastasios, 2007, p. 103). which is different from the power of communism and democracy exercised in the 20th century and early 21st century in Albania. While the former is a dictatorship in its entirety the latter often has “dictatorial” signs in the years after the fall of communism. As for the Church, power is liberation from sin and its consequences. In the post-communist era, Albanian society, lived by church members, is caught between two different trends, collectivism and individualism. The ideology of the Christian identity of people of Christian origin, but have not been baptized, although they express a kind of collectivism at the same time they express an individualism, which in today’s society is a common phenomenon. Collectivism creates a pseudo-reality, because man does not ask to know his real situation, but transfers his problems to superhuman and anonymous organizations (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 147-148). Collectivism shapes individual relationships, but leaves no room for personal relationships. Today’s life in large urban centers helps to create relationships between individuals and not individuals. Participation in the spiritual and worship life of the parish is a gathering, which contained faith, love and hope. Experiencing these three dimensions of the Christian life makes the difference between any ideological and collectivist identity. These two tendencies of social life affect the ecclesiastical life, while the second one finds more ground in recent years. For example, today there is no tendency for a family religion in contrast to the situation that was until the beginning of the 20th century when religion was a family affair, while today it becomes a personal affair. There are many cases of people who are of Christian origin and declare themselves atheists or hold an attitude of indifference to the faith1. Such as the cases where members of society declare both tendencies at the same time. That is, they declare that they are Christians of family origin, but they are not baptized and consequently do not participate in the sacramental life of the Church, in the communion of persons. This is a 1 Thus, in a study conducted in 2008 by the company Albanian WB Data & Statistics on 25000 people aged 14-75 years, it appeared that the question: do you believe in God? 29.21% answered Yes, 15.83% answered I do not know and 54.96% No. To the other question: what religion do you believe in? 70.21% answered None, 10.33% in the Orthodox Church, 8.09% in the Roman Catholic, 9.34% in Islam (Sunni), 1.2% in the Bektashi, 0.7% in the Protestant Church and and 0.6% in other religions. Another question was Do you go to any religious places? 81% answered No, 13.62% Sometimes and 5.30% Often. http://www.scribd. com/doc/15738681/Feja-ne-Shqiperi.

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

trend that manifested itself in former socialist countries, where the end of one ideology gave impetus to the formation of other ideologies, where Christian origin became a way of ideology with a national and often racist spectrum (Mantzaridis, 2001, p. 25). This is because Christian identity begins with baptism into the Triune God, where the believer is born and walks into a new life. The Christian identity is an identity that has a personal dimension and demands the voluntary will, faith and actions of man for his salvation (Matsouka, 2001, p. 479). In these years in Albanian society an attempt is made to project the distinction between a true Christian identity and a supposed Christian identity. Just as a distinction is made between customs and tradition. Baptism enables the believer to understand, feel and form a personal and lively relationship with tradition, that is, to become a member of the unbroken history of the Christian church life, of the Christian tradition. In this way it is understood that the communion in Christ of a parish is closely related to the place where it develops. Thus the parish is structured geographically and not sociologically, as shown by the references of the Apostle Paul in his letters2. The Church is shaped geographically and locally, because the temple for Christians became not only a symbolic residence of God and a place of worship and gathering of the community of God (Foundoulis, 1995, p. 41). In fact, in ancient times the sanctuary was a place of reference for the whole environment, which expressed the close relationship of the wider environment with the sanctuary. The breaking of this connection of the temple with the environment creates difficulties in the realization of communion in Christ. In Albanian society this place of reference, the parish church, was either destroyed or converted (“The orthodox churches that were demolished were 600 of the 1600 that the Orthodox Church had in 1944”, (Qiriazi, 2000, p.171) or “disappeared into the mass of taller buildings or confused in people’s homes which is a common phenomenon in today’s society” (Boulgarakis, 1993, p. 33-34). The function of the parish church expresses the connection of the sanctuary with its surrounding area. The Temple includes the world to sanctify it, because the world is a creation of God. At the same time, the Church, with its presence in the world, offers to the culture, to the social, moral and economic life, that is, to the daily life of the world. The remodeling of parish life in Al2 “To the church of the God that is in Corinth, to those sanctified In Christ Jesus, called to be saint together with all those who in every place call upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ..” (1 Cor. 1:2), “the grace of God that has been given among the churches of Macedonia” (2 Cor. 8:1), “the brothers who arë with me. To the churches of Galatia” (Gal 1:2).

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

bania highlighted the Church’s relationship with the world. On the one hand it is the Church that includes the world, but on the other hand it is the world that influences the Church.

3. The refunction of the orthodox churches in Albania and the sanctification of the world The liturgical life of the parish community includes the prayer and the interest of the Church to sanctify the world (Galani, 2002, p. 80-82). On this general finding there is a special finding that has to do with the operation of the Church in various places. The Church as a community of love unites time, because it has a divine origin. Although it is a minority in the world, it affects society, its morals, its perspective, as it did in the first centuries (Mantzaridis, 1996, p. 94-96). The Celebration of the Despotic feasts (The Holy Nativity of Christ, the Epiphany, the Resurrection), the feasts of the Mother of God (Dormition of the Mother of God is excluded), the feasts of some saints (Peter and Paul, Nicholas, Georgios, Demetrios, Blaise in Durrës, Kosmas in Kolkondas at Fier, Vladimiros in Elbasan, Nikodimos in Berat) are cases in which not only Orthodox Christians participate, but also members of other religious communities3. These cases express the impact that the church has on the world, on people who are not members of it, who live in a society with many prejudices, which in the communist era took on wider dimensions. The parish in most villages, towns and cities is a community that is different from each community, because it has elements that are visible, while it is heavenly, it lives in the world, but it is not of this world, it is the body of Christ, but it consists of sinful members (Karavidopoulos, 1990, p. 82-83). This participation of people of other religions in the Orthodox Christian holidays is connected with the interest and love of the local Church for others (Anastasios, 2011, p. 51, 281-283). At the same time, this case gives the orthodoxy the willingness of the Orthodox Church to go beyond its “repressed limits” in order to offer the Christian message to people who do not have an orthodox Christian origin. This open attitude towards these people expresses the meaning of the same term

3 In the newspaper “Ngjallja”, a monthly edition of the Albanian Orthodox Church, there are many articles that talk about the participation of members of other religious communities in the Orthodox Christian holidays. “Kremtim i festës së shën Vlashit në Durrës-Celebration of the feast of St. Vlash in Durrës”, Ngjallja 5 (1993), p. 6, “Kremtim i ndritshëm i Pashkës - Bright celebration of Easter”, Ngjallja 20 (1994), p. 1, “Festohet dita e Ujit të Bekuar (Theofany)- Celebrated the day of Blessed Water”, Resu 16 (1994) , p. 1, “Besimi e mundi vdekjen - Faith overcame death, Ngjallja 55 (1997), p. 3.

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

Church (I call, call, invite, gather), but also the universal and ecumenical character given by the Apostle Paul, because the Church belongs indiscriminately to Jews and Gentiles (Rom. 11:11) since and it is not the external factors that shape it, but the faith in Christ (Rom. 9:6) (Vassiliadis, 2000, p. 401). In this theological, real and ecclesiological attitude the nature of the Church is expressed, which is in and out of time, out and in the world, includes the whole world, but is not identified with the world. This will say that to the Church belongs the whole world felt and imagined, as well as man, body and soul (Matsouka, 2001, p. 356-358). Also in an open attitude towards those who do not have orthodox origins the Church shows the liveliness of the ecclesiastical body, because chooses with the energies, actions, desires, faith and sensitivity of the people. At the same time the Church projects the truth, which had before the creation of the world and accompanies it throughout her life. Also this tendency of the Church to choose with the world makes evident the ability of the Church not to choose, but to understand the world and to respond to its challenges. For example, before the banning of the Church, the parish had its geographical boundaries, in fact the Christians generally had their neighborhoods and their operation was done in traditional ways, while today things are different, because in Albania as in the rest of the world the parish service is not done in a traditional way. This means that the demographic movements brought to the surface a new form of operation of the city, but also of the parish, “social function affects the way of operation and parish” (Mantzaridis, 1993, p. 71-71). Within these geographical boundaries of today’s parish are people of other religions, atheists, agnostics, various non-governmental organizations. Today, there is a parish in most cities in Albania. The parish church is located at a great distance from the believer and as a result it is difficult to participate normally in the worship and spiritual life of the Church. They are difficulties that are overcome in the life of the same parish. Unlike the old practice, in which various sacraments were performed in the houses, now the parish church is the place where all the sacred sacraments and the sacred services are performed. Equally important are the visits to the families of the faithful, the revival of the name holidays or the operation of the various catechism groups. All these parish activities are efforts to overcome the great distance from the church and the pastor to meet more easily with the parishioners and the world. The experience of the three components of the Christian life (faith, love and hope) gave the strength to face two forms of modern collectivism that are now 20

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

found in Albanian society: socialism, which shadow still affects society and mass mobilization, in the dwellings (the high-rise apartment buildings), in the movements (the internal and external movements or migrations), changed the structure of the neighborhoods and the ways of communication between people. This situation makes it difficult for the faithful to communicate with each other, because in large urban centers there is one parish or at most two parishes. On the one hand the Orthodox are a minority and on the other the form of modern society constitute this difficulty. However, the strength of faith does not depend on the percentage of the population and external difficulties, but on devotion to the crucified and risen Christ. In the first letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 1:18-31) the Apostle Paul says that the preaching of the cross is unacceptable to the messianic traditions of the Jews and foolish for the pursuits of the Greeks. Jewish eschatology was refuted, as was the attempt by Greek philosophers to propose a solution to the human search. Through the mole of the cross the faithful find God and salvation where for others God is absent (Agouridis, 1982, p. 53-61). The Church in Albania, which is challenged, operates on such faith and action, which since the apostolic times, in the 2000 years of its history, has shown its spiritual power, which is based on faith, worship life and the Christian ethos. The history of the Orthodox faith, the presence of saints who were sanctified or martyred for the faith in the region of Albania, the monuments and the offering to the culture, the whole Orthodox tradition are samples of spiritual power of the Orthodox Christian faith, of the spiritual and social experience in the her life. These are the main components that make the Orthodox Church, with its parishes within the Albanian society “a factor of stability, tolerance and mutual understanding (Anastasios, 2011, p. 836). This presence of Orthodox parishes in each local community makes the difference from other governmental and non-governmental organizations. One of the differences is how women are treated by the parish in relation to society. In Albania today, perceptions of women who existed as before the imposition of the regime survive, as well as the exploitation of its role for propaganda purposes, as well as the increase in violence in these post-dictatorship years. In this society the Church offers theological wealth and a different approach. In a society where the woman had no right to property, neither in her own family, nor in the man’s family (Luarasi, 2001, p. 15). Some progress is being made in the communist regime with the legal recognition of the rights, for the education of women and their participation in the social, economic, educational, administrative life of the Albanian society (Etnografia Shqiptare, 21

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

1987, p. 107), but did not cultivate a corresponding spirit. This is confirmed by the existence of the phenomenon of male violence in Albanian society today, which stems from some cultural prejudices about the role, personality and bio-social destination of women in society (Tushi, 2006, p. 68). The ecclesiastical treatment of this reality in Albania is the active participation of women in its life (Koukoura, 2005, p.84), which had started from their participation in the Clergy Council in 1991 (“Zgjedhja dhe fronëzimi”, Ngjallja 233 (2012), p. 10) and 1997 with the opportunity to study at the Theological Academy (http://www.orthodoxalbania.org/new/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=113%3Athe-theological-academy-resurrection-of-c. accessed 12/10/2012). This initiative is based on the theological support of the idea of parity, as the Apostle Paul emphasizes “….there is no male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Gal. 3:28). Through these actions the Church recognizes the particularities of women and the opportunity to offer as active members of the parish church life. Through this energy the Church connects the worship life with their social and spiritual contribution. At the same time is the social action of the Church in the organization of the various educational programs mainly in rural areas by “Diakonia Agapes” (http: //diakoniagapes.org) with the social contribution of women, a fact that connects the social contribution with the social ministry. This action leads the woman to a higher standard of living, while at the same time helping the parish community to treat women not as a precaution, but as valuable persons in society. After all, this action is offered not as revenge against the opposite sex, but as a natural right. In order not to be an ideology and to have the same results, all social action towards women is connected with the worship life. With the seriousness and equality of participation in the sacramental life and especially in the sacrament of marriage that forms the family, which turns into a place of spiritual meeting of the spouses (Gioultsi, 1999, p. 108).

Conclusion Building a parish in the context of its physical existence can be easy, as society has infinitely similar forms as governmental and non-governmental organizations. But the formation of a parish consciousness is the great challenge and that similar examples cannot be found in non-church organizations or organizations. Even when in a society there was an ecclesiastical parish, pressure was exerted to distort it or it was stopped by law and the members 22

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

of this parish lived with the memories of the parish existence, but did not revive it with the daily spiritual life then the difficulty becomes great, but not hopeless. And exactly the case of the formation of the parish consciousness in the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania is an attempt to transcend memories and to make them alive and under the illumination of divine grace. Building, restoring or rebuilding temples more than a work of building sacred objects, or to foster and enhance human sensitivity is to provide a point of reference for believers and not just to orient their spiritual and social lives. Thus memories from fossil elements in the human mind turn into nutrients of the spiritual life directing human life into other dimensions, anthropological, social and experiential. Respect for people’s lives and fostering parish life activity to value human life is the other element in fostering a parish conscience. Sermons, catechistic activity, spiritual conversations, and worship life are attempts to shift believers’ human thought from the influence of human consciousness or subconscious from communist ideology or the tendencies of modern society toward strengthening divine consciousness, where it becomes part of the transforming power of human life. It is often the parish itself, which in the pressure of ideology and the pressure of power, and nationalist thoughts encounters difficulties in preserving its identity. Especially when the period we are talking about comes after the fall of a power of disbelief, the challenge is great, because in the majority of them citizens, both believers and non-believers live under the influence of ideological or nationalist propaganda. And on the other hand is the influence of opinions and modern attitudes, which exert pressure by highlighting secular, consumerist, and human rights elements and which tend to elicit enormity from time and place by considering it utopian and acronymic. Collectivism, massification on the one hand and individualism on the other are two elements that undoubtedly challenge the effort of ecclesiastical consciousness, as the insistence on promoting these social phenomena within the parish and identifying the parish with them is an attempt to alienate the parish identity. Thus while parish is the local and temporal extension that people come together to worship God and transform their lives, it is neither a collectivizing unit nor a group of individualists, but a society of persons, where people retain their uniqueness. The didactic life of the parish and more the worship life of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania have aimed towards this society of persons and love. Trying to turn the parish and the 23

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

temple closely associated with it into a reference point for the development of the spiritual and social life of the people. The connection of parish life with the memory, experience and reverence of various saints who have made an impact on the lives and memory of people is the next attempt to discover the real dimension of parish, where truth, memory, place, time, divine values and human, experiential power are together within it and that make it the guarantee for the transformation of human lives. Spreading the message of salvation through traditional and contemporary forms of communication on the one hand and their content on the other are attempts to provide divine revelation and calling to people, whether believers or not. It is the effort where the Church and its activity to lead people to salvation do not remain on the borders of a clash of ideas, thoughts and perceptions with the world around her, but in a dialogue where obviously the divine message has supremacy in content but difficulty in acceptance and implementation . Thus, the re-creation of the parish conscience is a challenge for the Orthodox Church of Albania and for an important fact, as over the years new situations are formed and developed, which mean confrontation and constant effort. But from this entire parish’s attempt to form its consciousness is guided by three basic elements: faith, love, and hope.

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

References Agouridis, Sabbas Kr. (1982), Apostolou Paulou Proti pros Korinthious Epistoli, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Anastasios Yannoulatos, Archibishop of Tirana and all Albania (2007), Nin panta peplirotai fotos, Athens, Maistros. Anastasios Yannoulatos (Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania) (2011), Stin Albania – Stauros kai Anastasi, Athens, Livani. Bassiliadis Petros B. (2000), Biblikes Ermineutikes Meletes, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Berdyaev Nikolai (2002), Basileio tou Pneumatos kai Basileio tou Kaisara (transl. B. Youltsis), Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Bulgarakis Ilias, I (1993), “Enoria: Adieksoda kai Dieksodoi”, Enoria – Pros mia nea Anakalipsi tis Athens, Akritas. Galanis Ioannis A. (2002) Themata Theologias tis Kainis Diathikis, Thessalnoniki, Publications Service of AUTH. Gioultsis Basileios T. (1999), Pneumatikotita kai koinoniki zoi, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Karavidopoulos Ioannis A. (1992), Apostolou Paulou pros Efesious, Filipisious, Kolossaious, Filimona,Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Karavidopoulos Ioannis A. (1990), Meletes Ermineias kai Theologias tis Kainis Diathikis, Thesaloniki, P. Pournara. Karras Kostas (2001), Agia Triada, Ekklisia kai Politiki – Zontani Orthodoxia ston Synchrono Kosmo, Athens. Estia. Keselopoulos Anestis G. (2009), Protaseis Poimantikis Theologias, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Koukoura Dimitra (2005), I thesi tis ginaikas stin Orthodhoksi Ekklisia, Thessaloniki, Sfakianaki. Lialiou Despo Ath. (2000) Ekklisia, Kosmos, Anthropos, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara Mantzaridis Georgios I. (2003), Christianiki Ithiki ΙΙ, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Mantzaridis Georgios I. (1996), Orthodoxy theologia kai koinoniki zoi, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. 25

Aspects of the reshaping the parish consciousness

Mantzaridis Georgios I. (2001), Pagkosmiopoiisi and Pagkosmiotita – Chimaira kai Alithia, Thessaloniki. P. Pournara. Matsoukas A. N. (2000), Dogmatiki kai Simboliki Theologia A’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Matsoukas A. N. (2001), Dogmatiki kai Simboliki Theologia B’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Matsoukas A. N. (1997), Dogmatiki kai Simboliki Theologia C’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Fountoulis Ioannis M. (1995), Leitourgiki A’ – Eisagogi stin Theia Latreia, Thessaloniki, Migdonia. Beduli Dhimitër (1992), Kisha Orthodhokse Autoqefale e Shqipërisë gjer ne vitin 1944, Tiranë, Kisha Orthodhokse Autoqefale e Shqipërisë. Bulika Spiro (2005) Bariu i Mirë - Episkop Kozmai, Tiranë, Kisha Orthodhokse Autoqefale e Shqipërisë. Etnografia Shqiptare 15 (1987), Instituti i Kulturës Popullore , Tiranë. Kalendari Orthodhoks (2012), Tiranë, Shqipërisë.

Kisha Orthodhokse Autoqefale e

Luarasi Aleks (2001), Marrëdhëniet familjare, Tiranë, Luarasi. Ngjallja, Monthly newspaper of the Orthodox Church of Albania: 2/5 February 1993, 1/16 January 1994, 5/20 May 1994, 5/44 May 1996, 4/55 April 1997, Special edition - 2 August 1997, 7/233 July 2012. Qiriazi Dhori (2000), Krishtërimi në Shqipëri, Tiranë, Argeta LMG. Tushi Dion, “Lutjet dhe mundimet tona bënë që të na vijë më i miri”, Kërkimi 9 (2012), Tiranë. Τushi Gëzim (2006), Dilema dhe Probleme Sociale, Tiranë, Dudaj.

2 Religious Coexistence through the Cult of Saints in Albania Saints George and Blaise*1 Thoma Shkira

Lecturer of the History of the Church of Albania, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: thomashkira@yahoo.com

Abstract

used for this paper. The latter will be analyzed according to the case of each saint and through their comparison. The purpose of the paper is to show that the cult of honoring the saints in our case study of Gjergj Trofeprurësi and Vlashi of Sebasta, as two of the most popular saints in Albania, being the final factor of religious coexistence which the latter is rightly considered and is trumpeted not only as the unique experience of a people but also as the achieved example of coexistence for the multicultural and multiethnic diversity of the whole human society.

The paper examines the importance of the cult of saints in the popular tradition of our country, which contributed over the centuries to the consolidation of religious coexistence. It mentions the forms of reverence of folk traditions especially dedicated to Saint George and Saint Blaise, relying on historical data and phenomena before and after the Ottoman occupation in our country, which crystallized religious tolerance and coexistence even when the religious structure and the social conditions of our people suffered great disproportions. The reason that these two saints are considered is that they are widely honored by the people regardless of religion and are general examples and representative factor for religious harmony and coexistence in Albania. Yet, it is not an isolated paper regarding the cases of these two saints but also in forms of veneration of other saints. The bibliography from the National Library and the Central State Archive, Tirana and materials containing data and information on the forms of honoring Saint George and Saint Blaise will be

Keywords:

Sacred cult, religious tolerance and coexistence, multicultural and multireligious diversity.

Citation:

Shkira T. Religious Coexistence through the Cult of Saints in Albania: Saints George and Blaise. Theology & Culture. 2022; 4: 27-41. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.11923.96807

1* Paper presented at the International Scientific Conference “Integrating Societies through Religious Harmony And Coexistence. The Albanian Model in Tirana”, Tirana, 8th May 2019.

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

Introduction

he activity “Religion in Society - The Model of Albania” started on May 6. It coincides with Europe Week, the anniversary of the birth date of our National Hero but also with the day of St. George the Trophy-bearer which in some areas of our country is again celebrated according to the Julian calendar1. In this paper entitled ‘Religious coexistence through the cult of saints in Albania, the forms of veneration dedicated to Saints George and Blaise are mentioned, along with the historical data of the Byzantine centuries and the phenomena of Islamization and crypto-Christianity during the Ottoman centuries. All these together crystallized the religious tolerance and coexistence among people, which overcame the historical and political intolerance even when the religious structure and social conditions suffered great disproportions. Thus, the unique experience of a people who passed ‘in fire and in water’ shaped through the cult of saints the ‘achieved’ coexistence, which remains the contribution of today’s Albanian society where diversity and multicultural, as well as multiethnic stratification stand out. The cult of honoring martyrs initially had a local character (in the place where he was martyred and where the martyr was known) but then its spread gained ecumenical character. This also happened in our country which honored the local martyrs and then other martyrs, the honor to whom came from the Christian community abroad. The sacrifice of the martyrs became the concrete example of imitation of Jesus Christ and therefore the honoring of their sacrifice was done in the name of the sacrifice and love of God. Thus, their veneration enriched the spiritual life and social conduct, which pacified Christians and established lasting balances in their community and inter-community social life. Thus we can say that Christians, while maintaining the teaching of the faith of the founder Christ, with the axis of love for every man “love one another” (John 13:34) and “love your enemies” (Matthew 5:44) and freedom of choice “Whoever wills to come after me” (Mark 8:34), crystallized the “spirit” of 1 The Christians of Shpati, Gollobërda and the Prespa area, in addition to the celebrations of the Gregorian calendar used today in the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania, according to their tradition, also celebrate many celebrations of saints according to the Julian calendar. (These two calendars are 13 days apart).

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

communion and coexistence within the cult of reverence for the saints, even for those who had religious differences. In addition to material spiritual wealth, their cult in the people is evidenced by all other forms of their reverence as part of intangible spiritual wealth. As it is known, the fulfillment of spiritual needs for every stage of the life of the Arbers was directly related to the cult of the saints in the context of life in and around the ecclesiastical temples. Even after the institutionalization of the Church, the Christians in the territory of Medieval Arberia, during the Byzantine and Ottoman centuries and until today, continued to have the Church at the center of social and spiritual life. Thus, the spirit of communion and the coexistence of the cult of saints in the traditional Arber faith and the influence of later psycho-social factors observed in various phenomena, such as Islamization and crypto-Christianity, instilled in them tolerance and religious coexistence, which successfully withstood the wave of historical and political intolerance. Today, Albanians within religious pluralism, nurture tolerance and want coexistence with each other, so much so that their unique experience is worth promoting as an achieved example of a people who passed ‘on fire and in water’ and became the Albanian model of multi-religious coexistence. Many saints such as the Apostle Caesar, Asti, Bishop of Durrës, Erazmi Antiochus, Flori and Lauri, George, Blaisei, Sergji and Bahu, The Seven, Saint Kozmai, etc., treaded and testified to the martyrdom in our country, or the cult of their veneration has been transferred from their country of origin, as in the case of St. George and St. Blaise of Cappadocia, to our country since the early Middle Ages. The forms of their reverence are numerous and to this day, even after the attempt to forcibly liquidate this tradition and every religious and spiritual tradition in the last century by the Albanian Communist Regime, are indicators of their great influence on social life and the spirituality of the people, seen for example in the folk pilgrimages honoring the saints in our country. One of the values of the influence of these religious factors and historical phenomena is the coexistence and inter-religious tolerance of our people.

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

1. The cult of Saints Gjergj and Vlash in the ecclesiasticalfolk tradition In Albania, two of the most popular saints are Saint George the Trophy-bearer and Saint Blaise of Sebastia. The popularity and reverence paid to them is multifaceted, which is noticed since the early ecclesiastical reverence by all the Christian people throughout the medieval period. During this period all material and immaterial spiritual culture, psychology and virtues carried by our people, essentially consisted in the cultivation of spiritual and worshiping life. Albanian academics such as Aleks Buda and Myzafer Korkuti rightly considered Christianity as the main factor in the formation of the Arber nation. (Bërxholi, 2015, pp. 143-144). The popularity of the saints in the Medieval Arberia is evidenced by the construction of numerous churches and monasteries dedicated to them and by the abundance of toponyms of saints’ names, which have been preserved until present time even after Islamization. According to some scholars, these toponyms date back to the 6th century. Linguists Eqerem Çabej and Shaban Demiraj date their introduction to our language before the 6th century. (Gjergji, 2001, pp. 10-11). Also, Kolec Topalli, based on the evidence of the Albanian language, puts in the oldest names that have entered the first centuries of the spread of Christianity the name of St. George (Topalli, 2000, pp. 407-408). The centuries-old experience of our people with the saints of the Church, inherited, cultivated and carried in the ecclesiastical conscience and in its historical memory, well-known examples of true servants of Christ, among whom he pays special homage to the great martyrs St. George the Trophy Bearer, and St. Blaise, through the monuments of the churches, and the icons dedicated to him, the toponyms of the same name, the folk traditions, folklore and legends that refer to them.

1.1 Honoring St. George St. George and his veneration in our country took place in the early Middle Ages. He with his life, miracles and martyrdom witnessed the preservation of true faith in the Triadic God and the defeat of the Dragon of idolatry, otherwise known as the Miracle of the killing of the dragon by St. George in ecclesiastical iconography, where the Saint is depicted riding on a white horse killing the black man-eating dragon. The cult of his reverence is noticed in the 30

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

toponymy of his name, in the dedication of many popular traditions and in his emergence in the history of the Arbers. Firstly, one of the four most revered saints with a church name in our country is St. George. Behind the churches of the Goddess Mary, St. Nicholas and St. Friday are those of St. George the Trooper. Among others we can mention many churches2 and toponyms3 that bear the name of St. George (Elsie, 2007, 2 There is a church of St. George in Tivar, (Montenegro), in Prizren (Kosovo), in St. George on the river Buna, in Sapa of Shkodra, in Drisht of Shkodra (cathedral church), in Kukël of Shkodra, in Nënshat of Shkodra , in Toplan of Shkodra, in Tërbun of Puka, in Calakë of Laç, in Ndërfanë of Mirdita, registered in 1457, in Macukull of Mat, in Reç of Dibra, in Bërzhitë of Tirana, in Shëngjergj of Tirana, in Tujan of Tirana, in Todorenj of Tirana, in Vidhas of Elbasan, in Shëmill of Elbasan, in Bena of Elbasan and in Polis of Librazhd. There was a church of Saint George in Korca, of the XII century, rebuilt in the XIX century, in Mborje of Korca. There were two churches of Saint George in Përmet. In Mbrezhan of Berat there was a monastery of St. George. The name of the village Jergucat in Gjirokastra, took its name from the church of St. George that was located in its center. Jergucati has today the church of St. George: There are churches of St. George: in Berat (XIV century), in the Libofsha District of Fier (1776), in Strum of Fier (1801), in Vithkuq of Korca (year 1767), in Shipska of Korca (XVIII century) in Boboshtica of Korca, in the village of Gollomboç of Prespa (1937), in Nokova of Gjirokastra, in the Terihat of Gjirokastra is the main church of the village named after St. George, in Vllaho Goranxi of Gjirokastra, in Vanisht of Gjirokastra (XVIII century), in Hoshteva, Zagori, today its ruins are located in the porch of the church of St. Kolli built later; in Krane of Delvina (rebuilt from the foundations by Archbishop Anastasios), in the upper Leshnica of Saranda (1525), in Deme of Saranda of the monastery of the same name (XVII century), in Voloter of Saranda, between Nivica-Bubar and Saranda (XVIII century) and St. George, a church in Durrës restored in the years of the Church’s resurrection after persecution by the “power of darkness”. After 1991, the churches of St. George were built with the funds provided by Archbishop Anastasios, the Cathedral Church of St. George Fier, the Cathedral Church of St. George Lushnja (restoration), the Church of St. George in Kuqan of Shpati, Elbasan; in Shkalle of Saranda. Church of St. George in Mborje, Korça, restored in 2018, etc. Mavrogjiro, Gjirokastra. Name of a small church of St. George, Polican Gjirokastra; Ai-Jorgji, toponym to the south of the village Selio, Gjirokastra; In the same village is the ruined church of St. George. In the same place there is also St. George-water source. Toponym Saint George in Sopik, Gjirokastra; The toponymy of the iconostasis where it is located and the condition of St. George by the believers in the village of Sotira, Gjirokastra; In the village of Sofratik, the toponym and the chapel of Saint George; In Hllomo of Gjirokastra, decades ago there was Ai-Jorgji conism in the ruins of the old church; In Topovo there is a chapel and a toponym of St. George. In Konckë there is a chapel (house) of Saint George, there is also a cypress tree of Saint George. In Hoshteva on the porch of the Church of St. Kolli, is the ruined church of St. George. The latter is older and smaller than the first that was later built, the porch of which covers the old church. Ai-Jorgji, toponym in Vanistër Gjirokastër, Raxn Ai-Jorgji, a new conism was built here, earlier it was located next to the central well in Bodrishta, Gjirokastër, Saint George, the name of the church at the head of the village Glinë and the property around of this church. In Dhuvjan, the chapel of St. George. Kato Episkopi, (Lower Bishop), the name of the church of St. George and the place around it, Ai-Jorgji, a very old church in the old cemetery in Kalogoranxi, Gjirokastra, during the dictatorship turned it into a factory of military vehicles. 3 Among the toponyms of St. George in the District of Gjirokastra we can mention: In

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

p. 74). There are also macronims of St. George such as: St. George Village (Sveti Djordj), on the river Buna, Shëngjergj village in Tirana, etc. St. George Cave in Dhivër (cultural monument). The city of Korça also keeps St. George the Trophy-bearer as its protector. All of the above show popular reverence for the saint. Secondly, the many centuries experience of our people with the saints of the church, inherited, cultivated and carried in the ecclesiastical conscience and in its historical memory the well-known examples of the true servants of Christ, among whom we emphasize again the special reverence paid to the great martyr St. George the Trophy-bearer, through folk traditions, folklore and legends. The celebration of St. George takes place during spring, on April 23, is very widespread in our country. People that day put straps on their belts, put green leaves or branches on their heads. They do the same with cattle and their dishes. These along with their weight control want to symbolize health and life. Also in some northern provinces, fires are lit, as well as lit in other areas for Evangelism or for summer days, to purify the atmosphere (Sako, 1959, p. 28). Moreover in the folk tradition, songs dedicated to the summer day were also sung for St. George and vice versa. So these two festivals from the similarities they had in some rites and ceremonies were equalized with each other. Songs for this holiday are sung in groups and also performed in churchyards (Daja, 1987, pp. 351-352). In the village of Gjinar in the area of Shpat, Elbasan, the first song with which it is thought that the games of the feast of St. George or Summer Day started was “Eat, eat, bibishaje”: “Eat, eat, bibishaje/come friends to play,/ because it is St. George day!/ Come, friend, let us play/ As year after year and this time! ” (Daja, 1987, p. 353) Also, in the Albanian folklore, Saint George in the districts of Korça, in Polena, in Drenova, the highland villages of Tirana and elsewhere, big and small get up early before the sunrise, and take willows and leaves outside the village, pluck the branches and wrap them around their waists, believing that when the corns are threshed they will hardly be in pain. They bring branches home and place them in their objects and at the same time go out and with branches scare away snakes and worms, so as not to damage the crops. From the village

Klisar of Gjirokastra, old church; There is a chapel and toponym of Saint George in Lovina, Gjirokastra.

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

of Picalli in Tirana, the following was sung: “O Saint George the White, / O Shëngjergj mushtullu, / same time next year,find me with a son / As this tree, let my hair grow. / O Saint George in health, / the Highlanders go in their place”. (Zheji, 1998, p. 60) In addition, for St. George at the beginning of May (May 5), the people of Dibra until the 60s of the last century overcame the fires with juniper and painted red eggs, an element of Easter4. While to this day many Bektashis on Summer Day (March 14) wish happy spring and give colorless eggs, cakes or house beans and boiled corn, which respectively resemble the Easter egg in spring, the Easter cake and the boiled wheat (koliva) of the Memorials, for the spirits of the Souls Sabbath which precedes the great forty days of Easter in the Christian tradition. Thirdly, St. George in the history of the Arber people has served as a reference point and their protector. For example, John Kastriot bought the Monastery of Hilandar from the rich, the stack of St. George. This stack was a monastery which, before the purchase of John, joined to the larger Monastery of Hilandar, as had happened with other smaller monasteries that were purchased from the same Monastery. Later the Stack of St. George was called the Stack of Albanians. (Shkira, 2019, pp. 87-88) Also on a seal of John Kastriot appears an ecclesiastical figure, perhaps that of St. George (Zeqo, 2000, p. 192). The reverence of the Arbers towards St. George is also noticed in the Arbëresh of Italy who have built many churches in his honor; one of them is also known as the Church of Saint George the Albanian in Porto San Georgio (Marche) ”(Karanxha, 2009, p. 48). All of these above show hope and reverence for the Saint. It is worth mentioning the prophetic fulfillment of the “legend” of Vojsava who, when she was pregnant with George, dreamed that a dragon was born that had its tail in the Adriatic and its head in Asia. His mouth was open and swallowed thousands of Ottomans (Noli, 1989, p. 87). The latter were called the ‘Dragon of Asia’, who was beheaded in the second siege of Kruja. Also St. George’s Day is associated with great victories of the anti-Ottoman resistance. On the day of St. George, April 23, 1467, the warrior George Aleksi mortally wounded the commander Ballaban Pasha, and with the victory against them, the Second Siege of the Kruja Castle by the Ottomans ends (Biçoku, 1989, p. 500). 4 A story experienced as a child in the city of Peshkëpi by Dr. Stavri Trako, (Narrated in Tirana on 30.04.2019).

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

It is certain that without the help and example of the one who first killed the dragon of idolatry, George Kastriot would not have won. Albanologist Evlogj Kurilla writes that George Kastriot saw Saint George by his side on the battlefield (Κουρίλας, 1930, pp. 269-270). Professor Laszlo Veszpremy, in his lecture “The Anti-Ottoman Strategy of Late Medieval Hungary”, delivered on dt. 08.10. 2018 in the “International Albanological Conference dedicated to George Kastriot-Skanderbeg, the time in which he lived and the traces he left in history” when asked by the author of this paper, what was the role of the order of St. George and the cavalry order of the Dragon of Zikismund in the Hungarian-Ottoman wars he replied: “The military order of St. George was founded by Charles I of Anjou in 1320, which is the same as the Knightly Order of the Dragon of Zikismund.” These military orders had a significant effect on the anti-Ottoman resistance and served as an important unifying factor in this war.5” Let us remember that even the folklore of our people speaks about the knights, the dragons that killed the monster (Tirta, 1987, pp. 204-207). Also, Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi in his study: “Sebaste in Arbeni or Sebaste in Armenia”, mentions that St. Blaise of Cappadocia, at that time small Armenia, was the patron saint of the Order of Kreshniks which was divided into two orders, the first to unravel the evangelical truths and the second to defend the Christian faith with weapons in hand as many times as needed (Gjeçov, 1922, p. 160). Other military orders were established in Cappadocia, such as the order of St. George and the order of the Janissaries. For this last order Christian children were recruited until the seventeenth century. These last two military orders were established in Cappadocia. The veneration of Saint George continued to the Spahis of Epirus who for two centuries until the beginning of the XVII century held as their flag the image of Saint George the Trophy Bearer (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 196). As protopresbyter Georgios Metalinos mentions - The clash of Christian Cappadokia and the Arab conquest in the 11th century brought about Bektashism. At the tomb of Haxhi Bektashi in Cappadokia, Christians also came after claiming that it was the tomb of St. Harallambi or in another case Haji Bektashi was identified with St. Evstathi (Μεταλλινός, 2004, pp. 55-56) 5 Laszlo Veszpremy, The Anti-Ottoman Strategy of Late Medieval Hungary, lecture at the “International Albanological Conference dedicated to Gjergj Kastriot-Skanderbeg, the time in which he lived and the traces he left in history” Tirana, May-November 2018, held on dt. 08.10.2018.

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

The same phenomenon occurred with the tomb of St. Pandelimon on the mountain of Prizren (Malcolm, 2001, p. 135) and with St. Spiridhon in Kruja, for the tomb of Sari Salltik which according to Bektashi tradition has a total of 7 tombs worldwide. Rightly this phenomenon of placing the later figure on top of the previous figure within the stratification of cultures Prof. Shaban Sinani called it ‘palimpsest’. (Sinani, 2012, p. 356) In the city of Kruja in Albania, Muslims and Christians celebrated St. George (Clayer 212, p. 446). These celebrations of saints preserved many elements of saints, such as: The Bektashis held icons of St. Spiridhon, St. George, etc. Moreover, the awareness of the veneration of the saints was so vivid that even in 1991, a group of Bektashi believers, following the tradition of their ancestors, organize and go every year to the Church of St. Spiridhon in Corfu, where his not rotten body is located and comparatively equalize it with Sari Salltik. To this day, St. George is the protector of many states, cities and military orders of many states in the world.

1.2 Honoring Saint Blaise The toponyms of the medieval churches of St. Blaise, and its numerous churches, conclude that in the 15th century, Arberia had dozens of churches of St. Blaise6 and several centuries-old monasteries that honored his name after the veneration of St. Blaise Bishop and occupied a special place among the Christian saints of Albania and not only (Elsie, 2007, pp. 84-85). (Elsie, 2011, pp. 32-33). In the Middle Ages, Arberia had three famous and miraculous monasteries of St. Blaise. The first was near the former settlement of Sebasta near Laç, where later, next to this monastery and the cave that still bears his name, the Assembly of the Franciscans was built. According to the above albanologist, St. Blaise, who had in his central church the cave of St. Blaise, was an Orthodox monastery that was destroyed by an earthquake in 1853. For the same monastery, the scholar Krutan Baki Dollma writes that after the martyrdom of St. Blaise, the Byzantine monks built their monastery high above the cave (of St. Blaise), a favorite place for these hermits of Christianity (Dollma, 2006, p. 36). 6 “... In all this territory, starting from Durrës to Mirditë, there are extremely many churches dedicated to Saint Blaise. And to be dedicated in such a small territory, over 30 churches dedicated to this saint means that in this place of honor, the devotion to this saint was extremely great through the centuries ... ” See: From the interview of Joan Pelushi, Metropolitan of Korça, in the Documentary on St. Blaise, prepared by the Catechism Office of KOASH. https: //www. youtube.com/watch? VçR9yYkK2z2kk.

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

The pilgrimage to this monastery of St. Blaise, in Laç, in Sebastë lasted throughout the year and the characteristic for this monastery was that they participated in celebrations, Albanians and not only and after Muslimization continued the same pilgrimage by members of all religions as it continues to this day (Elsie, 2007, pp. 84-85)7. Another old monastery of St. Blaise was the Monastery of Saint Blaise of Durrës, which was destroyed in 1967. Since the importance of this monastery and at the same time the respect and reverence of the people, made the communist regime hit this object symbol of Orthodox Christianity in Albania, to then liquidate all religious buildings and institutions and hit the clergy. Ecclesiastical celebrations and visits to this monastery, as well as to other churches and monasteries in the country, were struck by the organized regime as religious practices and backward customs of religions. The forms of this coup were well thought out and well organized by the communist regime in order to enlarge this movement against religion in order to vanish the Christian and the religious heritage in Albania for the younger generations (AQSh. F. 511, v. 1967, d. 20, pp. 36-37). However, the secret believers constantly visited the monastery of St. Blaise, endangering their freedom and life. The new monastery of St. Blaise was built in 1996, with funds provided by the Archbishop of Tirana and all of Albania, Prof. Dr. Anastasi. Again, this monastery enjoys a large pilgrimage throughout the year and especially during some holy days with the participation of all people, regardless of religion. To this day, at the Monastery Fair on August 15, it is noticed the popular dress of Mirdita women. Today is the venue of the Theological Academy and the Department of Theology and Religious Sciences of Logos University College, where staff is trained to be familiar with the knowledge of different religions and nurture interfaith harmony in Albania. The third monastery was built on the northern slope of Tomorr Mountain and since 1343 is mentioned as Hibernum S. Blasii (Elsie, 2007, p. 85) however, it is thought to be earlier. In the city of Vlora there was a former cathedral of the city named after St. Blaise, which functioned as a church until its destruction in 1967. The continuous reverence of our people for Saint Blaise is reinforced by the 7 There were churches dedicated in honor of St. Blaise in Shkodra (XIV), in Drisht, in Skuraj of Mat, in Gjonëm of Lac, in Mazhë of Kruja, in Mëner of Tirana, in Bishqem of Peqin, in Gjuricaj of Durrës, in Cape Rodoni, in Vlora (St. Vlasi), in Hoshteva of Zagoria, Gjirokastra (there is already a toponym and its micronyms), there is also a nineteenth century Orthodox Church in Dhuvjan of Gjirokastra, etc.

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

local tradition of reverence of a local Saint Blaise, whose relics (relics) from the village of Draç in Durrës were taken and sent to Dubrovnik, so much so that it is not only considered the patron saint of this city but at the same time the Republic of Ragusa was otherwise known as the Republic of Saint Blaise.

2. Elements of Crypto-Christianity as a factor of religious tolerance The burden of economic hardship, which was mainly borne on the shoulders of the peasantry of the Christian rajah, became the main reason for the inability to pay the rajah’s obligation to the state and to choose to convert to the new religion of a good part of its population, an alternative which automatically brought the exemption of the jizya tax (Skëndi, 2010, p.177). With the escalation of the crisis in the empire in the seventeenth century, the phenomenon of Islamization prevailed, preceded by the phenomenon of Crypto-Christianity in the South and North of the country. Crypto-Christians in our country were people who accepted and practiced Islam in the eyes of the world, but in their hearts and consciences practiced and preserved elements of the Christian faith. Although they claimed to have become Muslims, in their hearts they did not deny the first religion. This is mainly evidenced by their secret religious practices. However, the term ‘spotty’ to the two-name crypto-Christians mostly indicates that, the Christian elements in Muslim converts, knowingly or unknowingly, were kept alive for a long time, as should the fact that the process of Crypto-Christianity until in acceptance of the Islamization of a part of the Albanian population somewhere lasted longer and somewhere less (Pelushi, 2003, p. 75). However, the Christian traditions of the ancients as forms of reverence for the saints were not forgotten by both crypto-Christians and Islamists, which made Albanian Muslims aware to this day that their ancestors were Christians. This common popular experience has cultivated mutual respect and inter-religious harmony among Albanians. The conversion to Islam of only the chief of the family, as happened in many Albanian families, proves the embrace of Islam in terms of survival (Skëndi, 2010, p.180). Consequently, Christian women and children continued to behave as such outside and inside the home. Since the experience of Christian elements continued within the home threshold then conversion to Islam took several generations to happen, as it did. Thus, within these gradual processes, in most Christian families and tribes, when one or more members whole37

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

heartedly professed Islam, either could be expelled as religious abandoner or when it was performed just for the sake of justification by their relatives. This justification on the verge of religious tolerance is triggered by the common suffering of the Christian members and the newly converted. On one way, the burden of sacrificing the faith of the ancients to them eased the pressure of conversion for the rest of the Christian community. Therefore, there were steady and slow changes in the social and religious structure but which were significantly accompanied by the practice of elements of the Christian cult, which still fostered unity in diversity and nurture healthy tolerance. Finally, during the Albanian National Renaissance Period in the first half of the 19th century, clergy and laic members of the Orthodox community such as Andrea Idromeno, Vangjel Meksi, Grigor Gjirokastriti, etc. collaborated to translate the New Testament into Albanian. Grigor Gjirokastriti translated it in full into Albanian language, as a representative of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in collaboration with the British Bible Society. While in the second half of the XIX century in collaboration with the same Bible Society, Konstandin Kristoforidhi, translated the New Testament, in both dialects of the Albanian language and made albanological works, which had a strong impact not only to the Orthodox community but to all Albanians regardless of religion (Shkira, 2021, pp. 97-109). During this century, Albanians nurtured a supernatural nationalism. They showed uniqueness in interfaith tolerance and coexistence with each other and cooperated in overcoming religious tensions and conflicts. Although they could not coexist and take communion as members of a single religious community they coexisted and cooperated as members of a society of the same ethnicity.

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

References Primary Sources Central State Archive of Albania (Arkivi Qëndror Shtetëror i Shqipërisë) Fondi i Ministria e Arsimit dhe Kulturës, nr. 511, viti 1967, dosja 20, fl. 1-43 Secondary Sources Bërxholi Arqile, (2015) Për Lunxhërinë, Shtëpia Botuese Julvin 2, Tiranë. Biçoku Kasëm, (1989) “Saktësime në Kronologjinë e Disa Ngjarjeve të Periudhës së Skënderbeut”: Studime për Epokën e Skënderbeut II, Tiranë, Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, pp. 497-502. Clayer Nathalie, (2012) Në fillimet e nacionalizmit shqiptar, botime përpjekja, Tiranë. Daja Ferial, (1987) “Vështrim muzikor për këngët rituale të Pranverës, në Shpati i Sipërm”: Gjurmime rreth kulturës popullore, përmbledhje studimesh, Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i kulturës Popullore, Tiranë, pp. 351-366. Dollma Baki, (2006) Vende dhe ngjarje historike të Krujës e Kurbinit, “Dajti 2000”, Tiranë. Elsie Robert, (2007) “Shenjtorët e Shqipërisë”, Tempulli, nr. 12,“ Kotti”, Korçë, pp. 71-91. Elsie Robert, (2011) “Shenjtorët e Krishterë të Shqipërisë”: Tempulli nr. 16, “ Kotti”, Kor=ë, pp. 15-40. Gjeçovi Atë Shtjefen, (1922) “Sebaste n’Arbeni apo Sebaste në Armeni” në Zani i Shna Ndout, vjeti 10 nr. 10, Shkodër, Tetor 1922, pp. 153-168. Gjergji Andromaqi, (2001) “Reflekse të Krishtërimit në Kulturën Popullore”, Tempulli, nr. 4,“ Kotti”, Korçë, pp. 10-18. Karanxha Ilia, (2009) “Kisha në Porto San Giorgio (Marche) e Gjergj Shqiptarit”: Tempulli, nr. 14, Shtypi “Kotti”, Korçë, pp. 42-55. Malkolm Noel, (2001) Kosova, një histori e shkurtër, Koha - Prishtinë & Shtëpia e librit – Tiranë. Noli S. Fan, (1989) Vepra 4, Shkrime Historike, Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, Tiranë Pelushi Joan, (2003) “Kriptokrishtërimi në Shqipëri”, 2000 VJET ART DHE 39

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

KULTURË KISHTARE NË SHQIPËRI, Tiranë, pp.73-85. Sinani Shaban, (2012) Tradita gojore si etnotekst, ‘Naimi’, Tiranë. Skëndi Stavro, (2010) Studime Kulturore Ballkanike, Botimet IDK, Tiranë. Shkira T. “The Contribution of Konstandin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word among the Albanians”. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 97-109. Shkira Thoma, (2019) “Gjergj Kastriot Skënderbeu dhe Arbërorët Përmes Burimeve Agjiologjike”, Kërkim, nr. 16, Kisha Orthodhokse Autoqefale e Shqipërisë, Tiranë, pp. 80-100. Tirta Mark, (1987) “Shtresime mitologjike në epikën legjendare”, në Çështje të Folklorit Shqiptar 3, Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Kulturës Popullore, Tiranë, pp. 190 -209. Topalli Kolec, (2000) “Lashtësia e Krishtërimit ndër Shqiptarë sipas dëshmive të Gjuhës Shqipe”: Krishtërimi ndër Shqiptarë, Shkodër, pp. 403-410. Zeqo Moikom (2000), Mes Laokontit dhe Krishtit, Onufri II, Medaut, Tiranë. Zihni Sako, “Folklori Shqiptar”: Historia e Letërsisë Shqipe I, Instituti i Historisë dhe Gjuhësisë, Tiranë, 1959, pp. 3-136. Zheji Gjergj, Folklori Shqiptar, Argeta-LMG, Tiranë 1998. Κουρίλας Λαυριώτης Ευλόγιος, (1930)“Γρηγόριος ο Ἀργυροκαστρίτης”, Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος, (Δ΄), Eν Αθήναις, σελ. 253-272. Μεταλλινός Γεώργιος, (2004) Η χριστιανική Καππαδοκία, του Βασιλείου Παν. Κέκης: Η ΔΙΚΙΑ ΜΑΣ ΚΑΠΠΑΔΟΚΙΑ, Εκδ. Ακρίτας, Θεσσαλονίκη. Παπαδοπούλου Χρυσοστόμου Αρχιεπίσκοπος Αθηνών, (1949) “Ἡ ἐξωτερικὴ κατάστασις τῆς Ἐκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἀπὸ τῆς Ἁλώσεως μέχρι τοῦ ΙΗ΄ αἰῶνος”, Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος (Β΄), Ev Αθήναις σελ. 189-203. Interviews Intervistë me Joan Pelushi, Mitropolit i Korçës, në Dokumentarin mbi shën Blaisein, të përgatitur nga Zyra e Katekizmit të KOASH-https://www.youtube. com/watch?vçR9yYkK2z2kk. Veszpremy Laszlo, “The Anti-Ottoman Strategy of Late Medieval Hungary”, referat në “Konferenca Ndërkombëtare Albanologjike kushtuar Gjergj 40

Religious Coexistence through the cult of Saints in Albania

Kastriotit –Skënderbeut, kohës në të cilën jetoi dhe gjurmët që la në histori” Tiranë, Maj- Nëntor 2018, mbajtur më dt. 08.10.2018. Intervistë me Dr. Stavri Trako, Tiranë më dt. 30.04.2019.

3 Numerology in the Gospel of John I: A contribution to the understanding of the numbers (2:6) Thomas Mavromoustakos

Sotirios Despotis

Professor, Director of the Laboratory of Organic Chemistry, Faculty of Chemistry, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Panepistimiopolis, Zografou 15171, Athens Greece

Professor, Section of Biblical studies and Cultural life of the Mediterranean, Canon Law and Byzantine Theology since the 9th Cen. C.E. Faculty of Social Theology and the Study of Religion, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Panepistimiopolis, Zografou 15171, Athens Greece

Corespondence:

e-mail: sotdespo@yahoo.gr

Abstract

For the Fathers the number six expresses the completeness and is related to (re-creation) of the world. For many contemporary readers the six water-pots are a symbol of the imperfect purification which will be substituted by the incarnated and crucified resurrected Logos through the baptism and the blood donation. The Messianic dinner is established between the Jewish in Cana of Galilea. The phrase two or three measures express the volume of stone water-pots probably not only literally but also in a poetic way. Therefore, the abundance/and richness arrive from just the presence of Jesus as in the first sign he does not speak or order for the transformation of water to wine. The presence of two consecutive numbers recalls for a gradual or climactic scheme to intensify the content of the sentence. Remarkably this does not appear only in Bible but also in Modern Greek poetry and music.

Keywords:

Number six, measures, synthetic parallelism, climax scheme.

Citation:

Mavromoustakos T. G. & Despotis S. Christ, Numerology in the Gospel of John I: A contribution to the understanding of the numbers (2:6). Theology & Culture. 2022; 4: 43-56. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.18634.85443

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

Introduction

s it is well known, numbers in Bible and especially seven are recognized to have not only an arithmetic value but also a symbolic meaning1. There is ample evidence that numbers in the time of Jesus were not only recognized as tools for routine calculations in their daily life or scientific work but also as symbolic entities. The understanding of the symbolic and allegoric meaning of these numbers allows the faithful person to enjoy and comprehend the scriptures as well as reveal new theological meanings2. Any interpretation that does not deviate from the basic Christian dogma offers new spiritual enjoyment to the faith people. Of course, the existence of the opposite view does not escape our notice (Davis, 1991). This opposing view considers the effort to understand the symbolism of numbers as a “waste of time” and rather a “destructive occupation” (Thompson Allis, 1946; Schimmel, 1993). We support the first view as the examples in Bible where the numbers are set in purpose to show symbolic meaning are numerous. We cannot deny for example the often accounting of the number seven in Revelation to be accidental. It appears that Jews were borrowed some symbolism from the Babylonian (Mc Guire, 2002), Egyptian and Greek with which the Jews came in contact (Gabai, 2002). Greek symbolism of numbers and mathematics was introduced by Pythagoras3 (c. 570-490 BC), Plato (427-347) and continued with neo-Pythagoreans and neo-Platonists (Barry, 1999). In Plutarch (c45-120 AC) works examples of isopsephy (i.e., On the E of Delphi) and numbers symbolism are found (i.e., On Isis and Osiris, The Roman and Greek questions). The active symbolism of the numbers is well understood as Gnosticism a trend of the following second and third centuries introduced extensive numeric symbolism (Kalvesmaki, 2006). Philo who also lived at the times of Jesus Christ wrote a 1 See for example P.J. Bentley, The books of Numbers, The Secrets of Numbers and how they changed the world, Cassel Illustrated, 2008, passim. 2 See (a) Robert D. Johnston, Numbers in the Bible, God’s Unique Design in Biblical Numbers (Michigan: Kregel Publications, Grand Rapids, Michigan 49501, 1990). (b) Ed Vallowe, Biblical Mathematics. Keys to Scripture Numerics. How to count the Bible (Lexington: The Olive Press, 2014) (c) J. Kalvesmaki, Number Symbolism in Platonism and Early Christianity, Center for Hellenic Studies, Trustees for Harvard University Washington, DC. Distributed by Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England 2013. (d) A. Schimmel, The mystery of numbers (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press (1993). 3 Pythagoras believed that numbers are of divine feature. John Chrysostom was against this idea of Pythagoras and expressed the view that “God is superior the numbers” (Ἀριθμοῡ γάρ τὸ θεῑον ἀνώτερον καὶ χρόνων ἀκολουθίας) (PG. 59.31).

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

lot of works which contain allegory on the numbers (c. 25 BC – c. 50 CE). In East Church Clemens (150-211-216 AC), Origen (c185-251 AC) and Saint Cyril from Alexandria (378-444 AC) were the first to introduce heavily the number symbolism. Saint Gregorius Nazianzenous (329-390 AC), Gregorius Nyssenus (335-395 AC) and John Chrysostom (c 344-407) were also using a moderate number symbolism. Saint Gregorius Nazianzenous was the one that urges faithful people to get in the deep understanding of numbers4. Saint Maximus the Confessor (580-662 AC) was the most systematic and deepest theologist in providing allegoric meaning to numbers. (PG 90.463). In the Western Church Saint Augustine (354-430 AC) also systematically used symbolic way to interpret numbers. Saint Augustine considered numbers (mathematics) as the study of divine ideas. Numbers are originating in God’s minds. The central premise of Saint Augustine approach was widely applied for one thousand and five hundred years. Saint Thomas Aquinas (12251274 AC), another very important father of Western Church differed on some of the details -for example, he viewed mathematical knowledge as abstraction from experience rather than as a priori knowledge as did Saint Augustine, but he accepted the central premise. Today, this perspective is largely disappeared and that is the reason we have difficulty to understanding the symbolism of numbers in Bible (Bradley, nd). From the above reasons J.N. Sanders and B.A. Mastin realized that it is a standing temptation to read in allegorical interpretation into all numbers in the Fourth Gospel; many no doubt have a symbolic significance (Sanders & Mastin, 1968). In two articles, which refer to the beginning and the end of the action of the Lord Jesus in John, we will consider the meaning of the numbers in John, considering the interpretation of the Fathers and the modern Scholars. The chapter two of the John Gospel starts with the information that “and the third day was a marriage in Cana of Galilee” and Jesus was bidden with his disciples. His mother was already there. When the wine failed his mother said it to him. Although Jesus answered in a peculiar way that “his time is not yet come” his mother feels the incoming miracle and says to servants “whatsoever are told do it” (2:1-5). Indeed the “first sign” of Jesus will be performed on the six water-pots (or pitchers) of stone set there after the Jew’s manner of purifying, containing two or three firkins a piece. These will be filled with water and Jesus will order them to bear them unto the ruler of the feast who will confirm 4 Καί σύ δ’ ἄν κατά σαὐτόν ἀναλεγόμενος, πολλούς τηρήσαις ἀριθμούς ἔχοντας τὶ τοῦ φαινομένου βαθύτερον (PG 36.428).

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

the conversion to wine (2:9). Gibson mentions that these larger than the vessels water pots were placed in the outer court, away from the guest-chamber. It is natural that an eyewitness should remember the number and know roughly their size. Mikvaot (= Jewish ritual baths) and other stone vessels were developed during Christ times as an explosion for the religion purification and as a passive resistance against the characteristics of the Roman civilization which were considered unsurpatory (Gibson, 2010). In general, the water is often mentioned in John Gospel in various narratives as a symbol of change-transfiguration that incarnated Logos offers. Christ being wearied with his journey on Jacob’s well (4:6) appears as a donor of “living water”, a water that whoever drinks never gets thirsty again as it becomes a well of water springing up within him for eternal life (4:14). He substitutes now the sheep gate pool Bethesda (5:2) curing a thirty-eight-year sick person that he had no man, when the water is troubled by the angel, to put him into the pool (5:7). In the same place he treated a man who was blind from his birth. In the last day of Tabernacle feast invites in the Temple, which was expected to function in the Eschatological Days as a “living fountain” if any man is thirst, to come unto him and drink (7:37) because from within him shall flow rivers of living water (7:38). From the side of the crucified new Adam came out blood and water (19:34) to form the Church. In this article the interpretation of the meaning of the numbers of John 2:6 will be sought. These numbers include the six stone water-pots that contain two or three firkins a piece. The interpretation will cover representative Fathers and Ecclesiastical Authors from West and East as well as contemporary interpreters.

1. The six stone water-pots containing two or three firkins a piece The word “μετρητής (firkin)” is met in Josephus (37-c100 A.C.), but not as a measurement unit5, and not in and Philo (c. 25 BC – c. 50 CE). According to Origen (Principles 4.2.5) the Evangelist mentioning the two or three “μετρητές” reflects the reception of the scripture word in a (a) psychic and 5 Προϊόντι δὲ εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν Τίτῳ προῆγον μὲν οἱ βασιλικοὶ καὶ πᾶν τὸ συμμαχικόν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁδοποιοὶ καὶ μετρηταὶ στρατοπέδων. ἔπειτα τὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων σκευοφόρα καὶ μετὰ τοὺς τούτων ὁπλίτας αὐτὸς τούς τε ἄλλους ἐπιλέκτους καὶ τοὺς λογχοφόρους ἔχων κατόπιν δ᾽ αὐτῷ τοῦ τάγματος τὸ ἱππικόν (De bello Judaico 5,47).

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

(b) spiritual way thus in two “μετρητές” but also (c) according to the flesh (σαρκικά) thus in three «μετρητές». The six firkins symbolize the six days of creation and it is a perfect number (see also Philo, De opificio mundi 1:89). By perfect number we mean that the sum of its dividends come to the number: 6=1(6:6) +2(6:3) +3 (6:2)=6. Saint Augustine (354-430 AC) (PL 35.1461) pointed out: “But what means this: They contained two or three metretæ; apiece? This phrase certainly conveys to us a mysterious meaning. For by metretæ he means certain measures, as if he should say jars, flasks, or something of that sort. Metreta is the name of a measure and takes its name from the word measure. For μέτρον is the Greek word for measure, whence the word metretæ is derived. They contained, then, two or three metretæ; apiece. What are we to say, brethren? If He had simply said three a piece, our mind would at once have run to the mystery of the Trinity. And, perhaps, we ought not at once to reject this application of the meaning, because He said, two or three apiece; for when the Father and Son are named, the Holy Spirit must necessarily be understood. For the Holy Spirit is not that of the Father only, nor of the Son only, but the Spirit of the Father and of the Son. For it is written, if any man loves the world, the Spirit of the Father is not in him (1 John 2:15). And again, whose has not the Spirit of Christ is none of His (Romans 8:9). The same, then, is the Spirit of the Father and of the Son. Therefore, the Father and the Son being named, the Holy Spirit also is understood, because He is the Spirit of the Father and of the Son. […] That is the reason why it is not said, some containing two metretæ; apiece, others three apiece; but the same six water-pots contained two or three metretæ; apiece. It is as if he had said, when I say two apieces, I would have the Spirit of the Father and of the Son to be understood together with them; and when I say three apiece, I declare the same Trinity more plainly”. John Chrysostom (349-407 A.C. PG 59.135) does not comment on the number of the firkins but he is giving a valuable information about their previous use. “It is not without a reason that the Evangelist says. After the manner of the purifying of the Jews, but in order that none of the unbelievers might suspect that lees having been left in the vessels, and water having been poured upon and mixed with them, a very weak wine had been made. Therefore, he says, after the manner of the purifying of the Jews, to show that those vessels were never receptacles for wine. For because Palestine is a country with but little water, and brooks and fountains were not everywhere to be found, they always used to fill water-pots with water, so that they might not have to has47

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

ten to the rivers if at any time they were defiled but might have the means of purification at hand. And why was it, that He did not the miracle before they filled them, which would have been more marvelous by far? For it is one thing to change given matter to a different quality, and another to create matter out of nothing. The latter would indeed have been more wonderful but would not have seemed so credible to the many. And therefore, He often purposely lessens the greatness of His miracles, that it may be the more readily received. But why, says one, did not He Himself produce the water which He afterwards showed to be wine, instead of bidding the servants bring it? For the very same reason; and also, that He might have those who drew it out to witness that what had been effected was no delusion since if any had been inclined to be shameless, those who ministered might have said to them, We drew the water, we filled the vessels”. Saint Maximus the Confessor (580-662 AC) provides allegoric interpretations to the Abbot of Libya Thalassios who asked him several questions on difficult chapters of Bible. The 40th question of Thalassios was about the mystic meaning of the six firkins. Saint Maximus answered that six firkins represent the “natural power” which implements the Divine Commandments. Unfortunately, humans emptied the knowledge of the “natural power” in the futile materialism. Jesus had come to fill them with good wine. The number six symbolizes the creative power of the nature for the following reasons: (a) declares the six creative days by God in the Genesis of the world; (b) it is a perfect number as it is already explained; It appears that Saint Maximus uses identical allegoric elements as Origen. (c) Consists of the same parts (3+3); (d) Jesus as the Logos of love is expressed in six general ways taking care of the bodies and spirits of: (1) hungry; (2) thirsty; (3) aliens; (4) naked; (5) sick and (6) prisoners (PG 90.396-403). Saint Maximus provides an explanation why the water-pots contained two or three firkins: (a) The natural (physical) theory is the knowledge of body and spirit “δύο μετρητές”; (b) The feasible in our nature theological mystagogy is understood as the knowledge and enlightening of Holy Trinity, thus the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit “τρεις μετρητές”. Finally, Saint Maximus wishes all faithful people to implement Cana marriage. Very clearly bridegroom is the human mind that marries the virtue. When Jesus is invited, he honors this spiritual marriage and makes it concrete in such a way to produce many spiritual children. Jesus is then visiting us with his mother to return us back the lost knowledge due to our sins and leads us to “theosis”. The knowl48

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

edge of the nature is forcified and in a way is gingered from theosis to remain unchanged. Theosis resembles with wine quantity that strengthens the water. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274 A.C.) mentions that in the mystical sense, the six water jars signify the six eras of the Old Testament during which the hearts of men were prepared and made receptive of God’s Scriptures and put forward as an example for our lives. He describes the interpretation of Saint Augustine in more detail way. “The term metretes, according to Augustine, refers to the Trinity of persons. And they are described as two or three because at times in Scripture three persons in the Trinity are distinctly mentioned: “Baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit” (Mt 28:19), and at other times only two, the Father and the Son, in whom the Holy Spirit, who is the union of the two, is implied: “If anyone loves me, he will keep my word, and my Father will love him, and we will come to him. Or they are described as two on account of the two states of mankind from which the Church arose, that is, Jews and Gentiles. Or three on account of the three sons of Noah, from whom the human race arose after the deluge” (St Thomas Aquinas, 2010). Martin Luther (1483-1546 A.C.) interprets that the six water-pots of stone, for the purification of the Jews, are the books of the Old Testament which by law and commandment made the Jewish people only outwardly pious and pure; for which reason the Evangelist says, they were set there after the Jews’ manner of purifying, as if to say: “This signifies the purification by works without faith, which never purifies the heart, but only makes it more impure; which is a Jewish, not a Christian or spiritual purification. There being six water pots signifies the labor and toil which they who deal in works undergo in such purification; for the heart finds no rest in them, since the Sabbath, the seventh day, is wanting, in which we rest from our works and let God work in us. For there are six workdays, in which God created heaven and earth, and commanded us to labour. The seventh day is the day of rest, in which we are not to toil in the works of the Law, but to let God work in us by faith, while we remain quiet and enjoy a holiday from the labours of the Law. The water in the pots is the contents and substance of the Law by which conscience is governed and is graven in letters as in the water-pots of stone. And they are of stone, as were the tables of Moses, signifying the stiff-necked people of the Jews. For as their heart is set against the Law, so the Law appears outwardly to be against them. It seems hard and difficult to them, and therefore it is hard and difficult; the reason in that their heart is hard and averse to the Law; we all find, feel 49

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

and discover by experience that we are hard and averse to what is good, and soft and prone to what is evil. This the wicked do not feel, but those who long to be pious and labor exceedingly with their works. This is the significance of the two or three firkins apiece”6. Calvin (1509-1564 A.C.) is giving the following interpretation. “And there were there six water-pots of stone. According to the computation of Budaeus, we infer that these water-pots were very large; [ …] . Christ supplied them, therefore, with a great abundance of wine, as much as would be sufficient for a banquet to a hundred and fifty men. Besides, both the number and the size of the water-pots serve to prove the truth of the miracle. If there had been only two or three jars, many might have suspected that they had been brought from some other place. If in one vessel only the water had been changed into wine, the certainty of the miracle would not have been so obvious, or so well ascertained. It is not, therefore, without a good reason that the Evangelist mentions the number of the water-pots, and states how much they contained7. It arose from superstition that vessels so numerous and so large were placed there. They had the ceremony of washing, indeed, prescribed to them by the Law of God; but as the world is prone to excess in outward matters, the Jews, not satisfied with the simplicity which God had enjoined, amused themselves with continual washings; and as superstition is ambitious, they undoubtedly served the purpose of display, as we see at the present day in Popery, that everything which is said to belong to the worship of God is arranged for pure display. There was, then, a twofold error: that without the command of God, they engaged in a superfluous ceremony of their own invention; and next, that, under the pretense of religion, ambition reigned amidst that display. Some Popish scoundrels have manifested an amazing degree of wickedness, when they had the effrontery to say that they had among their relics those water-pots with which Christ performed this miracle in Cana, and exhibited some of them, which, first, are of small size, and, next, are unequal in size. And in the present day, when the light of the Gospel shines so clearly around us, they are not ashamed to practice those tricks, which certainly is not to deceive by enchantments, but daringly to mock men as if they were blind; and the world, which 6 http://www.martinluthersermons.com/ Luther, Sermon for the Second Sunday after the Epiphany; John 2:1-11. 7 The editor points out that the exact size of the firkin cannot be easily ascertained. If «μετρητής» be here used by the Evangelist as a purely Greek word, we must conclude it to be an Attic measure, which was nearly equal to nine English gallons. If, again, it be placed here as a substitute for the Hebrew word Bath, as the Septuagint has done in 2Chronicles 4:5, it will probably be rated at seven gallons and a half.

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

does not perceive such gross mockery, is evidently bewitched by Satan”8. In contrast to the Fathers and Philo, who consider number six as a perfect number, the contemporary interpreters think that is not a complete number as it is less by one from the number seven (6=7-1) which is well known to symbolize completeness in the Bible (Morris, 1993). Thus, the Jewish purification is not complete and needs Jesus Christ as the seventh water-pot to lead in a complete purification (Moloney, 1998). This interpretation of number six is especially eminent between 1953-decade of 1970, the time that Second Quest is predominated and the difference between Jewish and Christianity is accentuated (Gibson & Mckinley, 2015). The presence of the six water-pots impresses the high necessity in the Greek-Roman ages for purification. The water-pots to be easily accessible were laid in the dining room or in a passage near the yard or atrium where existed an impluvium. In addition, these were made of the stone to secure the highest possible purity of the vessels and the hands after washing (Lev 11:33). Thus, John who is aware of the Jewish customs (Keener, 2012), expresses the antithesis between the older Jewish laws regarding the purification and the “ecstatic wine” of the New Testament referred to those who will be born from water and spirit. With Cana sign is shown that we have all received grace for the law was given through Moses, grace and truth came through Jesus Christ. (1:16-17) (Schlatter, 1948). Of course, the Bridegroom Jesus asseverates that salvation comes from Jewish (4:22) as he is also Jewish (4:9) (Moody Smith, 1999). As he is the Lamb of God clears the sins of the world and through his blood cleans the world9. The number six may interconnect with the number of Jesus’ disciples including him. In the marriages people offer gifts. Jesus offers with his five disciples the best quality wine that people ever sampled. The six water-pots full of wine is the best reward for the hospitality and attention that Jesus and his five disciples had. May be this specific beginning of the signs by Jesus symbolizes his declare to transfer the spiritual wine in the world through his water-pot-flesh and the testimony of the other five disciples. It must be noted that in the sign of multi8 John Calvin, C John, vol. 1, a new translation from the original Latin by the Rev. William Pringle, Grand Rapids, MI Christian Ethereal Library (http://www.ccel.org commentary on the Gospel According to John) pp. 50-51. 9 G. Wheaton in his dissertation entitled The Role of Jewish Feasts in John’s Gospel [Scotland, University of St. Andrews, 2009] 34) provides references of many interpreters of six water-pots as symbol of incompleteness. He claims that this conception is for narrative purposes without blaming the incompleteness of the Jewish Law. He just makes appreciable the reality that indeed, we have all received grace after grace from His fullness (Joh 1:16).

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

plication of the five loaves and two fishes he is with all twelve disciples and the five thousand people will not only be satiated but also will result with left over of twelve baskets (6:13). It may not be accidental that in these two signs, where Jesus provides the in need by the people as a gift, there is a correspondence between the materials of the miracle with the presence of the disciples. In his mission to transfigure the dessert hearts of the gentiles to salvated fountains with living water nobody is in excess. If every water-pot contained two or three measures, the total quantity of the water which is converted into wine nagged to the huge volume of 492737 liters, as each measure was equivalent with nine gallons or approximately forty-one liters. The apothegmatic water-pot which was used for oil, wine and wheat contained up to fifty liters. This high quantity in water-pots mentioned by John aims to show the great and exact gratitude of the sign. The richness of the gift constitutes one of the characteristics of the specific Gospel. It is remarkable to note that if the Evangelist mentioned the source of the water and not the water-pot it would not be a way to measure the quantity of the water. We can compare the six stone water-pots with: (a) twelve baskets that were left over after the satiation of five thousand people from five loans and two fishes; (b) the pound of ointment of pure nard, very precious that Mary used and anointed the feet of Jesus; (12:3) (c) one hundred liters of myrrh and aloes with which Nicodemus anointed the burial body of Jesus (19:39) and (d) 153 great fishes which his disciples fished after the order of the resurrected Jesus (21:7). The magnitude of the oncoming sign appears more intense on the audience as the question “what has this concern of yours to do with Me, woman? (2:4) to her mother who notified him “that they have no wine (2:3)” does not point the extension of the offer of Jesus to the couple. After the water-pots have been filled with water the transformation of the water into wine is performed (Karakolis, 1996). Of course, these quantities are small in relation to corresponding Jewish and first Christian descriptions of messianic age as these are mentioned in Ι Enoch (10.19.2), Baruch (29:5) and Hierapolis Papias (cf Ireneos, Against Heresies 5:33.3-4). This is since Evangelist wishes his data to testify a real history. It must be noted that Jesus does not create a seventh water-pot (Morris, 1995). In any case Jesus provides Life and offers an abundance of gift more than the expectation (Joh 10:10) (Ramsey, 2010). They have been reported also the following extreme allegoric interpreta52

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

tions: (a) the six water-pots express the 6000 cosmic years10; (b) if we multiply the number of water-pots with their maximum volume (3x6) it comes out the number eighteen which symbolizes the first letters of word Jesus ΙΗΣΟΥΣ (IH=10+8)11. This semeiology meets for the first time in Barnavas Epistle (9:8)12.

2. Two or three firkins as a poetic and a climax scheme in John Gospel We have already pointed out that in 2:6 are mentioned the two or three measures of liquids that water-pots can contain. J.J. Davis studied the rhetorical use numbers and more specifically the formula X/X+1 where X represents any number and X+1 its greater number by one. This formula is not met only in the Bible but also in myths of Cananite-Ugaritic mythology like that of the king Keret13 (Epic of King Keret, is an ancient Ugaritic epic poem, dated to Late Bronze Age, circa 1500 – 1200 B.C.) (Davis, 1991). This climax scheme (X/X+1) functions in Semitic text as a synthetic parallelism. Α chapter from Isaiah supports in our view the climax meaning of the scheme Yet gleanings will be left in it like the shaking of an olive tree, Two or three olives on the topmost bough, Four or five on the branches of a fruitful tree, Declares the LORD, the God of Israel. (Isa 17:6 The New American Standard Bible (NASB) (Skolnik, 2007). It is the prophesy against Syria and the king of Israel. The meaning of the chapter is that the destroy will be not total but some of the population will survive. To express this reality the prophet uses metaphors and moments from the rural life. During the collection of olives usually on the high branches are left one or two which cannot be gathered. In Deuteronomy is clearly stated that these remaining oils belong to the foreigner, the fatherless, and the widow, so that the Lord your God may bless 10 A.D. Delimpasis, (Pascha of our Lord, Creation-Renovation and Apostasy [Athens 1995, 193]) provides references in which is shown that during Jesus’ age the cosmic year was not the 6000. 11 H.A. Hutmacher, Symbolik der Biblischen Zahlen und Zeiten (München: F. Schoningh 1993) 199. In this book the author provides a plethora of Bible chapters in which the symbolic meaning of the numbers is explained. The imagination of the author to find gematrias (words that symbolically correspond to numbers) is impressive. 12 Λέγει γάρ «Καὶ περιέτεμεν Ἀβραὰμ ἐκ τοῦ οἴκου αὐτοῦ ἄνδρας δεκαοκτὼ καὶ τριακοσίους». Τίς οὖν ἡ δοθεῖσα αὐτῷ γνῶσις μάθετε ὅτι τοὺς δεκαοκτὼ πρώτους καὶ διάστημα ποιήσας λέγει «τριακοσίους». Τὸ δεκαοκτὼ Ι [δέκα] Η [ὀκτω] ἔχεις Ιησοῦν Ὅτι δὲ ὁ σταυρὸς ἐν τῷ Τ ἤμελλεν ἔχειν τὴν χάριν λέγει καὶ τοὺς τριακοσίους Δηλοῖ οὖν τὸν μὲν Ἰησοῦν ἐν τοῖς δυσὶν γράμμασιν καὶ ἐν τῷ ἑνὶ τὸν σταυρόν (9,8). 13 http://members.bellatlantic.net/~vze33gpz/canaanite-faq.html (therein references).

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

you in all the work of your hands (24:19). The second scene is the use of the sticks to collect the olives. At the side branches are left four or five olives. In this climax scheme are used the numbers four and five which are greater than two and three. As some olives remain on the tree, the same way God cares to raise from ashes his people through the ages without being destroyed from an invasion. Thus, the purpose of the author is to show the result through the progressive increase of the numbers. In reality, this fundamental operation of this idiom is to strengthen the parallelism in such a way the listener/reader to imprint in his heart its echo14.

Conclusions A. For the Fathers the number six expresses the completeness and is related to (re-creation) of the world. For many contemporary readers the six water-pots is a symbol of the imperfect purification which will be substituted by the incarnated and crucified resurrected Logos through the baptism and the blood donation. The Messianic dinner is established between the Jewish in Cana of Galilea. Next, in Chapter four participants in the messianic dinner is Samaritan woman and a gentile nobleman. B. The phrase two or three measures express the volume of stone water-pots probably not only literally but also in a poetic way. Therefore, the abundance/ and richness arrive from just the presence of Jesus as in the first sign he does not speak or order for the transformation of water to wine. The presence of two consecutive numbers recalls for a gradual or climactic scheme to intensify the content of the sentence. Remarkably this does not appear only in Bible but also in modern Greek poetry and music.

14 J. Blenkinsopp, A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary The Anchor Bible v. 19, Isaiah 1-39 (USA: Doubleday, 2000) 305. This climactic of the meaning remains alive and is manifested in our days in poetry and music in Greece. An example is the song awarded the Oscar prize in 1960 called “The children of Piraeus” (The lines and music are written by Manos Chatzidakis). http://www.stixoi.info/stixoi.php?info=Lyrics&act=details&song_id=2505

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

References Barry, K. (1999). The Greek Qabalah, Alphabetic Mysticism and Numerology in the Ancient World, York, Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser. Bentley, P. J. (2008). The books of Numbers, The Secrets of Numbers and how they changed the world, Cassel Illustrated, passim. Blenkinsopp, J. (2000). A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary The Anchor Bible v. 19, Isaiah 1-39. USA: Doubleday. Bradley, J. (n.d.). An Augustinian Perspective on the Philosophy of Mathematics. Retrieved from http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/ download?doi=10.1.1.511.8468&rep=rep1&type=pdf Calvin, C. J. (n.d.). Commentary On The Gospel According To John, (W. Pringle, trans.), Grand Rapids, MI Christian Ethereal Library. Retrieved from https:// ccel.org/ccel/calvin/calcom34/calcom34.i.html. Davis, J. J. (1991). Biblical Numerology. A Basic Study of the Use of Numbers in the Bible, USA: Baker Book House Company. Deines, R. (1993). Jüdische Steingefüsse und Pharisäische Frömmigkeit: Ein Archäologisch-Historischer Beitrag zum Verständnis von Joh 2, 6 und der Jüdischen Reinheitshalacha zur Zeit Jesu. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2; 52. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Gabai, H. (2002). Judaism, Mathematics, and the Hebrew Calendar, USA: Jason Aronson Inc. Gibson, D., Mckinley, D. (2015). The Jesus Code, New York, St. Martin’s Press. Gibson, S. (2010). The Final Days of Jesus: The Archaeological Evidence. NY, USA: HarperCollins. Hutmacher Η.Α. (1993). Symbolik der Biblischen Zahlen und Zeiten. München: F. Schoningh. Johnston, R. D. (1990). Numbers in the Bible, God’s Unique Design in Biblical Numbers, Michigan: Kregel Publications, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Kalvesmaki, J. (2013). The theology of Arithmetic: Number Symbolism in Platonism and Early Christianity. Hellenic Studies Series 59. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies. Karakolis, C. (1996). The Theological Meaning of Miracles according to John Gospel, Thesalloniki: Pournaras Editions. 55

Numerology in the Gospel of John I

Keener, C. S. (2012). The Gospel of John, A Commentary, USA: Baker Academics. Mc Guire, M. R. P. (2002). Numerology, New Catholic Encyclopedia, USA: Thomson. Moloney, F. J. (1998). The Gospel of John, Minnesota: Liturgical Press. Moody D. (1999) Smith, John, Nashville: Abingdon Press. Morris, L. (1995). The Gospel according to John, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing. Ramsey, J. (2010). The Gospel of John, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishing. Sanders, J. N. (1968). A Commentary on the Gospel according to St John, B. A. Mastin. Schimmel, A. (1993). The mystery of numbers, New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Schlatter, A. (1948). Der Evangelist Johannes, Stuttgart: Calwer. Skolnik, F. (2007). Numbers, Encycopaedia Judaica, Detroit: Thomson Gale. St T. Aquinas (2010). Commentary on the Gospel of John. Chapters 1-5. Translated by Fabian Larcher, James Weishpeif with introduction and notes by Daniel Keating and Mathew Levering. (Washington: Catholic University of America Press 2010) 139. Thompson Allis, O. (1946). Bible Numerics, USA: Moody Press. Vallowe, E. (2014). Biblical Mathematics. Keys to Scripture Numerics. How to count the Bible, Lexington: The Olive Press.

4 Religious freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform Georgios Gaitanos

Head of the Department of Theology & Culture, Lecturer of Religious Studies, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: gaitanosg@yahoo.gr

Abstract

people of the Bible, as stated in the Qur’an, and whether the Tanzimat reform improved the functioning of the institution and the relations of the Orthodox Church with the Ottoman Porte.

From the end of the last century, a significant shift in Ottoman history was attempted, as it sought to overthrow the ideological pattern of decline and focus on renewed trends and contemporary issues. One of these issues that will concern us in the present paper is the evolution of the system of separation of peoples and inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire based on religion. Through the system of separation and classification of the inhabitants of the various regions occupied by the Ottoman Empire, religion seems to have played a decisive role and was used as a factor to limit any confrontation with a national sign. Thus, the Ottoman Empire established the millet system, to institutionalize its relations with religious minorities. The work will seek to show whether this institution respected the religious freedom of the

Keywords: Tanzimat, millet, religious freedom, nationalism, Ecumenical Patriarchate.

Citation:

Gaitanos G. Religious freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform. Theology & Culture. 2022; 4: 57-79. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.35412.07040

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Introduction

ne of the first concerns of the present study was the way of approaching the historical development and socio-political transformations observed in the Late Ottoman Empire. It is characteristic that since the beginning of the 21st century the way of perceiving the Ottoman history has changed significantly, since new trends in research and differentiated representations of the Ottoman past have developed (Gkara, 2008). The treatment of Ottoman social, political and economic history went through various stages after the gradual establishment of departments of Ottoman Studies in the international community. The most important research trends were concentrated in the Orientalist tradition1, to the contribution of Turkish historians who cultivated a national Turkish narrative2, and in the historiography that formed a specific interpretive scheme of Ottoman history about the “classical period” (1300-1600) and the “period of decline or post-classical” (1600-1914)3. The common approach of these research trends was that they studied exclusively the state structure of the Ottoman state, its tax system and political developments, without being interested in the developments and transformations of the society, while in general they agreed with the ideology that from the 17th century onwards there is a “decline” of the Ottoman state due to defeats in wars with major European powers (Inalcik, 1978; Quataert, 2003). Overall, a historiography of the Ottoman state and not of the various 1 According to Orientalist tradition, Islam was treated as a timeless substance and Ottoman society from the 18th century onwards as a degenerate civilization. In fact, Islam was presented as the central difference between the Ottoman Empire and Christian Europe and a key factor in the failure to modernize the East (See R. Owen (1976). “The Middle East in the Eighteenth Century: An Islamic Society in decline? A Critique of Gibband Bowen’s Islamic Society and the West”, Bulletin of British Society for Middle Eastern Studies 3.2, 110-117). 2 From the 1930s onwards, Turkish historians, using exclusively and systematically Ottoman archival sources not available to Western scholars, attempted to present Ottoman history as a continuation of the modern Turkish state and thus cultivate a glorious history in the past, degrading the Islamic element in many places and establishing an apologetic attitude, with the aim of restoring the Ottoman Empire (See S. Faroqhi (2006). Προσεγγίζοντας την Οθωμανική Ιστορία: Εισαγωγή στις Πηγές (transl. in Greek Κ. Καμπουρίδης), Θεσσαλονίκη: University Studio Press. S. Hanioglu (1999). “Review: Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain (1877-1924) by Anmi Ozcan”, International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 31.1, 145-147. B. Ersanli (2002), “The Ottoman Empire in the Historiography of the Kemalist Era: A Theory of Fatal Decline”, in F. Adanir & S. Faroqhi (eds.), The Ottomans and the Balkans: A Discussion of Historiography, Leiden: Brill, 115-154). 3 Typical works of this trend are H. Inalcik & D. Quataert (1994). An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and F. G. Metallinos (2008). Τουρκοκρατία: Οι Έλληνες στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Ακρίτας.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Ottoman societies was developed, as if we exclude some studies that tried with a holistic approach to present the history and society of different cities and societies4, no attempt was made to give a different perspective (Gkara, 2008). However, since the end of the last century, a significant shift in Ottoman history has been attempted, with the aim of overthrowing the ideological pattern of decline and focusing on renewed trends and contemporary issues. Thus, several studies have dealt with the transformation of institutions5, the difference between the societies of the center and the periphery6, the ideological framework of power formation7, the question of the coexistence of many religious and ethnic communities8, the presence of women as a special social group9, the issue of human rights10. One of these institutions that will concern us is the evolution of the system of separation of peoples and inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire, based on re4 See, L. Fawaz (1983). Merchants and Migrants in Nineteenth Century Beirut, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. N. Todorov (1986). Η βαλκανική πόλη, 15ος-19ος αιώνας: κοινωνικο-οικονομική και δημογραφική ανάπτυξη, Αθήνα: Θεμέλιο. A. Marcus (1989). The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century, New York: Columbia University Press. S. Faroqhi (1992). “Political Activity among Ottoman Taxpayers and the Problem of Sultanic Legitimation (1570-1650)”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 34,1-39; (2000). Κουλτούρα και καθημερινή ζωή στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία: από τον Μεσαίωνα ως τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα, Αθήνα: Εξάντας. 5 See, A. Salzmann (1993). “An Ancient Regime Revisited: “Privatization” and Political Economy in the Eighteenth Century Ottoman Empire”, Politics & Society 21.4, 393-423. L. Darling (1996). Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Finance Administration in the Ottoman Empire, 1560-1660, Leiden: Brill. 6 See, J. Hathaway (1996). The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of Qazdaglis, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. D. Douwes (2000). The Ottomans in Syria: A History of Justice and Oppression, London: I. B. Tauris. 7 See, S. Deringil (1999). The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1909, London: I. B. Tauris. 8 See, B. Braude & B. Lewis (1982). Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers. Ε. Gkara (2005). «Χριστιανοί και Μουσουλμάνοι στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία των πρώιμων νεότερων χρόνων: ιστοριογραφικές προσεγγίσεις», in M. Greene (ed.), Κρήτη, ένας κόσμος. Χριστιανοί και μουσουλμάνοι στη Μεσόγειο των πρώιμων νεότερων χρόνων, Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις του Εικοστού Πρώτου, 15-37. N. Doumanis (2013). Before the Nation: Muslim-Christian Coexistence and its Destruction in Late Ottoman Anatolia, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 9 See, J. Tucker (1985). Women in the Nineteenth-Century Egypt, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. L. Peirce (1993). The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press. M. Zilfi (ed.) (1997). Women in the Ottoman Empire: Middle Eastern Women in the Early Modern Era, Leiden: Brill. I. Agmon (2004). “Women’s History and Ottoman Sharia Court Records: Shifting Perspective in Social History”, Hawwa 2.2, 72-209. 10 See, B. Aral (2004). “The idea of Human Rights as Perceived in the Ottoman Empire”, Human Rights Quarterly, 26.2, 454-482.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

ligion. As is well known, the Ottoman Empire covered a large area, especially around the Mediterranean, which meant that it included many different ethnic and religious groups in their historic homelands. Through the system of separation and classification of the inhabitants of the various regions occupied by the Ottoman Empire, religion seems to have played a decisive role and was used as a factor to limit any confrontation with a national sign. Thus, the Ottoman Empire established the millet system, to institutionalize its relations with religious minorities. The concept of minority in Islam classified religious minorities as “people of the Bible” (Barkey, 2005; Quataret, 2006; Liolios, 2013), as recognized in the Qur’an as such, Christians, Jews and Sabaeans (Braude & Lewis, 1985). However, in the millet system (religious community) only Christians and Jews were recognized as official religious groups. This separation arose from the Islamic legal tradition, which separated the non-Muslim population in the Muslim state (Rachieru, 2002; Mpalta, 2006).

1. The Millet system In general, the millet system was a socio-cultural and community framework, based primarily on religion and secondarily on nationality (Karpat, 1985). Of course, this system was not implemented overnight, but was a continuous process with constant transformations. In fact, it should be noted that it covered smaller communities and even neighborhoods. For example, in the Balkans there were societies organized into groups of urban and rural communities rather than ethnic groups (Karpat, 1985). With this in mind, the Ottomans took advantage of the universality of faith and religion. Of course, although they did not try to destroy the linguistic or ethnic differences of these groups, at the same time they did not seek to strengthen the national identity and uniqueness of the different people (Karpat, 1985). In essence, the complex system of millet arose from the attempt to organize non-Muslim populations under an Islamic understanding without disregarding religious and cultural freedoms (Karpat, 1985; Mpalta, 2006). The basic differentiation became more apparent in the tax system because non-Muslims were required to pay two special taxes, the haraç (land tax) and the cizye (capital tax) (Karpat, 1985; Mpalta, 2006). The multi-layered understanding of non-Muslim groups has allowed many non-Muslims to rise to the highest levels of government and enjoy social recognition, as the system helped to achieve this goal (Karpat, 1985). Of course, the fact of the transformation of this system on Tanzimat through 60

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

the two constitutional changes is of particular interest to our research. Thus, the Ottoman identity was reconstructed through the recognition of new millet, such as Protestant and Bulgarian, but also the establishment of self-governing rules for certain millet, such as Armenians and Jews (Rachieru, 2002). This growing segregation of the populations of the Ottoman Empire led to the establishment of dichotomous tendencies in Ottoman society, resulting in the introduction of the concept of “nation” from the West in the 19th century (Matalas, 2002). Although historians have developed various theories, such as “push”11 and “attraction”12, for the rise of nationalist and revolutionary movements in the 19th century Ottoman Empire, most likely the revolutionary movements arose from class groups seeking more economic privileges than the central government, which with the reforms fueled rivalries between groups with conflicting interests (Quataret, 2006). Gradually, various nationalisms sprang up, cultivating a “fantasy ideology” for the pre-existence of nations and the creation of national identities13. But the reality is that first these states emerged and then their presence was “strengthened” with the ideology of a nation (Quataret, 2006). In any case, before the notion of “nation” was more strongly cultivated, the millet system determined the way non-Muslims were governed. As we mentioned, the main injustice of this system was the extra taxation of these populations. After all, taxation was a constant source of revenue for the Empire (Asdrachas, 2003; 1978), especially through the taxation of the agricultural and livestock sector and commercial activity. In particular, the economic activity 11 According to the “push” theory, the Ottoman state undertook important reforms that helped equalize Muslims and non-Muslims economically and politically, but as change proceeded slowly, revolutionary movements emerged out of frustration. In essence, the state has fallen victim to its own policy. See, H. Inalcik (1976). Application of the Tanzimat and its social effects, Lisse: Peter de Ridder Press. 12 According to the theory of “attraction”, the Ottoman state pursued an authoritarian and harsh economic policy to the detriment of its citizens, with the result that local rulers developed nationalist sentiments and embarked on independence movements. See, L. Stavrianos (2000). The Balkans since 1453, New York: New York University Press. Of course, this theory can be overturned in the case of Bulgaria, as it enjoyed considerable economic prosperity during the period of independence due to the economic policies and interventions of the Ottoman authority (See, D. Quataert (2006). Η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία. Οι τελευταίοι αιώνες, 1700-1922, 125-126). 13 The term “imaginary community” was first used by B. Anderson and was a useful analytical tool for examining objectively the idealistic way of constructing a nation or different groups within a nation. (See, B. Anderson (1997). Φαντασιακές Κοινότητες: Στοχασμοί για τις απαρχές και τη διάδοση του εθνικισμού (transl. in Greek Π. Χατζαρούλα), Αθήνα: Νεφέλη, 12-19).

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

and taxation of the Rum millet, which was the largest and most important of all (Skendi, 1982), is another important parameter that should be taken into account, because the gradual granting of privileges to various communities of today’s Greek territory by the Ottoman center (Kontogiorgis, 1982; Dalègre, 2006; Pylia, 2001; Petmezas, 2005) in conjunction with the international treaties that the Ottoman Porte was obliged to sign, helped the economic progress of inland and island communities (Asdrachas, 1982; Vakalopoulos, 1973; Chatziioannou, 2005; Petmezas et al., 2012).

2. The establishment of the Millet The notion has been established that from the beginning the Ottoman authority recognized three nations, the Rum (Greek Orthodox), the Armenian (Gregorian) and the Jewish14. The first included the populations of the Balkan Peninsula and Central Asia and was under the guidance of the Orthodox Patriarch of Constantinople (Inalcik, 1991; Mpalta, 2006; Ribolov, 2013). The second millet included mainly the Armenians, but also the other Christian groups and mainly the pre-Chalcedonian Monophysites, such as the Copts of Egypt, who did not belong to the Orthodox Patriarch (Sugar, 1977). The third included all the Jews of the Empire, Romans, Ashkenazi, Sfaradites, who were officially recognized in the mid-19th century because of their decentralized administrative system, unlike the other two nations who had a hierarchical administration after the fall of Constantinople (Sugar, 1977). However, historical research has raised concerns about the historical use of the term millet and its significance, as depending on the approach of each historian, the term was sometimes associated with the religious community recognized by the Ottoman state and sometimes associated with an ethno-religious ensemble, which was the matrix for the production of nationalist movements of the 19th century15. In essence, there was a difficulty in defining and understanding the term historically within the Ottoman legal system. 14 Generally on the subject of millet in the Ottoman Empire, see B. Braude & B. Lewis (eds.) (1985). Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers. S. Anagnostopoulou (2004). The Passage from the Ottoman Empire to the Nations-States, Istanbul: Isis, 37-55. S. Shaw (1978). “The Ottoman Census System and Population, 18311914”, International Journal of Middle East Studies 9.3, 325-338. S. Mutlu (2003). “Late Ottoman Population and its Ethnic Distribution”, Turkish Journal of Population Studies 25, 3-38. 15 For example, the approach of the 16th or 17th century with the rationale of the nationalist tendency, which began to prevail in the 19th century, is an anachronistic conception, which in no way helps to understand the millet as a religious community. See, I. Hassiotis (1999). “From the “Refledging” to the “Illumination of the Nation”: Aspects of Political Ideology in the Greek Church under Ottoman Domination”, Balkan Studies 40, 41-55.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

However, studies from the 1980s onwards included the use of the term by the Ottoman regime in the official granting of privileges, without this meaning that this process began in the first centuries of the Ottoman conquests (Braude, 1985). Specifically, these studies showed that the performance of privileges through the introduction of the official status of millet took place during the increasing demands of the political elites of the national groups in the 19th and 20th centuries (Braude, 1985). Therefore, the official validity of the term dates back to the 19th century onwards. Historical data may prove that the term millet was introduced in the 19th century, but at least in the case of the Greek Orthodox community it seems to have been established since the 18th century (Stamatopoulos, 2006; Gkara & Tzedelopoulos, 2015). Official Ottoman documents from the 16th to the 18th century used the term taife kafirlerin, meaning group of infidels, to identify the Orthodox populations under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Therefore, it was normal for the Orthodox population to be considered the most important group of unbelievers, as they outnumbered other non-Muslim religious and ethnic groups, such as the Armenians and the Jews. Nevertheless, around 1700 a very important change took place. The Patriarch of Constantinople is no longer officially referred to as the “Patriarch of the infidels”, but as the “Patriarch of the Romans”, ie the Orthodox subjects of the Empire, who usually spoke Greek. So the use of this term, especially from the beginning of the 18th century, paved the way for the introduction of the term Rum millet or millet-i Rum16, that is, of the religious group of the Romans, as a replacement for the previous term taife kafirlerin (Konortas, 1999; Zachariadou, 1996; Dalègre, 2006). Over the years, the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople was considered the leader of the Rum millet, that is, of the Orthodox Christians, who were under the rule of the sultan. Since religion and nationality were identical concepts in the perception of the Turks, the Ottoman Porte formed a framework of 16 In Constantinople, the rise of a new social class with great political and cultural influence, the Phanariotes, was essentially a consequence of the same historical development. This Greek-speaking aristocracy, ideologically dependent on the Patriarchate and engaged in commercial and political activities, managed to control the promotion of leaders in the Danube Hegemony and to hold important positions in the Ottoman administration. We can therefore assume that the Phanariots, a social group that ensured the maintenance of Ottoman rule in frontier states vital to the Empire, owe much to the designation of the Orthodox millet as Rum. See, D. Stamatopoulos (2006). “From Millets to Minorities in the 19th-Century Ottoman Empire: an Ambiguous Modernization”, 254-255. S. Anagnostopoulou (1997). Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες Κοινότητες: Από το Μιλλέτ των Ρωμιών στο ελληνικό έθνος, Αθήνα: Ελληνικά Γράμματα, 23-37.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

self-government in the Rum millet under the pretext of religious tolerance (Cahnmann, 1944; Mpalta, 2006; Liolios, 2013). So when the security of the Ottoman state was not threatened, then the only thing the officials were interested in was the collection of taxes, resulting in the introduction of the term raya (herd), which was used to present the citizens as tax subjects (Gibbons, 1916; Mpalta, 2006).

3. The Orthodox Church during the Ottoman Empire As we have mentioned, the most important millet was the Rum millet and therefore it is necessary to investigate the relationship that the Ottomans developed with the Orthodox Church, its privileges and whether the principle of religious tolerance was applied or whether it was finally violated and to what extent. Having mentioned how this relationship was formed and established, we will then focus on the 19th century, which is the central interest of this paper. From the moment Muhammad II conquered Constantinople, he sought to cut off the danger of the Christians of the East becoming dependent on the Pope (Archbishop of Athens Papadopoulos, 1934; Liolios, 2013). Thus, in order to cut off the possibility of any connection between East and West, he decided to preserve the position of Patriarch of Constantinople by turning it into an office with an official proclamation. The proclamation of Gennadios Scholarios as Patriarch of Constantinople was accompanied by an official document of Mohammed II, which forbade any abuse of the Patriarch, while exempting him from all taxes and any personal violation (Frantzis, 2001). This document may have been the first berat (distinction, honor, privilege) (Arnakis, 1952; Liolios, 2013). Since then, similar documents have been issued by the sultans, which confirmed the election of each new Patriarch, while the pashas in each region used this practice for the respective cases of the newly elected bishops. Each berat, imperial or regional, secured most of the rights granted to Gennadios in 1453-54. Now, through historical research, it is accepted that through the berats the Ottoman state granted privileges to religious leaders, without this necessarily meaning that it was also a legal recognition of religious communities (Konortas, 1998; Cohen, 1996; Dalègre, 2006; Myrgioti, 2013). Thus, the official berat document does not mean that it was also a document of legitimacy of millet. However, we should note what the privileges were granted to the Church and to the Orthodox Christians according to the berat, signed by the sultans. First of all, there was a mention of respect for freedom of conscience. Those 64

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

who belonged to the Rum millet would not be converted without their will. So, if a Christian wanted to convert to Islam, then he had to be an adult, and the religious leader of his community could persuade him in front of his parents and relatives. During the long Ottoman rule, this term was violated many times, but at least its inclusion in many berats prevented the violent Islamization of thousands of Christians. At the same time, the state undertook not to engage in the performance of Christian religious duties, while Christians could keep their holy books and icons in their homes, as well as be allowed to perform services in churches (Arnakis, 1952). The administration and the committee of the Church were safe, as long as the taxes were paid and there were no fears of betrayal. The Patriarchate and the Holy Synod were free to appoint the clergy, maintained oversight of churches and monasteries, and investigated complaints against clergy. The official state had no right to arrest, dismiss or exile bishops or priests without the approval of the Patriarchate. Also, the Patriarch could issue a sentence against clergy without the consent of the Holy Synod. In cases of complaints against the Patriarch and the higher ranks of the clergy, the trial could only take place in the capital before imperial judges and officials. The summonses of criminal cases concerning the lower clergy went either to the Patriarch or to the bishops, while during the waiting period of the trial the accused remained confined to the place of the respective governor. After the trial, if he was found guilty, then he remained confined to either the Patriarchate or the Diocese, while in the case of serious crimes he was dismissed and imprisoned (Arnakis, 1952; Liolios, 2013). The ownership of churches, monasteries and institutions belonged to the Patriarch and the bishops. Abuses of an economic nature were investigated and punished by the Patriarchal court. In addition, the Church could impose taxes for its own purposes. Priests and their parishes would have to pay an annual fee to cover the cost a bishop would have to pay to the state for his appointment to the Episcopal position. If the payment was made without any controversy, then the state did not charge for goods charges and tolls during transportation. The state, by collecting the assistance of the parishioners, formalized its support for the bishop. It is therefore easy to assume that the power of the bishop was a tool of corruption by unscrupulous ecclesiastical circles. As for the property of an unmarried clergyman, after his death it was transferred to the Patriarchate and not to the imperial treasury. Any Christian who wished could bequeath up to 1/3 of his fortune to the church and its institu65

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

tions. This property remained safe and protected, unless an imperial decree was issued ordering otherwise (Arnakis, 1952; Liolios, 2013; Myrgioti, 2013). The social status of Orthodox Christians remained under the individual jurisdiction of the Patriarch, who had the sole right to issue permits for marriages and divorces. Thus, the Church maintained a way of controlling and preserving the family, matters of inheritance, while giving the right to operate community courts, which for the most part adjudicated civil cases. Also, various cases were trailed in the Patriarchate, as Christians preferred the system of Christian justice to the verdict of kadi (Arnakis, 1952; Liolios, 2013; Doxiadis, 2011; Metallinos, 2008; Siatras, 1997). In short, these were some of the most important privileges that established the framework of the Ecumenical Patriarchate’s relationship with the Ottoman Empire. However, the official documents may have provided privileges and protection for the Patriarch and the Christian subjects, but the situation and the relations with the Ottoman authority were not so peaceful. So we could not miss the problems that the Patriarchate often faced and the limitations it had to overcome in order to survive. The position of the historian and Metropolitan of Didymoteicho, Filaretos Vafeidis, is typical, that the fate of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula would be different, if the Ottomans followed without deviation the policy first implemented by Muhammad II in 1453 (Bishop Vafeidis, 1902). The reality is that the state recognized the rights of the Church in official documents, but government officials and Ottoman citizens in many cases violated the institutional tolerance, as they speculated at the expense of church property, blackmailed, humiliated and persecuted the clergy, while forcibly converted Christians to Islam. Of course, this does not mean that the head of the Church was not attacked, since he was persecuted in periods of fanaticism on the pretext of suspected treason. Several Patriarchs were exiled or imprisoned, while some, such as Cyril Loukaris (1638), Cyril II (1639), Parthenios II (1651), Parthenios III (1657) and Gregory V (1821), died as martyrs. It is noteworthy that their execution took place after the Ottomans had replaced them, resulting in their condemnation not as Patriarchs, but as traitors. Thus, although the Ottoman Porte did not aim to attack the Church as an institution, it was clear to the Patriarch that he was helpless in times of crisis (Arnakis, 1952). Also, difficulties and peculiarities arose regarding the performance of the services in temples. On the spot where there were old churches, the Greeks 66

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

were allowed to build small and humble buildings with wooden roofs. Of course, it was quite difficult to get a permit for this construction, as the ulema had to argue that the new place of worship would not be disgusting to Islam and the state. At the same time, the bribery of various officials was necessary, while it turned out that money would have to be distributed to the Muslim families in the neighborhood where the temple would be built, so that they would not react during its construction. It is understood that under these circumstances it was not possible for Christians to have a “normal” church (Gedeon, 1909). Of course, at the beginning of the 19th century there was a relaxation in the strictness of the construction of temples, since until 1830 it was possible to build a church without the issuance of an imperial firman. Many churches were built in Constantinople at that time, to replace those that were destroyed during the Greek revolution. There was more freedom in the provinces. For example, monasteries far from the cities were not disturbed, although their property was often confiscated and monks were required to pay a capital tax. However, some monasteries near Constantinople were destroyed for no particular reason (Arnakis, 1952). In general, the Greek Orthodox population, represented mainly by the Phanariot elite and the upper Orthodox clergy, gradually gained significant political and social power, preparing the ground for the establishment of its own cultural supremacy among the rest of the Orthodox (Sarigiannis, 2011; Dalègre, 2006; Metallinos, 2008). Also, the result of the Russo-Turkish wars at the end of the 18th century (1768-1774, 1788-1792) contributed to this development, as Catherine the Great set Russia as the protector of the Orthodox populations of the Ottoman Empire (Muge, 1996; Mpalta, 2006), while giving the opportunity for a huge economic growth in the rising urban elements of the Greek territory17. 17 The rise of the Greek bourgeoisie in the 18th century led to the organization of communities with statutes that emphasized the element of self-government that characterized them. The example of the Aegean islands is typical. The new order consisted of nobles, landowners, merchants, ship owners of the islands, military and wealthy immigrants abroad. At the same time, trade in the Balkans was mainly in the hands of the Greeks. The most important trade centers were Thessaloniki and Smyrna, where the growth of trade was so great that it was considered the financial capital of the empire. The Greeks found a way out of the maritime trade and navigation. Conditions were favorable, as the conclusion of the treaty of Kyuchuk Kainartzi (1774) allowed them to use the Russian flag and under its auspices all the orthodox citizens of the empire, to achieve the free movement of their products by sea. It is characteristic that the Greeks, taking advantage of their abilities, the Napoleonic wars and the Anglo-French conflicts, succeeded in becoming the second naval power in the Mediterranean after England. See, F. G. Metallinos (2008). Τουρκοκρατία: Οι Έλληνες στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, 141-142, 145-147, 166. A. Delis (2014). “From Lateen to Square Rig: The evo-

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

4. Millet and nations during the Tanzimat Reform However, it is characteristic that the beginnings of the Tanzimat reforms coincided with the national revolutions, which affected the character of the millet, their function and the relations between them. For example, the Greek revolution marked the collapse of the old Phanariot world. Phanariotic families were forced to seek refuge outside the Empire, as some settled in Moldavia (Stamatopoulos, 2006; Dalègre, 2006; Metallinos, 2008). The tolerance or secret support of the Phanariots in the Greek revolution led the Ottomans to reconsider the privileged position held by the Rum millet in the political scene. This automatically contributed to the improvement of the position of the other millet of the Empire and especially of the Armenians (Artinian, 1970), while for the first time there was recognition of a Catholic millet. However, in addition to the establishment of the Protestant and Catholic millet, the dismemberment of the Orthodox millet also emerged through the prevalence of the ethnocentric tendency (Kamouzis, 2012) and the creation of national churches, namely the Kingdom of Greece (1850), Serbia (1879), Romania (1885) and Bulgaria (1945) (Stamatopoulos, 2006; Dalègre, 2006; Clogg, 1996; Quartaret, 2006). Although the Patriarchate was limited in size to the remaining provinces of European Turkey and Central Asia, it was more homogenous in structure and organization. Under the guidance of wise leaders, it maintained a distinguished position, moral strength and image among all Orthodox peoples, with the exception of schismatic Bulgaria. At the same time, the establishment of national churches as a consequence of the nationalist movement that occupied the Balkans from the 18th century (Kitromilides, 1998; Stamatopoulos, 2006) saved the Patriarchate from complicated political situations, which could hardly be managed. Certainly, the transfer of ecclesiastical power to the new churches did not take place without great cost and intensity, since with great delay and political intensity the Autocephaly of the Church of Greece or the ecclesiastical autonomy of Romania was recognized, let alone the removal of the schism with Bulgaria (Arnakis, 1952; Matalas, 2002). In addition to the Balkan nations, the influence of the nationalist movement seems to have influenced the Ottoman leadership, as Ottoman officials made various attempts to change the mechanism and institutions of the state with those of the Western states. Thus, after the formalization of the Hatt-i lution of the Greek-owned merchant fleet and its ships in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries”, The Mariner’s Mirror 100.1, 44-58.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Sherif (1839) and in particular of Hatt-i Humayun (1856) a concept of guaranteeing and respecting political and religious rights without discrimination on the basis of race or gender was established, resulting in the establishment of equal rights and privileges for non-Muslims as well (Quartaret, 2006; Papastathis, 1984; Nikolaides, 2012; Miller, 1936; Mplata, 2006; Dalègre, 2006; Myrgioti, 2013). In addition, the Hatt-i Humayun guaranteed the safety of life, property and life of all citizens of the Empire. However, it went one level further, aiming at the homogenization of the population of the Empire through the establishment of new administrative institutions and the construction of a new Ottoman identity18, reorganized religious communities. At the same time, the validity of the privileges granted to the Patriarch of Constantinople by various sultans of the past was confirmed (Konortas, 1999), while the creation of special councils under the supervision of the Ottoman Porte was envisaged. These councils would discuss the need to reaffirm these privileges and introduce the necessary changes to upgrade the millet structure (Papastathis, 1984). However, the imperial decree of 1856 is marked by a remarkable contradiction, as although it insisted on the establishment of equality among all citizens of the Ottoman state, at the same time it maintained the millet system as a basic organizational structure of Ottoman society (Anagnostopoulou, 1997). So while the religious factor as an element of differentiation between citizens was theoretically eliminated in the constitution, eventually the millet was given legal status, thus establishing the differentiation of the population through the millet (Davison, 1963). As we have mentioned, the change in the way things are perceived has brought about significant changes in the recognition, segregation and management of millets. According to the imperial decree, special councils had to be formed to formalize the way each millet was governed. As far as the Orthodox millet is concerned, the discussions on the application of the provisions of Hatt-i Humayun took place in the period 1858-1860 (Bishop Nanakis, 2008; Stamatopoulos, 2006). The result of the discussions was the composition of an official text, known as the “General Regulations”. Thus, the meetings between the Patriarchate and the National Council moved to formalize changes, among others, regarding the election of the Patriarch19 and the bishops, the 18 Perhaps this was the basic ideological trend of Ottomanism during the Tanzimat period. 19 An important change in the election of the Patriarch was the imposition of the requirement by the Ottoman Porte to exclude from the electoral process individuals who were not to its liking.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

composition and operation of the Holy Synod and the joint council, the revenues of the Patriarchate, the administration of monasteries and institutions, the management of the finances of the parish through the participation in the council of laity (Bishop Nanakis, 2008; Stamatopoulos, 2006; Kostakis, 1991). Essentially, for the Greek Orthodox side, this process of formalization of the regime and its privileges through institutionalized changes did not differ much from the regime that had been established with the berats of previous years (Arnakis, 1952). After talks in 1861-1862, the Ottoman Porte ratified the final corrections and the agreed text was published by the Patriarchal Printing Office under the title “General Regulations of the Holy Churches in Constantinople” (Bishop Nanakis, 2008; Stamatopoulos, 2006; Arnakis, 1952). The law of the General Regulations allowed the permanent intervention of the representatives of the Neo-Phanariot circles, that is, of the families that replaced the old Phanariotes after the end of the Greek revolution, and of the rising social class of merchants and bankers in terms of financial, management, educational and social issues of the Patriarchate. It is characteristic that the Regulations provided for the establishment of a Joint Council, i.e. a body that would include eight lay people and four clergy, members of the Holy Synod, with the main responsibility of controlling the financial and administrative operation of the Patriarchate. At the same time, a new type of Holy Synod was legislated, according to which all priests and bishops under the service of the Patriarchate would participate in it in rotation. This development essentially meant the abolition of the old system of “Gerontism”, which had been established in the Patriarchate until the middle of the 19th century, which allowed the bishops of the Synod (Elders) to coexist with the Patriarch (Papadopoulos, 1952; Bishop Nanakis, 2008; Stamatopoulos, 2006; Gkara & Tzedolopoulos, 2015). In any case, the most important change concerned the participation of the people in the process of electing the Patriarch, although the final phase, ie the election of the Patriarch among three candidates, remained under the control of the Holy Synod (Stamatopoulos, 2003). Essentially, these reforms increased the influence of the Neo-Phanariots and the new bourgeoisie of merchants and bankers (Stamatopoulos, 2006). Although the legislation of the General Regulations helped to form a new political group, which controlled the Church, the same did not happen with the intended reorganization of the financial operation of the Patriarchate. One of the goals of the Ottoman reformers was to change the salaries of the upper class. The implementation of the Ottoman Porte program aimed at controlling 70

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

the ecclesiastical property and incomes of the bishops to meet its own financial needs, at categorizing the Orthodox clergy as civil servants of the Ottoman state, in order to limit its political activities, but also at satisfying of the Bulgarian claims, which sought to determine the income of the bishops, in order to reduce the heavy taxation of the provinces. In the end, both the conservative and the reformist circles of the National Council did not implement the specific salary plan and supported the solution of the donation, in fact a kind of ecclesiastical tax. The difference from the previous forms of income of the dioceses was that it was a single monetary fee, which depended on the population of each province and not on the population of the whole Empire. This contributed to an imbalance in both the distribution and collection of this tax (Stamatopoulos, 2006). The introduction of the new pay system for bishops laid the groundwork for the smooth expansion of reform efforts from the center to the periphery. Obviously, it was a turning point for this effort, which ultimately led to a total failure of the new system. The reasons for the failure of this regulation were due to the inaction shown by the provincial bishops and dignitaries, the unequal distribution of sums among the population of the provinces, the reactions of local prominent personalities who contributed to charities and educational institutions and to national rivalries. In any case, this failure led to the deterioration of the finances of the Patriarchate, with the result that it provoked a reaction and required the revision of the General Regulations (Stamatopoulos, 2003).

5. Evaluation of the Reform Although there was a perception that the introduction of European legislation and the concept of human and equal civil rights during the Tanzimat period would bring satisfaction, it eventually led to an increase in complaints against the state (Bishop Nanakis, 2008; Aral, 2004). This observation applies not only to Muslim citizens but also to non-Muslims. A significant percentage of non-Muslim citizens, especially from the Greek Orthodox community, opposed the reforms for a variety of reasons. One of these reforms was the abolition of full control by religious leaders over members of their communities (Kamouzis, 2012), as lay members were added to the ecclesiastical council20. Also, non-Muslims were now obliged to serve in the army, as in the past they 20 This may justify the emergence of competing tendencies between the clergy and the laity within the various parishes, as they had a different perception of the decisions of the respective ecclesiastical council.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

had the right to be excluded from this service. Finally, the Greek community, which was hierarchically in second place before the Muslims, after the reforms they had to share the same rights with the rest of the millet and be in the same social position with the other non-Muslim communities (Aral, 2004). Perhaps, we could assume that the Tanzimat reforms did not necessarily help the integration and cooperation of the millet with the Muslims, but ultimately accelerated the process of disintegration among the millet. Thus, the attempt to restore rights and homogenize brought the opposite results, as it eventually sparked the process of perceiving differences and the formation of national identities among nations, which contributed to the loss of territory and change for the Ottoman Empire.

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

References Archbishop of Athens Chrysostomos Papadopoulos. (1934). «Η θέσις της Εκκλησίας και του ελληνικού γένους εν τω τουρκικώ κράτει μετά την άλωσιν της Κπόλεως (Α΄)», Θεολογία ΙΒ΄, 11. Agmon, I. (2004). “Women’s History and Ottoman Sharia Court Records: Shifting Perspective in Social History”, Hawwa 2.2, 172-209. Anagnostopoulou, S. (2004). The Passage from the Ottoman Empire to the Nations-States, Istanbul: Isis. -------- (1997). Μικρά Ασία, 19ος αι.-1919. Οι Ελληνορθόδοξες Κοινότητες: Από το Μιλλέτ των Ρωμιών στο ελληνικό έθνος, Αθήνα: Ελληνικά Γράμματα. Anderson B. (1997). Φαντασιακές Κοινότητες: Στοχασμοί για τις απαρχές και τη διάδοση του εθνικισμού (transl. in Greek Π. Χατζαρούλα), Αθήνα: Νεφέλη. Aral, B. (2004). “The idea of Human Rights as Perceived in the Ottoman Empire”, Human Rights Quarterly, 26. 2, 454-482. Arnakis, G. (1952). “The Greek Church of Constantinople and the Ottoman Empire”, The Journal of Modern History, 24.3, 237-249. Artinian, V. (1970). The Armenian Constitutional system in the Ottoman Empire, 1839-1863, London. Asdrachas, Sp. (1978). Μηχανισμοί της Αγροτικής Οικονομίας στην Τουρκοκρατία (ΙΕ΄-Ιστ΄ αιώνας), Αθήνα: Θεμέλιο. -------- (1982). Ελληνική Κοινωνία και Οικονομία: ιη και ιθ αιώνες, Αθήνα: Ερμής. -------- (2003). Ελληνική Οικονομική Ιστορία: ΙΕ΄-ΙΘ΄ αιώνας, τ. Α΄, Αθήνα: Πολιτιστικό Ίδρυμα Ομίλου Πειραιώς. Barkey, K. (2005). “Islam and Toleration: Studying the Ottoman Imperial Model”, International Journal of Politics Culture and Society, 19, 16. Bishop Arkalochoriou Kastelliou & Viannu A. Nanakis. (2008). «Γενικός Κανονισμός των εν Κωνσταντινούπολει Ιερών Εκκλησιών», Επιστημονική Επετηρίδα Θεολογικής Σχολής 17 (2008), 204. Bishop Didimoteichou F. Vafeidis. (1902). Εκκλησιαστική Ιστορία, Κωνσταντινούπολη. Braude, B. & Lewis B. (eds.). (1985). Christians and Jews in the Ottoman 73

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Empire, New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers. Cahnman, W. J. (1944). “Religion and nationality”, American journal of sociology XLIX, 524-529. Chatziioannou, M. (2005). “Greek Merchant Networks in the Ages of Empires (1770-1870)”, in I. McCabe, G. Harlaftis & I. Pepelasis Minoglou (eds.), Diaspora Entrepreneurial Networks: Four Centuries of History, 371-382. Oxford; New York: Berg. Clogg, R. (1996). Anatolica: Studies in the Greek East in the 18th and 19th Centuries, Aldershot: Variorum. Cohen, A. (1996). “Communal Legal Entities in a Muslim Setting Theory and Practice: The Jewish Community in Sixteenth-Century Jerusalem”, Islamic Law and Society 3, 149-181. Dalègre, J. (2006). Έλληνες και Οθωμανοί, 1453-1923: Από την πτώση της Κωνσταντινούπολης έως την καταστροφή της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας (transl. in Greek Σ. Μπίνη-Σωτηροπούλου), Αθήνα: Σ. Ι. Ζαχαρόπουλος. Darling, L. (1996). Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Finance Administration in the Ottoman Empire, 1560-1660, Leiden: Brill. Davison, R. (1963). Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876, Princeton. Delis, A. (20140. “From Lateen to Square Rig: The evolution of the Greekowned merchant fleet and its ships in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries”, The Mariner’s Mirror 100.1, 44-58. Deringil, S. (1999). The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1909, London: I. B. Tauris. Doumanis, N. (2013). Before the Nation: Muslim-Christian Coexistence and its Destruction in Late Ottoman Anatolia, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Douwes, D. (2000). The Ottomans in Syria: A History of Justice and Oppression, London: I. B. Tauris. Doxiadis, E. (2011). “Legal Trickery: Men, Women, and Justice in Late Ottoman Greece”, Past & Present 210, 129-153. Ersanli, B. (2002). “The Ottoman Empire in the Historiography of the Kemalist Era: A Theory of Fatal Decline”, in F. Adanir & S. Faroqhi (eds.), The Ottomans and the Balkans: A Discussion of Historiography, 115-154. Leiden: Brill. F. Metallinos, G. (2008). Τουρκοκρατία: Οι Έλληνες στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Ακρίτας. 74

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Faroqhi, S. (1992). “Political Activity among Ottoman Taxpayers and the Problem of Sultanic Legitimation (1570-1650)”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 34, 1-39. ------ (2000). Κουλτούρα και καθημερινή ζωή στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία: από τον Μεσαίωνα ως τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα, Αθήνα: Εξάντας. ------ (2006). Προσεγγίζοντας την Οθωμανική Ιστορία: Εισαγωγή στις Πηγές (transl. in Greek Κ. Καμπουρίδης), Θεσσαλονίκη: University Studio Press. Fawaz, L. (1983). Merchants and Migrants in Nineteenth Century Beirut, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Frantzis, G. (2001). Χρονικόν, τ. Γ΄ (transl. Απ. Τζαφερόπουλος), Αθήνα: Πατάκης. Gedeon, Μ. (1909). Βραχεία σημείωσις περί των εκκλησιαστικών ημών δικαίων : Υποβληθείσα τη 12 Δεκεμβρίου 1908 τω Παναγιωτάτω Οικουμενικώ Πατριάρχη, Κωνσταντινούπολη. Gibbons, H. A. (1916). The foundation of the Ottoman Empire, New York: The Century. Gkara, Ε. & Tzedelopoulos, G. (2015). Χριστιανοί και μουσουλμάνοι στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία. Θεσμικό πλαίσιο και κοινωνικές δυναμικές, Αθήνα: ΣΕΑΒ. Gkara, Ε. (2005). «Χριστιανοί και Μουσουλμάνοι στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία των πρώιμων νεότερων χρόνων: ιστοριογραφικές προσεγγίσεις», in M. Greene (επιμ.), Κρήτη, ένας κόσμος. Χριστιανοί και μουσουλμάνοι στη Μεσόγειο των πρώιμων νεότερων χρόνων, 15-37. Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις του Εικοστού Πρώτου. Hanioglu, S. (1999). “Review: Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain (1877-1924) by Anmi Ozcan”, International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 31.1, 145-147. Hassiotis, I. (1999). “From the “Refledging” to the “Illumination of the Nation”: Aspects of Political Ideology in the Greek Church under Ottoman Domination”, Balkan Studies 40, 41-55. Hathaway, J. (1996). The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of Qazdaglis, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Inalcik, H. & Quataert D. (1994). An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 75

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Inalcik, H. (1978). “Impact of the Annales School on Ottoman Studies and New Findings”, Review 1, 70. ------ (1991). “The status of the Greek Orthodoxe Patriarch under the Ottomans”, Turkica 21-23, 407-436. ------ (1976). Application of the Tanzimat and its social effects, Lisse: Peter de Ridder Press, 1976. Kamouzis, D. (2012). “Elites and the formation of national identity: the case of the Greek Orthodox millet (mid-nineteenth century to 1922)”, in Benjamin C. Fortna, Stefanos Katsikas, Dimitris Kamouzis, Paraskevas Konortas (eds.), State-Nationalisms in the Ottoman Empire, Greece and Turkey: Orthodox and Muslims, 1830-1945, 16-25. London; New York: Routledge. Kitromilides, P. (1998). “Orthodox culture and collective identity in the Ottoman Balkans during the Eighteenth Century”, Δελτίο Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών 12, 89-93. Konortas, P. (1999). “From tai’fe to millet: Ottoman Terms for the Ottoman Greek-Orthodox Community”, in D. Gondicas & Ch. Issawi (eds.), Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism: Politics, Economy and Society in the Nineteenth Century, 169-179. Princeton: Darwin Press. ------ (1998). Οθωμανικές θεωρήσεις για το Οικουμενικό Πατριαρχείο,17ος – αρχές 20ου αιώνα, Αθήνα: Αλεξάνδρεια. Kontogiorgis, G. (1982). Κοινωνική δυναμική και πολιτική αυτοδιοίκηση: Οι Ελληνικές κοινότητες της Τουρκοκρατίας, Αθήνα: Νέα Σύνορα-Α.Α. Λιβάνη. Kostakis, Κ. (1991). «Κοινότητες, Εκκλησία και Μιλλέτ στις «Ελληνικές» περιοχές της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας κατά την περίοδο των μεταρρυθμίσεων», Μνήμων 13, 69-74. Liolios, G. (2013). Η Εκκλησία και το δίκαιο στην Τουρκοκρατούμενη Ελλάδα κατά τον Gustav Geib (μεταπτυχιακή διατριβή που κατατέθηκε στο Τμήμα Ποιμαντικής & Κοινωνικής Θεολογίας), ΑΠΘ: Θεσσαλονίκη. Marcus, A. (1989). The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century, New York: Columbia University Press. Matalas, P. (2002). Έθνος και Ορθοδοξία: Οι περιπέτειες μιας σχέσης. Από το «Ελλαδικό» στο Βουλγαρικό σχίσμα, Ηράκλειο: Πανεπιστημιακές Εκδόσεις Κρήτης. Miller, W. (1936). The Ottoman Empire and its successors, Cambridge. 76

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Mpalata, Ε. (2006). «Πρόσληψη και χρήση της θρησκευτικής ετερότητας στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία: Ζίμμι-Ρωμιοί και Μουσουλμάνοι-Τούρκοι», Σύγχρονα Θέματα 93, 71. Muge, G. (1996). Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire. Ottoman Westernization and Social Change, New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mutlu, S. (2003). “Late Ottoman Population and its Ethnic Distribution”, Turkish Journal of Population Studies 25, 3-38. Myrgioti, Aik. (2013). Βυζαντινά και Μεταβυζαντινά έγγραφα ακίνητης μοναστηριακής περιουσίας. Ιστορική θεώρηση και σύγχρονη νομική προσέγγιση από τις δωρεές των Βυζαντινών αυτοκρατόρων στο αυτοκρατορικό οθωμανικό Κτηματολόγιο και από την ανασύσταση του κράτους στη σύγχρονη νομολογία (μεταπτυχιακή διατριβή που κατατέθηκε στο Τμήμα Νομικής), ΑΠΘ: Θεσσαλονίκη. Nikolaidis, D. (2012). Οθωμανικοί Κώδικες, τ. III, Αθήνα: Το Νομικό Βιβλιοπωλείο. Owen, R. (1976). “The Middle East in the Eighteenth Century: An Islamic Society in decline? A Critique of Gibband Bowen’s Islamic Society and the West”, Bulletin of British Society for Middle Eastern Studies 3.2, 110-117. Papadopoullos, Th. (1952). The History of the Greek Church and people under Turkish domination, Brussels. Papastathis, Ch. (1984). Οι Κανονισμοί των Ορθόδοξων Ελληνικών Κοινοτήτων του Οθωμανικού κράτους και της Διασποράς, Θεσσαλονίκη: Αφοί Κυριακίδοι. Peirce, L. (2004). “Changing Perception of the Ottoman Empire: the Early Centuries”, Mediterranean Historical Review 19.1, 22-23. Peirce, L. (1993). The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Petmezas, S. Charlauti, T. Limperatos, A. & Papakonstantinou, K. (eds.) (2012). Θεωρητικές αναζητήσεις και εμπειρικές έρευνες. Πρακτικά Διεθνούς Συνεδρίου Οικονομικής και Κοινωνικής Ιστορίας. Ρέθυμνο, 10-13.12.2008, Αθήνα: Αλεξάνδρεια. Petmezas, S. (2005). “Christian Communities in Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth-century Ottoman Greece: Their Fiscal Functions”, in M. Greene (ed.), Minorities in the Ottoman Empire, 71-127. Princeton: Markus Wiener. Pylia, Μ. (2001). «Λειτουργίες και αυτονομία των κοινοτήτων της 77

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Πελοποννήσου (1715-1821), Μνήμων 23, 67-98. Quataert, D. (2003). “Ottoman History Writing and Attitudes Towards the Notion of ‘Decline’ ”, History Compass 1.1, 2. ------ (2006). Η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία. Οι τελευταίοι αιώνες, 1700-1922 (μτφρ. Μ. Σαρηγιάννης), Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Αλεξάνδρεια. Rachieru, S. (2002). “Invented Identities – Case Study: The Ottoman Citizenship”, Southeastern Europe, 90. Ribolov, S. (2013). “The Orthodox Church in the Ottoman Empire and its Perspectives for Theological Dialogue”, Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe, 33.2, 12. Salzmann, A. (1993). “An Ancient Regime Revisited: “Privatization” and Political Economy in the Eighteenth Century Ottoman Empire”, Politics & Society 21.4, 393-423. Sarigiannis, Μ. (2011). «Φαναριώτες και Οθωμανική Παράδοση: ΕπιδράσειςΣτεγανά, 17ος-18ος αι.». in Γ. Σαλακίδης. (ed.), Τουρκολογικά: Τιμητικός τόμος για τον Αναστάσιο Κ. Ιορδάνογλου, (305-322). Θεσσαλονίκη: Εκδοτικός Οίκος Αντώνης Σταμούλης. Shaw, S. (1978). “The Ottoman Census System and Population, 1831-1914”, International Journal of Middle East Studies 9.3, 325-338. Siatras, D. (1997). Ελληνικά κοινοτικά δικαστήρια κατά την Τουρκοκρατία, Βόλος: Δημοτικό Κέντρο Ιστορικών Ερευνών Τεκμηρίωσης Αρχείων και Εκθεμάτων. Stamatopoulos, D. (2001). «Η Εκκλησία ως Πολιτεία: Αναπαραστάσεις του Ορθόδοξου Μιλλέτ και το μοντέλο της Συνταγματικής Μοναρχίας (δεύτερο μισό 19ου αι.)», Μνήμων 23, 187-188. -------- (2003). Μεταρρύθμιση και Εκκοσμίκευση: προς μια ανασύνθεση της Ιστορίας του Οικουμενικού Πατριαρχείου τον 19ο αιώνα, Αθήνα: Αλεξάνδρεια. -------- (2006). “From Millets to Minorities in the 19th-Century Ottoman Empire: an Ambiguous Modernization”, in Steven G. Ellis (ed.), Citizenship in historical perspective, 254. Piza: Piza University Press. Stavrianos, L. (2000). The Balkans since 1453, New York: New York University Press. Sugar, P. (1977). Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 1354-1804, Seattle: University of Washington Press. 78

Religious Freedom and millet during the Tanzimat Reform

Todorov, N. (1986). Η βαλκανική πόλη, 15ος-19ος αιώνας: κοινωνικοοικονομική και δημογραφική ανάπτυξη, Αθήνα: Θεμέλιο. Tsimpiridou, F. & Stamatopoulos, D. (eds.). (2008). Οριενταλισμός στα όρια. Από τα οθωμανικά Βαλκάνια στη σύγχρονη Μέση Ανατολή, Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Κριτική. Tucker, J. (1985). Women in the Nineteenth-Century Egypt, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vakalopoulos, A. (1973). Ιστορία του νέου Ελληνισμού, τ. Δ΄, Τουρκοκρατία 1669-1812: Η οικονομική άνοδος και ο φωτισμός του Γένους, Θεσσαλονίκη. Zachariadou, Ε. (1966). Δέκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα για την Μεγάλη Εκκλησία (1483-1567), Αθήνα: Εθνικό Ίδρυμα Ερευνών. Zilfi, M. (ed.) (1997). Women in the Ottoman Empire: Middle Eastern Women in the Early Modern Era, Leiden: Brill.

5 Numerology in the Gospel of John II: The Jesus’ burial, the resurrection and the significance of the numbers two and one hundred Thomas Mavromoustakos

Sotirios Despotis

Professor, Director of the Laboratory of Organic Chemistry, Faculty of Chemistry, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Panepistimiopolis, Zografou 15171, Athens Greece

Corespondence:

e-mail: sotdespo@yahoo.gr

Abstract

rection narrative become martyrs of the most important event of Christianity. These martyrs have both Greek and Jewish names an indication that represents the whole world. If we count another three dyads during crucifixion the number adds up to seven. This symbolizes the new week of creation. The establishment of new life that leads to the resurrection of the soul and eternal life with God. Interpretation of one hundred as the double witness of jubilee is intriguing.

The huge quantity of one hundred liters is probably mentioned by John to designate the royal burial. This quantity proved the resurrection of Jesus as the absence of his body living untouched the burial clothing could be explained only by a miracle. This huge quantity was supposed to keep tight the body with linen and only by tearing the clothing this could be released. One hundred might have also symbolical meaning. It may designate that transforms the life from the left to the right. In old times of Jesus, in counting, one hundred was the number which showed the change from left to the right or symbolically the evil to the right. Thus, Jesus arrived to change our life. To transfer our sinful life that works between one to ninety-nine to one hundred. To defeat the dead and lead to the new Christian life. One hundred is a holy number designating perfect completeness. The one hundred is associated with dyad that shows the truth of resurrection. The four dyads in the resur-

Keywords:

Royal burial, one hundred, left-right hand.

Citation:

Mavromoustakos T. G. & Despotis S. Numerology in the Gospel of John II: The Jesus’ burial, the resurrection and the significance of the numbers two and one hundred. Theology & Culture. 2022; 4: 81-94. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.15279.41124 81

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

Introduction

fter the lifting (ύψωσις) of the incarnated Logos on the cross in the John Gospel, Joseph from Arimathea dared to ask permission from Pilate to take away His body and place it in a grave. Along with Joseph, Nicodemus, another disciple that appears in Chapters 3 and 7 of John’s Gospel, brings an, about a hundred-pound mixture of myrrh and aloes (equivalent to ca 44 kgs) (Keener, 2012). The first to notice is the appearance of two disciples, like the mixture of two spices. Evangelist wishes to seal the event by two “participants”. According to Deuteronomy (19:15) the presence of two “martyrs” shows a truly event that can be claimed in a court. Interestingly, although both are Jewish the one has a Greek name. Nicodemus name, which means the victory (νίκη) of people (δῆμος), appears in the Bible only in John. Nicodemus was a Pharisee and a leader of the Jewish people and a member of the Sanhedrin, the high court in Israel. Thus, that he is called by a Greek name is an enigma. He appears in Chapter 3 where he visited Jesus during night, seeking to ask questions and get the truth directly. He also stood up for Jesus when the Pharisees were conspiring against him. Nicodemus, who had gone to Jesus earlier and who was one of their own number, asked the Pharisees, “Does our law condemn a man without first hearing him to find out what he has been doing?” (John 7:50-51). One can think that Evangelist associates the name with symbolism. However, in none of the Christian interpreters of John Gospel expressed this question and of course this view cannot be supported based on fathers or ecclesiastical authors. Nonetheless, the idea that this disciple, while initially fearful of testifying as a follower of Jesus follower, in the end vanquished (νίκησε) the fear against the Jewish people (δῆμος) is both a legitimate hypothesis and consistent with the Evangelist spirit. Probably, the use of Jewish and Greek names indicates that the news of the following events will be spread not only to Jewish people but also to the gentiles. Thus, Evangelist prepares us to enter a scenery that would have consequences for the whole world. Again, this is just a hypothesis that cannot be proved. The name Nicodemus might mean Victory of The People or, slightly more sinister, Victory Over the People. Spiros Zodhiates (The Complete Wordstudy Dictionary) translates the name diplomatically with Victor among the People and NOBSE Study Bible Name List reads Conqueror of the People.”

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

1. “Hundred liters of myrrh-and-aloes” The question we will raise and try to answer throughout this study is: Why does Nicodemus bring for the burial of Jesus Christ a hundred liters of myrrhand-aloes? Does the number one hundred express any possible symbolism? One first thought is that Evangelist did not count the quantity. He did not participate in the burial--at least there is no indication in the Gospel that he did. What is then the reason for giving this number detail? The quantity of one hundred is very large. We remind you that Mary used only one liter oil to anoint Jesus. The use of a single liter irritated Judas Iscariot who claimed that one liter oil could be used for poor (John 12:5). Mary’s liter cost three hundred denarii which was a common’s man annual wage (Carson, 1991). Imagine that Nicodemus offers for the burial one hundred times more quantity. Such huge quantities were used to embalm kings. However, it should be made clear that embalming was not a custom in Israel but in Egypt. To the Jews, according to Deuteronomy (21:23,) draining a corpse of its blood and removing inside organs constituted a horrendous desecration of the human body. For this reason, even the bodies of the executed criminal were treated with respect (Morris, 1995, p.825)1. Already Nicodemus and Joseph had taken the body of Jesus and wound it in linen clothes with the spices, as was the manner of the Jews is to bury (John 19:40). Then, they took the body in the place he was crucified where there was a garden and, in the garden, a new sepulcher wherein was never man yet laid (John 19:41). Chr. Karakolis2 provides more evidence for the royal burial of Jesus: “At the end of the passion narrative of the dead body of Jesus is placed in another garden, which reminds us of the above-mentioned garden of David’s’ tomb”. Karakolis recalls 18:1-12 where Jesus, who is about to be accused and condemned as a false king, appears in a garden with even more power and authority than a real king (18:6 ὡς οὖν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς• ἐγώ εἰμι, ἀπῆλθον εἰς τὰ ὀπίσω καὶ ἔπεσαν χαμαί). The reason for the garden’s anonymity in John (19:41-42) might be that he intended to theologically associate the first 1 At this page L. Morris in the footnote gives the following information: “SBk cites an incident in which the proselyte Onkelos burned more than 80 minas of spices at the funeral of R. Gamaliel the elder. Asked why he did this he drew attention to Jer. 34:5 and went on: Is not R. Gamaliel better than a hundred kings?” 2 The Death of Jesus in the Fourth Gospel. Series: Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, 200. Editors: Van Belle G., Peeters Publishers, 2007.

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

garden of the passion narrative (where the betrayal and the arrest of incarnated Logos took place) with the ‘king’s garden’ and the second one with the garden of David’s tomb and the tradition of the royal tombs in Jerusalem, thus underlining Jesus’ king identity”. Garden also refers directly to the locked garden (the virgin bride) of the Song of Solomon and the wafting spices (4: 12.16; see also John 3:29). Fathers of the East Church Pseudo-Epiphany (PG 43.461C), Cyril from Alexandria (PG 74.78) and Archbishop Theophylact of Ochrid (PG 124.244D) relate the tomb garden with the garden of paradise. John 19:1-5 also suggests the “royal authority of Jesus”. Morris also notices that Nicodemus spoke to Jesus about the “kingdom of God (3:3)” and therefore, he treated him as a king (Morris, 1995). The Gospel had already mentioned that the soldiers platted a crown of thorns, and put it on Jesus’ head, and arrayed him in a purple garment; and they came unto him, and said, Hail, King of the Jews! and they struck him with their hands. Then, Jesus came out, wearing the crown of thorns and the purple garment. And Pilate saith unto them, “Behold, the man!” Mary’s anointment of Jesus feet with a pound of fragrant pure and expensive oil can be considered as king treatment (12:7). Jesus prophetically announces to the protested Judas that this is for his burial which indeed was royal. Jesus was also treated as a king by the great multitude that had arrived at the feast when they heard that Jesus was coming to Jerusalem. Taking the branches of the palm trees were crying out, Hosanna and blessed is that cometh in the name of the Lord, even the king of Israel (12:13)3. Nicodemus used this huge quantity of oil to demonstrate great respect for 3 The Gospel of Matthew mentions that wise men from east brought after Jesus’ birth also special and expensive gifts, one of those was myrrh, although the quantity is not mentioned (2:11). If the information contained in the two Gospels was complementary, the Evangelist of the fourth Gospel could be aware of the context of the more ancient Matthew Gospel in which Jesus appears to be born as a King and die as a king.

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

the body of Jesus in contrast to the disrespect shown by the sick souls of Romans (gentiles) and Pharisee (Jews) who condemned him and crucified him. The action of Nicodemus and Joseph was intended to counteract the acts of Pilate and Pharisee. Having this in mind, the words by Calvin4 can be readily understood: “The money expended on it by Nicodemus and Joseph is very great, and may be thought by some to be superfluous, but we ought to consider the design of God, who even led them, by his Spirit, to render this honor to his own Son, that, by the sweet savor of his grave he might take away our dread of the cross. But those things which are cut of the ordinary course ought not to be regarded as an example”. In this line are the interpretations of Saint John Chrysostom’s (349-407 A.C.) (PG 59.464) and Archbishop of Bulgaria Theophylact (11th century) (PG 124.286). They claim that it is superfluous to think that Nicodemus knew about Jesus’ resurrection. He just acted to show dignity of his master. His intent was to prevent, as much as possible, the corruption of the body and provide a pleasant smell that counteracted the smell of decay. All these interpretations clearly support the notion that Nicodemus did not foresee the resurrection, but rather that he offered the precious and expensive gifts to stop the corruption and smelling of the crucified body. Let us concentrate on the three materials that cover Jesus dead body. These are the linen and the two spices: myrrh and aloe. The aloe was probably not the medicinal variety but rather the highly scented wood of the Aquilaria agallachum5. The excess quantity of myrrh and aloe, due to their contents of heteropolysaccharides and pectins, develop strong interactions with linen and body. Consequently, the linen becomes inseparable with the body6. Linen cannot be removed unless is torn. The great number of spices, according to remarkable saying of Saint John Chrysostom, acts as a glue not less than lead and the linen clothes could not be separated from the dead body (PG 9.465)7. The physical 4 John Calvin, C John, vol. 1, a new translation from the original latin by the Rev. William Pringle, Grand Rapids, MI Christian Ethereal Library (http://www.ccel.org commentary on the Gospel According to) p. 214. 5 Smith’s Bible Dictionary htpp://www.bible-history.com/smiths/. Keener claims that this is the medicinal aloe vera (C.S. Keener, The Gospel of John, A Commentary (USA: Baker Academics, 2012) 1185. 6 D. E. Akin, Linen Most Useful: Perspectives on Structure, Chemistry and Enzymes for Retting Flax. Biotechnology htpp://dx.doi.org//10.5402/2013/186534 7 Οὔτε γὰρ, εἰ μετέθηκάν τινες, τοῦτο ἂν ἐποίησαν τὸ σῶμα γυμνώσαντες• οὔτε, εἰ ἔκλεψαν, τούτου ἂν ἐφρόντισαν, ὥστε ἆραι τὸ σουδάριον καὶ ἐντυλίξαι, καὶ θεῖναι εἰς ἕνα τόπον• ἀλλὰ πῶς; ῾Ως εἶχεν, ἔλαβον ἂν τὸ σῶμα.. Translation: For neither, if any persons had removed the body, would they before doing so have stripped it; nor if any had stolen it, would they have taken the trouble to remove the napkin, and roll it up, and lay in the place by itself; but how? they would have taken the body as it was.

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

chemical interactions between the spices and linen were well known, even in the old times. Today, we have a better understanding of the chemical entities involved in these interactions. From physical chemical point of view the wrapping with spices created a tight solid covering that would protect the body of Jesus. This covering could not be pulled away by any human means unless the cloth was cut from end to end and laid back each side so the body could be pulled from its wrappings. Why does John give all these details? Apparently, Evangelist expects us to understand this issue in order to comprehend whatever follows in the narrative. The continuation is very interesting. Mary Magdalene visits the grave and realizes that the body of Jesus was no longer in the sepulcher. She announces this to Peter and John with the conclusion that enemies had stolen it. Peter and John entered the sepulcher and saw the linen clothes lying about and the napkin for the head wrapped together in a place by itself. John, when he entered and saw the arrangement of the grave clothes, believed that Jesus was raised (Ridderbos, nd). N. Sotiropoulos explained the two critical words “κείμενα” (20:5,6) and “ἕνα” (20:7) related to our study: “κείμενα” does not mean that clothing was lying in the ground as Jesus was laid in a tomb covered by stone but that it was exactly in the same position laid by the two disciples. The body just miraculously disappeared from the clothing. The beloved disciple was surprised by this fact and did not enter in the tomb, probably because he respected and admired the miracle. The same word appears in the next verse when Peter entered the tomb to confirm that clothing was at the same place. Again, Evangelist uses the same motive of the repetition in order to declare theological truth. The word “ἕνα” here does not mean one but “the same” (as in the verses Numbers 9:14 and Hebrews 2:11) and expresses basically again the same meaning as the “κείμενα”. This word once more confirms that clothing remained in the same place. Because of the paramount importance of the event Evangelist wishes to make sure that this detail is well understood (Sotiropoulou, 2013). The next verse conveys the information that the beloved disciple was unaware of the scriptural prophecy that Jesus must rise from the dead (John 20:29). Clearly, John is providing copious details to prove that the grave garment arrangement immediately provided evidence for Jesus’ resurrection. The linen clothes were lying precisely as the body had lain in them. The grave clothes were not moved but instead were in exactly the position the body had occupied but empty. In the island of Cyprus, and probably in other places, 86

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

there is a old custom that whoever leaves the table but intends to return should neatly fold their napkin. We believe that Evangelist symbolizes this return of Jesus by giving the detail that the napkin had been placed over the face of Jesus was neatly folded and lying by itself (John 20:7). Indeed, after eight days Jesus comeback to his disciples and is able to pass through the doors without having to open them. The resurrected body of Jesus, as with the clothes, does not obey natural laws and is not blocked by any physical hindrance. Jesus, as easily as he was able to shed the linen, was able to pass through the closed door. Interestingly, this event again happened in the presence of two “martyrs”, the disciples of Jesus, Peter and beloved disciple. Again, the name Peter is Greek and means “stone” (πέτρα), a heavy supporting stone that fountains the church. It is very interesting that Jesus converted the Jewish name of Simon to Syriac Cephas which is interpreted to Peter (John 1:42). This change is intended to show that the greatest event of Christianity was experienced by both gentiles and Jews. The beginning of Christianity occurs in the presence of two martyrs that represent all of humanity. The two not appearing to follow Jesus’ secret disciples Joseph and Nicodemus, as they are probably afraid of Jewish, provided one hundred liters of aloe and myrrh to crown the dead body as a king without realizing that they proved that this crown will be eternal. The physical chemical strong interactions between the connective molecules of linen and one hundred liters of aloe and myrrh did not block the glory of resurrection but instead they became the reason for the two new martyrs, the two loved disciples of Jesus to experience the resurrection. To end up the story Mary Magdalene returns to the grave and sees two angels sitting on the head and foot of the tomb. Could it be that the two martyrs were sitting as if the tomb were the ark of the covenant? We believe that all the narrative aims to show that resurrection is true. We are aware that there is an “apparent contradiction” in the resurrection narratives of the four evangelists describing what takes place in Jesus’ tomb. Matthew (28:2) and Mark (16:5) mention the presence of only one angel and Luke (24:4) with John (20:12) mention the presence of two angels. This “apparent contradiction” can be understood if we consider the different concerns and time in the description of the events by the four Evangelists. Probably here, the major theological concern of the Evangelist is the truth of resurrection and therefore in every incident is present dyads of material, people and angels (see Table 1) (Brodie, 1993). 87

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

Table 1 Remarkable dyads met in the narrative of burial and resurrection of Jesus. It covers all cosmos that created by God, material, people and angels

Chapter 19:40 19:38-39 20:2-10 20:12

Dyad Myrrh and aloe Joseph and Nicodemus Peter and Beloved disciple Two angels

2. More on the symbolism of two and one hundred (μίγμα σμύρνης καὶ ἀλόης ὡς λίτρας ἑκατόν. Joh 19:39) In the narrative we realized that the four dyads (myrrh-aloe, Nicodemus-Joseph, John-Peter and two angels) play an important role. Interestingly, the crucifixion played a role in another three dyads (father-son, two robbers, and blood-water). Totally there are seven dyads. This is not exaggerating to say that this may signify the new creation. The new life the death and resurrection of Jesus brings in the faithful Christians. The number two in John Gospel is expressed also as a repetition to show theological truth. The most common repetition found are the twenty-five times of “amen-amen”. Few other representative repetitions are shown in Table 2. Table 2 Representative repetitions in John Gospel

Book-Chapter 1:20 19:6 19:15

Repetition And he confessed, and denied not; and he confessed, I am not the Christ. Crucify him, crucify him! “Take Him away! Take Him away!

One hundred is a round number and according to Bible 9 software appears 95 times in Bible. We will concentrate only to interpretations of some appearances of the number that might related to our in-study narrative. M. Parsons (Parsons, 2006) points out the following extraordinarily useful information: “Both literary writing and archaeological artifacts provide ample evidence that counting with one’s fingers was a commonplace in the ancient world, especially during Roman times. Quintilian considered the ability to 88

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

count accurately on one’s fingers (flexio digitorum) an indispensable skill for the educated orator (Inst. 1.10.35). On occasion during a sermon, Augustine exhorted his congregation to count on their fingers and “read” the answer on their hands (an interesting way to keep one’s audience awake!) Finger calculations were so common that Augustine could comment elsewhere on the implications for finger counting in Jesus’ prophecy that no one knows the time or season for his return: “Truly he relaxes the fingers of all who calculate concerning this subject and orders them to be quiet, who says: it is not for you to know the time which the Father has placed in his own power” (Augustine, Civitas Dei 18.53). Of particular interest for our purposes is the fact that in finger counting, calculations up to ninety-nine were done on the left hand, and triple digit (and above) calculations were done on the right hand, e.g., “The number one hundred is transferred from the left hand to the right...” (Joannes Cassianus, Collationes 24.26.7). In a world that valued “right handedness,” recognition of the superiority of counting on the right hand is hardly surprising. Among early Christian writers, reference to counting on the right hand took on theological significance. Cassiodorus comments on the significance of Psalm One Hundred: “So that he seems to have rightly obtained this number [100], which represents the form of a desirable crown by the bending of the fingers of the right hand” (Cassiodorus, Expositio in Psalmum 100 conci). Similar observations on the use of the number one hundred are noted in the New Testament, whether the comments are on the Parable of the Lost Sheep, in which the recovered sheep restores the original number to one hundred (Luke 15:3-7 // Matt 18:12-14) or the Parable of the Sewer, in which the good seed bears fruit “one hundred” fold (Matt 13:8//Mark 4:8//Luke 8:8). Consider these comments on the parable of the lost sheep: He is the shepherd who left behind the ninety-nine sheep which were not lost. He went searching for the one that had gone astray. He rejoiced when he found it, for ninety-nine is a number that is in the left hand that holds it. But when the one is found, the entire number passes to the right. As that which lacks the one—that is, the entire right [hand]—draws what was deficient and takes it from the left-hand side and brings [it] to the right, so too the number becomes one hundred (Gospel of Truth 31.35-32.16). What is pertinent to ninety-nine? They are on the left hand, not on the right hand. For ninety-nine is counted on the left hand: add one, it is transferred to the right hand (Augustine, Sermones 175.1). Both the Gospel of Truth (ex89

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

plicitly) and Augustine (implicitly) suggest that the return of the lost sheep had efficacious effects for the ninety-nine to whom it was returned. The original number of “one hundred” is now restored, and the community, whose destiny was inextricably tied to the return of the one, can continue to enjoy the benefits of being on the “right side.” To put it differently, would it matter to the interpretation of the parable if the number of sheep restored had been fifty or seventy-four (or something less than one hundred)? That this kind of community reading was part of the intentio operis of Matthew (whose community emphasis in the parable has long been noted) and perhaps also Luke is at least worthy of further contemplation. Early interpretations of the Parable of the Sewer make a similar point about the number one hundred. Consider this interpretation by Jerome: For the left hand is our present life: the right hand truly is life to come. And rightly by the number one hundred the contemplation of eternal life is signified, because whenever after thirty and sixty we reach one hundred by counting, so the number one hundred crosses to the right hand (Jerome, Homilía in Ezechialem 17; cf. also Epistulae 48.2, 123.9; and Adversus Iovinianum 1.3, cited earlier). Once again, this kind of numerological interpretation raises the question as to whether or not the Synoptic writers saw some symbolic significance that would have made sense in a world in which the number one hundred held such important place in the prevalent practice of finger calculations in the Roman world. Having in mind this interpretation of number one hundred it is tempting to believe that it fits perfectly to our narrative. The number one hundred will also play a decisive role in this narrative. It is the number that shows that the world will change hand. The sin or left hand was defeated and the right and resurrection to the new life appeared. It is not awkward to speculate that Evangelist inserted the number one hundred in the narrative to provide a high theological meaning. The resurrection is “the number one-hundred”, is the jump from ninety-nine that is the end of the left counting to one hundred which is the starting of the new counting using the right hand. We are embraced with the resurrection to a new hand, the right hand. There is strong evidence that John was using the finger system for the measurement as all numbers used in the Gospel are multiplication of number five (Ifprah, 2000) (Table 3).

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

Table 3 Numbers used for measurement in John Gospel

Chapter 6:7 6:19 11:19 12:5 21:8

Number 200 (5x40) 25 (5x5) or 30 (6x5) 15 (3x5) 300 (60x5) 200 (5x40)

Measured Object Denarii Miles Stadia dinarii Yards

Interestingly, not only in John Gospel but in the whole Bible, the measurements are multiplications of five. Some representative examples are given in Table 4. Table 4 Measurement numbers that are multiplications of number five found in Bible

Book-Chapter Gen 6:15

1Ki 11:1 Daniel 8:14 Ezekiel 40:14 Ezekiel 40:15 Matthew 13:23 Matthew 26:15

Number 450 (5x90) feet long, 75 (5x15) feet wide, and 45 (9x5) feet high 700 (140x5) wives who were princesses and 300 (60x5) concubines 2,300 (460x5) evenings and mornings 60 (12x5) 20 (4x5) some 100 (20x5), some 60 (12x5), some 30 (6x5) times what was sown. 30 pieces

Measured Object Ark women Days posts cubits fruit and yields silver

We observed the contributions of Augustine and Jerome from the West Church in this symbolic meaning. Let us examine the contribution of Origen and Saint Maximus the Confessor from the East Church. Origen (185-251 A.C) considers one hundred as “holy and complete” because it consists of ten decades. He claims that for this reason Evangelist Mark writes that “they sat down in ranks of hundreds and fifties (6:40)”. According to Origen the faithful soul is a fruitful ground that grows one hundred more 91

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

(PG 13.29). Does this explanation fit to our story? Of course, one can assume that the one hundred liters provided as a gift to the dead body of Jesus were returned by the resurrected as one hundred greater blessings. The faithful souls of the new world grow one hundred more times aromas. One hundred liters aroma probably gives a nice smell to a small area. However, these one hundred if they multiplied every time by one hundred can transfer the nice smell to the whole world. Saint Maximums the Confessor (580-662 A.C.) is one of the deepest theologists in Easter Orthodox church. He is very systematic in using allegories to explain the numbers in the Bible manuscript. He established a simple system in which he could explain all the numbers in an allegoric way. It is peculiar that he is almost ignored in the literature for his contribution to establish a “biblical approach in the semeiology of numbers”. Saint Maximums believes that one hundred expresses the natural law as it is the decade multiplied by ten (PG 90.512). He agrees with Origen and probably borrowed him the idea that one hundred is the number that shows the perfect completion (PG 90:463). It is basically decade that accepts ten times the decade. The law of nature is tenth as it consists of the three soul forces, the five senses, the voice energy and the natural productivity. It is thus, of this perfect completion that the new law of nature that symbolizes the resurrected Jesus8. An interesting symbolic meaning for the number one hundred as the double witness of jubilee was given in the Abarim Publications online Biblical Hebrew Dictionary. In version 8:57 of John Gospel the number fifty is appeared, and St Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274 AC) mentions that this is referred to jubilee (St Thomas Aquinas, 2010).

Conclusion It is apparent from the discussion that the huge quantity of one hundred liters is probably mentioned by John to designate the royal burial. This quantity proved the resurrection of Jesus as the absence of his body living untouched the burial clothing could be explained only by a miracle. This huge quantity was supposed to keep tight the body with linen and only by tearing the clothing this could be released. The aroma of the one hundred liters was not restricted in the vicinity of grave region. It was spread through resurrection to the whole world. One hundred might have also symbolical meaning. It may

8 «῾Η γὰρ δεκὰς δεκαχῶς ἐνεργηθεῖσα ποιεῖ τὴν ἑκατοντάδα. Δεκαδικὸς γὰρ καὶ ὁ τῆς φύσεως νόμος ἐστίν, ὡς ἐκ δέκα συνεστηκώς, λέγω δὲ τῶν τριῶν τῆς ψυχῆς δυνάμεων καὶ τῶν πέντε αἰσθήσεων καὶ τῆς φωνητικῆς ἐνεργείας καὶ τῆς φυσικῆς γονιμότητος».

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

designate that transforms the life from the left to the right. In old times of Jesus, in counting, one hundred was the number which showed the change from left to the right or symbolically the evil to the right. Thus, Jesus arrived to change our life. To transfer our sinful life that works between one to ninety-nine to one hundred. To defeat the dead and lead to the new Christian life. One hundred is a holy number designating perfect completeness. The one hundred is associated with dyad that shows the truth of resurrection. The four dyads in the resurrection narrative become martyrs of the most important event of Christianity. These martyrs have both Greek and Jewish names an indication that represents the whole world. If we count another three dyads during crucifixion the number adds up to seven. This symbolizes the new week of creation. The establishment of new life that leads to the resurrection of the soul and eternal life with God. Interpretation of one hundred as the double witness of jubilee is intriguing. This interpretation correlates the numbers two and fifty (100=2x50) and confirms that indeed Pentecost in church will arrive.

Numerology in the Gospel of John II

References Akin, D. E. (2012). Linen Most Useful: Perspectives on Structure, Chemistry and Enzymes for Retting Flax. Hindawi-International Scholarly Research Notices. Brodie, T. L. (1993). The Gospel According to John. A Literary and Theological Commentary, New York: Oxford University Press. Calvin, C. J. (n.d.). Commentary On The Gospel According To John, (W. Pringle, trans.), Grand Rapids, MI Christian Ethereal Library. Retrieved from https:// ccel.org/ccel/calvin/calcom34/calcom34.i.html. Carson, D. A. (1991). The Gospel according to John Pillar New Testament Commentary (ed.), Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Ifprah, G. (2000). The Universal History of Numbers, New York: The Harvil Press Ltd. Keener, C.S. (2012). The Gospel of John: A commentary, USA: Baker Academics. Morris, L. (1995). The Gospel according to John, Revised edition. New International Commentary on the New Testament, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Parsons, M. C. (2006). “Exegesis by the Numbers Numerology and the New Testament, Perspectives in Religious Studies”, Journal of NABR 25, 25-43. Ridderbos, Η. (2018). The Gospel according to John. A Theological Commentary, (J. Vriend, trans.), Cambridge, U.K: Erdmans Publishing. Sotiropoulou, N. (2013). Interpretation of difficult Verses of Bible, 4, 120-123. St Th. Aquinas, (2010). Commentary on the Gospel of John, (6-12), (F. Larcher & J. Weishpeif, trans.), Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press. The Death of Jesus in the Fourth Gospel. [Editorial]. (2019). Series: Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium, Peeters Publishers.

Theology & Culture 4 (June 2022)

Articles inside

of Albania after the fall of the Communist System

and the significance of the numbers two and one hundred

Acknowledgements

Numerology in the Gospel of John II: The Jesus’ burial, the resurrection

Religious Freedom and Millet during the Tanzimat Reform 57

A contribution to the understanding of the numbers (2:6