Theology & Culture-Volume 5

Theology & Culture

The Academic Journal of the

Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Theology & Culture

Volume 5, December 2022 ISSN: 2708-6755

Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Publication information:

Theology & Culture is the Academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and is published online two times per year. The Department is located at Saint Blaise, 5 minutes outside Durrës, Albania. Volume 5, December 2022

ISSN: 2708-6755

Aims and Scope:

Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts and scholars worldwide to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal will be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian.

Editorial Board Members:

1. Dr. Georgios Gaitanos, Lecturer of Religious Studies (Head of the Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos)

2. Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos, Lecturer of Liturgical Studies (Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos)

Manuscripts and correspondence are invited for publication. You can submit your papers via e-mail to theolculture@gmail.com. Submission guidelines and Web Submission system are available at https://theolkulogos.wordpress. com/2020/01/30/theology-culture/

Copyright© 2022 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and individual contributors. All rights reserved. The Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos holds the exclusive copyright of all the contents of this journal. In accordance with the international convention, no part of this journal may be reproduced or transmitted by any media or publishing organs (including various websites) without the written permission of the copyright holder. Otherwise, any conduct would be considered as the violation of the copyright. The contents of this journal are available for any citation, however, all the citations should be clearly indicated with the title of this journal, serial number and the name of the author.

Contents

Acknowledgements 7

Thoma Çomëni

1. A social and ethical perspective on violence against women, family and customary law in Albanian society 11 Thoma Shkira

2. The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX centuries) 27 Nikolaos Tsirevelos

3. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’.A code phrase exhorting to missionary outreach introduced by Archbishop Anastasios of Albania 49 Georgios Gaitanos

4. The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period 71 Nikolaos Zarotiadis

5. Learning to love: Approaching the teaching of St. Cyprian and St. Maximus the Confessor 95

Acknowledgements

This edition is the fifth volume of the Journal “Theology & Culture” (ISSN: 2708-6755), which is the official academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos. This academic journal is published two times per year in print and online. Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature, Social Sciences and Religious Tourism. All research articles in this journal undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial editor screening and anonymous refereeing by at least two anonymous referees. And also, our reviewers and editorial board members are from different countries all over the world.

The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts, scholars and researchers that has started their career now to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal is be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian.

The journal will be indexed by Google scholar, DOAJ (Directory of Open Journals) and is hosted to our Issuu page (https://issuu.com/ departamentiitheologjisedhekultures). Also, the journal has its own Academia ( https://independent.academia.edu/AcademicJournalTheologyCulture ) and Researchgate (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Theology_Culture) account and every article is accompanied by a Doi number.

For this fifth volume, we are publishing 5 articles that refer to Sociology of Religion, History of the Othodox community of Albania in Ottoman Empire, Orthodox Missionary, Study of Religion and Patrology. We would like to thank our contributors for this second edition and especially As. Lecturer Msc. Thoma Çomëni-“A social and ethical perspective on violence against women, family and customary law in Albanian society”, Lecturer Dr. Thoma Shkira-“The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XVXIX centuries)”, Adjunct Lecturer Dr. Nikolaos Tsirevelos-“‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’.A code phrase exhorting to missionary outreach introduced by

Acknowledgements

Archbishop Anastasios of Albania”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period” and Adjunct Lecturer Dr. Nikolaos Zarotiadis- “Learning to love: Approaching the teaching of St. Cyprian and St. Maximus the Confessor”.

The Editorial Board

Dr. Georgios Gaitanos Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos

A social and ethical perspective on violence against women, family and customary law in Albanian society

Thoma Çomëni

As. Lecturer of Christian Ethics, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence: e-mail: thoma.comeni@kulogos.edu.al Abstract

Violence against women, family and customary law are three components that are often found together within Albanian society. Violence takes place in the family, but its nourishment is often found in customary law. Even a stratification of customary law makes it powerful and its influence within family and social life. Sometimes visible and sometimes as a shadow, it affects the behavior of family members and society, and especially in family violence in general and divisive violence in particular.

Violence against women is not a new phenomenon, perhaps its lifespan is the same as that of humanity. It has its basis in the perception that the man (masculine gender) has towards the woman (feminine gender) or in the impotence of the masculine gender to face the feminine gender. And precisely this invincibility is strengthened or masked with customary power, which within it includes from simple relationships to economic, intimate ones and the social role of women in society. This topic tries to analyze some constituent elements of violence against women, which are based on various sociological

studies done in certain periods, after the fall of communism in Albania. And these data are analyzed from a social and ethical point of view, to see and ascertain how customary law has influenced the exercise of violence. And from the analysis of the facts, it is clear that the influence is extraordinary, not only when the family functions as a patriarchal type, but also when it is nuclear.

Keywords:

parish, parish conscience, temple, violence, women, family, customary law, Albanian society, patriarchal family. Citation: Çomëni T. A social and ethical perspective on violence against women, family and customary law in Albanian society. Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 1126. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.17932.59523

Social phenomena are many, just as there are many events that accompany human life. And one of these phenomena is violence, which is expressed in different types and forms. One of these forms is domestic violence, which is a complex phenomenon due to the variety in which it develops, the persons who become part of the phenomenon and the consequences it creates. So, we have violence by parents against children, children against parents, grandchildren, spouses against spouses, grandparents against grandchildren and grandchildren against grandparents (Haxhiymeri, 2006, p.16).

We should not overlook the fact that the forms of domestic violence are similar in different societies, as well as special and specific in different societies or social groups. Thus, this diversity made it even more difficult to analyze the entire dimension of violence with one topic. Since violence is formed by many components, appears in many forms and is presented with its specifics in different societies and social groups, we will focus on violence against women in society in general and the Albanian society in particular. The purpose of the topic is to present on the one hand the facts gathered from various studies and on the other hand a social and theological analysis of the phenomenon.

Even violence against women does not appear only within the family, but also outside it, but the index of its exercise is taken from the family. And when we talk about the family, we are talking about a social institution that has its origin and history connected with man and his existence. In its ideal form it is founded on the love between two persons, male and female, and develops on their marriage. The variety of characters of the people who create it, the different types of functioning of local societies or the all-round effort to maintain it, give it a variety of colors and experiences.

The family was and is at the center of the developments of social phenomena. For the most part, the family is founded on marriage, but there are also cases where the term family describes a group of individuals who have come to use the word “family” to describe a group of people who have achieved a significant degree of emotional life and involvement, even because they are not related by family ties, marriage or adoption (Newman, 2002, p.11). From what we have said so far, we understand that the family is not only the genetic relationship of spouses and the education of children, nor is it a joint economic enterprise, but it includes the human being as a whole in all its manifestations and deeply affects his mental world (Kyriakidi, 1988, p.173).

After the Second World War we have big changes in the way family life works. Problems appear which were unknown or unimportant for social life or maybe they existed, but within a social context they were not considered a problem. These processes of change and problems that appear from time to time are also experienced by the family in Albanian society. So, today’s family in Albania suffers from the problems that the whole world society suffers from, one of which is violence, mainly against women.

1. Domestic violence within the social dimensions of Albanian society

Α better analysis of the phenomenon of violence against women is the reference to the history of the family in Albanian society. This observation is important because, although the family is not identified with violence, it is the dance where violence is shaped and practiced consciously or unconsciously. One of the main factors for the formation of violence is the prejudices within the family environment. Violence in the family is no longer limited to violence against women, but violence against women is a reason for the formation of other forms of violence (Fischbach L. Ruth, 2007, p. 216). Violence is not only about physical violence, but also about psychological, spiritual, sexual and financial violence.

Today’s Albanian family presents some ways of its functioning. In some cases there is the patriarchal family form and indeed in some cases it retains an archaic form in family connections. Even in cases where it functions as a nuclear family, pronounced elements of the patriarchal mentality are found. In other words, the family functions as a nuclear family, but the formation and exercise of violence comes from the influence created by the patriarchal form of functioning. In these cases, the theory of the Cycle of Violence works, where the family environment becomes the cause of violence (Wallace, 2007, p. 286).

First of all, the patriarchal family was and is a unit of people who are related through the male line or are connected through marriage. That is, the patriarchal family was basically a union of small families with consanguineous connections and a male genealogy (paternal genealogy). The resistance of the male line has not simply created a form of social functioning of the family, but it has created spaces and has even created spaces for the power of the man, the head of the family, over other people, which is also expressed with violence, especially against their wives (Kilmartin, 2015, p. 16).

One of the deformed forms is the concept of honor. More than human life itself is the weight of honor or rather the weight of shame. The woman must maintain the moral purity of herself and the family to which she belongs. Meanwhile, the man shows his honor with manliness and strength. It is precisely the difference in the concept of honor or shame that stems from its violation that causes the creation of violence. In this way, honor from a characteristic of human virtue turns into a tormentor of human society, especially of women (generally the female gender of human beings) who are forced to bear its weight (Gassin, 2015, p.166). Thus, any deviation from honor becomes a reason for the appearance and development of violence. The masculinist concept, as a dominant concept, becomes decisive in the role of women within Albanian society. It not only defines the behavior of the female gender, but also creates a sense of guilt and shame in the female gender.

In a study that was done in 2000 among girls and women from 14 to 25 years old, it was confirmed that the prejudices men have about women and women among themselves (Dervishi, 2001 p. 48-49). Thus, the concept of honor develops consciously and unconsciously in Albanian society. Not a few times masculinity has even become more refined and consequently its influence is refined (Tushi, 2016, p.27-28). It is precisely this refined behavior that causes the level of violence against women in Albanian society to remain at high levels. And in reality, violence against women remains at high levels1, despite the fact that at first glance it does not seem so.

The concept of defining social roles is related to the concept of honor. The definition of social roles has a consequence on the family and marital relationship between the male and female members of the general family and the family in particular. If this situation needs to be changed, the concept of social roles should be changed, which should not be defined based on the narrow concept of sexuality, but on a broader one. And when we talk about a broader concept, it is first related to the perception of the opposite sex by men towards women and women towards men. It must be accepted that man and woman have the same nature, that is, human nature.

If they were to look at it from the biblical point of view, we would say that man, man and woman, were created according to the image of God. It is a fact that the Holy Scripture proves to us (Gen. 1:27). And the fact offered by the

1 In a study on the state of violence in Albania, 52.9% of women (18-72 years old) questioned in the survey have experienced one of the forms of violence sometimes or many times (National population-based survey for 2018 – Violence against girls and women in Albania, Tirana 2019, accessed by www.undp.org. at 25.10.2022).

Holy Scripture so that it is not difficult to understand the Christian theology offers the example and the explanation on the relationship of the three persons of the Holy Trinity. In the explanation, the relationship between the three persons of the Holy Trinity becomes clear, distinguishing between essence and attributes. Precisely the clear non-distinction of the essence from the attributes of the three persons of the Holy Trinity resulted in the creation of a non-free and conscientious subordination of the persons to each other, which disturbed and disturbs the balance of God’s existence. This wrong perception turned into a wrong interpretation of the relationship between man and woman as an icon of God (Adamtziloglou, 1997, p. 31-37). Just as the creation of the man before the woman was interpreted incorrectly, which was interpreted as a change in the nature of the spouses, and not as a change in the social relations of the spouses. Added to this attitude is the fact that the functional structure of society for many centuries had influenced the functioning of the family as well. In this way, the social, moral, canonical, customary, economic relations of the people of the society were often developed on the wrong perception of the man-woman or male-female ratio.

To bring about a change in the role of relations between the two human sexes there was an effort and the communist system in Albania. The communist president had the initiative for the legal recognition of the rights of women, for their education, their participation in the social, economic, educational, administrative life of the Albanian society (Etnografia Shqiptare 15, 1987, p.107). Despite this effort of the communist leadership, which basically had a reaction against the religious faith, and as a result, it was against the patriarchal style of the family, it was not able to overcome and erase the prejudices of the patriarchal family. The effort appeared to be making progress, but it later turned out to be unsustainable. And what stands out is the fact that the prejudice against the female gender on the part of the male gender continues and is even often expressed and violently (Dervishi, 2001, p. 48-49)2.

Perhaps the failure at this point occurs because equality is sought in the ideological dimension. And perhaps it is the moment to emphasize that in order to overcome this conflict between the two sexes, equality must be sought, but their equality or equivalence, the same assessment, as it happens between the two persons of the Holy Trinity - as expressed by Saint John Chrysostomos (Ioannis Chrysostomos, PG 60, 214-215), of which preserves the common nature, but does not invalidate the particularities. This attitude becomes even

2 A study done in 2000 on girls and women from 14-25 years conforms to the prejudice that men have about women.

more adequate in spouses, where marriage aims at the union of two people who are required to love each other, to correctly evaluate their characteristics and complement each other (Mantzaridis, 2015, p. 362-363).

What makes it even more difficult, in today’s times, to ascertain and even more so to solve the problem of violence against women, in today’s times, is the fact that the phenomenon most of the time takes place within the family environment and is considered a private matter and not public or community.

This phenomenon continues to be treated by the majority of the population as a private matter and it is a problem of the family and not of society3. Despite the realization that the work done especially in recent years to sensitize the public, the attitude towards violence has not changed much. The difficulty of studying the phenomenon increases even more if we take into account that the phenomenon occurs “behind closed doors”. Therefore, it is difficult to observe and study carefully, while there is a difference in the years from 2012 onwards. Only in 1998 about 5% of abused women in the family have taken the opportunity to report violence against them, while in 2012 there is an increase in reports according to the Statistics of Albania. Although there is an increase in reports, the problem and the phenomenon are on a large scale4. The only source information remains in most cases, the victim, who is in no way free from prejudices and stereotypes that exist in society or in the Community where she/he is a part. not only to be present, but also to take on disturbing dimensions. Violence against women, despite stricter penalties5, continues not only to be present, but also to take on disturbing dimensions.

A complex social organization consists of various roles and responsibilities, but the difference with other social groups is that the relationships between its members are more friendly, more emotional and sensitive. We live in a time when the family has lost the “love” that is expected to characterize it. This is threatened not only by traditional factors, such as death, disease, various disasters, poverty, etc., but also by “non-traditional” and abnormal behaviors

3 http://www.instat.gov.al/media/2618/dhuna_ne_familje_ne_shqiperi_2013.pdf, fq. 9. 27.09.2021.

4 In fact, in a 2018 INSTAT study, one third of women (37%) have suffered domestic violence. http://www.instat.gov.al/al/statistikat-n%C3%AB-shkolla/dhuna-ndaj-grave-dhevajzave-n%C3%AB-shqip%C3%ABri/. Datë 27.09.2021.

5 Exercising psychological violence against family members, without causing bodily harm, is punishable by up to three years in prison. Threatening and murdering family members is punishable by four years in prison. Intentional wounding of family members is punishable by 5 years in prison. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania amended by Law No. 20, year 2020. https://qbz.gov.al/eli/ligj/2020/04/16/35/8dabf5aa-6226-4ced-b9d076b88493da7b

and conflicts, such as violence, alcoholism, drug use, and affection, sexual diseases, etc. Thus, the family is a structure that includes a variety of relationships and roles, and as such is vulnerable to violence that operates within it. Thus, with the non-recognition of social and family roles and their rights, violence against women and its elements will always be active. Violence is created by the usurpation of freedom by the arbitrary use of freedom.

2. Violence against women, economic, social and spiritual facts

Violence is a deprivation of economic, social and intellectual freedom. Economic dependence is one of the big problems. Part-time employment or unemployment of women is an important reason for their devaluation, for social conflict and violence towards them. Nevertheless, in Albanian society the causes for violence in the family are broader, because the basis of economic dependence and inequality of the two races in society is very strong, because violence is considered an expression of the power and unlimited power of the man, and because they come back to surface customs and habits which continue to keep this social distortion alive (Tushi, 2006, p. 452. Durham, 1991, p. 467).

But the unemployment data shown by INSTAT (Statistics Institute of Albania) with the analysis of the unemployment rate in years, although the difference in unemployment rates between men and women has decreased, the labor market in Albania reflects inequality between men and women6. But an INSTAT study in 2021 highlighted that gender inequality continues in even in a study done years ago addressed to women on workplace preferences, they require two essential elements, security for a long-term employment and economic independence creating in the business of their (Dervishi, 2001 p. 22)7.

Along with these data is the difference in the percentage of wages between men and women. There is also a difference of 6.3% in the difference in pay between men and women in a study between 2015-20168. It is this trend that

6 Thus, during the years 2000-2006, the administrative unemployment data show that this difference is on average 5%. Njerëzit dhe puna në Shqipëri – Krahu i punës, punësimi dhe papunësia, INSTAT 2004, p. 35. www.instat.gov.al

7 To the question: “What is the preference for labor and professional employment?”, there are few who want to work in the family or related business, more of them prefer: a) work in the public sector 40.65%, b) in their own business 24.95%, c) in a foreign company 18.06%, d) in their own business together with the man 12.08%, e) in an economic unit outside the family economy 1.94%, f ) no answer 1.72 %.

8 Report of the Labor Market in Albania, Institute for Public Policy (IPPM) and Wel-

continues with almost the same quotas (6.6%) and in 20219. Women’s employment in the private agricultural sector is increasing, while the same is not true of unemployment in the private agricultural sector. Our data is also confirmed by a study conducted on the state of men and women in the Albanian society in 200810. At least in the 2011 census, the ratio between men and women for work employment is three to one, and women have the lowest wages11.

In order to better understand the economic relations between men and women, one must first understand the factors that create it. The economic relationship between men and women, as much as it tries to be contemporary, it remains in the captivity of historical-social customs and customs. The very concept of the functioning of the traditional-patriarchal family is that it exists as a group of people related by blood or blood, who live together, cooperate financially and share the responsibility of raising children together. This patriarchal family had a common economy and the management of this family economy was done by the head of the family, who in addition to financial management had the right to manage every problem of the family as an expression of male power. In this patriarchal family, the man was a sharer of the family property, which is not the case with the woman. She had no property either in her family or in her husband’s family (Luarasi, 2001, p. 15. Kuri, 2011, p. 211-212). In this social situation, women did not have the right to participate in public offices and functions.

In the Family Code of the Albanian Republic, the economic dependence of men and women in the financial sphere of the family is legalized, while they have fulfilled family obligations, free labor and professional employment, as well as legal protection for people who have been subjected to violence (Kodi i Familjes i Republikës së Shqipërisë, 2003, p. 24-25).

The Family Code is based on the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, where in its second part, articles 49-59, are related to the principles of freedom and basic human rights. The code underwent changes in 2015, where it improves family relations. From 2006, law no. 9669 “Measures against domestic violence, which underwent improvements in 2018 as well. In 2008, law No. 9970 “For gender equality” was voted and strategies are occasionally built on this topic. The last strategy is in 2021. An attempt to combat domestic violence fare and Civil Society Support Agency (AMSHC), accessed at September 2017, p.27 by www. Ippm.al and www.Amshc.gov.al.

9 Women dhe Men in Albania 2021, INSTAT 2021, p.70. www.instat.gov.al

10 Women and Men in Albania 2008, INSTAT 2009, p. 28-29. www.instat.gov.al.

11 http://www.instat.gov.al/media/2332/perspektiva_gjinore_n__shqip_ri.pdf. fq.69. accessed at 27.09.2021.

is the resolution passed in the Albanian Parliament in 2010, which states the state’s obligation to combat violence. In this great effort to combat violence, various non-governmental organizations also offer help.

While the legal framework has provided a legal solution to violence and its cases, I cannot stop or reduce its extent. In a study some time ago, the motive that encouraged some women to do business was the desire for freedom, and these constituted 58% of the respondents (Ramadani, 2015, pp. 204-221). Here is a question, if there are women who have secured economic independence and are victims of violence against them? Other factors of violence is alcohol, which is not a vice, which is exclusively related to the economic situation, but perhaps to the lack caused during the socialization process. And there is a reason for this, since the problem of domestic violence is not exclusively an economic problem, but a social, psychological and, above all, spiritual problem. And maybe violence against women in Albanian families can be found in atavism. And when we say atavism, we mean the return of the phenomenon after a period of hiding or rest, based on certain social factors.

The economic situation may not be a factor for the creation of violence against women, but it may be the element for its duration. And this happens because many women, even the majority of them who are subjected to violence, do not consider themselves economically powerful. Lack of economic power is a reason for not accepting divorce. They are thinking about the long process of intercession, what will happen to the children, economic survival and how the society will see them. These are the reasons that do not condemn violence and suffer from it.

Even if we refer to the range of violence against women, we will find a variety. It is the case where the girl is abused by her mother or an older sister. This means that women who are abused may have suffered violence in their family of origin. Violence has also been perpetrated against boys, perhaps less in percentage, due to customary law where girls (females) have fewer rights compared to men (males). The right to decide on her engagement or marriage, the engagement could be done from the cradle age and she could not change it, often considering the engagement or marriage as an exchange, significant with a financial amount, being justified by the preparation of dowry (Elezi, 2002, p.78). All the above phenomena occur while customary law emphasizes equality between family members (Luarasi, 2001, p. 58.) Even the concept of the care of the male of the house towards the female of the house, that is of the brother towards the sister, using violence is still in the shadows. In this case,

violence is perceived as a means of protection and in front of it there should not be opposition, but submission through obedience.

From what we said above, it becomes clear that the development of violence, in addition to other factors, also has the problem of mixing with customary law, which replaced legal law. This situation also affected the stratification of the impacts of customary law, where violence in the family in general and against women in particular is its expression (Abdiu, 2010, p.6). In this way, society, with or without its own desire, contributed to the formation of persons who perpetrate violence and persons who silently or consciously accept the violence perpetrated against them.

These influences had even influenced the psychology of women’s positioning in the face of various forms of violence against them. In a study a few years ago, the answers given by girls and women show the level of influence that customary law and the stratified mentality play in the acceptance of violence. They justify and accept the violence that the men of the family exert on them (Dervishi, 2001 p. 59)12. Even if we refer to the study reports of recent years, violence against women coexists with the feeling of blaming themselves. The continuation of this mentality is not exclusively related to either the traditional form of family functioning or the modern form. Perhaps it is a form of Stockholm syndrome, where both the traditional and the modern side contribute to the functioning of this syndrome in this case. Or maybe it is a mentality, which is imposed by male impotence and is overcome by doing violence to the person who is more powerful, maybe not physically, but in terms of coping with things.

Following the concept of the justification of violence, we also go to another point, to the point where the concept of submission exists and the positive consequences of violence are seen in the consciousness of the people. And in this case, it is girls or women who know violence against their gender. The worst thing is when those who are the object of the crime have this mentality and connection. These girls, who are also victims, say that their mothers have been abused by their husbands equally and they never denied it. What is even more painful, although these mothers wish for a better life for their daughters, that they have given the message that “to men they must show obedience and

12 The presence of these effects in today’s Albanian society is shown by a study done on the facts and consequences of violence 37% of girls and women think that their violence helps prevent mistakes, 4.5% their violence has an impetus to creative actions, 27% violence has no significant effect on family life, 27% think that violence has caused wounds in family relationships and 3.15% did not give an answer.

endure “. In a study that has been done on this problem shows that 47% of women have experienced bad experiences of violence in their early families (Dervishi, 2001 p. 54-55). And especially in rural families, the father’s violence towards the mother and the mother’s violence towards her daughter are common.

Violence against women and girls continues even after the fall of communism. Among the reasons, which we mentioned above, there are also three other reasons.

First, the involvement of men in criminal activities such as various traffics, white meat trafficking, which have increased the level of daily stress and make women the object of men’s anger. Secondly, the involvement of men in gambling as a result of unemployment, lack of other opportunities, vacuum in their social and spiritual life, ultimately leads to increased tension in the family and causes violence.

Thirdly, the increase in the number of people who have the idea of getting rich quickly has affected the level of social stress, which indirectly causes domestic violence (Prezantim i Informacionit Ekzistues mbi Dhunën në Familje në Shqipëri, 2002, p. 12).

Violence has a human, social and economic cost. In Albania, with the effort made to detect violence, there are several records and publications about the level of violence within the family, especially against women and girls, although the publication does not happen regularly. The causes that affect the occurrence of violence also affect the concept of non-publication of data. Considering it as a private phenomenon within the family makes it difficult to expose violence in public. Another factor is added to this factor, where the man is considered the “king” of the house (Tushi, 2006, p. 72). So for now in Albania it is difficult to calculate the true cost of the phenomenon, but from the evidence that exists the cost is high. It is big because it has to do with the direct cost, the cost of the people who suffer directly from the phenomenon, but also the costs for the court, the police services, the treatment centers, the social workers, etc. At the same time as the indirect cost, the cost related to the people indirectly affected by the phenomenon, but also to the long-term problems that the phenomenon leaves behind. The cost in different countries is from 5%-14% of GNP (Haxhiymeri, 2006, p.66-67).

The family and violence within it are two phenomena that have different natures and do not match each other, as the family tries to unite its members while violence separates them. Violence in its own way tries to destroy the functioning of the family, while the family, on the other hand, tries to destroy violence. It becomes clear that the family is based on unity, which starts from the marital one. The love between man and woman, the mutual trust in each other and the mysterious acceptance of divine grace contribute to and aim at this unity. It is divine grace that not only nourishes love, but also strengthens faith in each other and in God.

The clash between family and violence also occurs in Albanian society, which, bearing within itself the weight of history, different forms of functioning over the centuries, tries to survive. Violence against women starts and ends within the family. It is the family in the delicate and weak moments of its functioning that creates spaces for the entry and action of violence. Oftentimes, clashes due to the concepts, mentality, interests of family members become the reason for their differentiation and where one party exercises power and violence over the other party. Perhaps if we look at certain components of the marriage and divorce ratio, they reveal the level of violence within the family. If there is a decrease in the number of new families and an increase in the number of divorces, it is clear that the level of violence within the family is high.

Often times, the Albanian family has accepted and accepts the influence of customary law, which turns and becomes an influence on the life of the family and even sometimes a source of violence, even contributing to the longevity of violence and its many forms. Violence in Albanian families, especially that against women, is due to the difficult orientation of family life. Taking customary law, which in its genesis has made a discriminatory difference between the male and female sexes, as the absolute authority, sometimes even replacing the law of God, makes the family powerless in the face of the challenges of the time.

Gender equality is the aspiration of every society, which offers great guarantees for avoiding gender violence. But a simple observation within the Albanian society, the different interpretations on the form of equality create spaces for its deformation. There are cases where gender equality is considered and in cases where men’s rights are more valued than women’s. In this way, equality

from a blessed form for overcoming violence turns into a curse, which feeds violence in the family and especially against women. Perhaps different societies should borrow biblical passages and examples to understand the meaning of gender equality, where the word equality is replaced by the word equality. The use of this word is an assessment made to both sexes, but at the same time it is also an assessment of honor, which men or men often leave in the hands of women and thus turns into a shame for women and girls.

Violence is not a violation of the law, but it is a distorted psychological, economic, social, but above all spiritual behavior. Different attitudes on the morality of men and women or on the immorality of men or women, which started centuries ago, is a source of domestic violence. A relaxed attitude towards the immorality of men and an always tougher attitude towards the immorality of women or women is a dose of empowerment for domestic violence.

Violence is an economic as well as a social, psychological and spiritual cost. Legal intervention may restrain it, but it does not heal that wound, which is spiritual in nature. The masculinist concept of ruling the other gender or the psychological insecurity to face the other gender on the part of men reveal the true nature of domestic violence, the spiritual one. Spiritual fulfillment remains the only solution for eliminating domestic violence. Overcoming fear, shame, withdrawal of lust or dependence on social and family customs is a spiritual struggle. When the family turns into a spiritual nursery, where people dialogue on any topic, exchange their thoughts, seek and give forgiveness, it is able to heal the wounds of society. Otherwise, the family, as a cell of society, turns into a victim of society. This is exactly what has happened in recent centuries in Albania. Various experiments have been carried out on the family, where the empire or the kingdom have imposed their social forms. Even in the last centuries we have some forms of functioning accompanied by the influence of the Turkish occupation, after the Turkish occupation, the communist rule and finally the post-communist period. All these, with the influence they exerted on the family, made its functioning difficult, and even created distortions in its functioning, which is identified with the level of violence. So, if we have to fight violence, we will have to focus on the family, and to do this, we must deeply disrupt its positive forms, which violence imposed by habit, interest, dependence, insecurity will be dealt a blow strong.

Any family that justifies even a little bit of violence damages its body, as its parts are damaged. The family should be seen as the apostle Paul saw it, the center of physical and spiritual balance, as the body of Christ, where the parts

social and ethical perspective on violence against women

recognize and respect each other’s values. Justifying violence is like living a body with the virus, with the evil inside it.

These show that the family is in confusion, so it is absolutely necessary for the family to define its principles. Its values must be consistent with the process of living and stimulate cooperation. Despite the positive side of laws in society, their practical and regulative nature, family problems cannot be solved if we do not see the family as a place of spiritual meeting of the debaters.

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Adamtziloglou Euanthia, (1997), Ησαν δε εκεί γυναίκες πολλαί… Βιβλικές και θεολογικές μελέτες για τη γυναίκα. Παρεμβάσεις στη σύγχρονη φεμινιστική θεολογία. Thessaloniki, Simbo, p. 31-37.

Chrysostomos John, The First Letter for Corinthians 26,2, PG 60, 214-215.

Dervishi Zyhdi, (2001), Gratë në syrin e ciklonit të sfidave dhe prespektivave, Tiranë, Jeruzalem.

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Elezi Ismet, (2002) E Drejta Zakonore e Labërisë, Tiranë, Toena.

Fischbach L. Ruth and Valentine Melissa, (2007), “Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Domestic Violence”, Encyclopedia of Domestik Violence (Nicky Ali Jackson – Editor), New York, Routlegle.

Gassin, Elisabeth. A (2015), Eastern orthodox Christianity and man’s violence against, Religjion and men’s violence against women (Editor; Andy J. Johnson), New York, Springer Science + Business Media. Haxhiymeri, Edlira (2006) Dhuna në Familje, Tiranë, Qendra “Aleanca Gjinore për Zhvillim”.

Kilmartin Christopher, (2015), Men’s violence against women, Religjion and men’s violence against women (Editor; Andy J. Johnson), New York, Springer Science + Business Media.

Kodi i Familjes i Republikës së Shqipërisë, (2003), articales 62,63,64 ,Tiranë. Kuri Vilson, (2011), Tradita dhe e drejta yakonore shqiptare, Elbasan, Dajti 2000.

Kyrkiakidi Pavlou A.,(1988) Κοινωνιολογία, Ioannina.

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Mantzaridis Georgios, (2015), Χριστιανική Ηθική II’, Thessaloniki, I. M. Batopaidiou, -Agion Oros.

Newman David M. – Grauerhalz Liz (2002), Sociology of Families, USA, Pine Forge Press.

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Prezantim i Informacionit Ekzistues mbi Dhunën në Familje në Shqipëri (2000), Tiranë, REPUBLIKA E SHQIPËRISË, KOMITETI GRUAJA DHE FAMILJA dhe UNICEF.

Ramadani Veland, (2015), “The Woman Entrepreneur in Albania: An Exploratory Study on Motivation, Problems and Success Factors”, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953. 2014.997488.

Tushi Gëzim, (2016), Gratë në kohën e tyre, Tiranë, Natyra.

Tushi Gëzim, (2006), Dilema dhe Probleme Sociale, Tiranë, Dudaj.

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The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX centuries)

Thoma Shkira

Lecturer of the History of the Church of Albania, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence: e-mail: thomashkira@yahoo.com

Abstract

This article informs readers about Albania’s Orthodox Community between the XV and XIX centuries. The relationship between the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Ottoman State following the Fall of Constantinople in 1453, as well as the circumstances under which the Orthodox social community operated as a component of the Millet and, in particular, the Orthodox community in Albania, will be discussed. An overview of the state of the Albanian Orthodox community in relation to the Ottoman State, within the historical context, and the various phenomena of crypto-Christianity, Islamization, and Uniatism, as well as changes in the church’s spiritual dependence up to the radical redistribution of the Orthodox community’s religious structure among Albanians, are provided for each century.

The Orthodox community’s religious and cultural contributions to education, translations, and its members’ patriotic engagement during the National Renaissance in Albania are also addressed.

Keywords:

Orthodox Community in Albania, Ecumenical Patriarchate, Ottoman State, Crypto Christianity, Islamization, Culture.

Citation: Shkira T. The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX centuries). Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 27-46. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.14577.15204

The fall of Constantinople in 1453 marked the most important event for the entire population of the Christian community of the Balkans. The very foundations of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the headquarters of the ecclesiastical institution and the entire Orthodox community were shaken (Castelan, 1996 p. 94; Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 4-5).

However, Sultan Mehmet II established the Ottoman power as a follower of the Byzantine power with the conquest of Constantinople and the appropriation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the spiritual and governing core of Orthodoxy (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 20).

The new circumstances compelled the Patriarchate and the Ottoman Empire to establish cooperative relations within the framework of the Millet System compiled by Sultan Mehmet II himself, without affecting the spiritual and governing dimensions that were at the service of the Empire for the welfare of the citizens and the non-infringement of the territories under their control.

The Islamic state did not see a distinction between politics and religion; rather, they believed that if Christianity had to be acknowledged as an independent faith, its believers would need to organize themselves into their own political union and establish an empire within an empire. Because Rum Millet was already a part of the Orthodox Church, it continued to function as both a religious and political entity, and the entire church hierarchy served as a mechanism for cosmic rule (Ware, 1997, p. 89).

The Millet system, which was based on the religious allegiance, was designed to control and persuade the subjects to uphold the religious supremacy while also abiding by the new Empire’s laws. Sultan Mehmet II’s approach was advantageous to and in the best interests of the State. Since the majority of the inhabitants of the lands under his control were Orthodox, the Sultan was interested in preserving the institution of the Patriarchate. The New Emperor now permitted the usual functioning of the Patriarchate, giving it ecclesiastical and governmental privileges through a specific decree, unlike the powers of the Ecclesiastical Right of the Patriarch in the Byzantine Empire (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 49-50).

1. The Orthodox community in The Ottoman Empire

Sultan Mehmet II became the defender of all Orthodox Christians as a result of his ruling strategy, which also included integrating the empire’s Orthodox into the Millet system. He called and installed the Patriarch of Istanbul, Genadh Skolar, a prolific writer and influential theological figure for his time, on the advice of some Greeks from Asia Minor who worked for him. He also appointed him to the co-government of the Orthodox Millet, which depended on him spiritually, giving the Orthodox people special privileges that no other people in the empire enjoyed. This system and this approach to the Orthodox satisfied his political interests.

The Orthodox were under his authority, and the patriarch Genadh Skolari, who had claimed that he had displayed anti-Latin sentiment, would be less inclined to turn to the Roman Catholics for assistance (Ware, 1997, p. 88).

The special decree ensured that the Patriarch would retain the privileges he had in the Byzantine Empire. This Sultan Mehmet II proclamation granted Christians the freedom to practice their religion freely in one of the churches, which later served as the Patriarchal seat, and permitted them to keep their religious texts and icons at home (Castelan, 1996, p. 94)1. In addition to the administrative rights of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and spiritual services, the decree acknowledged and granted jurisdiction to the ecclesiastical court, which dealt with the adjudication of criminal and civil problems of the Orthodox community inside it and with the Ottoman State. The Patriarchate took on the role of mediating disputes and conflicts for the entire Orthodox Christian population throughout the Empire.

The Gate granted the Patriarch a wide range of rights and privileges; as a result, he was appropriately referred to as the Ethnark, or Primate, not just of the church but also of the entire nation because he also had secular authority. Since all ethnic groups were referred to as Rums at the time, including Albanians, Bulgarians, Serbs, and Slavs, the Patriarch’s authority encompassed the entire Eastern Orthodox Christian flock in addition to the Greeks. In relation to the High Gate, the Patriarch served as the Orthodox community’s advocate and protector (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 49-53).

In fact, the entire Orthodox community was known as Rum and was a part of one of the four “religious ethnicity” communities that included Jews and 1 It is about the Church of Pamakarist which became the cathedral of the Patriarch until 1586, the year in which it became the Fetie mosque.

Armenians, with the exception of the supreme leader, The Sultan or Padishah, who had his own religious leader. As a separate community, Rum also served as a “state within a state” as part of the social and religious structure of the Ottoman Empire. We can say that Millet leader of the Orthodox, the Ecumenical Patriarch, was regarded as the second leader after the Sultan, not just for the Orthodox but for the entire state, where he was accountable to him alone, because the majority of Ottoman inhabitants were Rums (Castelan, 1996, p. 125-127).

At the same time, the network of metropolitans, bishoprics, and monasteries that made up Orthodoxy’s complete leadership hierarchy formed the ideal organism for the supervision of the Rums. However, the Ecumenical Patriarch in the High Gate also stood in for the other Patriarchates (of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem), as well as the concurrent Archbishoprics of Ohrid and Peja, i.e., all of Rum subdued (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 63-64).

Assuring the proper operation of the network and the existence of the ecclesiastical institution was one of the Patriarch’s ecclesiastical privileges within the organization and the Community of the Orthodox Church. With the Sultan’s orders publication called “berates”, the patriarch had the highest level of control over the metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops of each nation, and he had the authority to nominate, promote, and remove them. He oversaw the churches’ monasteries, parishes, and property as well. To observe various issues, he dispatched exarchs to the eparchies. In terms of the clergy, he had the power to judge them criminally and made all ecclesiastical decisions alongside the patriarchal synod.

The Ecumenical Patriarch enjoyed a wide range of political rights. Since the Patriarchate was first intended to be a separate ecclesiastical state, the Patriarch initially communicated with the High Gate through the Foreign Minister. The Patriarch had complete control over education in addition to the authority to tax both clergy and laity to fund the needs of the Church. He also had authority over the entire Orthodox Community’s family and agrarian law concerns (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 66).

The social structure of the Ottoman Empire was characterized by two poles, one social and the other religious.

The first included: a) non-taxed: military and rich and b) taxed: peasants and farmers.

The subjects of the population known as raja zimmi were Rum Millet,

the lay members of the Christian community in the Ottoman Empire (to be distinguished from the Muslim raja). These belonged to the class of the raja (Raiyye - Sinifi), which was subservient to the other layer of Asqari, which contained the entire military (Asqeri Sinifi) and ruling class appointed by the Sultan. They were joined by the Muslims, who were known as raja Muslim. In the Ottoman Empire, these are the two main social classes. The Raja layer, a subordinate class that paid taxes, monetary taxes, and production obligations to the empire, bore the entire weight of the state bureaucratic system and all of the expenses of the Ottoman hierarchy (Rizaj, 1982, p. 357).

By implementing this system for the Orthodox Millet, the Ottoman state aimed to benefit financially and be “liberated from the internal organization of this community” (Thëngjilli, 2002, p. 15-16).

The Patriarch did, however, have the privilege of putting himself in direct contact with foreign authorities and asking the police to assist in carrying out his choices. The latter granted Orthodoxy a political influence that was particularly significant. While the metropolitans served as minor ethnarchs at the edges of their eparchies as the political representatives of the Patriarch, they were exempt from all taxation. In addition, they also had judicial authority over every local government (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 67).

Denied of their religious leaders’ privileges, as a result, the Christians became not only spiritually and politically lost but also confused and exposed to the pressures and challenges of their environment on a material and moral level. “Eastern Christianity” became more and more firmly established as a continuation of the Orthodox Roman Empire with the political organization of the church (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 69).

However, the condition of Orthodox Church members, whose rights from the Ottoman era were somewhat retained, remained incredibly challenging. Initially, contrary to what was supposedly the case prior to the fall of Constantinople, the Decree of Sultan Mehmet II offered the Church and its members great privileges. These privileges were upheld during his reign, but the Christians were greatly disappointed by how the later sultans used their power and maintained the privileges of the aforementioned decree, which not only had its articles favoring Christians reduced but was also improperly upheld until its partial and complete disobedience (Stavrianos, 2008, p. 149-150).

Additionally, Sultan Mehmet II granted the first patriarch, Genadh Skolar, a monetary gift, but he also required money from his successors, just as he did

from politicians and government employees. Every patriarch was compelled to contribute with money when they gave the “gift”, which was an amount of income required to hold the post (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 8). This circumstance drew individuals from among the Orthodox clergy who desired to hold the office of Patriarch in exchange for payment.

The change of patriarchs due to receiving money from the sultans became a phenomenon. Before much time passed2, it was decided that the annual tax of two thousand gold coins was required in addition to the amount of gift money that each Patriarch was obliged to provide (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 9). The Ecumenical Patriarchate’s annual tax payment to the Sultan increased by a third as a result of the repeated depositions and exiles of the Patriarchs by the Sultans.

The son of Sultan Mehmet II, Bayazit II (1481–1512), twice deposed Patriarch Nifon II (1486-1489 and 1497-1498), once to usurp the Patriarchate’s money and once after learning that a freshly constructed structure was serving as a church during a period when Christians were not allowed to build new churches or restore existing ones, leading him to fire the Patriarch. During the reign of this sultan, the new patriarch’s annual fee was raised by 1,000 coins, just as it had been with Patriarch Joachim, who came to the throne and donated another 500 coins (in 1498–1502 and 1504) after Niphon was overthrown (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 11).

Due to the rising tax burden and gifts requested, the patriarchs “felt a tremendous fear.” The Patriarchs traveled or sent delegates to collect taxes and other unsolicited demands from the high clergy of metropolitans and bishoprics, just as the latter had done with the lower clergy and the latter with the laity of the Orthodox Community (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 12).

The Arber Orthodox Community, which in this century was ecclesiastically dependent on the Archbishopric of Ohrid, undoubtedly felt the consequences of the war as well. The effects of the Ottoman War were felt by the Christian community of Arber as well as by the broader Balkan people in the fifteenth century. The pastoral statuses of this community and the ecclesiastical and cultural influences of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Archbishoprics of Ohrid and Peja changed over time as a result of these events and the new political conditions that emerged in the Balkans in the 15th century.

The resistance of the Arber people, led by Gjergj Kastriot Skenderbeu, be-

2 During the Patriarchate of Patriarch Dionis, who ascended the throne twice (14661471, 1489-1499).

came a symbol of freedom and hope for other nations who were threatened by the Ottoman conquest, and at certain points they partially supported this resistance to the invaders. As a result, our country was hit harder by the invaders than any other nation (Castelan, 1996, p. 98; Stavrianos, 2008 p. 64; Mantran, 2004, 96-97).

The activities of the Ottoman conqueror’s wars against the army and the country’s entire population were used to put an end to the Arber resistance. Radical democratic changes and a decline in population occurred in tandem with these initiatives. This occurred because, during the conflicts, the conqueror killed some of the locals who resisted in defending the towns, while the rest fled the region or migrated there to its depths, and still more perished from famine and disease.

Because of the human emptiness that spread across the community in the parishes devastated by the war, the destruction of the economy and civic life consequently paralyzed the spiritual life of the Christian community throughout our country for a long time.

The state of the Ecumenical Patriarchate Institution, the forced relocation of its headquarters from one monastery to another, and the threat to the Patriarchs’ and its administration’s life illustrate the status of the Orthodox Community’s exploitation in Constantinople throughout the 16th century. However, after paying taxes, citizens of the Capital were at peace. Nevertheless, in other church nations, such as the Patriarchate of Alexandria, the churches of the Empire and their Christian populations outside of the Capital faced more challenging circumstances (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 189-190).

Sultan Mehmet II’s supporters imitated him in this century by recognizing the privileges of Christians through berets, but on the other hand, they exerted pressure on the Ecumenical Patriarch and all Christians (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 11).

2. The Orthodox community in Albanian territory during the Ottoman Empire

The architectural and spiritual cultural heritage of the Christian population in the cities, in what is now the Albanian territory, was severely damaged until the 16th century. Numerous cult-related structures were demolished or converted into mosques, destroying or alienating priceless works of art and architecture. It took nearly a century for the cities to recover to the state they

were in prior the occupation by the Ottoman Empire, due to the catastrophic effects of that occupation.

Within a century, the overall number of communities nearly doubled, while the population more than doubled. This rise in population and communities is evidence of the general regeneration around the end of the 16th century.

At the end of this century, religious diversity among Albanians began to take shape as the process of Ottomanization by the Ottoman Empire gradually assimilated and islamized a portion of the Albanian nobility, as in the case of the Christian Timariots. This process occurred over the course of no more than two generations (Duka, 2009, p. 43).

While the widespread adoption of the Islamic faith by other social classes of Albanians can be observed in some civic centers as early as the end of the 15th century, for others it took until the 16th century. These groups included those who had only recently converted to Islam and were integrated into the economic life of Albanian cities, gaining the status of the “citizen” (Duka, 2009, p. 44-45).

The pace of Islamization among Albanians accelerated in the second part of the 16th century , as a result of the Empire’s taxing system constantly burdening all the rajas of every religion and somewhat equating the lower socioeconomic classes, which sped up the Islamization process. The Muslim population only reached 10% of the total population in the last two decades of this time period (Thëngjilli, 2002, p. 20-33; Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 61).

At the beginning of the 16th century, Sultan Bayazit carried out massacres during the invasions of the Peloponnese, Epirus and Albania3.

Sultan Selim I (1512–1520), who succeeded Sultan Bayazit, gave the monks of Sinai and Jerusalem the advantages of religious freedom and the maintenance of their monasteries and Holy Places. But he imposed extra taxes on the Christians (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 12-13; Qiriazi, 2000, p. 86).

In the 17th century the Empire was in crisis. High government officials 3 Sultan Bayazit during the fall of Methon (1500), at that time occupied by the Franks, ordered that all residents Males over 12 years of age to go to the sword and build two towers with their severed heads. Women and children were crippled. Due to the losses of the Turkish Peloponnesian army, the Sultan ordered similar mutilations and slaughters in Epirus and Albania, while 10 Christian temples were seized in Constantinople. Only at the end of Bayezid’s reign did the persecution of Christians cease.’’ See: Χρυσοστόμου Παπαδοπούλου, «Η Εξωτερική Κατάστασις της Εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως από της Αλώσεως μέχρι του ΙΗ ΑΙΩΝΩΣ», Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος (A΄), Ev Αθήναις 1949, p. 12.

were corrupted, as were local officials.

There were mixed marriages between Christians, primarily Christian daughters of the dominated peoples, who married Muslim spouses, as a result of systematic islamization methods used in this century. Although the former were not coerced into becoming Muslims, their offspring were raised in an Islamist environment. Even though these marriages were forbidden by the Patriarchs in accordance with the Christian tradition, they were still common. Additionally, the Christian who had relationships with Muslims or was thought to have such relationships was subject to execution if he did not convert to Islam (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 196).

Through the implementation of military commands for the assembly of children into the military, systematic encouragement to abandon the faith first appeared during the reigns of Ahmet I (1603–1617) and Murat IV (1623–1640), which considerably accelerated the process of Islamization of the population in Epirus. In the Albanian regions, Islamization of the inhabitants started to take place specifically in this century (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 196).

Initially in many situations, it was only the family householder subject of the conversion to Islam after fulfilling the budgetary obligations to the Turkish government. The process of converting every member of the family to Islam would therefore take several generations to complete, starting from a formal conversion to the practice of the new faith. This conversion was carried out faster in Central Albania, while in Northern and Southern Albania, the process of crypto-Christianization continued for longer. During this time, the Albanian people’s cultural foundation increasingly incorporated earlier Christian customs (Pelushi, 2003, p. 75).

These practices, which were based on the medieval tradition of the veneration of saints in our country’s Christian community during the Byzantine era, played a significant role in the development of interreligious harmony among the people even during the Ottoman era. The veneration of Christian saints is documented in historical documents and the rich material and spiritual heritage of the Albanian people. These forms of veneration coexist with the modern phenomena of Islamization and crypto-Christianity, overcoming historical and political intolerance even though the religious landscape and social conditions underwent significant change.

Therefore, the unique experience of a people who had to endure “fire and water” shaped the “achieved” coexistence via the veneration of saints, which

continues to be a value and contribution of the Albanian society today, where diversity and multicultural stratification are prominent, as well as the religious coexistence and multi-faith harmony.

Their worship among the Albanian people is also demonstrated by all various ways in which they are honored as a component of the non-material spiritual wealth, in addition to the spiritual and material prosperity. As is well known, the satisfaction of people’ spiritual needs of Arber throughout every stage of their lives were directly related to the Christian customs and the areas around Christian temples.

Therefore, their tolerance and religious coexistence were further protected by the spirit of unity and coexistence embodied in the cult of saints in their traditional beliefs and by the influence of later psycho-social and ethno psychological factors, which were seen in various phenomena, such as Islamization and crypto-Christianity, and which were able to successfully overcome the tide of historical and political intolerance (Qiriazi, 2000, p. 119-124). Albanians today foster tolerance and love coexistence with one another within a context of religious pluralism, to the point where their unique experience is worthy of promotion as a people who perfected the model of interreligious coexistence.

The Archdiocese of Ohrid provided pastoral care and had a significant cultural impact on the Orthodox Christian community that it had under its authority in the south of the country as a result of the above phenomena. Due to the impact of this archdiocese, some residential areas, including Voskopoja and Korça, experienced economic growth in the 18th century, which was accompanied by advancements in the fields of education and culture4.

The Orthodox community made the greatest contributions to the cultural and 4 “A printing house was built in Voskopoja which continued to print books until this city was destroyed in 1769. The library of the monastery of Saint Peter of Vithkuqi has been rich with books printed in the above-mentioned typography, with Greek manuscripts of Albanian writers of this area, such as Kavaliot, Kostandin Cepi and others. There are data to believe that this movement in the field of education and culture had the support of the Patriarchate of Ohrid. Since the 16th century, we find its prelates at the head of insurrectionary movements to overturn Turkish slavery, making efforts for political connection with the outside world. Some of these prelates were local, interested in church, cultural and educational constructions. Although the official language of the Patriarchate was Greek, they did not hinder the languages of the country. Tradition says that they were careful to print books in these languages, therefore in the schools of Korça, Voskopojë, Vithkuq and elsewhere, the teachers, didactic needs, in some cases used the Albanian language to teach the students Greek, which at that time for almost all the Orthodox peoples of the Balkans it has been the language of culture...’’ See: Petraq Pepo, Materiale Dokumentare për Shqipërinë Juglindore të Shekullit XVIIIFillimi i Shekullit XX (Kodiku i Korçës dhe i Selasforit), vëll. I, Tiranë, 1981, fq. 9-10.

social advancement of the nation throughout the Ottoman era, both in present-day Albanian territory and beyond. Orthodox clergy in the nation, as well as emigrant clergy, made significant financial contributions towards community life. Orthodox clergy and laic benefactors contributed to the success of the schools established by the Church and helped to create a level of educated people in the medieval Albanian cities5.

However, during the 18th century, the Islamization of the Albanian population intensified, especially after the wars of Russia and The Gate (Giakoumis, 2010, p. 75).

This Patriarchate was unable to halt the processes that resulted from the muslimization of a part of the population, particularly the collection of bribes by the rich and the privileged (Qiriazi, 2000, p. 105-106). Amid this tense situation of the feudal anarchy at the expense of the Orthodox community, the influence of political factors made possible the suppression of this Patriarchate in 1767 (Pepo, 1981, p. 9-10).

The deteriorating relations between Istanbul and Russia, which during the 18th century claimed to be the protector of the Orthodox populations of the Balkans, were one of the major political factors that eventually led to the Sultan and the Ecumenical Patriarchate suppressing the autonomous ecclesiastical structures of the Patriarchates of Peja (1766) and Ohrid (1767) (Duka, 2009, p. 67; Duka, 2012, p. 18-21).

However, the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul, as the highest ecclesiastical center, continued to oversee the social, ecclesiastical and educational life of the Orthodox community throughout the Ottoman Empire (Beduli, 2016, p. 13).

The education system of Greek schools, which primarily consisted of primary schools where Greek language writing and singing was taught, as well as catechism training for Orthodox Christians were provided, as well as secondary schools, though in a smaller number than the first, where sciences were typically taught, was responsible for the cultural growth of the Orthodox community in this century. Several significant religious and educational fig5 Joasaf Gondu (1660-1745) or otherwise called Joasaf Korçari from Voskopoja. In 1709, he was bishop of Korça.And in the years 1718-1745 he was the patriarch of Ohrid. He gave importance to the development of education and culture in his eparchy, which in Albania included Durrës, Berat, Vlora and Korça, perhaps also Dibra, in other words, the majority of Albanian Orthodox. Dhimitër Shuteriqi, Through the Literary Centuries, Tirana 1960, p. 84; See also: Μαρτινιανός, Ιωακείμ , Συμβολαί εις την ιστορίαν της Μοσχοπόλεως : Η ιερά μονή του Τιμίου Προδρόμου κατά τον εν αυτή κώδικα 1630-1875, Αρχαίος Εκδοτικός Οίκος Δημήτριου Δημητράκου, Α. Ε. Αθήναι, 1939, σελ . 61-65.

ures, like Nektar Terpo, the abbot of Ardenica Monastery in Fier, Bishop of Drinopoja Sofianoi, Kozmai of Etolia, etc., made a significant contribution to ecclesiastical education and generally to the development of Orthodox consciousness (Skëndi, 2000, p. 23).

3. The situation on 19th and the beginning of 20th century

Because the Tanzimat reforms were misapplied and had detrimental consequences on the Albanian population, the economic, social, political, and cultural persecution by the Ottoman Empire worsened in our nation during the 19th century6. In these circumstances, the national consciousness was being formed among the Albanians, which preceded the uprisings of the 30s, which positively influenced the growth of the process of national consciousness, rebirth and freedom (Pollo, 1990, p. 12-13).

Political and cultural factors on both the internal and external levels either slowed down or expedited this process. The cultivation of religious division among Albanians, who belonged to three separate religious communities, was one of the key causes impeding this process. The religious split of Albanians into three faiths (Muslim, Orthodox, and Catholic) as well as the High Gate’s and the neighboring monarchies’ repeated efforts to create a religious schism should be mentioned in addition to the nation’s general underdevelopment. In the meantime, this process was exacerbated by the deterioration of the condition of the majority of the population, the need for self-defense against external aggression to the danger of the country becoming fragmented (Pollo, 1990, p. 14).

The fact that the majority of people were illiterate throughout the Renaissance era was another challenge. The High Gate prohibited the books of the Renaissance authors, which were exclusively published overseas, and they either did not reach Albanian territory or entered with great difficulty. This contribution came from the organized emigrant Albanian communities in the host nations, whose members helped the nation achieve its independence in 6 “Even that point of Gjylname’s decree that provided for the equality of citizens regardless of their religion remained on paper. The Turkish or non-Turkish feudal ruling class did not want to relinquish a condition that secured it a privileged position vis-à-vis the Christian mass. The legal inequality of the Christian population was expressed, among other things, in the payment of a special tax for all males over 12 years old. Although in the new codes the death penalty was removed for those who denied Islam, breaking away from the official religion continued to be severely punished.’’ See: Aleks Buda dhe bashkautorët, Historia e Shqipërisë, Universiteti Shtetëror i Tiranës, Instituti i Historisë dhe i Gjuhësisë, Tiranë, 1965, vëll. II, p. 48.

a variety of ways. The religious division was a huge obstacle and persisted until the very end, and yet once more stood out the cooperation of the Orthodox Albanians with the Muslims, who affirmed their nation on the basis of the historical-ethnic, linguistic, and territorial community, surpassing the incitement of the Albanians’ enemies for political-religious division, which, depending on their faith, considered them Turks, Greeks, and Latin (Pollo, 1990, p. 26).

The request from the renaissance patriots abroad envisioned the autonomy of the Albanian territories, where in addition to provincial and state autonomy, cultural autonomy was also included. This meant allowing the teaching of the Albanian language in Ottoman schools (until that moment from the High Gate), the spread of education in the mother tongue, using it in religious services, allowing the freedom of all religions and forbidding their interference in state affairs, the use of the Latin alphabet for the Albanian language, etc. (Pollo, 1990, p. 48).

The majority of the Albanians’ national activity at this period was conducted abroad, where Albanian communities had already been founded. Numerous well-known figures from the National Renaissance, including Naum Veqilharxhi, Konstandin Kristoforidhi, the Frashëri Brothers, Nikola Naço, Thimi Mitko, Ismail Qemali, and Father Theofan, Noli and others were prominent in some of the main Albanian communities that had bases in Istanbul, Romania, Egypt, and the United States, as well as numerous funders of these communities, including the philanthropists Anastas Lakçe, Jovan Banga, Vangjel Zhapa, etc., who supported not only the financial needs of the Orthodox communities both inside and outside of the nation out of a sense of duty to their religion, but also many of the costs associated with their national activity (Pollo, 2003, p. 120-128; Hoxha, 2011, p. 18-33).

Therefore, in line with the Orthodox Church tradition of our nation that was encountered over the prior centuries, Albanians of the Orthodox community, both inside and outside of the country, increased their efforts to translate and publish liturgical texts in the Albanian language in the 19th and early 20th centuries (Shuteriqi, p. 23-24; 835; Beduli, 2006, p. 43-47; Pelushi, 2000, p. 9-18).

The Albanians beautifully fostered supra-religious nationalism during the National Renaissance period. They worked together, being exceptional in their tolerance and interreligious harmony, to resolve the political and religious tensions and conflicts of the day. Despite the fact that they could not commune

as members of a single religious group, they coexisted and worked together as members of a society of the same ethnicity without discrimination.

One of the challenges facing the Orthodox Community was dealing with the propagandist practices of foreign policies that were carried out both inside and outside of its institution, particularly with their commencement and intensification in the final three decades of the 19th century and after.

This foreign propaganda, which served the interests of foreign countries at the expense of the country, had caused spiritual rifts in the unity of the Orthodox Church community7.

At a time when Albania’s existence was in danger and a vast number of Albanians were working tirelessly to restore the Nation and secure its independence before declaring independence for the Albanian State, senior clerical members of this community or even other lay members served foreign interests through propaganda.

On the other side, important shifts in the map of ecclesiastical jurisdictions occurred with the emergence of nationalist governments in the Balkans as they sought their ecclesiastical autocephaly from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul8.

7 For foreign propaganda in our country, see: Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου, Ξένες προπαγάνδες και εθνική αλβανική κίνηση στις Μητροπωλιτικές Επαρχίες Δυρραχίου και Βελεγράδων κατά τά τέλη του 79ου και τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα. Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων, Ιωάννινα, 1978 8 Their request to have an autocephalous church was initially not accepted by the Ecumenical Patriarchate. This led to years of spiritual schism between the Mother Church, the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the daughter Churches of each respective self-proclaimed autocephalous state. Then the Patriarchate, through the corresponding patriarchal tomos, recognized the autocephaly of the churches of the countries in the Balkans. The governments of the new Balkan States, within the framework of the political situation and nationalism applied for the purpose of their state formation, became promoters of the request addressed to the Ecumenical Patriarchate to gain the autocephaly of their churches. Finally, it was observed that the Autocephalies of the Churches were not only in danger of secularization, taking into account the historical spiritual separations and cracks, but resulted in the submission of the spiritual power to the governmental power. These cases of overlapping political factors to the detriment of spiritual services caused the Ecumenical Patriarchate, through the Synod held in Constantinople in 1872, to condemn philetism, that is, nationalism as a sick condition that was often confused with patriotism or when for political purposes and state, trust was misused or considered secondary. If religion played a unifying role for the nations of countries such as Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia where the Orthodox made up the majority of the population, the Albanian case where the religious affiliation of the Albanians was abused, created difficulties that would consume a lot of energy especially among the Orthodox community in the country. . Within this spiritual experience that took place within the framework of the state formation of each Balkan country, it happened that nationalisms could deviate the preferences of the Orthodox, as happened in Bulgaria where a good part of the people supported

Due to political and economic pressure placed on the hidden Christians, who were forced to declare Muslim names for themselves in order to waive a high tax payment in exchange for the requirement to serve in the military, the Shpataraks, from Shpat in Elbasani region in our country attempted to accept Uniatism, spiritual dependence under the Pope of Rome, in order to be under the spiritual and political protection of the Vatican. Following the current attention in this issue from numerous nations, including Russia, Austria, Italy, and the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the Shpataraks continued to remain part of the Orthodox Christian Community (Graceni, 1987, p. 153-154; Pollo, 1992, p. 27).

Uniatism undermined the country’s Orthodox community’s spiritual cohesion and developed into a political-ecclesiastical problem, which required a lot of hard work from the Orthodox Church Institution over the course of the following century to repair the harm.

Having better economic and political conditions than the Albanians in their homeland during the 19th century and at the start of the 20th century, the Diaspora of Albanians in Romania, Egypt, Bulgaria, etc. supported the Albanian national movement, making contributions primarily to culture and education. The majority of them were Orthodox Albanians who supported the national cause while also demanding for the spiritual rights that their ecclesiastical community was entitled to in defense of its distinctive features, including their language and blood.

In terms of Albanian national culture and education, the “Drita” society of the Albanians of Bucharest was perhaps the first to advocate for an Albanian church in the country.

On October 1, 1903, this association from Bucharest sent a request to the Great Powers requesting the opening of Albanian schools. Three of the four points they requested in it were: 1) Official recognition of the Albanian nation with the registration of Albanians regardless of religion in the acts of civil status; 2) Albanian school and church; 3) Amnesty for all exiled Albanians and political convicts, victims of foreign intrigues found guilty only for demanding the free expression of national culture (Hoxha & Nuro & Nika & Bupsi, 1987, p. 145-147). unitism as an anti-government force against politics that was not in the interest of the people and the Bulgarian state. See: Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου, Ξένες προπαγάνδες

The Albanians of this society were very religiously connected to the old church of Saint George in Bucharest (Hoxha & Nuro & Nika, Bupsi, 1987, p. 319). Later, in 1909, the priest Father Harallamb Çalamani granted them special permission to hold mass in Albanian, and from that point on, this church was known as the church of the Albanians.

The Society’s newspaper “Lidhja Orthodokse,” which was published in Korça in 1909 under the leadership of Mihal Gramenos, carried out extensive patriotic propaganda among the clergy and the population in addition to the efforts of the community members to read the gospel and partially celebrate the mass in Albanian. It also addressed the issue of the mother tongue in the church and in the school and having a purely Albanian administration. (Beduli, 1992, p. 16).

In the Albanian Diaspora of America and at the same time in the community of Orthodox Albanians, the date March 8th, 1908, marks the fulfillment of a century-old need among Albanians, the first mass performed entirely in the Albanian language. This need, unfulfilled until this date, was realized by the protagonist of this church community, Father Theofan Noli, who, according to the desire of the community and with the consent of the Synod of the Russian Church, became a priest and performed this holy celebration on the same day. Also, the mass in Albanian of Father Noli, celebrated on March 22, at Phoenix Hall Boston Mass, for the celebration of the Triumph of the Orthodox faith, on the Sunday of Orthodoxy, was shown as a day of victory and joy for the Albanians of America, since in the afternoon of that day, the Cathedral of Saint George was founded and the first church elders of this ecclesiastical-orthodox community were elected. Following this, the cleric Theofan Noli visited all Albanians in America and spoke to them about their ecclesiastical and national rights, and in the following years he visited Albania and all the Albanian Diasporas in the Balkans (Duka, 1992, p. 36-37; Beduli, 1992, p. 17-18).

“... The fundamental biblical-ecclesiastical translations of Kristoforidi and Noli, then until today, had a wide impact and use in the Albanian-Orthodox community, constituted the most worthy contribution and anthem for the creation of the Church of the Albanian compatriots, and even more so when these were carried out by only two people, but extremely dedicated to solving the national and ecclesiastical issue of all Albanians...” (Shkira, 2022, p. 17).

The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX centuries) ©2022 Shkira

Finally, the efforts for the autocephaly of the Church Institution of the Orthodox communities in Albania were finalized with the receipt of the Patriarchal and Synodical Tomos on the blessing of the Autocephaly of the Orthodox Church in Albania, on April 12, 1937 (Anastasi, 2013, p. 97-102).

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Giakoumis K. (2010), “The Orthodox Church in Albania During the Ottoman Rule (15th_19th century)”, in Rathberger A. [ed.] (2010), Religion und Kulur im albanisch-sprachigen Südosteuropa, preface by O. Schmitt, Frankfurt am Main: Pro Oriente – Peter Lang, pp. 69-110.

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Stavrianos L. S. (2008) The Ballkans since 1453, Hurst & Company, London.

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Shuteriqi Dhimitër. (2005) Tekstet Shqipe dhe Shkrimi i Shqipes në vitet 8791800, Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Instituti i Gjuhësisë dhe i Letërsisë, Tiranë. p.47-48

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Thëngjilli Petrika. (2002) “Shqiptarët midis Lindjes dhe Perëndimit 15061839” Fusha Fetare I, Shtypur nga Maluka shpk, Tiranë. Μαρτινιανός Ιωακείμ. (1939) Συμβολαί εις την ιστορίαν της Μοσχοπόλεως: Η ιερά μονή του Τιμίου Προδρόμου κατά τον εν αυτή κώδικα 1630-1875, Αρχαίος Εκδοτικός Οίκος Δημήτριου Δημητράκου, Α. Ε. Αθήναι. Μεταλληνός Γεώργιος. (1998) Τουρκοκρατία, Οι Έλληνες στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία, Ακρίτας, Αθήνα. Νικολαΐδου Ελευθερία. (1978) Ξένες προπαγάνδες και εθνική αλβανική κίνηση στις Μητροπωλιτικές Επαρχίες Δυρραχίου και Βελεγράδων κατά τά τέλη του 79ου και τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα. Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων, Ιωάννινα, 1978 Παπαδοπούλου Χρυσοστόμου. (1949) “Η Εξωτερική Κατάστασις της Εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως από της Αλώσεως μέχρι του ΙΗ ΑΙΩΝΩΣ”, Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος (A΄), p. 4-17. Παπαρρηγόπουλου Κωνσταντίνου. (1993) Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους, Αθήνα, Κάκτος. Χρυσοστόμου Παπαδοπούλου. (1949) “Η Εξωτερική Κατάστασις της Εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως από της Αλώσεως μέχρι του ΙΗ ΑΙΩΝΩΣ”, Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος (Β΄), Ev Αθήναις, p.189-203.

‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’.

A code phrase exhorting to missionary outreach introduced by

Archbishop Anastasios of Albania

Nikolaos Tsirevelos

Adjunct Lecturer of Christian Education and Homiletics, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Adjunct Lecturer at the University of Thessaly Adjunct Lecturer at the University of Western Macedonia

Corespondence: e-mail: ntsirevelos@hotmail.com

Abstract

‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ refers to the Eucharistic experience that moves Christians, when they leave the church at the conclusion of the Divine Liturgy, to share the gift they received so that this world may be transformed into the Kingdom of God. First used by Anastasios Yannoulatos, then Bishop of Androussa and now Archbishop of Tirana, Durres and All Albania, at Etchmiadzin (Armenia) in 1975. The expression ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ has since been adopted by many theologians to signify the Church’s multifaceted mission and witness of service in the world. With this succinct and felicitous phrase, its originator called the faithful to a perpetually Eucharistic attitude in their daily life, which expresses the passion and struggle for the transformation of the world into the Church of Christ. Our study presents the theological roots distilled into this now familiar phrase, as found in the writings of An-

astasios Yannoulatos in the 1960s and afterwards. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ is an exhortation to missionary outreach which originated with Archbishop Anastasios and which, coupled with Christ’s resurrectional command to teach all nations, shaped his missionary witness and ecclesiastical diaconate.

Keywords:

Archbishop Anastasios, Liturgy, Homiletics, Orthodox mission. Citation: Tsirevelos N. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’. A code phrase exhorting to missionary outreach introduced by Archbishop Anastasios of Albania. Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 49-69. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.12899.43046

Introduction

Acatchphrase frequently employed in recent decades in theological literature, oral discussions and on other occasions is the missionary exhortation to ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’. This code phrase began to spread through the ecumenical movement in the middle of the 1970s, especially in World Mission circles. First used by the present Archbishop of Albania Anastasios, it was adopted by other Orthodox theologians to emphasise the immediacy of the relationship between liturgical life and Christian mission and the carrying of the Gospel to the nations. Its meaning was also associated with the diaconal ministry of the Church in the community as an extension and continuation of the participation of the faithful in the sacrament of Holy Communion.

First and foremost, the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ is a clear and simple declaration that the Holy Eucharist lies at the heart of Christian life. Christians draw strength and inspiration from sharing in the mystery of Holy Communion, so that they may afterwards selflessly bear witness to the presence of Christ in the world and at the same time face up to evil in any form1.

“Liturgy after the Liturgy” is an easily-remembered exhortation to missionary outreach, which encapsulates the Christian’s obligation to step out of the temple and go into the world to share with those near and far the gifts received from partaking in the Holy Eucharist. The message was encoded by Anastasios Yannoulatos in the 1970s at a conference of the World Council of Churches and was later used by other theologians in the context of the ecumenical movement2. More recently it appeared in the Message and the Encyclical of

1 The scriptural roots of the concept of “liturgy after the Liturgy” may be traced in, for example, the passages Jn 13:1-17, Lk. 22:24-30, Mt. 28:19, Acts 2:42-47 and 4:32-37. In the patristic literature one might cite: Letter to Diognetus, PG 5, 713B(88). Ignatius, To the Ephesians, PG 5, 656A. St John Chrysostom, Homily 25 on Matthew, PG 57, 331C. Maximus Confessor, Mystagogy, PG 91, 668D-669B. Nikolaos Kabasilas, Commentary on the Divine Liturgy, 21, PG 150, 456D.

2 Indicatively: Schmemann, A. (1979). “The Missionary Imperative,” Church, World, Mission: Reflections on Orthodoxy and the West. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 215. Gill, D. (1983), Gathered for Life: Official Report of the WCC 6th Assembly, Geneva: WCC Publ., 35. Oleksa, M.(1983). “Overwhelmed by Joy”, International Review of Mission, 72, 415-20. Anchimiuk, J. (1983). “Ministry of the Eucharistic Liturgy and the Ministry of the Liturgy after the Liturgy”, in G. Tsetsis (ed.), Orthodox Thought, Geneva: WCC Publ., 31. Βασιλειάδης, Π. (1989). Ορθόδοξη Χριστιανική Μαρτυρία, Κατερίνη: Τέρτιος, 6576. Scott, E. (1991), Nairobi to Vancouver, Geneva: WCC, 93. Kinnamon, M. (1991), Signs of the Spirit: Official Report of the WCC 7th Assembly, Geneva: WCC Publ., 119. Blyth, M. (1992). “Liturgy after the Liturgy: An ecumenical Perspective”, The Ecumenical Review, Vol.

‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ ©2022 Tsirevelos

the Holy and Great Council of the Orthodox Church in Crete (2016), texts of pan-Orthodox acceptance and universal in scope. The editor of the Message, it is worth noting, was Archbishop Anastasios; the positions on mission expressed in the Encyclical are also his. In contemporary missionary literature especially the phrase is commonly attributed to the Romanian priest Fr Ion Bria3, who was an associate of Anastasios Yannoulatos on the WCC Commission on World Mission and thoroughly acquainted with his theological opinions and written texts and who by the mid 1970s had appropriated this eloquent phrase and was using it sedulously in his published work as his own4.

This present study aims to trace the origins of the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ and how it spread to other writers. It will also study the Archbishop’s earlier writings in an attempt to present his theological thinking on the basis for witness to the Gospel in the world. From the late 1950s theological justification of apostolic mission formed the natural substrate from which sprang this cadenced, expressively elegant and theologically pithy exhortation, which also stamped Anastasios Yannoulatos’ entire diaconate within the Church. 44, no 1, 73-79. Keshishian, A. (1992). Orthodox Perpsectives on Mission, Oxford: Regnum Lynx, 22-30. Bria, I. & Bobrinskoy, B. (1993). “Prière du coeur et eucharistie”, in Ioan I. Ica (ed.), Person and Communion: Homage to Fr Dumitru Staniloae, Sibiu, 631. Clapsis, E. (2004). “The Eucharist as Missionary Event in a Suffering World,” Orthodoxy in Conversation: Orthodox Ecumenical Engagements. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 192-193. Βασιλειάδης, Π. (2005). Lex orandi, Θεσσαλονίκη: Ίνδικτος, 22-28. Τσομπανίδης, Σ. (2009). Μετά-Λειτουργία. Η Ορθόδοξη συμμετοχή στην κοινή χριστιανική μαρτυρία για δικαιοσύνη, ειρήνη και ακεραιότητα της δημιουργίας, Θεσσαλονίκη: Π. Πουρνάρας, 422. According to Prof. Sonea, ‘The concept had an important impact on the development of some important missionary documents, such as: Martyria-Mission. The Witness of the Orthodox Churches Today (WCC, Geneva 1980), Go Forth in Peace. Orthodox Perspectives in Mission (WCC, Geneva 1982 and 1986), and a few chapters under the section about the Eucharist of the BEM ecumenical document. WCC 10th Assembly from Busan, 2013, adopted the missionary document Together Towards Life, in which “liturgy after the Liturgy” becomes the Orthodox contribution to the way mission is understood at an ecumenical level’, Sonea, C. (2020), “The ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ and Deep Solidarity. The Orthodox Understanding of Christian Witness and its Implications for Human Society”, Mission Studies 37, 452-477.

3 Indicatively: Grdzelidze, T. (2011), “Ecumenism, Orthodoxy and Education”, in J. A. McGuckin (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Eastern Orthodoxy Christianity, New York: A John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication, 211.

4 The first written reference occurs in Bria, I. (1978), “The liturgy after the Liturgy”, International Review of Mission, Vol. 67, no 265, 86. Cf. Bria, I. (1986), Go Forth in Peace: Orthodox Perspectives on Mission. Geneva: WCC, 3. Bria, I. (1996), The Liturgy after the Liturgy. Mission and Witness from an Orthodox Perspective, Geneva: WCC Publ.. Bria, I. (2002), “My pilgrimage in Mission”, International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 26, Iss. 2, 74-77.

1. First formulation of the exhortation to ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’

The phrase was first heard in 1975 at a conference of the World Council of Churches at Etchmiadzin (Armenia) on “Confessing Christ through the Liturgical Life of the Church” when, as Secretary of the CWE Desk for Orthodox Studies and Relations, the then Bishop of Androussa Anastasios Yannoulatos quoted a passage from a sermon he had delivered on the Second Sunday in Lent in 1963, feast day of St Gregory Palamas, in Athens, to the members of the Christian Union of Scientists. Reiterating the necessity for the Eucharistic and liturgical experience to be carried over into everyday life, he said that:

“This event (of the Divine Liturgy) must not be lost as an instantaneous emotion, but the Liturgy must be extended into daily life. And all of life must be transfigured into a liturgy. Our office, our altar, our factory or our home becomes our temple; our work becomes our liturgy, where our soul and body will be offered as ‘a living sacrifice, holy, and acceptable to God (Rom. 12:1)” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 94-95).

At the close of the Etchmiadzin Conference, Bishop Anastasios used these words from an earlier sermon of his to stress the importance of the Divine Liturgy, and especially the dynamic potential of the liturgical experience in everyday life, codifying his exhortation in the phrase ‘liturgy after Liturgy’. He said:

“The Liturgy must to be continued in the personal, everyday situations. Each of the faithful is called upon to continue a personal ‘liturgy’ on the secret altar of one’s own heart, to realize a living proclamation of the good news ‘for the sake of the whole world’. Without this continuation the Liturgy remains incomplete. Since in the Eucharistic event we are incorporated into Him who came to serve the world and to be sacrificed for it, we have to express in concrete diaconia, in community life, our new being in Christ, the Servant of all. The sacrifice of the Eucharist must be extended in personal sacrifices for the people in need, for the brothers for whom Christ died. (…), and efforts aimed at liberating human

after the Liturgy’

persons from all demonic structures of injustice, exploitation, agony, loneliness, and at creating a real communion of persons in love” (Υannoulatos, 2010, p. 95-96).

In this passage Bishop Anastasios Yannoulatos essentially stresses the dynamic potential of the sacrament of Holy Communion in every manifestation of human life, while at the same time linking the present with the anticipation of the Kingdom of God. The battle and constant struggle of Christian believers to transform this world into a new one (Rev. 21:5b) has Eucharistic roots. In this theological idea, present and last things (eschata) meet in the Christian’s Eucharistic approach to life and witness to the Gospel in the community.

In a subsequent portion of this address Bishop Anastasios set out the basic lines upon which various theologians would later elaborate the dimensions of this ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’5. Concretely, he emphasised that:

“This personal everyday attitude becomes ‘liturgical’ in the sense that: (a) it draws power from the participation in the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist through which we receive the grace of the liberating and unifying Holy Spirit. (b) It constitutes the best preparation for a new, more conscientious and existential participation in the Eucharist. (c) It is a living expression –in terms clear to everyboby- of real transformation of men and women in Christ” (Υannoulatos, 2010: p. 96).

Fragments of this address, which Anastasios Yannoulatos delivered at Etchmiadzin, were published by the Romanian theologian and protopresbyter Fr Ion Bria6, who succeeded him at the WCC. Over the next several years Fr

5 For the elaboration of the code phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ by various theologians, omitting however any acknowledgment of Archbishop Anastasios as its originator, see Edwards, G. (2018 May 21-25), “Orthodox Christian Witness to the Third Millennium: Improving the mission document”, Presented at the Eighth International Conference of Orthodox Theology, hosted by the Faculty of Theology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece. Retrieved from http://www.orthodoxconference.theosch.auth.gr/keimena_final/33_Edwards_Gregory.pdf

6 See also the relevant statement by Athanasios Papathanasiou, who says that “The formula ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ was first articulated by Anastasios Yannoulatos in 1975 in Etchmiadzin, Armenia, and since then, along with the valuable contribution of Ion Bria, has become an established phrase that is used often in the IRM”, in Papathanasiou, A. (2013), “Tradition as impulse for renewal and witness: Introducing Orthodox missiology in the IRM”, Vassileiades, P. (ed.), Orthodox Perpectives on Mission, Oxford: Regnum Books International, p.164. See also Koukoura, D. (2014), “Evangelism in ‘Christian’ Societies, An Orthodox hom-

Bria frequently used the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ at various ecumenical meetings, in addresses and discussions, in an article in the widely read International Review of Mission (Bria, 1978, p. 86-90), and more specifically in a book published under that title by the World Council of Churches (Bria, 1996). After having deliberately concealed the authorship of this emblematic code phrase, the Romanian cleric was compelled to restore the truth, in the following terms: “One comment which in fact summarizes the original debate was sent by Bishop Anastasios Yannoulatos, professor of the University of Athens, which follows in revised form” (Bria, 1978, p. 86), after which he cites Archbishop Anastasios’ text.

More specifically, in his book The Liturgy after the Liturgy Fr. Ion Bria (1996, p. 20) writes7:

“This was further developed at a consultation in Etchmiadzin, iletic approach”. Retrieved from https://www.academia.edu/37815940/Evangelism_in_Christian_Societies. Cf also Koukoura, D. (2018) “Rievangelizzione: una procedura miletica complessa”. Retrieved from https://www.academia.edu/37819346/RIEVANGELIZZAZIONE_pdf. Metropolitan Geevarghese Mor Coorilos, for his part, states that the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ was popularised by Fr Ion Bria, without mentioning Archbishop Anastasios as its originator. “Mission as liturgy before Liturgy and as contestation”, P. Vassileiades (ed.), Orthodox Perpectives on Mission, Oxford: Regnum Books International,175. Cf also the words of Ngige Njoroge, K. J. (2013) in “Incarnation as a mode of Orthodox mission: International Orthodox mission – Imposing culture and inculturation”, P. Vassileiades (ed.), Orthodox Perpectives on Mission, Regnum Books International, 249: ‘This is why, according to Archbishop Anastasios, and later Fr Bria, the “liturgy after the liturgy” starts with Eucharistic worship’. Professor Sonea, too, recognises that the phrase originated with Archbishop Anastasios and became known through the works of other theologians, such as Ι. Bria. See Sonea, C. (2020), “The ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ and Deep Solidarity. The Orthodox Understanding of Christian Witness and its Implications for Human Society”, Mission Studies 37, p. 458. Fr V. Mosoiu expresses himself in similar terms, noting that ‘The phrase “liturgy after the Liturgy” appears in the vocabulary of the Ecumenical Council of Churches in the early 1970s, being linked to the name of the current archbishop of Albania, Anastasios Yannoulatos. At the World Missionary Conference on Salvation today (Bangkok, 1972), he insisted on the sense of tradition and the dual movement in which the Church trains its faithful by worship: the public assembly for the Eucharistic Liturgy and other rites, namely the sending to the Christian testimony. The concept was resumed and deepened on other occasions by Orthodox theologians, the most important moments being remembered by Father Bria’ (p. 157). He then goes on to point out that the theologians who use the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ fail to make any distinction between the theological positions of Archbishop Anastasios and those of Fr Ion Bria: ‘Interestingly, almost all of these authors refer to the expression without distinguishing between the ideas of Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos and those of Professor Ion Bria - yet another proof of the similarity of the vision and ideas of the two great Orthodox missionary theologians’ (p. 160). Mosoiu, V. (2019).“‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ as the missionary-ecumenical reference point of father Ion Bria’s thinking. A Critical Perspective”, Revista Teologica, Issue 1, 149-166.

7 I cite the entire passage, so that Bria’s reference to Archbishop Anastasios of Albania may be perfectly clear.

Armenia, in 1975, on ‘Confessing Christ through the Liturgical of the Church Today’. Its report noted that the Eucharistic liturgy has implications not only for the being and identity of the church but also for its mission in the world [The Orthodox text follows at this point] (...) Out of this idea of the extension of the liturgical celebration to life of the faithful in the world came the concept of the ‘liturgy after the liturgy’. The dynamics of the liturgy go beyond the boundaries of the Eucharistic assembly to serve the community at large. The Eucharistic liturgy is not escape into an inner realm of prayer, a pious turning away from social realities, rather it calls and sends the faithful to celebrate ‘the sacrament of the brother’ outside the temple in the public market place, where the cries of the poor and marginalized are heard. Anastasios Yannoulatos, then a professor at the University of Athens, underscored the necessary link between taking part ‘in the great event of liberation from sin and of communion with Christ’ and making evident ‘this transfiguration of our little being into a member of Christ’ in daily life: ‘Each of the faithful is called upon to continue a personal ‘liturgy’ on the secret altar of his own heart, to realize a living proclamation of the good news ‘for the sake of the whole world’. Without this continuation the liturgy remains incomplete… The sacrifice of the Eucharist must be extended in personal sacrifices for the people in need, the brothers for whom Christ died… The continuation of liturgy in life means a continuous liberation from the powers of the evil that are working inside us, a continual reorientation and openness to insights and efforts aimed at liberating human persons from all demonic structures of injustice, exploitation, agony, loneliness, and at creating a real communion of persons in love’. Anastasios describes this everyday personal attitude as ‘liturgical’ because (1) it is energized by participation in the Eucharist, (2) it constitutes the best preparation for a more conscious participation in the Eucharist, (3) it is a clear and living expression of real transformation of men and women in Christ” (Bria, 1996, p. 20).

The next part of our study asks whether Archbishop Anastasios’ now wellknown code phrase was an inspiration of the moment at the Etchmiadzin conference or a crystallisation of previous theological thinking.

2. The exhortation to ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ in earlier works by Archbishop Anastasios

The germ of the phrase may be found in a sermon on “The Thrill of the Preconsecrated” delivered in 1961 during the evening Liturgy of the Preconsecrated (14.3.1961) in the University Church of Panagia Kapnikarea, in Athens8. The congregation and those who subsequently read the published sermon knew little about mission work (Yannoulatos, 1962, p. 4-5). Indeed, the revival of the Orthodox duty to bear witness to the nations was just then being rekindled. As contemporary Church History and related missionary research make clear, the contribution of Archbishop Anastasios was decisive in this regard (Papathanasiou, 2009, p. 372; Tsirevelos, 2014, p. 43).

In this work the then lay theologian Anastasios Yannoulatos notes that the spiritual life is not entirely without practical interest in the world and the salvation of all mankind. This interest stems from the foretaste of the Kingdom of God in the sacrament of Holy Communion. In no case, however, can this participation be an individual matter: rather, it must be a constant struggle for the proclamation of the Kingdom of God to the whole world. Specifically:

“Without the labour and effort of endeavouring to extend the Kingdom of God, the kingdom of love, to all the world, that is, without an awareness of mission, it is doubtful whether the Kingdom of God will reach every corner of our personal interior world. It is doubtful whether there can be a profound internal rebirth of our Church” (Yannoulatos, 1962, p. 5).

Consequently, participation in the Holy Eucharist means a transformation of our very self and a struggle for witness to God’s new world on the local and global level.

The exhortation to “liturgy after the Liturgy” and the linking of the experience of worship with worldwide apostolic mission are expressed more clearly in the article “Orthodox Mission and the Holy Eucharist” (Yannoulatos, 1964), a passage from his English-language address to the WCC Commission

8 In this article Archbishop Anastasios emphasises the connection between the Liturgy of the Preconsecrated and the prayers of the catechumens, which are spoken aloud, and the apostolic duty of the Church. For an extensive analysis of the specific theological work see Tsirevelos, N. (2015) Θεολογική θεμελίωση της Ορθόδοξης μαρτυρίας. Σπουδή στο έργο του Αρχιεπισκόπου Αλβανίας Αναστασίου, Thessaloniki: Ostracon Publishing, p. 101-108.

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for World Mission and Evangelism held in Mexico in 1963. The then deacon Anastasios Yannoulatos wrote:

“Christ is not a prophet or a theory. He is life, the life. The transmission of this life is not realized so much by words or thoughts. It reaches its fulfilment in Holy Communion. Every part of our being, our human being, that is body and soul, must be holy. It is for this reason that we receive His blood and His body, so that everything within us may be transformed and we may become ‘partakers of the divine nature’ (2 Peter 1:4)” (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 58).

This passage reveals the fullness of the life the believer receives with the sacrament of the Holy Eucharist and its significance for the Orthodox Church.

Archimandrite Anastasios Yannoulatos went on to analyse the relation between Holy Communion and world mission, tracing two main axes. The first concerns the strengthening of the Christian through participation in the sacrament of Holy Communion and the concomitant awareness of his duty to bear witness to the world.

“It is highly doubtful whether we can truly participate and really live the Divine Liturgy if we do not realise within our innermost soul that the Sacrifice of Our Lord and His Redemptory Work – mystically re-enacted every time the sacrament of the Holy Eucharist is performed – was accomplished for the exclusive benefit of a few millions of people but for all mankind. It is even questionable whether we have the right to take part in the Feast of Love, if we are simply uninterested in the fact that so many unknown brothers of ours are born, live and die without the Truth” (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 58).

The second axis stresses that there can be no missionary outreach without essential communion with Christ himself. “Let us contemplate the profound relationship of unity and love between the Son and the Father, so that we may understand what kind of “communion” is required between sender and emissary” (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 59). This communion, as he goes on to say, is achieved through participation in the Holy Eucharist. The Holy Eucharist lies

at the heart of church life; it was the primary means for the witness and the service of the Lord’s disciples and remains so for His followers in every age (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 59).

This text, which was published in 1964, ends with a summary description of “liturgy after the Liturgy”.

“In every Divine Liturgy every one of us should ‘offer’ his/her whole self and his/her entire work – what he/she is, what he/ she has, what he/she does – to Christ (…) he/she should seek to receive his/her Lord in ‘Holy Communion’ so that his very being becomes liberated from the narrow bonds of his own egoism. Only then, with a sincere and manifest love for all mankind, will he be able to embrace the life of Divine Love, the blissful life of the Holy Trinity” (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 59).

3. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ in later texts by Archbishop Anastasios

In a 1978 essay on “Rediscovering the Orthodox missionary ethos”9 Archbishop Anastasios (2010, p. 117-134) dwells particularly on the experiential nature of the Divine Liturgy. The lived experience of worship is the starting-point for the establishment, in freedom, of substantive relations with God and one’s fellow-man. This freedom means openness to every otherness and working for harmonious co-existence among people, regardless of national, racial, sexual, religious, social or cultural particularities. In this way the Eucharist becomes a way of life and is expressed in real love for all creation. In Archbishop Anastasios’ words:

“The faithful by experiencing in the Liturgy: communion with God. (…) [The faithful] broaden the horizons of their thoughts and interests, and acquire inner strength enabling them to prolong the experience of te Liturgy into life. That is, to work for the essential promotion of brotherhood in the world, the bridging of the separated, and the elimination of all forms of cultural, linguistic

9 First published as Yannoulatos, A. (1978), “A la redécouverte de l’éthos missionaire de l’Eglise Orthodoxe”, Aspects de l’ Orthodoxie, Strasbourg, pp 78-96, with details of the initial delivery and publication of the work.

or political barriers. There is another kind of liturgy (λειτουργία means the work of people); the ‘liturgy after the Divine Liturgy’ that each believer ought to carry on after the celebration of the Liturgy in Church. The Divine Liturgy is continued with each one as celebrant before the mystical stone altar of reality, of daily obligations. Thus the Liturgy becomes life and the whole of life is elevated as Divine Liturgy” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 131).

Moreover, the experiential Eucharistic attitude to life is expressed in the selfless offering of services, by individual Christians and by the Church as a body, to all people. In this context the liturgical experience extends into ministry and outreach, the service actively provided by Christ’s disciples in the social arena. This position clearly illustrates the anthropological orientation of Christian teaching, an orientation articulated by Archbishop Anastasios in his paper on “Worship, Service, Martyria” Yannoulatos, 1983, p. 635-639) and which includes the battle waged by Christians for the protection of human rights and the salvation of every individual person.

“The participation, therefore, in any kind of dynamic movement to liberate human life from the domination of every demonic power, oppression and unjust construct is the direct result of the liturgical experience, the direct expression of the experience of salvation” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 151).

In this paper he demonstrates the close connection between ministry (diakonia) and witness that is rooted in the Eucharistic experience and constitutes the safety valve preventing witness and service from degenerating into proselytism or bribery.

“Worship”, Archbishop Anastasios says, “submits to a continuous ‘biological purification’ of the various wastes of human egoism offering constantly the needed pure water to cleanse the diverse personal and combined energies. This purification and sanctification contributes to the renewal of human life and the life of world” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 153-154). In the life of the Church there is, consequently, no place for self-interest; rather, the Church itself is the Mystic Body of Christ which serves as a loving community and a willing sacrifice for the good of the world (Florofsky, 1989, p. 180; Nissiotes, 1986, p. 207; Matsoukas, 1997, p. 287).

The liturgical life of the Church steers the Christian onto an ecumenical course. Thus oriented, he seeks to strive by practical means for the unity of all. In an essay on “The Global Vision of Proclaiming the Gospel” Archbishop Anastasios stresses that: “The Liturgy, by freeing us from absorption in the problems of our small selves, expands our horizons and helps us live existentially the universality of salvation in Christ” (Yannoulatos, 1997, p. 401-417). At the same time, he also links the concept of “liturgy after the Liturgy” with the liturgical renaissance that is taking place in many local Orthodox Churches. The Christian’s interest in the whole world is thus an extension of his liturgical experience and interest in the Christians’ experiential bond with worship. In this connection Archbishop Anastasios also reveals his urgent anxiety that these theological positions be made known to the members of the Church that they draw inspiration from them and apply them in practice in their lives. He therefore stresses that the light of our Eucharistic gatherings must burn even more brightly and continue more unfailingly in our everyday life after the Liturgy, so that Orthodox witness and outreach may develop into a liturgy after the Liturgy (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 243). Such an endeavour essentially leads to ecclesiastical action and a life inspired by the Paraclete (Holy Spirit) and weaves a vision of universality that Christians are called upon to serve.

Indeed, Archbishop Anastasios points out that in the face of the constantly changing world, the continuity of the Liturgy in the community leads witness into new circumstances, with new ways and means and new environments (Αυδίκος, 2016, σ. 83). This is obviously a reference to the possibilities offered by the new technologies and digital cultures that are continually emerging (Κούκουρα, 2019, σ. 17). Now, all Christians can engage in a “liturgy after the Liturgy”, using digital channels of communication to encode Christ’s message in new ways. The Archbishop notes that “These communication codes must not be regarded as enigmas or menaces but as a new language in which to convey the ancient messages of the Gospel” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 295). “Liturgy after the Liturgy” thus expresses the Eucharistic ethos that, across the ages and through a diversity of channels, has passed on the torch of the living presence of Christ.

Moreover, in the Divine Liturgy the whole life of Christ is represented and relived. This experience culminates in the sacrament of Holy Communion, when the faithful receive strength to carry the fruit of the Holy Spirit (Gal. 5:22) into the community. In this way they continue the work of Christ as true apostles, seeking to “reconcile the entire human race with God” (Yannoulatos,

2003, p. 34). In this process the people, lay men and women10, have an obligation to offer with their lives the certainty of the Resurrection.

The dynamics of liturgy after the Liturgy also extend into culture. “Through the power of the Gospel, culture realizes all human potential and thus becomes the process through which the entire world is transformed” (Yannoulatos, 2003, p. 96). In later texts Archbishop Anastasios linked the transformation of the individual through experience of the Liturgy with the struggles to establish peace, with the ministry of reconciliation11 (Yannoulatos, 20-17b, p. 86 & 181; Yannoulatos, 2021, p. 47 & 113), and with the protection of the natural environment, which is an extension of the liturgical experience (Yannoulatos, 2021, p. 53-70).

4. Catch-phrases in the writings of Archbishop Anastasios

In all his writings, from the very beginning, Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos has frequently made use of brief, pithy, easily-remembered phrases that crystallize his Biblical theology and its application to missionary work. One such example is the succinct “A non-missionary Church is a Church without a mission”12, which was adopted as the motto of the periodical Porefthentes and the Inter-Orthodox Missionary Centre of the same name, both of which were founded by the then lay theologian Anastasios Yannoulatos, with the object of demonstrating the importance of bringing the good news of the Gospel to all nations (Yannoulatos, 1961b, p. 35-38).

10 Archbishop Anastasios has highlighted the importance of the laity in the life of the Church and society from his very first writings. Entirely indicatively, Yannoulatos, A. (1961), “The Missionary Activity of the Churches of the East in Central and Eastern Asia”, Porefthentes, No. 10, p. 30. Yannoulatos, A. (1968). “Initial Thoughts toward an Orthodox Foreign Mission”, Porefthentes, No. 38-39, p. 20. The crowning point came with the institution of lay participation, for men and women, in the administrative organs of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania. For more on this topic see Yannoulatos, A. (2017). The Restoration of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania (1991-2016), Tirana, p. 31

11 This, moreover, is precisely what Archbishop Anastasios practiced as Patriarchal Exarch in Albania and later as Archbishop of Tirana and All Albania. On this matter see Tsirevelos, N. (2021 Spring). “Orthodox Witness or Colonialism? The Church of Albania in Modern times”, The Wheel, No. 25, pp 34-41.

12 The phrase was also used as the motto of an exhibition organised by the Inter-Orthodox Centre “Porefthentes”. See the article by Roumeliotis, S. (1966). “Orthodox Mission Exhibit”, Porefthentes, No. 30-31, p. 32. Cf also the references to the Centre’s organised and systematic work in C. Maczewski, C. (2002). Η κίνηση της Ζωής στην Ελλάδα. Συμβολή στο πρόβλημα της Ανατολικής παραδόσεως της Ανατολικής Εκκλησίας, (μτφρ. Μεταλληνός Γ.), Αθήνα: Αρμός, p. 139.

Similarly memorable short sentences abound in the teaching manuals that Deacon Anastasios Yannoulatos (as he was then) wrote for youth catechism classes. These texts were written in 1960-63. They were published in 1978 and re-issued in 1981 and 2014 (2014. 2014b). In many of these texts, which are elaborated lesson plans, the final part, focusing on the application of the lessons to the adolescents’ everyday lives, is often structured around snappy catch-lines, devised to imprint the core idea of the lesson on their minds and lives (Tsirevelos, 2020: 9-32). The repetition of short pithy phrases is also a device frequently used for rhetorical effect in the Archbishop’s Christmas (Γιαννουλάτος, 2006) and Easter (Γιαννουλάτος, 2007) messages and sermons (Γιαννουλάτος, 2016).

This tactic of selecting and repeating certain phrases is, moreover, apparent throughout all the Archbishop’s oral and written work. By way of example one might cite repetitions that he has used in texts, interviews and statements, such as:

“Every crime committed in the name of religion is a crime against religion itself. Every form of violence perpetrated in the name of religion is, in every sense, a violation of religion itself. No war can be holy. Only peace is holy” (Yannoulatos, 2016, p. 146-147; Yannoulatos, 2021, p. 114)13.

“No one has the right to use the oil of religion to fuel the flames of conflict. Religion is a divine gift, given to quieten hearts, heal wounds and bring people and nations closer together” (Γιαννουλάτος, 2018).

“The Christian Church promises to offer what it has and what it is (…) to direct [mankind] towards a higher level: the universal Community of Love” (Yannoulatos, 2003, p. 48).

“To the uneasiness created by the virus of insecurity Christ offers the effectual antidote” (Yannoulatos, 2018).

“Love is the antidote to the egocentrism, national, racial, religious,

13 These catch phrases and ideas were accepted and repeated almost verbatim in the final “Message” and in the “Encyclical” of the Holy and Great Council of the Orthodox Church in Crete, June 2016, which can be found in their entirety at https://www.holycouncil.org/

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which poisons the peaceful co-existence of men and peoples”. (Yannoulatos, 2022).

The success of these phrases, it should be pointed out in passing, may be judged by the way they have been adopted by numerous clerics and theologians, often without ascription of their authorship.

These phrases, formulas and statements essentially express the text’s chief position and have educational ramifications14. In the Archbishop’s work they assume a general validity, offering possibilities for further development of its various aspects. In other words, they encapsulate the main topic while their repetition seeks to instil the lesson in a concise, comprehensible and instructive manner. Plainly, the exhortation to ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’, a code phrase first heard in Armenia in 1975, was for many decades thereafter widely used by numerous theologians, who adopted it from the title of the book published by Fr Ion Bria.

Conclusions

“Liturgy after the Liturgy” refers to the Eucharistic experience of Christian who, upon leaving the church after Divine Service, is moved to share the gift they have received so that this world may become the Kingdom of God. This approach to life presupposes sacrifice, inspired by the example of Jesus washing the disciples’ feet before the Last Supper (Jn 13:1-17) and as such is a perpetuation of Christ’s self-sacrificial offering to the world by His disciples, men and women, down the ages.

The exhortation to “liturgy after the Liturgy” was originally formulated by the then Bishop of Androussa and present Archbishop of Tirana, Durres and All Albania Anastasios (Yannoulatos) at Etchmiadzin in 1975. Since then it has been used by many theologians to express the Church’s manifold mission and witness of ministry and service to the world. With these few felicitous words its author, Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos, issued a clear, concise and memorable call to a perpetually Eucharistic approach to everyday life, which expresses the passion and the struggle for the transformation of this world into the Church of Christ.

14 For the theory of the educational, pedagogical and didactic significance of the “Great Idea” see Κουκουνάρας Λιάγκης, Μ. (2020). Τι θρησκευτικά χρειάζεται σήμερα η εκπαίδευση; (What religious studies does education need today?), Αθήνα: Gutenberg, σ. 117.

‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’

In our study we present the theological foundations encapsulated in this familiar phrase, as these are found more analytically in the works of Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos from the 1960s to the present. “Liturgy after the Liturgy” is an original exhortation to outreach formulated by Archbishop Anastasios, which together with Christ’s resurrection commandment to ‘Go ye therefore, and teach all nations’ (Mt. 28:19) defined his missionary witness and ecclesiastical service ministry. Moreover, the Archbishop often expresses himself in easily understood concise general statements which are afterwards frequently taken up and repeated without acknowledgement of their source.

‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’

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The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period

Georgios Gaitanos

Head of the Department of Theology & Culture, Lecturer of Religious Studies, University College Logos, Tirana Corespondence: e-mail: george.gaitanos@kulogos.edu.al

Abstract

The Great Hellenic Encyclopaedia (Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia) constitutes an enormous and particularly ambitious work for its era (19251935), as it seeks to assemble the whole scientific and human knowledge in 24 volumes and to present it with tangible and comprehensible way in its readers. The people in charge for the edition of the Encyclopaedia, who emanate either from the academic, political and military section, they wish to promote a work that will constitute a tool and a useful handbook for each Greek family, but also for anyone that wishes to advance his/her studies in a superior level. The study of religion in the Great Hellenic Encyclopaedia is faced as means of segregation and classification between the people and the various groups in all over the world. The Christianity is the “supe-

rior” religion, because it is “genuine” and does not follow false sources, as the other religions or the other adorations do. The Revelation of God in the world is the element that distinguishes and gives a precedence concerning the other religions. At the same time, the combination of Hellenism and Christianity in the Encyclopaedia recommends a combination of culture and progress.

Keywords:

Study of Religion, comparison, taxonomy, Christianity, Greek Orthodox Church, Ancient Greece. Citation: Gaitanos G. The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period. Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 71-92. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.19610.31681

In the article I will seek to develop an example from the Greek area in terms of the methodology of the classification and study of religion. Essentially, the example concerns the question of the classification of religions through a Greek encyclopedia of the interwar period, the Great Hellenic Encyclopedia (hereafter GHE).

1. General presentation of GHE

The GHE was a truly enormous and particularly ambitious project for its time (1926-1934), as it sought to collect within its 23 volumes1, all scientific and generally human knowledge and to present it in a scientifically tested but also in a tangible and understandable way to its readers and users. Those responsible for compiling the Encyclopedia, who came either from the university or from the political and military fields, wanted to create a work that would be a tool and a useful manual for every Greek, a supply for every Greek home, but also a help for anyone aiming to advance his studies at a higher and higher level.

It is characteristic that the MEE does not start from the first volume with an introduction, with which it will address its readers, in order to inform them about the aims, objectives, “beliefs” and the reason that led to the writing and creation of such a large project. The only thing quoted is a dedication in capital letters: “DEDICATED TO THE HELLENIC NATION”. In essence, what is stated is that the effort of the “most important people of Hellenic society” constituted an offer to the Greek people. It should be noted that the era was difficult and that the political, economic and educational situation in Greece presented many problems. From this point of view, the dedication to the Greek nation can be seen as a message of unity, as the specific period is characterized by political strife, national division, but at the same time a tendency to ideologically rally Hellenism and respect for the state and laws (Kremmydas, 1990: 248; Petru, 1992: 171). The edition of the GHE is more specifically included in the context of the ideological gathering: its language is simple and understandable and is addressed to scholars and scientists but also to those who do not have the necessary educational background, so that it has access and readability to all the strata of the population.

1 The 24th volume is the volume “Hellas” (volume 10) and includes entries that concern exclusively Greece and Greek culture.

2. Historic and social context

The study of religion is therefore a fundamentally challenging subject, as the first thought that crosses the mind is related to situations involving a transcendent dimension, the inner world of man, and perhaps a good fortune after death. After all, this is the point of view and the position cited by the entry “religion” in the GHE. The same challenge must have been felt by the editors of the individual entries on “religion”, and in fact with particular intensity, since the publication was addressed to a readership that naturally (and due to the specificity of the Greek language) came from a society where the orthodox doctrine was dominant, often in a forceful way. For example, we can note the events that shocked the younger Greek society in the first quarter of the 20th century: the Evangelicals2 and the calendar change3.

The GHE was therefore drawn up in a difficult and particularly unstable period for Greece. It is the period after the Balkan wars and World War I, after the Asia Minor devastation and the forced exchange of populations, and after the curtain falls on the politics of the Great Idea (Skopetea, 2002: 9-35; Dimaras, 1985: 405-418; Kremmydas, 1990: 216-217; Petru, 1992: 178-182). During this period, significant upheavals and changes took place in Greek society. For example, the urban population increased and the opposition between city/rural and metropolitan or urban/rural intensified, between the People (Nation) and the “people” of the lower strata (Kyriakidu-Nestoros, 1986: 148-185, 1993: 5358, 62-63; Svoronos, 1983: 85-91) of the cities and the rural region. The intensified industrial development caused instabilities in the Greek economy (such as unemployment, low wages, but also the devaluation of the drachma), while agricultural development remained stagnant (Karadimu-Gerolymbu, 2002: 59-105; Chatziiosif, 2002a: 9-57). More generally, however, a spirit of reform prevailed in education, in the economy, in state-citizen relations. Trend that was related to Western thought, at a time when Europe was dominated by positivism, the passion for new discoveries, technological development and

2 The bloody events that took place on November 8, 1901 and which were caused by the translation of the Gospel into the New Greek Language are called Evangelicals. This translation was made by Alexander Pallis and started to be published in the Athens newspaper “Acropolis”. Pallis’s translation was disapproved by the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the Holy Synod of the Church and the Theological School of the University of Athens. See, Kremmydas (1990: 216). Petru (1992: 143-144). Konstantinou (2009: 14-15).

3 This is the Gregorian calendar named after Pope Gregory XIII, which replaced the Julian calendar in 1582. In Greece, the Gregorian calendar was valid from March 1923 and was accepted by the Church of Greece a year later, i.e. in 1924. See, Kyriakidu-Nestoros (1982: 12-13).

industrial development, especially in transport but also in the heavy war industry (Picon, 1958: 9-45).

This trend also spread to Greek society, except that the lack of social and political balance did not allow substantial changes at least in the field of education, even though some important steps were taken, such as e.g. the establishment of the elementary school, but also the establishment of the modern University of Thessaloniki (1926). For example, in the field of education teachers had little support from the state and were not particularly prepared to teach. It is typical that even a high school graduate could teach at the elementary school (Kogulis, 1997: 47-50). Possibly, therefore, the GHE was designed not only as a repository of knowledge, but also as an aid to teachers and students.

In the political field things were no better, as dictatorship alternated with democracy. At the level of national ideology, the consolidation of Hellenism was sought, a trend that was complemented by the shift to (Greek) national and popular roots (Chatziiosif, 2002b: 37-123), especially in the field of Art and literature (e.g. Generation of ‘30) (Vitti, 1995: 280-332; Dimaras, 1972: 269-309), but also especially in the field of folklore. The same tendency, at least in Folklore, was discernible abroad (Thoresen, 1975; Vermeulen & Roldan, 1995). Romanticism, which had begun at the beginning of the 19th century, dominated the first quarter of the 20th century. The romantic project was combined with the quests of positivism for freedom and progress for all the people, who united in one nation, would be sovereign, and would resist any establishment4, even in the power of the Church5.

3. Presentation of the entries about religion

The first impression from the effort of the authors of the entries on the subject of “religion” is that they sought to more accurately present the Orthodox faith and shape the identity of the Orthodox Greek, who, however, also had a glorious ancient Greek past. Of course, the authors of the encyclopedia methodologically followed the scientific trends that had been shaped by Victorian anthropology in the classification and evolution of religion, but mainly by the phenomenology of religion. The reference and presentation of these and various other trends in the study of the subject of “religion” were reflected in the articles of the GHE, as its compilation coincided with the first steps and the

4 It is a form that contains elements from rationalism, the Enlightenment, but also from Romanticism, as they were formed in Europe. See Kyriakidu-Nestoros (1986: 36-47).

5 Regarding the word of the Church in Greece and the power it acquired at the political level, see Petru (1992: 141-190).

The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period

formation of the academic way of studying religion in the international arena. So it was natural that the authors of the entries were influenced by the pioneers of a science that was about 50 to 70 years old.

The attempt to identify and analyze the methodology and theory for the encyclopedic approach to the subject of “religion”, in Greece in the second quarter of the 20th century, is not limited to simply examining the relevant encyclopedic entry “religion”, but also proceeds to (co)-examination of all those entries, which either refer to specific religions or reveal systematic religious activity or state the religious phenomenon and historically organized religiosity (i.e. based on a specific and formulated doctrine). For this reason, the research focused on the entries that refer to or deal with the Great or World religions. The entries, both as a whole included in the “body” of the GHE and as texts in themselves, following a rule, reveal more general attitudes and tendencies, theories, ideological conceptions, but also ideologies and obsessions and stereotypes, i.e. they indicate the general climate of this era.

The main concern of the authors was to study the most important religions, to state and even more to explain for the general public the main characteristics of Orthodoxy, always in relation to other confessions of faith. Also, they seem to be interested in some general characteristics that are considered to define all religions. Consequently, the “religious encyclopedia” that seems to be taking shape in the context of GHE spoke generally about religion, about the methodology of its study, about the Great or World religions, about Orthodoxy, other confessions of faith and sects, that is, it developed a doctrinal history, and discerned what is worth studying as religion.

In particular, the entries referring to the other major religions, apart from Christianity, appeared with a relatively satisfactory density and quantity, if it is taken into account that the GHE seems to have aimed at forming an Orthodox Greek identity. Regardless of the way of approach and analysis, the frequency of the entries as such indicates interest and curiosity in getting to know the “other” and especially in the religion of others. This is shown by the predominance of the entries on Judaism, although perhaps the abundance is due to the fact that the entries, of course, related to Judaism, from the point of view of Christianity refer to the Old Testament and are therefore common to Christianity as a whole. However, the entries about Buddhism are also extensive and numerous, since the feature of the religion that is particularly emphasized is “liberation”, a feature that apparently is found in Buddhism (Luvaris, 1926a: 600–602). The characteristic of liberation seems to be a criterion for the clas-

sification of Islam, as it cannot be classified among the liberating religions. It is implied that it is an “inferior” religion, since as stated in the entry “Islam” (Luvaris, 1926d: 218–219), this particular religion is “far from reaching the height of liberating religions”. However, a lack of information is observed in relation to the religions of the Far East in general, which appear with only 10 entries.

The next category concerns the presentation of the various confessions of Christianity, i.e. Orthodoxy, the Western doctrines, but also the various sects, as characterized, that developed before and after the schism of the Church. It is found that the entries related to the Orthodox Church and referring to its faith, doctrine, ethics, rules, organization and theology, dominated the GHE numerically. The officials of the GHE undertook the task of projecting and popularizing the characteristics of the Orthodox faith, since there was no previous scientifically valid, but encyclopedic, record that could clarify concepts and any questions of the Orthodox to whom the GHE was predominantly addressed. The presentation of the other denominations, Catholicism and Protestantism, was natural from this point of view, to be limited to the presentation of the historical conditions that led to the separation of the Churches, but also to the formal recording of the differences in matters of doctrine and church life. In relation to ecclesiastical matters in particular, the historical and doctrinal sources are listed, as objectively as possible, but in the epilogue of each relevant entry it is apparent or stated that the Orthodox Greek Church has always and as a rule been correct in its actions. A typical example is the entry about Catholicism, at the end of which it is stated that the Orthodox Church has no responsibility for the schism, and indeed cannot understand the reasons why it was caused (Luvaris, 1926e: 464–465). The encyclopedic description of the doctrines does not show fanaticism or hostility or even aggression, but certainly the dominance of entries about Orthodoxy, and also the constant hint that the Orthodox faith follows the right course and that it does not make any mistake at any historical moment, give the feeling of a prejudice, which extends to the entries relating to heresies, that is to say, all deviations and deviations of groups which deviated according to the authors from the right faith and life, the recording and classification of which is extensive. Perhaps this is also the point at which the GHE achieved its goal in matters of theology: the theologian-writers succeeded in formulating a systematic classification of heresies, effectively forming a “Doctrinal Encyclopedia” running through the volumes of the GHE.

Equally important is the presentation of the religions of antiquity, in Greece,

but also in the world of the Near and Middle East. There is a predominance of entries related to ancient Greece, but also a special interest in Egypt and Mesopotamia. More generally, of course, the study of ancient Greece contributed to the completion of the Greek identity and the justification of the great origin of the modern Greeks from the Ancient Greeks. In particular, emphasis was placed on entries, such as “marriage”, “death”, “funeral”, “origin”, which relate to religious customs and traditions and it was underlined that they have been preserved from Greek antiquity until the period when the entries were written. On the other hand, the importance attributed to the ancient civilizations of the East was explained by all kinds of relations, economic and cultural, that developed between Greece and the East, with religious influences and osmosis dominating. Little mention was also made of the religions and culture of pre-Columbian America, with its entry on “indigenous religions” (Dendias, 1926: 220-222) of America to present a brief report on the religiosity of the Aztecs, Mayans, Incas, etc.

This numerical overview of entries on the topic “religion” is complemented by our statistical recording of the frequency of entries concerning the various religions (Figure 1). The specific statistical analysis confirms the aforementioned findings, since it shows that 52% of the entries related to religions (includes approximately 70% of all entries) are covered by entries that directly refer to Greek religiosity and the religious identity of Greeks (Orthodoxy, ancient Greece, and folk Greek religiosity - traditions). More generally, 46% of these entries refer to Christianity in its various versions and about 27% to the other major religions.

Figure 1: Total Statistical Presentation of the entries about religions

The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period ©2022 Gaitanos

The percentages of the statistical data confirm the effort of those in charge of the GHE to shape a Greek identity, certainly ethnocentric or Christian-centric, but nevertheless scientifically documented. Christianity is proposed as an ideal religious system, as the most important religion, the one with the greatest interest. The presentation of Eastern and African religions and cultures was complementary and generally moved within the context of cosmopolitanism, exoticism, and the curious mood that characterized the interwar period. It is characteristic of the frequent presence of short ethnological entries that refer to small or “simple” societies (“tribes” are called) of Africa and Asia, and in which reference is made to religious beliefs, beliefs or customs, such as e.g. “Ainu or Aino”, “Vanyambezoi”, “Arapachi”, etc. Curiosity and the need to offer information about people and societies that were far away and characterized as exotic is a given for an encyclopedia aimed at a general audience.

4. Methodology of the study of religion

However, beyond the numerical and statistical analysis of the entries, we should also point out the methodological tendency of their authors and the ideological approach to the subject of “religion”. According to current definitions, religion is the specific in form and content belief in a god or gods or more generally in supernatural powers and the corresponding performance of worship. Usually the term refers to individual religions, such as Christianity, Islam, paganism, mysticism, animism, Buddhism, etc. This second, plural number use of the term, led to the formation of the term religion as an analytical category used to classify people and groups of people according to their beliefs or according to their worship behavior, i.e. according to all those which, in their opinion, are related to the religious phenomenon. This tendency seems to dominate the entry strategy of the GHE, where theologian-writers used the category “religion” as a means of classification, but also as a tool for drawing boundaries and constructing identities.

The way in which religion was studied and presented in the GHE is clearly stated in the analogical “definition” given in the entry of atheism (Pedusis, 1926: 15–16): “But religion is not a simple human invention to deceive the naive, but something deeper, engraved in the muscles of the human soul ...”. At the same time, in the section on religion, it is emphasized that the essence of religion should be sought, which is found in the emotion and soul of man. In fact, Luvaris (Luvaris 1926c), the author of the relevant entry, seems to come to the conclusion that the most important element to be studied is man’s impulse

towards redemption, an impulse resulting from the evolution of religious consciousness from the lower to higher religions and even those that refer to God and lead to the departure from earthly life to heaven. In this approach a pattern of religion is formed, which shocks man mentally and emotionally, because they refer to some omnipotent divine figure, which can appear to the believer and lead him to redemption. Essentially, what interested the theologian-writers of the Encyclopedia is to underline the evolution of religious consciousness as the essence of religion.

At this point, it is useful to make a reference to the dominant views of the Encyclopedia on the science that should study religion, but also on the methodology that should be followed. According to them, the science of religion (Religionswissenschaft), which is regarded as the pre-eminent special science of the study of religion, includes the history of religions, the psychology of religion and the philosophy of religion. However, the study of religion is not an independent field, since it is considered a branch of the general science of theology. It should be noted that in the relevant entry (Luvaris, 1926c: 714721), theology is presented as the science of the Christian religion, and the purpose of which is to promote faith in Christianity, while it is then stated that theology is the science of religion, because it investigates the religious phenomenon. That is, theology has a narrow meaning at the same time, when it studies Christianity, and a broader one, when it studies other religions.

Despite the resulting complexity and ambiguity, Luvaris (Luvaris 1926c) does not seem to have been particularly troubled. Specifically, when referring to the four methods for the study of religion, the historical6, the psychological7,the genetic8 and the critical9, he judged them to be incomplete, and selected as the only correct method that which studies the feeling and essence of religion, that which applauds the development of religious consciousness to its highest point, the Christian faith10.

6 The historical method is rejected, because historical events alone cannot help in discovering the essence of religion.

7 The psychological method is rejected, because there is a danger that the preoccupation with morbid and eccentric manifestations will hide the scientific truth and of course the truth of religion.

8 The genetic method (the religious experience is the subjective impression that the divine creates in us) is rejected, because it does not examine the evolution of religious consciousness.

9 The critical method (religion comes from human consciousness) is rejected because it does not take into account the need to study religion as a system of knowledge.

10 See the entry heresies, Balanos (1926: 819–820), in which Christianity is considered as “high spiritual phenomenon”.

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religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period

At the same time, God was also considered a necessary element of religion, as it was considered to be an experience-revelation, an emotion, a matter of the heart, and in no case was a product of logic, of the mind (Luvaris, 1926b: 528–529). Of course, this view was very close to the methodology followed by the Fathers of the Church. That is, the Fathers practiced charismatic Theology, as they based their words on the experiences they had lived and not on the products of logic that was characteristic of Western scholastic theology (Matsukas, 2000: 132-143).

Other necessary characteristics for something to be classified as a religion were the development of some theological teaching, the existence of some “Holy” Scripture, Theophany - the revelation of the divine to man in history, and in general that certain manifestations of religiosity be observed, such as worship, the sacrifice etc. (Luvaris, 1926c: 714–721). Of course, if anyone looks for a definition of religion in the Encyclopedia, there is no reason for that, as religion was considered something, if not impossible, at least extremely difficult to define. According to Louvaris, who records religion, there is no established definition11.

The theologian-writers of the GHE therefore followed to the letter the tendencies of the phenomenologists of religion, so that it follows that only theology, or to be more precise the phenomenology of religion, constitutes the ideal approach to the study of religion. After all, from the way in which the entries were defined, it becomes clear that the religion or the type of religion that is used as a model for the study of the religious phenomenon in general and of each religion in particular, is Christianity. A fact that is not surprising, if one takes into account that eight of the thirteen scientific units of the entry writers of the subject “religion” structurally belonged to theological science: Theology, Biblical Archaeology, Biblical History, Interpretation, Catechism, Liturgy, Patrology, Symbolic Theology - Dogmatic12.

Certainly, the postulate that theology was the standard (and only) science for the study of religion did not reveal the standard and appropriate way to study the religious phenomenon (Martin, 2007: 333-345). Words and phrases encountered in various entries, such as “feeling”, “essence”, “heart”, “religious development”, “lower - higher religion”, “primitives”, “savages”, show that the GHE theologian-writers they were influenced not only by the followers of the

11 “Religion is a phenomenon, the definition of which we do not have until now...” in the entry “Religion”. See, Luvaris (1926c: 714).

Phenomenology of Religion, but also by the evolutionists - anthropologists who argued that the evolution of culture/society depends on the evolution of religion. This is a natural consequence, since these scholars were the masters of thought of their time. The essence of religion remained the subject of their research. Specific historical data and sociological parameters were bypassed, resulting in a hypothetical and generalized “historical diagram” that confirmed a priori the evolutionary theory of the stages of civilization and the classification of civilizations into wild or barbarous and primitive, and the higher civilization that was the European.

The approach was strongly influenced by the phenomenology of religion, by which all (or most) Western theologians had been influenced. Apparently, the German version of the phenomenology of religion, which was dominant at the time, was preferred in the GHE. Theologian-writers were influenced by the analysis of Nathan Söderblom, Rudolf Otto and Gerardus van der Leeuw. It is characteristic that they were not only presented as the appropriate standards for the study of religion, but also applied literally whenever a religion was discussed, the characteristics of which were compared with similar ones of other religions, so as to fit into the general phenomenological model of religion.

In addition to this analytical model, the authors of the GHE were also influenced by the evolutionary model of Victorian Anthropology, which they indirectly overturned, since they considered that the Revelation of the divine exists from the beginning and that all other religions or cults are centered on myths or the belief in magic, and that their followers had chosen false cults and not the true faith, that is, the Christian faith.

It is characteristic, for example, that only in 116 of the 1528 entries of the GHE that referred to or were related to the subject “religion”, general analytical terms appear. Furthermore, an a-historical tendency in the argumentation dominated by theological-type explanations coming mostly from the field of Christian theology is clear. Thus, while a general explanatory scheme was presented for the way human and therefore universal concepts are formed, however, precisely because the native meaning of certain concepts is not sought, such as e.g. “religion”, “god”, in each individual society, it seems as if these concepts are universal. This basically Christian-centric and Euro-centric tendency dominated the approaches of the theological writers of the GHE and accompanied the parallel tendency for the discovery of the “primitive religion”, Ur-Religion or even the primary expression of the religious conscious-

The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period ©2022 Gaitanos

ness of Man13. The relevant diagram listed in the entry “religion” of the GHE is typical (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Evolution of Religion-Source: Luvaris (1926c: 719).

Thus, the examination of religions was done using terms and concepts related to Christianity or the evolutionary system of classification, while their special cases and teachings are compared and related to Christianity14. It is typical that in the entry on mystery religions (sic) (Luvaris, 1926g: 893–898) of the Hellenistic era (e.g. Isis, Mithras, etc.), according to the opinion of the editors of the GHE, Resurrection was presented as their main characteristic, while of course the concept of Resurrection does not exist in this type of worship. This view was in line with the positions of the “Religionsgeschichtliche Schule” and influenced by J. Frazer’s work, The Golden Bough, which was dominant at this time (Smith, 1987: 521-526). The reference to the Resurrection was made to show that these cults had been influenced by Christianity. Another example could be considered the entry of Confucianism, where in the texts

13 About the Eurocentric way of thinking, see Rudolph (1994: 131-139).

of Confucianism15 the requirements and principles set by the god Heaven are mentioned. They could also be characterized as divine reasons. However, in this entry the principles of the god Heaven are referred to as divine Logos, and the word Logos is capitalized (Luvaris, 1926f: 794–795), something that refers to the divine Word of Christianity16. Thus, the reader who does not know can be led to misleading associations, as the authors resorted to familiar terms, which, however, distorted the object they undertook to present and did not proportionally give meaning to the different way of life and perception of non-Western societies.

In particular, the GHE presented an analytical historical path of each religion, but in a way that did not reveal the evolution or the appearance of new characteristics in the individual religions. Essentially, these writers were interested in religious ideas and the use of history was related to the simple reporting of the most important events in the course of each religion. Essentially, the historical context served as an auxiliary tool to increase the length of the entry rather than a scientific one. Of course, this situation complements our above finding that the theoretical training of the authors of the entries reveals a faithful adherence to the rules of the phenomenology of religion, which introduces a purely a-historical and non-sociological approach to religion (Eliade, 2002).

Overall, in terms of the scientific process that must be followed for the correct study of a religious phenomenon, a necessary condition is the “participation of the researcher’s soul in the phenomenon under investigation”. A view which was deemed necessary to be filed as a position under the heading “Christianity,” evidently because its author17 is a theologian with orthodox training, education, but also religious faith. That is, it is a literal statement rather than a metaphor, showing the dedication of a writer-scholar to his work. However, what is happening with other religions? This “soul” statement of what proper research should be, reminiscent of the views of Gerardus van der Leeuw18, seems to apply only to Christianity, since what is mentioned in other religions has no essential connection with them or is listed only to be

15 About Confucianism, see Ziakas (2006: 505-509).

16 The same problem is also found regarding the understanding of the concept of Tao (=way) of Taoism. See Ziakas (2006: 513).

17 Luvaris (1926h: 713–718). On the importance of “religious psychology” or “psychology of religion” according to N. Louvari, see Bezgos (2011: 199-207).

18 See Waardenburg (1987: 493-495). McCutcheon (2007: 151-152). Allen (2005: 193). Sharpe (2008: 406-414). Kippenberg (2002). For the overall thinking of the Dutch religious researcher as presented in his work, see Leeuw (1977).

The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period

compared with concepts and symbols of Christianity. For example, how is it possible to examine the theology of Buddhism, when in Buddhism there is no concept of God? Does this bypass the statement for proper investigation? The appearance of the statement in the entry for Christianity does not seem to be accidental, since of course its presence in the entries for the other religions would be oxymorous.

In general, the way in which the subject of “religion” was approached resembles, in keeping with the analogies, the classification system carried out in Biology, i.e. hierarchical categorizations that include a plant or animal in a genus or a species. According to the example of J. Z. Smith (1982) on how to classify the walnut and its inclusion in a species and genus, it is found that there are two types of classification, the monothetic and the polythetic (Smith, 1982: 2-4, 2004: 315). The first accepts only one defining feature for the classification of species, while the second accepts more features on the basis of which similarities, differences and deviations from the norm are evaluated. Therefore, we can conclude that the way of classifying religions adopted in the encyclopedias was monothetic, since it was based on a-priori abstract categories. So a system of evaluating religions was created with a positive and a negative pole. The positive pole was always directed at “us” and the negative at “others”, with the consequence that each individual religion was approached with qualitative criteria, i.e. as to whether it is “true” or “false”, whether it is “natural” or “product of revelation”, whether it is “local” or “global”. Of course, the goal of the monothetic approach is uniqueness, the definitive, the absolute. This kind of search for the essence of religion led to the definition of individual religions by postulates or even slogans.

5. The ideological background of the authors of the entries

The reference to specific names of collaborators and editors of the encyclopedias makes the ideology and mentality that permeates them easier to understand. So the committee that had undertaken the compilation of the GHE’s content was composed of V. Dousmanis (Deputy General - Chairman of the committee), Th. Vellianitis (Former Minister - Vice-chairman of the committee), the Professors of the National University Ad. Adamantiou, G. Athanasiadis, Ar. Kouzis, D. Balano, and A. Vamvetsos (Lawyer). Of the above contributors, the one we are interested in regarding the topic “religion” is D. Balanos, who seems to have been responsible for the performance and dis-

study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period

tribution of the topics and categories of the entries, as will be seen from the data he was considered to be the one with the most experience to handle the “religion” issue.

In particular, the authors who dominated the entry of the concepts of religion and theology were all the professors of the National University. It is about Pan. I. Bratsiotis, Professor of Biblical History, N. I. Louvari, Professor of the Introduction and Interpretation of the New Testament, K. I. Diovouniotis, Professor of the History of Doctrines and Symbolism and D. S. Balano, Professor of Patrology and Interpretation of the Fathers.

As can be understood, the academic and scientific specialization of the professors usually prevents engaging or deepening in an objective way in the research of religion in general, and especially of “other” religions but also the treatment of their believers. For example, the professor of the New Testament dealt with general theology, the two professors of Dogmatics formulated the general categories for religion studying them only in the light of orthodox theology, while Pan. I. Bratsiotis of the Old Testament certainly dealt with the study of biblical sources, but always in the light of orthodox theology, without taking into account the theological approaches of either other denominations or Judaism. But in order to be able to understand whether they were qualified to treat concisely, as an encyclopedic entry required, and scientifically, as the authority of the GHE demanded, a subject such as religion and its sub-subjects, we must examine the cycle of their studies, i.e. what they had been taught, their publications and academic work, and the bibliography they used.

The above acquires particular importance if we take into account the Minutes of the Rectors of the University of Athens from 1886-1933, as the courses taught at the Theological School were the Old Testament, the New Testament (on which more emphasis was placed), Church History (the scientific and systematic exposition of the history of the Christian Church, i.e. its foundation, spread and development from all points of view), Apologetics (a course dealing with the defense, justification and vindication of all the truths of Christianity) – History of Doctrines (systematic examination of the historical development of doctrines), Dogmatics, Liturgical (a course that deals with the theory of divine worship and, in general, any service and ministry performed by the Church), Homiletics (the teaching of the way of preaching in the Church for the training of the faithful in the Christian faith and in the Christian life)19 and Christian Archaeology. In the early 1890s, the courses of Ethics and Pa-

19 However, the term that best meets the purpose of the course is ecclesiastical rhetoric.

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trology were added, while at the end of the same decade the course of Pastoral Studies (the examination of the means by which the Church teachers, cares for the needs of her flock) was introduced, which accompanied Homiletics. In the mid-1910s, the Catechism course (a course that sets forth the pedagogical tools to be used for the Christian education of youth) was added, while an equal approach to the teaching of the Old and New Testaments was attempted.

In none of the aforementioned courses does it seem that the study of religion was systematically taught. For the first time in the academic year 1906-07, a course entitled “On Religion” was included in the program of the Theological School of Athens, the teaching of which was undertaken by the professor of Dogmatics, D. Balanos. D. Balanos, who in addition to being the editor of the main entries, was a member of the Editorial Committee of the GHE, taught the specific course for only a few years, since at some point (around 1910), apparently it was abolished and until the period 1920-28 when the articles of the GHE are compiled and published, the specific course or any equivalent does not appear in the curriculum of the Theological School.

Based on the above, we can assume that Balanos20 and Dyovouniotis21 had not heard any systematic course on religion or religious studies, at least in Greece, and the later Louvaris and Bratsiotis had possibly attended some courses on religion from professor D. Balanos. That is, 2 of the 4 most important theologians-editors of the Encyclopedia as students in Greece were taught the study of religion by someone who exclusively studied theology and dogma in Greece and abroad. Furthermore, Balanus’ specialty was not the study of religion, but Patrology.

Therefore, D. Balanos was de facto considered responsible for the assignment of the writing of the articles as an expert on the subject of religion, since he had taught a relevant course. In addition, as a member of the university community, he had a clear and intimate view of the studies and the abilities of his colleagues, so that he was able to choose which category of issues each could deal with. Together with K. Diovouniotis, they took over most of the entries that concerned doctrinal issues or referred to the issue of sects. To N.

20 D. Balanos (born 1878) studied theology in Athens and in Germany. In 1905 he became assistant professor of Patrology at the Theological School of the University of Athens, where in 1923 he was elected professor at the chair of Patrology. See Eleftherudakis 1927 (Δ. Μπαλάνος. Ελευθερουδάκης 9, 578).

The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period ©2022 Gaitanos

Louvari22 he assigned the analysis of the great religions, as well as those related to the New Testament, while to Pan. Bratsioti23 all subjects related to the Old Testament and the Holy Bible.

The academic training of the theologians-writers of the GHE was not only the result of their studies in Greece, but - and above all - of their further education abroad, and more specifically in Germany, which at that time was the ideal place not only for Biblical Studies, but also for Philosophy and Phenomenology. In the German universities where the Phenomenology of Religion was systematically developed, it was unlikely that the editors of the Encyclopedia who studied there had not taken some relevant courses. After all, the positions of the great phenomenologists appear in some of the most central entries, such as “religion”, “redemption”, “Buddhism”, “purification”, etc. However, it is characteristic that an explicit reference to the “Phenomenology of Religion” as an ideal approach to the study of religion is absent.

A more general conclusion is that there seems to be a relative weakness, perhaps even indifference, in constructing an objective theological presentation. Weakness, which is intensified by the apologetic tendency prevailing in the foundation of the arguments to which the writers of the entries appealed, since the method of Apologetics was extolled under the pretense that it helps to prove that Christianity is the true religion, armed with Revelation, and that is why it excels over other religions (Papamichail, 1926: 193–194; Luvaris, 1926h: 713-718). In other words, the orthodox Christian view of the authors determined their methodological or theoretical approach.

Conclusions

In conclusion, the publication of the GHE was certainly a pioneering intellectual-scientific cultural movement. A central question that arises when studying the entries of encyclopedias on the subject of “religion” concerns whether their authors were objective. Specifically, the way in which Orthodoxy was presented, as well as the ancient Greek past, as well as the emphasis and length of the relevant entries show that the main purpose of the theolo-

22 N. Louvaris (b. 1887) studied at the Theological School of Athens and philosophy in Germany (1910-14). In 1925 he was appointed professor at the University of Athens in the chair of Introduction and Interpretation of the New Testament. See Eleftherudakis 1927 (Ν. Λούβαρις. Ελευθερουδάκης 8, 799). Stathopulos (1981). Dardavesis (2011).

23 P. Bratsiotis (born 1889), a graduate of the Rizarios School, studied theology at the University of Athens and at the Universities of Leipzig and Jena. In 1925 he was elected full professor of the Theological School of the University of Athens in the chair of Biblical History. See Eleftherudakis 1927 (Π. Μπρατσιώτης. Ελευθερουδάκης 9, 595).

The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period ©2022 Gaitanos

gian-writers was to describe the Greek identity. This goal was pursued as scientifically as possible, so as to avoid both religious fanaticism and ethnocentrism. This, not always successful, attempt was also accompanied by a more general interest in getting to know “others”.

In any case, in some subjects poverty, ellipsis and one-sidedness can be found both in the theoretical infrastructure of the authors and in the use of their sources, as the authors were influenced by the perceptions of the so-called “Religious-Historical School” that dominated the circles of German-speaking researchers of the New Testament (Pachis, 2007: 448-449). In relation to the classification and comparison of religions, the encyclopedic method was followed, while religion was treated as a sui generis phenomenon, i.e. as a product of divine revelation and not as a social phenomenon, which takes shape within human history. This basically phenomenological approach to religion and the consequent development of a Christian typology is mainly due to the authors’ religious studies in Germany and their theological studies in Greece. Thus, in the field of religion the GHE showed completeness in relation to Christian theology, but in relation to the presentation, description and analysis of other religions and cultures, its weaknesses were inherent.

The GHE addressed all Greeks, conveying a message of unity that transcended discrimination and divisions. The GHE was published at a time when the world sought to know the different and the new, while everyone wanted to progress and escape from ignorance and obscurantism.

Its editors knew that the purpose was “national”. Thus, scientific knowledge was channeled into the individual entries, and the “recognized experts” referred to above provide their scientific and generally unquestionably specialized knowledge. Their own scientism institutionally confirmed the prestige of the GHE, but also its ideological approach and in the long run served political and social power pursuits. The study of the entries on “religion” confirmed this working hypothesis in perhaps the most characteristic way.

Allen, D. 2005. Phenomenology of Religion. In J. R. Hinnells (ed.), The Routledge companion to the Study of Religion. London; New York, 182-207.

Balanos, D. 1926. Eresis. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia B, 819-820.

Bezgos, M. 2011. O Nikolaos Luvaris ke I psychologia tis thriskias. In Th. Dardavesis (ed.), Nikolaos Luvaris: O Filosofos, Pedagogos ke Theologos. Thessaloniki, 199-207.

Chatziiosif, Ch. 2002a. To prosfygiko sok, i statheres ke i metaboles tis ellinikis ikonomias. In Ch. Chatziiosif (ed.), Istoria tis Ellados tu 20u eona. O Mesopolemos tomos B1. Athina, 9-57.

Chatziiosif, Ch. 2002b. Kinovulio ke dictatorial. In Ch. Chatziiosif (ed.), Istoria tis Ellados tu 20u eona. O Mesopolemos tomos B2. Athina, 37-123.

Dardavesis, Th. 2011. Nikolaos Luvaris: O Filosofos, Pedagogos ke Theologos. Thessaloniki.

Dendias, M. 1926. Ameriki-thriskie ithagenis. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia D, 220-222.

Dimaras, K. 1972. Istoria tis Neoellinikis Logotechnias. Athina.

Dimaras, K. 1985. Ellinikos Romadismos. Athina.

Durkheim, E. & Mauss, M. 2001. Morfes protogonis taxinomisis. Metafrasi A. Georgulas. Athina.

Eleftheroudakis, K. 1927. Eleftheroudaki Egiklopediko Lexiko. Athina. Eliade, M. (2002). Geschichte der religiösen Ideen in vier Bänden. Freiburg.

Evans – Pritchard, E. E. 1977. Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande. Oxford.

Gellner, E. 1970. Concepts and Society. In B. Wilson (ed.), Rationality. Oxford, 18-49.

Karadimu-Gerolymbu, A. 2002. Polis ke ypethros: Metaschimatismi ke anadiarthosis sto plesio tu ethniku choru. In Ch. Chatziiosif (ed.), Istoria tis Ellados tu 20u eona. O Mesopolemos tomos B1. Athina, 59-105.

Kippenberg, H. 2002. Discovering Religious History in the Modern Age. Τranslated by Barbara Harshav. Princeton; Oxford. Kogulis, Ι. 1997. O daskalos ke I Orthodoxi christianiki agogi ton mathiton tu

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Dimotiku scholiu. Theoritiki ke embiriki prosengisi. Thessaloniki.

Konstantinou, M. 2009. Old Testament Canon and Text in the Greek-Speaking Orthodox Church [online]. Available from: http://users.auth.gr/~mkon/ Scolarship.html [15 January 2009].

Kremmydas, B. 1990. Neoteri istoria: Elliniki ke Evropaiki. Athina.

Kyriakidu-Nestoros, A. 1982. I 12 mines: Ta Laografika. Thessaloniki.

Kyriakidu-Nestoros, A. 1986. I Theoria tis ellinikis laografias: Kritiki analysi. Athina.

Kyriakidu-Nestoros, A. 1993. Laografika Meletimata II. Athina.

Leeuw, G. van der. 1977. Phänomenologie der Religion. Tübingen.

Lessa, W. A. & Vogt, E. Z. 1965. Reader in comparative religion: An anthropological approach. New York; Evanston; London.

Luvaris, N. 1926a. Vudismos. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia Z, 600-602.

Luvaris, N. 1926b. Theos. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia IV, 528-529.

Luvaris, N. 1926c. Thriskia. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia IV, 714-721.

Luvaris, N. 1926d. Islamismos. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia IG, 218-219.

Luvaris, N. 1926e. Katholikismos. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia IG, 464-465.

Luvaris, N. 1926f. Komfukismos. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia ID, 794-795.

Luvaris, N. 1926g. Mystiriake thriskie. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia IZ, 893-898.

Luvaris, N. 1926h. Christianismos. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia KD, 713-718.

Martin, L. 2007. The Academic Study of Religion: A Theological or Theoretical Undertaking. In P. Pachis (ed.), Filia ke Kinonia Thessaloniki, 333-345.

Matsukas, N. 2000. Dogmatiki ke Symvoliki Theologia, tomos A’. Thessaloniki. Mauss, M. & Hubert, E. 1990. Schediasma mias genikis theorias gia ti magia. Metafrasi Maria Velivathaki-Thodoros Paradelis. Athina.

McCutcheon, R. 2007. Studying Religion: An Introduction. London. Morris, B. 1987. Anthropological Studies of Religion: An Introduction. Cambridge. Pachis, P. 2007. I istoria tis erevnas ton thriskion tis ellinistikis epochis. Anamesa stin paradosi kai ti neoterikotita. In P. Pachis (ed.), Filia ke Kinonia Thessaloniki, 439-546.

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Papageorgiu, N. 2005. Metamorfosis tu ierou: Kinoniologia ke thriskia sto ergo tu Marcel Mauss. Thessaloniki.

Papamichail, G. 1926. Apologitiki. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia E, 193-194. Pedusis, P. 1926. Atheia-filosofikos. Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia B, 15-16.

Petru, I. 1992. Ekklisia ke Politiki stin Ellada (1750-1909). Thessaloniki.

Picon, G. 1958. Panorama ton sychronon ideon. Metafrasi Kostas Kalligas. Athina.

Rudolph, K. 1994. Inwieweit ist der Begriff “Religion” eurozentrisch. Ιn U. Bianchi (ed.), The Notion of “Religion” in Comparative Research. Selected Proceedings of the XVI IAHR Congress (Storia delle Religioni, 8). Roma, 131139.

Sharpe, E. 2008. Sygritiki Thriskiologia: istoriki isagogi. Metafrasi St. Papalexandropulos. Athina.

Skopetea, E. 2002. I Ellines ke i echtri tus. In Ch. Chatziiosif (ed.), Istoria tis Ellados tu 20u eona. I Aparches 1900-1922 tomos A2. Athina, 9-35.

Skuteri-Didaskalu, Ε. 1997. To stigma tis “magias”: Peridinisis enos simiu anaforas stin anthropologiki theoria. Glossa ke Magia: Kimena apo tin Archeotita. Athina, 11-51.

Smart, N. 1994. Retrospect and prospect: The History of religion. Ιn U. Bianchi (ed.), The Notion of “Religion” in Comparative Research. Selected Proceedings of the XVI IAHR Congress (Storia delle Religioni, 8). Roma, 901-903.

Smith, J. Z. 1982. Imagining Religion. From Babylon to Jonestown. Chicago. Smith, J. Z. 1987. Dying and Rising Gods. In M. Eliade (ed.), Encyclopedia of Religion, vol. 4, 521-526.

Smith, J. Z. 2004. Relating Religion: Essays In The Study Of Religion. Chicago; London.

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Svoronos, N. 1983. I ennia tu lau sti neoelliniki istoriografia: diarkies ke tomis. Analekta neoellinikis istorias ke istoriografias. Athina, 85-91.

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Learning to love: Approaching the teaching of St. Cyprian and St. Maximus the Confessor

Nikolaos Zarotiadis

Postdoctoral researcher in the Theological School of Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

Postdoctoral researcher of the Medieval West in the School of History and Archaeology of Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

Corespondence: e-mail: nzarotiadis@yahoo.com

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to present the teaching of two great Fathers of the Church, Saint Cyprian and Saint Maximus the Confessor, on the virtue of love for the neighbor and to identify common points in their writings. Cyprian and Maximus point out clearly that within true love for the neighbor, the love for Christ is more than present, because Christ Himself is the source of love.

Keywords:

Love, neighbor, St. Cyprian, Saint Maximus the Confessor, Church, prayer.

Citation: Zarotiadis N. Learning to love: Approaching the teaching of St. Cyprian and St. Maximus the Confessor. Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 95-111.

Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.36387.53281

Introductory Remarks

Love for neighbor is God’s greatest gift to man (Farrel, 1991, p.179).

When man truly loves God with all his heart, he then truly loves his neighbour. The Lord says: “You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind. This is the first and greatest rule. The second rule, similar to the first one, is to have love for your neighbor as for yourself” (Mt.22:37-40). In the Old Testament we read: “Don’t strive to become equal to the one who has done you wrong, or keep hard feelings against the children of your people, but have love for your neighbor as for yourself” (Lev.19.18). In another passage of the Gospel, Jesus teaches: “Have love for those who are against you, and make prayer for those who are cruel to you; So that you may be the sons of your Father in heaven” (Mt.5:44-45), and exhorts people to act lovingly to others using these words: “I give you a new law: Have love for one another; even as I had love for you, so are you to have love for one” (Jn.13:34).

Both Saint Cyprian and Saint Maximus the Confessor teach through their writings the virtue of love that culminates and is epitomized in the person of Jesus Christ. This paper attempts to analyze the great topic of love for neighbor based on the teachings of both Saints and eventually identify common points of reference.

1. The Bishop of Love

The era of the third post-Christian century was marked by all the typical signs of social, political and economic decline (Moreschini, 2009, p. 290). However, in Christian societies there was a prevailing belief that the only true life worthy mentioning was the life lived as a Christian, a life filled with the Spirit of God (Ioannidis, 2013, p. 12). Through God’s grace, Cyprian develops a new perspective on life by referring to the virtue of loving one’s neighbor (Zarotiadis, 2014, p. 28).

Cyprian’s word in all his works is full of love for his fellow man. He calls the Church a “brotherhood”1 and urges the faithful to love one another, just as Jesus Christ taught His disciples2. Brotherly love stems from the fact that we are all creatures of the same God. We have the same Father and He commands us to love one another. The Bishop of Carthage was merciful and showed great

1 Cyprian, Epistula 18.1.1: fraternitatis nostrae.

2 Cyprian, De zelo et livore 12.

Learning to love: Approaching St. Cyprian & St. Maximus the Confessor ©2022 Zarotiadis

compassion for the spiritual or physical problem of his fellowmen3. The greatest benefit to our neighbor comes from our prayer4. Cyprian, according to his Divine teaching, emphasises in a simple, but effective way the communal character of prayer and the immense strength it possesses. His words act as the driving force for the Christian to unify his prayer with the prayers of others in the Christian society, in his attempt to give the prayer a single and communal character at the same time. Its strength is presented through words, such as “uno” or “unum”, which characterise the type of collective effort that becomes one. In doing so, this common prayer has greater power5. At the same time, in addition to prayer, the purpose of every Christian should be to engage in acts of love. For example, in his treatise Ad Quirinum, Cyprian urges the faithful to give bread to the hungry, clothe the needy and shelter the homeless6. At that time, the people of Carthage were being afflicted and tested by a deadly plague7. In the meantime, the pirates of Numidia kidnapped and captured many Christians. Cyprian sent letters to the bishop of Numidia to pay a ransom for the captives8.

In another treatise, De opere et eleemosynis, he shows how the faithful Christian can help his neighbor and serve the Word of the Lord correctly. The occasion for writing this treatise was the devastating plague that struck Carthage in 252 AD. The Bishop of Carthage, in sympathy for his suffering fellow citizens, preaches that alms and charity offer salvation and result in Lord’s mercy. Many wealthy people, affected by the magnitude of the disaster, try desperately to keep their riches, while a huge part of the population of Carthage starves and lives in miserable conditions. Alms and love for one’s fellow man are presented as the best avenue for the purifying of sins committed after baptism. It’s more than evident that the title of the treatise cannot be accidental, since the saint refers to “ἔλεος” (mercy) and “opera”, (the works), thus the charitable deeds that the faithful Christian must perform in order to assist his fellow man. Cyprian exercises his pastoral “paraenesis” as he attempts to convince his flock of the purifying power of love towards his fellow man. Specifically, already from

3 Cyprian, Epistula 17.1.1.

4 Cyprian, Epistula 60.5: … pro caritate mutua qua nobis invicem cohaeremus ut, … ieiuniis vigiliis orationibus cum omni plebe non desideramus. … perseveret apud Dominum nostra dilectio, pro fratribus et sororibus nostris apud misericordiam patris non cesset oratio.

5 Cyprian, De dominica oratione 8: publica est nobis et communis oratio, et quando oramus, non pro uno sed pro populo toto rogamus, quia totus populos unum sumus.

6 Cyprian, Ad Quirinum 1.

7

Cyprian, De mortalitate 16.

Cyprian Epistula 62.2.2: de barbarorum manibus exuatur et redimatur numaria quantitate

8

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the first chapters of his treatise, it becomes clear that the Saint’s teaching on charity and love is developed not autonomously, but is rather integrated into the Church’s soteriology (Studer, 1976, pp. 427-456). It derives from the Passion, Death and Resurrection of the Lord, who became flesh to subdue death and redeem men from sins. The Bishop of Carthage points out that man’s sins can be purified “medellis spiritalibus” (by spiritual remedies) such as almsgiving, charity, penance and fasting9. Alms and charity are gifts of the Lord that must be returned to the Lord. According to the saint, man ought to follow the word of Jesus Christ, as “eleemosynis et fide delicta purgantur”10. The saint in his sermon uses the second person plural, adding a catechetical tone to his discourse. In a simple, advisory style, he reveals practical advices that will lead the faithful Christian to the saving way of the Lord (Zarotiadis, 2019, p. 101).

According to the Saint, acts of love, alms and charity shouldn’t be demonstrated in front of people. The faithful shouldn’t proclaim charity the way hypocrites do in the synagogues (Mt.6:2). Good deeds should be received by all people and not only by Christians. The Bishop of Carthage focuses on the redemptive power of love. The crucifixion and resurrection of the Lord brought salvation to man. Nevertheless, man, due to his weakness, continues to sin after the saving baptism. However, the merciful God cares for the salvation of man’s soul and provides him with those means to achieve it. Thus, man becomes able to purge his sins by fasting, prayer, repentance, but also by almsgiving and acts of love for his neighbor11. The saint stresses that “eleemosynis et fide delicta purgantur”12. Love of neighbor appeases and pleases God. Prayer is most powerful when is accompanied by charity and love. In other words true prayer embodies charity and love. The faithful should demonstrate love for their fellow man, especially, at that difficult time for Carthage. Cyprian emphasizes the divine prizes (divina praemia) that await the faithful in the kingdom of God (regnum Dei). Christians should expect the reward for their good deeds in heaven and not in earthly goods.

The Bishop of Carthage teaches his flock to give bread to the sick and to house the poor homeless; to clothe the naked and not to refuse help to his fellow man13. Then the glory of God surrounds man (Is.58:7-9). The Saint’s exhortations to the virtues of love and charity do not stop here. Cyprian stresses

9

10

11

12

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 3.4.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 2.2.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 1.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 2.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 4.17-18: Frange esurienti panem tuum et egenos sine tecto induc in domum suam. Si videris nudum, vesti et domesticos seminis tui non despicies

13

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that he who has not been merciful cannot be worthy of the Lord’s mercy14. Merciful is he who thinks of the needy and the poor (Ps.40:2). The power of forgiveness and repentance is clearly manifested in his treatise De lapsis, where Cyprian presents and explains his position on the issue of the lapsed. He argues that we ought to support sinners by demonstrating consolation and love15. Cyprian refers to the word of Jesus that says explicitly that we should leave the ninety-nine sheep in the wilderness to find the one that was lost16. And when we find it, we ought to return it home with the rest, as this is how joy is made in heaven for a sinner who repents rather than for ninety-nine righteous people who have no need of repentance. In the same way, the Saint is concerned for the souls of the lapsed, as the devil lurks with his ambushes. Love is superior to faith and hope (1 Cor.13:13). It is the highest of all virtues; it is the greatest gift that God bestows upon man. Even if a Christian distributes all his property in alms and gives his body to be burned, if he has no love, there is no benefit to him.

2. The Biblica exempla of love

The Bishop of Carthage defines Christ himself as the main exemplar of love for one’s neighbor. Christ was humbled so that we might be lifted up; He was wounded so that we might be healed; He was enslaved so that we might be set free; He endured death so that He might give us immortality17. The Lord in His coming healed the wounds Adam bore and healed the ancient poison of the serpent18. Christ is humble and full of love. He sees His disciples as brothers and sisters and doesn’t hesitate to wash their feet by commanding them to love one another19. The Saint, in order to be clearer and more explicit to his flock, uses in his treatise several Biblica Exempla. In particular, he refers to the prophet Daniel. Daniel was the one who lovingly urged King Nebuchadnezzar, when he was terrified by a terrible dream, to be merciful to the poor20.

14

15

16

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 5.8.

Cyprian, Epistula 55.19.1.

Cyprian, Epistula 55.14 (Lk. 15:4).

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 1.7-10: Humiliavit se ut populum qui prius iacebat erigeret, vulneratus est ut vulnera nostra curare, servivit ut ad libertatem servientes extraherat, mori sustinuit ut inmortalitatem mortalibus exhiberet.

17

18 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 1.16-17: Nam cum Dominus adveniens sanasset illa quae Adam portaverat vulnera et venena antiqua serpentis curasset.

19 Cyprian, De bono patientiae 6: Discipulis non ut servis dominica potestate praefuit sed benignus et mitis fraternal eos caritate dilexit, dignatus etiam pedes apostolorum lavare, ut dum circa servos talis est dominus, exemplo suo doceret qualis circa compares et aequales debeat esse conservus (Jn. 13:1-30) ˙ Cyprian, De zelo et livore 12.

20 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 5.15 (Dan. 4:24).

Learning to love: Approaching St. Cyprian & St. Maximus the Confessor ©2022 Zarotiadis

Moreover, he presents Tabitha as another example of loving his fellow man21. Tabitha is raised by the Apostle Peter in the name of Jesus Christ, as she had provided help to the overwhelmed widows (Acts 7:40). Zacchaeus is presented as another Biblicum Exemplum of love, who gives half of his property to the poor and enjoys divine mercy (Lk.19:8). Furthermore, in his treatise De bono patientiae, the Bishop preaches that we should forgive our neighbor, even if he has harmed or hurt us, giving prominence to Stephen the First Martyr, who was stoned to death and asked that his murderers be forgiven22. After all, he himself teaches in his treatise Ad Demetrianum that we shouldn’t hate our neighbor, nor seek revenge, but that we should respond to hatred with love23. Christians must have confidence in the merciful God. Cyprian is absolute in this position; first comes love for the Lord. As a shepherd of souls, he uses the example of Job who suffered and endured so much for his love of the Lord. In such manner parents must entrust their children and their possessions to God24. He manifests that love for neighbor is the way to salvation. Cyprian reminds the flock of the example of the early Christians. They were imbued with a spirit of love, sold their houses and possessions to support the poor25. He advises us to seek peace and safety in the harbor of salvation, lifting our eyes to heaven26. Man has no need for expensive houses and gold when the Holy Spirit dwells in him. There is no need for him who feeds on heavenly food; his house fears no disaster27.

3. Greed as the root of all evil

People, therefore, should not cling to earthly possessions, but take refuge in heavenly treasures (caelestes thesauros)28. Love for one’s fellow man and whatever is done in the name of Christ, is a boundless and endless condition. Those who want to get rich fall into the temptation of avidity, which is “radix omnium malorum”29, Cyprian exhorts the faithful not to have closed ears (praeclu-

21 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 6.6.

22

Cyprian, De bono patientiae 16: Quod factum videmus in Stephano, qui cum a Iudaeis vi et lapidibus necaretur, non sibi vindictam sed interfectoribus veniam postulabat dicens: Domine, ne statuas illis hoc peccatum (Acts 7.60).

23

Cyprian, Ad Demetrianum 25: Et quia odisse non licet nobis et sic Deo plus placemus, dum nullam pro iniuria vicem reddimus (Mt 5.44).

24

25

26

27

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 16.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 25.

Cyprian, Ad Donatum 14.

Cyprian, Ad Donatum 15.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 7.6-7: Nec terrenis possesionibus incubemus sed caelestes thesauros potius recondamus.

28

29

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 10.13.

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sae aures) and blind hearts (corda caecata) that do not hear and feel the pain and need of their neighbor30. He preaches that money and greed are obstacles to love, as many people become servants of money and exhibit indifference towards their neighbor31. Anyone who has riches and becomes indifferent to his brother in need cannot have God within him32. Alms and love of neighbor redeem the soul and do not let it sink into darkness33. Besides, whatever we give to the poor and needy we give to the Lord Himself, and the Lord is offended when the poor and needy aren’t protected34. Cyprian closes his treatise De opere et eleemosynis by urging us to give earthly garments to the Lord in order to receive heavenly ones; to provide food and drink in this world, that we may come to the same table with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob35.

In conclusion, Cyprian describes the Church as a brotherhood in which one brother ought to love the other. This love must be based on the word of Jesus (Dumont, 1959, pp. 23-33). This brotherly love prompts the faithful Christian to pray for his neighbor. Prayers should concern all those in need, especially sinners, as brotherly love can lead to the right path for someone who has lost the way to salvation. Christians must accept the faults of others with love and patience, imitating the example of Christ. Prayer is strengthened when accompanied by alms and charity, as prayer alone cannot please the Lord. In this way, sins are purified and the way of salvation is opened. Christian love has redemptive power. Whoever loves his fellow man loves the Lord himself. The faithful Christian must wait for his reward in heaven; there, the reward is incorruptible and eternal.

However, what is Maximus’ teaching on love? Without a doubt, love is Christ himself (1 Jn. 4:8). St Maximus wrote his treatise The Four Centuries on Charity pointing out the vital place of love in man’s effort to approach God and unite with Him (Arabatzis, 2014, p.178). In this treatise the whole of Christian life is summarized and contained (Sherwood, 1955, p. 91). For the Saint, the incarnation of the Lord is the supreme manifestation of love for man (Blowers, 2016, p. 257).

30

31

32

33

34

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 12.15.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 13.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 16.9-10.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 20.19.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 23.46-48.

Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 24. 5-8: Demus Christo vestimenta terrena indumenta caelestia recepturi. Demus cibum et potum saecularum cum Abraham et Isaac et Iacob ad convinium caeleste venture

35

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4. Love of God

Saint Maximus defines love (ἀγάπη) as the good disposition of the soul (ψυχή), which prefers above and beyond everything the participation and knowledge of God (γνῶσις Θεοῦ)36. In particular, he gives the highest importance to the virtue of love, since without love; faith (πίστις) doesn’t accomplish a complete work37. It is through love that true faith manifests itself. Love is the source of all virtues (Törönen, 2007, p.169). Love in Christ leads to the salvation of the soul and this is obtained through good works. Having a simple faith alone isn’t enough when isn’t accompanied by the love for Christ38. The Saint focuses on the redemptive power of love, as it elevates the man spiritually and leads his soul to God away from passions39. For this reason love is presented by Maximus as having wings (ἀγάπης πτερῶν)40.

Love for God is the first and foremost concern of the faithful Christian in his daily spiritual struggle41. Love is the main criterion through which all the actions of men are evaluated. Love for God and love for the world are not two different loves (Balthasar, 1988, p. 340). Without doubt, choosing to love God automatically implies despising earthly and worldly motives (Mt. 6:24). After all, things material, earthly and corruptible are not compatible with God’s will. This relationship and often man’s dependence on earthly things is an obstacle to sincerely loving the Lord. Therefore, spiritual progress is impossible when man thinks of earthly things and clings to them (Ioannidis, 2019, p. 85). The saint emphasizes that love is genuine when the prayerful mind is free from

36 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.1: Ἀγάπη μέν ἐστιν, διάθεσις ψυχῆς ἀγαθή, καθ᾿ ἥν οὐδέν τῶν ὄντων, τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ γνώσεως προτιμᾷ

37 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.31: Ὥσπερ μνήμη πυρός οὐ θερμαίνει τό σῶμα, οὕτω πίστις ἄνευ ἀγάπης, οὐκ ἐνεργεῖ εἰς τήν ψυχήν τόν τῆς γνώσεως φωτισμόν. 38 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate, 1.39: Καί σύ μή εἴπῃς, ὅτι Ἡ ψιλή πίστις εἰς τόν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν δύναταί με σῶσαι. Ἀμήχανον γάρ τοῦτο, ἐάν μή καί τήν ἀγάπην εἰς αὐτόν διά τῶν ἔργων κτήσῃ. Τό δέ ψιλῶς πιστεύειν· Καί τά δαιμόνια πιστεύουσι καί φρίσσουσι. 39 Maximus’ teaching on the ascetic struggle against the passions is treated in detail in Völker, W. (1965) Maximus Confessor als Meister des geistlichen Lebens, Wiesbaden, pp.174–200.

40 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate, 2.26: Τῆς δέ θεολογικῆς χάριτος, τοτηνικαῦτα καταξιοῦται, ὁπηνίκα τά προειρημένα πάντα διά τῶν τῆς

41 Papanikolaou refers to a “progress in the love of God”, see Papanikolaou, A. (2013) “Learning How to Love: St. Maximus on Virtue” in Knowing the Purpose of Creation Through the Resurrection: Proceedings of the Symposium on St. Maximus the Confessor, (ed.) Bishop Maxim Vasiljević, Belgrade, p.242.

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material goods and worldly concerns42. It is obvious, for the saint, that the condition of exercising undistracted prayer is a definite indicator of true love for the Lord.

The love of material goods and earthly pleasures can lead to the deception of idolatry and self - love43. In fact, the Gospel passage “for, where your treasure is, there your heart will also be” (Mt. 6:21) points out that the ability of man to love is misdirected to earthly things instead of God. Consequently, when we’re concerned about material possessions it’s an undeniable sign that we’re focused on ourselves and not on God. At this point Maximus makes clear that the love of God can’t coexist with the love of material goods. When man loves God he’ll eventually do what is “pleasing” to God44. When, after many efforts and persistent struggle, the love of God rises in the soul of man through which passions are expelled, and then comes the contempt not only of sensible things, but also of temporal life itself45. Then he enjoys “dispassion” (ἀπάθεια), a condition of stillness and peace (Berthold, 2015, p. 401). The soul becomes immovable to all evil46. The saint describes apatheia as a reality in which a man remains unscathed by morbid conditions. Through the knowledge of the divine teachings and the observance of the commandments he attains the light of spiritual knowledge (φωτισμόν τῆς γνώσεως)47. In the context of this state there is no possibility of social or racial discrimination, since the person in apatheia sees Christ himself in every person. He, therefore, who enters into the divine reality prefers the knowledge of God to that of His creatures. For St Maximus, the knowledge of God is intertwined with the concept of love and full adherence to the divine will. When man is captivated by divine 42 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de

ἔσται.

44 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.10: Ὅν τις ἀγαπᾷ, τοῦτον πάντως καί σπεύδει θεραπεύειν. Εἰ οὖν τόν Θεόν τις ἀγαπᾷ, πάντως καί τά ἀρεστά αὐτῷ σπεύδει ποιεῖν·

45 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.50: Ἐάν τόν Θεόν γνησίως ἀγαπήσωμεν, δι᾿ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγάπης τά πάθη ἀποβάλλομεν. Ἡ δέ εἰς αὐτόν ἀγάπη ἐστί, τό προτιμᾷν αὐτόν τοῦ κόσμου, καί τήν ψυχήν τῆς σαρκός·

46 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.36: Ἀπάθειά ἐστιν εἰρηνική κατάστασις ψυχῆς, καθ᾿ ἥν δυσκίνητος γίνεται ψυχή πρός κακίαν.

47 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.77.

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love, he enters the state of divine knowledge, experiencing God’s infinity. Love for God is proved to be superior and sweeter than any pain and sorrow of this world, as is demonstrated in the saints of our Church who suffered so much for it48. Maximus emphasizes on those elements that come with the experience of love for God: “He who loves God lives the angelic life on earth, fasting and keeping vigils, praying and singing psalms and always thinking good of every man”49.

God moved towards man through the incarnation of the Word, it is now left for the man to move towards God in order to be united with Him (Θέωσις). The Saint notes, “When in the intensity of its love for God the intellect goes out of itself, then it has no sense of itself or of any created thing”50. Then it feels pleasure not for the present goods, but for those that belong to God. Of course, love of God presupposes love for neighbor.

5. Love for the neighbor

Love for the neighbor is placed among the most substantial things in a man’s spiritual life. We do acknowledge from the writings of St Maximus that the love for neighbour, is a spiritual state acquired with ascetical struggle and true Christian life. Only by human abilities, it’s almost impossible for someone to love all people selflessly and equally and according to the Saint this struggle has many stages in order for anyone to achieve perfect love as spiritual perfection. Specifically, since love of the Lord is sincere and unwavering, so must be love for neighbor. In defining perfect love, Maximus notes that it is universal and directed to all people without exception51. For him who experiences perfect love (τέλεια ἀγάπη), there is no difference between his own or another’s, or between Christian and unbeliever, slave and free, males and females52. In this case the natural differences between human beings in the earthly life by no means are they viewed and experienced as criteria of superiority and dis-

Capita

παντός ἀνθρώπους ἀεί καλά λογιζόμενος.

50 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.10. 51 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 4.95: Πάντα μέν ἄνθρωπον, ἐκ ψυχῆς ἀγαπητέον·

52 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 2.30: Ὁ τέλειος ἐν ἀγάπῃ, καί εἰς ἄκρον ἀπαθείας ἐλθών, οὐκ ἐπίσταται διαφοράν ἰδίου καί ἀλλοτρίου, ἤ ἰδίας καί ἀλλοτρίας, ἤ πιστοῦ καί ἀπίστου, ἤ δούλου καί ἐλευθέρου, ἤ ὅλως ἄρσενος καί θηλείας·

Learning to love: Approaching St. Cyprian & St. Maximus the Confessor ©2022 Zarotiadis

crimination.

Maximus, as a well-known and influential monk, adds that for the one who truly loves there is no inequality and imbalances in exercising love. Only then he is able to enjoy perfect love53. This is what the Lord also defines by saying, “Whose desire is that all men may have salvation and come to the knowledge of what is true” (1 Tim. 2:4). Therefore, true love cannot be different from the love of Christ, Who “through sun gives light to the evil and to the good, and he sends rain on the upright man and on the sinner (Mt. 5:45)”. Those, moreover, who do not sincerely love their neighbor cannot be called “friends of Christ” but “friends of world”54. So for St Maximus man’s inability to love his neighbor is directly associated with his addiction to earthly things and the worldly life. For Maximus, perfect love isn’t limited to the duration of man’s earthly life, but is always increasing and continues to be manifested in the Kingdom of Heaven55. Maximus of course believes that love of God, as the first and greatest commandment, precedes love of neighbor. In this way love for God means that you definitely love your neighbour. However, the proof of love for God is the proof of true love for neighbor56. Besides, the Lord Himself ordained that love for neighbor should be like love for God (Mt. 22:36-39).

6. God is love

St Maximus links blessedness with love, as “blessed is he who can love all men equally”57. Man must be freed from hatred and be led to loving the Lord and his neighbor. “He who has no love has no knowledge of God, because God is love” (1 Jn. 4:8). It’s obvious that for St Maximus love of God is an existential experience of the revealed God that gives to His creature His endless love so that man may be captured by it and channel it to all humanity. Since God is love and devil is hatred and deception, the spiritual struggle of any Chris-

εἰς ἀπείρους αἰῶνας τῷ ὑπεραπείρῳ ὑπερηνωμένη, καί ἀεί ὑπεραύξουσα διαμένει. Καί διά τοῦτο, Μείζων πάντων ἡ ἀγάπη. Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, De anima et resurrectione PG 46.96B and John Climacus, Gradus XXX. De vincula trium virtutum (Fidei nempe, spei et charititatis) PG 88.1157D. 56 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.23: Ὁ τόν Θεόν ἀγαπῶν, καί τόν πλησίον πάντως ἀγαπᾷ. Basil of Caesarea claims that love for neighbour perfects the love for God, cf. Sermo Asceticus PG 31.885B

57 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de charitate 1.17.

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tian should center on love towards the neighbor. In loving Christ, we sacrifice our personal will and apply His commandments; in loving our neighbor, we sacrifice our selfishness. Therefore, loving Christ means imitating Him and becoming “Theomimitos” (θεομίμητος).

7. The elements of love

Saint Maximus refers to the three elements that perfect love consists of. These are alms, forbearance and patience. Christ, for example, was always conferring blessings on people: He was long-suffering when they were ungrateful and blasphemed Him, and when they beat Him and put Him to death. He endured it, imputing no evil at all to anyone58. The combination of love, continence, and alms expedite the purifying of the soul59. Love for neighbor is considered essential for man, as it creates a wall of protection against all evil60. Besides, if we have all the gifts of the Spirit but do not have love, we are no further forward. Of course, envy (φθόνος) and resentment (μνησικακία) are the greatest obstacles to developing perfect love. Man must forget evil and become charitable, so that he can eliminate passions from his soul. Perfect love dictates that we should benefit those who hate us61.

8. Reasons of love

Men love one another, commendably or reprehensibly, for the following five reasons; either for the sake of God, as the virtuous man loves everyone and as the man not yet virtuous loves the virtuous: either by nature, as parents love their children and children their parents or because of self-esteem, as he who is praised loves the man who praises him; or because of avarice, as with one who loves a rich man for what he can get out of him; or because of self-indulgence, as with the man who serves his belly and his genitals. The first of these is commendable, the second is of an intermediate kind, and the rest are dominated by passion62. In other words, the first one manifests Christian love, as it is done for the sake of God, who is the source of love. The second one is permissible, since it’s permissible for parents to love their children and vice versa, although this love isn’t superior to the first one. Besides, Christ teaches “He who has more love for his father or mother than for me is not good

58

59

Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 4.55.

Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 4.72.

60 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.54 (1 Cor. 13.2).

61

62

Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 2.49.

Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 2.9.

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enough for me; he who has more love for son or daughter than for me is not good enough for me” (Mt. 10.37). The other three causes of love are rejected by Maximus.

9. Love leads to the salvation of the soul

In conclusion, love for material goods keeps man away from salvation and leads him to a constant agony of acquiring them in exchange for any material or mental reward, even one that may lead to the loss of his soul. Man must choose love over things. Moreover, love and self-control keep the intellect (νοῦν) dispassionate in the face both of things and of the conceptual images we form of them63. The intellect of a man who enjoys the love of God does not fight against things or against conceptual images of them. It battles against the passions which are linked with these images64. Αs Christ loved all men, good and sinful, without distinction, so the faithful Christian must try not to lapse from the purpose of love, which is God Himself65. For any Christian, the great contribution of love to the spiritual struggle is that it helps him to despise material goods and love the eternal ones. This contempt for material things frees man from passions especially when his prayer is accompanied by continence, patience, longsuffering and mercy. Ιn this manner, the intellect joined to God through prayer and love becomes wise, good, compassionate and merciful; in short, it includes within itself almost all the divine qualities. But when the intellect withdraws from God and attaches itself to material things, either it becomes self-indulgent like some domestic animal, or like a wild beast it fights with men for the sake of these things. Conclusively, when man follows the way of love and prayer, the way of the Lord or the way of salvation, he rejects passions and experiences life in Christ. But if he moves away from love and temperance, then passions, physical and mental, are revived, and the soul is driven to sin.

63 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.39.

64 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.40.

65 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 4.90.

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Conclusions: The incarnation of Christ as the supreme expression of love

We conclude that both teachings of Cyprian and Maximus on loving one’s neighbor focus on the Lord’s commandment “Have love for your neighbor as for yourself” (Mt 22:37). For both Saints, the best example of love is Christ, who became flesh to redeem man from death. The Lord suffered, endured and showed love even to his persecutors. He preaches “Have love one for another; even as I have had love for you, so are you to have love one for another” (Jn. 13:34). Without doubt, incarnation is the revelation of divine love and it offers us the example of divine love. The imitation of the incarnational love of God is ultimately what love is all about. Love for God presupposes sincere love for our neighbor. The Saints point out explicitly that we’re unable to love God if we do not love our neighbor. This kind of love, the true love, embodies within it virtues such as humility, fortitude, charity and patience – all epitomized and manifested by the Lord.

For both saints, Cyprian and Maximus, greed, hate, avarice and resentment are obstacles to sincere and selfless love. The word of Cyprian and Maximus are full of love for one’s fellow man. Cyprian, as a bishop of love, in simple motivational and counseling speech, exhorts the faithful to soften their hearts and embrace their fellow human beings suffering from pestilence, poverty and the persecutors of Christianity66. Brotherly love, after all, stems from the fact that we are all creatures of God himself. We have the same Father, and He commands us to love one another. Maximus reveals the concept of perfect love which presupposes knowledge of God. Perfect love redeems man from the bondage of earthly life and leads him to union with God. The mind (νοῦς) must be directed towards God. Then it rejects earthly things and experiences God’s love67. If we want to know God and participate in Him, we have to heal our sinful mind which has deviated from God and start directing it towards Him. In other words, this means overcoming our passions that are the embodiment of sin. Let us not forget that our Lord loved us more than himself68. So, Maximus teaches that love is the goal and the source of every good69.

The Saints focus on the universal character of Christian love. Cyprian advises the faithful to pray even for heretics, so that their thought may be en-

66 Cyprian, De mortalitate 7.

67 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.67.

68 Maximus the Confessor, Ad Thallasium PG 90.725C.

69 Maximus the Confessor, Epistula ad Joannem cubicularium de caritate, PG 91.396B.

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lightened and they may seek the path of love and not of hatred70. His word is full of exhortations and advice to believers, heretics, virgins, idolaters, lapsed, believers, etc. Envy and evil comes from the absence of love. It is love that leads to concord and unity, elements more than necessary for the continuity and unity of the Church (Hermelo, 1996, p. 228). The faithful, therefore, must lovingly and patiently accept the faults of others imitating the example of Christ (Marin, 1963, p. 73). Christian love has a redemptive power. Thus, it must be based on the word and life of Christ, pure and selfless (Dumont, 1958, p. 30). Likewise, Maximus focuses on the universal character of love. Indeed, he teaches that we should love those who hate us, because they are instruments of God’s providence and will lead us to Him. These obstacles will teach us obedience, keep us humble, and help us to become detached from earthly things.71 Both Saints adopt as an example of love the Protomartyr Stephen, who prays in love and asks forgiveness for his murderers72. What St Maximus describes in a rather deep and spiritual manner about acquiring perfect love from God, using a philosophical terminology, is actually identified with St Cyprian’s teaching of practical love that is demonstrated with love towards the neighbour. Both saints speak of the same love that is firstly acquired from God as gift, as He is the source of love, then is experienced within someone’s inner self, and finally is manifested indiscriminately to every human being.

In conclusion, for both Saints, faith in the Lord alone isn’t enough, as demons also believe in the power of God and are afraid73. An ideological faith based only on intellectual motives is useless. Man must prove his love for the Lord by works. The love offering must not only be material, but also spiritual. Works of love are acts of charity, patience, almsgiving, and prayer for our neighbor. Alms heal the soul, fasting softens desire, and prayer purifies the mind74. In brief, he who possesses love possesses God Himself, for “God is love”75.

70 Cyprian, Epistula 60.5.

71 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.62.

72 Cyprian, De bono patientiae 16 & Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.37.

73 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.39.

74 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.79.

75 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 4.100 (1 Jn 4:8).

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