Vietnam August 2021

Special Ops Behind the Scenes with the Navy SEALs

HOMEFRONT Sonny and Cher get a television show

Saving Captain Vizcarra Ejection from his F-105 launches a harrowing rescue mission

Ia Drang Redux In 1966 another bloody fight in valley of war’s first big battle

Army vs.

Marines

U.S. commanders feud over tactics near the DMZ

AUGUST 2021 HISTORYNET.com

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s local militiamen in an effort to retake a hill in September 19

AUGUST 2021

ON THE COVER Capt. Victor Vizcarra kneels in front of his F-105D aircraft.

COURTESY VICTOR VIZCARRA INSET: PICTORIAL PRESS LTD / ALAMY

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A BRUSH WITH DEATH

On a mission over North Vietnam, Air Force pilot Victor Vizcarra had only one option if he wanted to survive. Eject! And then pray that he would be rescued.

By Marcelo Ribeiro da Silva

2

VIETNAM

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6 Feedback Letters 8 Intel August Briefing 14 Reflections Breakfast Companions 18 Arsenal B-52G Stratofortress

20 Homefront July-August 1971 21 Battlefront 50 Years Ago in the War 60 Media Digest Reviews 64 Hall of Valor John Bahnsen

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1ST CAV’S RETURN TO IA DRANG

In November 1965, the 1st Cav had a brutal fight with the NVA in the Ia Drang Valley and the next year another one. By Steve Hassett

44 WARRING COMMANDERS

In the northern region of South Vietnam, top Army and Marine generals fought not only the enemy but also each other in debates over conduct of the war. By Dick Camp

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A RUN TO REMEMBER

Four veterans had a message to spread across the nation. They did it by swimming, biking and running across the nation. By Jim Barker

38

52

NAVY SEALS

Photos of the Navy’s Sea, Air and Land teams in action show how Vietnam made the SEALs a legendary force.

By Jon Guttman

6/2/21 6:59 AM

MICHAEL A. REINSTEIN CHAIRMAN & PUBLISHER DAVID STEINHAFEL PUBLISHER ALEX NEILL EDITOR IN CHIEF

AUGUST 2021 VOL. 34, NO. 2

CHUCK SPRINGSTON EDITOR ZITA BALLINGER FLETCHER SENIOR EDITOR JERRY MORELOCK SENIOR EDITOR JON GUTTMAN RESEARCH DIRECTOR DAVID T. ZABECKI EDITOR EMERITUS HARRY SUMMERS JR. FOUNDING EDITOR STEPHEN KAMIFUJI CREATIVE DIRECTOR BRIAN WALKER GROUP ART DIRECTOR MELISSA A. WINN DIRECTOR OF PHOTOGRAPHY JON C. BOCK ART DIRECTOR GUY ACETO PHOTO EDITOR

FLYING INTO DANGER

When F-105 Thunderchief pilot Victor Vizcarra’s engine failed on a bomb run over North Vietnam in 1966, he had to bail out. In this issue is the suspenseful story of his rescue. To read more about the Thunderchiefs, visit Historynet.com.

Search: “F-105” Through firsthand accounts and stunning photos, our website puts you in the field with the troops who fought in one of America’s most controversial wars.

Sign up for our FREE monthly e-newsletter at: historynet.com/newsletters

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ADVISORY BOARD JOE GALLOWAY, ROBERT H. LARSON, BARRY McCAFFREY, CARL O. SCHUSTER, EARL H. TILFORD JR., SPENCER C. TUCKER, ERIK VILLARD, JAMES H. WILLBANKS C O R P O R AT E ROB WILKINS DIRECTOR OF PARTNERSHIP MARKETING TOM GRIFFITHS CORPORATE DEVELOPMENT GRAYDON SHEINBERG CORPORATE DEVELOPMENT SHAWN BYERS VP AUDIENCE DEVELOPMENT JAMIE ELLIOTT PRODUCTION DIRECTOR ADVERTISING MORTON GREENBERG SVP Advertising Sales mgreenberg@mco.com RICK GOWER Regional Sales Manager rick@rickgower.com TERRY JENKINS Regional Sales Manager tjenkins@historynet.com DIRECT RESPONSE ADVERTISING MEDIA PEOPLE / NANCY FORMAN nforman@mediapeople.com SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION 800-435-0715 or SHOP.HISTORYNET.com

Vietnam (ISSN 1046-2902) is published bimonthly by HISTORYNET, LLC, 901 North Glebe Road, Fifth Floor, Arlington, VA 22203 Periodical postage paid at Vienna, VA, and additional mailing offices.

Postmaster, send address changes to Vietnam, P.O. Box 31058, Boone, IA 50037-0058 List Rental Inquiries: Belkys Reyes, Lake Group Media, Inc. 914-925-2406; belkys.reyes@lakegroupmedia.com Canada Publications Mail Agreement No. 41342519 Canadian GST No. 821371408RT0001 © 2021 HISTORYNET, LLC The contents of this magazine may not be reproduced in whole or in part without the written consent of HISTORYNET, LLC. PROUDLY MADE IN THE USA

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JOIN THE DISCUSSION AT VIETNAM MAG.COM

VIETNAM

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,“ZIPPO”, , and are registered trademarks in the United States in the name of Zippo® Manufacturing Company. All Zippo® lighter decorations are protected by copyright. © 2021 Zippo® Manufacturing Company

Nearly 2,700,000 American troops served and sacrificed in the long-running Vietnam conflict, engaging in battles unlike any other in the history of warfare. Today we salute these exemplary men and women with the Greatest Battles of Vietnam Zippo® Lighter Collection from The Bradford Exchange. Gleaming with the authentic Zippo® Street Chrome finish, each of these genuine Zippo® windproof lighters is emblazoned with a different iconic image recalling a critical battle in the Vietnam conflict. The collection includes a custom, lighted display crowned with a golden and bronzetone sculptural centerpiece inspired by “The Three Servicemen” Vietnam memorial statue in Washington, D.C. A $100 value, the custom display is yours for the price of a single lighter.

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Ye S

Sh Se

The ’NAM creators wanted to make a realistic war comic. Their work is praised for its historical accuracy and detailed illustrations.

1970] and the Easter Offensive [by the communists in March 1972]. For many units, particularly Army aviation, the war continued almost unabated during Vietnamization. Even a cursory review of Army and Vietnam Helicopter Pilots Association records confirms this. In the eight years from the first commitment of Army aviation units to Vietnam in 1961 through mid-1969 when Vietnamization began, Army aircrews suffered 55 percent of our total losses experienced during the war. In just 3½ years from that same point to the end of the American war in early 1973, aircrew losses were 45 percent of the total.

This simple statistic tends to confirm the reality of the war my unit experienced in 1970 and 1971.

Geoff Carr Woodside, California

“The ’Nam Redrew the Battle Lines” (June 2021) was an enjoyable and informative article. My oldest son came across one of the first issues of The ’Nam in a comic book store in 1987. He decided to bring it home to me. At first I thought, “What was funny about Vietnam to put in a comic book?” Of course, it was more than a comic, as we all learned. That led to a personal interest, FEEDBACK which culminated in collecting two full sets of The ’Nam over the years. I still have one set. The other set was donated to The Vietnam Center and Sam Johnson Archive at Texas Tech University. It’s one of their more eclectic items in the archives.

Chuck Ward Newberry, South Carolina

1970-72 Still Deadly for Army Aviation Regarding “1971: The Army’s Year of ‘Grievous Blows’” (April 2021), about the court-martial of the My Lai Massacre’s 1st Lt. William Calley, fraud at noncommissioned officer clubs and other scandals, and the Battlefront timeline item about the South Vietnamese army’s failure during Lam Son 719, a blow to U.S. “Vietnamization” plans: I served in an assault helicopter company in Vietnam from April 1970 to December 1971. While we were in Vietnam, it seemed the only information anybody received about us on the homefront is entirely encompassed in a few pages of your April issue.

It would be nice if from time to time there was even a lukewarm admission that a war was still going on between the invasion of Cambodia [in April 6

Regarding “Walking Point With The Redcatchers,” by Tom Brooks (April 2021): I was quite astonished to read that a “newbie” or new arrival in-country would be assigned to walk point on a patrol. My experience with the 25th Infantry Division in 1969 and in the jungles surrounding Tay Ninh province was just the opposite. Those who walked point for us were only the most experienced and trusted men in our company and usually had a minimum of four months experience in the bush. This was essential to be able to spot booby traps, land mines and sense danger ahead on the trail. It took a special kind of individual to do this and only a select few were deemed worthy of walking point. I had the utmost respect for them because our lives were truly in their hands.

They used senses of sight, hearing, smelling and survival intuition every step on the trail. Many times our point man alerted us to danger ahead before we were surprised and overcome. Thanks to Tom Brooks for a fine article. He was a brave man to walk point as a “newbie.”

Rich Jones Damascus, Oregon

Correction The article on the P-38 can opener (Arsenal, April 2021) misstated the type of metal used in the can opener. It was made of steel, not aluminum.

Email your feedback on Vietnam magazine articles to Vietnam@historynet.com, subject line: Feedback. Please include city and state of residence.

COURTESY JASON WINN COLLECTIOPN; COURTESY GUY ACETO COLLECTION

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Admiration for the Point Man

VIETNAM

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Missing Soldiers on Secret Mission Memorialized

8

VIETNAM

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oldiers who disappeared on a top-secret flight over the Pacific in 1962 have been honored with a memorial unveiled in Columbia Falls, Maine, on May 15.

On March 16, 1962, three years before the U.S. sent the first ground combat troops into Vietnam, a plane carrying 93 American soldiers, three South Vietnamese and an air crew of 11 vanished over the Pacific Ocean between Guam and the Philippines en route to Saigon.

An explosion in the area was reported, but the remains of Flight 739 were never found.

Family members have tried for decades, without success, to learn more about Flight 739, which took off from Travis Air Force Base in California and stopped in Hawaii and Wake Island before landing in Guam. The men were aboard a propeller-driven Lockheed Super Constellation commercial airliner operated by the Fly-

ing Tiger Line, which had a charter flight business with the military.

In another disappointment, the families discovered that the names of their loved ones could not be inscribed on the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington because the deaths occurred outside the combat zone, officially designated as Vietnam and the sea area up to 100 miles from the coast (as well as Cambodia, Laos and air bases in Thailand).

The Maine monument—a granite stone 8 feet tall and 9½ feet wide—lists the names of the 93 soldiers and 11 crew members, some of whom were veterans. The unveiling ceremony included a rifle salute, a wreathlaying, taps and the reading of names. Family members of more than 20 fallen soldiers were in attendance.

The land for the memorial was donated by Morrill Worcester, owner of Worcester Wreath Co. in Maine and founder of Wreaths Across America, a Columbia Fallsbased nonprofit that coordinates wreath-laying ceremonies each December at Arlington National Cemetery and veterans’ grave sites across the country.

The Maine memorial is just a first step in honoring Flight 739, said Phil Waite, a staff member in the Vietnam War Commemoration group organizing 50th anniversary events. “I think there’s more to come,” he said in an Associated Press report.

—Zita Ballinger Fletcher

TOP: HISTORYNET ARCHVES; INSET: AP PHOTO/ROBERT F. BUKATY

A Lockheed Super Constellation, similar to the one shown here, was transporting American soldiers and South Vietnamese from California to Saigon when it disappeared over the Pacific in 1962. A new memorial in Maine, unveiled during a ceremony in May 2021, honors the lives lost.

A CON T R OV ER SI A L QU EST ION

A SERIES EXAMINING CONTENTIOUS ISSUES OF THE VIETNAM WAR BY ERIK VILLARD Since the early 2000s quotes attributed to Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap, North Vietnam’s top commander for most of the war, have been circulating online as evidence that North Vietnam would have surrendered if the United States had applied just a bit more military pressure.

In one version, Giap purportedly says in his 1985 postwar memoir How We Won the War that the United States had been on the verge of defeating North Vietnam after the 1968 Tet Offensive. In the second version, the quote relates to the intense U.S. B-52 bombing campaign in December 1972 during Operation Linebacker II, which struck Hanoi and Haiphong. The alleged quote is something along these lines: “What we still don’t understand is why you Americans stopped the bombing of Hanoi. You had us on the ropes. If you had pressed us a little harder, just for another day or two, we were ready to surrender.”

Did Giap actually say that? The short answer is no. The Giap quote is a myth. As it turns out, the original source is not a communist official but rather a British counterinsurgency expert. I will explain.

First, let us dispense with the obvious falsehoods. Giap’s memoir was originally published in 1976, not 1985, and nowhere inside its pages does he say that North Vietnam contemplated surrendering at any point in the war.

Indeed, the essential point he makes in his memoir—as with every other book, article and speech he produced—was his unshakable resolve to keep fighting until Hanoi had reunified North and South under a single government controlled by the Vietnamese Communist Party.

So where did the bogus quote originate? In an unlikely place. In the spring of 1974, the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in Massachusetts held a colloquium on “The Military Lessons of the Vietnam War” attended by a mix

of former government officials, academics and media figures.

Those proceedings appeared in an edited volume by Crane, Russak & Company titled The Lessons of Vietnam. One participant, British counterinsurgency expert Sir Robert Thompson, commented on the Operation Linebacker II campaign, which forced North Vietnam back to the conference table and resulted in the Paris Peace Accords of January 1973.

Thompson, who had no special insight into North Vietnamese thinking or sources, wrote on Page 105, “In my view, on December 30, 1972, after eleven days of those B-52 attacks on the Hanoi area, you had won the war! It was over!” However, Thompson makes it clear that his phrase “won the war” referred to North Vietnam’s willingness to sign the peace treaty, which allowed the United States to leave the war but did not produce an actual U.S. victory. With the explosion of social media channels in the 2000s, Thompson’s quote was borrowed, transformed and then repeated on a massive scale. Now the truth can be known.

ROLLS PRESS/POPPERFOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES/GETTY IMAGES

TOP: HISTORYNET ARCHVES; INSET: AP PHOTO/ROBERT F. BUKATY

Did Gen. Giap say the North was close to surrendering?

Dr. Erik Villard is a Vietnam War specialist at the U.S. Army Center of Military History at Fort McNair in Washington D.C.

The leader of North Vietnam’s army, Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap, gives a salute as he speaks at news conference around 1969. One of the quotes attributed to him states that “we were ready to surrender” if U.S. bombings continued.

A U G U S T 2 0 21

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THE PHOTO DOWN TIME

An EF-105F Thunderchief fighter-bomber from the 44th Tactical Fighter Squadron, 388th Tactical Fighter Wing, recuperates in a parking space at Korat Royal Thai Air Base in 1969. An airman is changing the film canister in the strike camera, which takes a photograph of the target after it’s hit.

“Overall a very important point was made: that the U.S. infantryman, using established techniques, impromptu ingenuity and plenty of support in the air, can seek out and destroy the best guerrilla army in the world. ….Our armed forces are prepared to take the necessary casualties in order to seek out and destroy the enemy. The question remains: Are the American people prepared to lose more and more young men in Vietnam?”

—Morley Safer, CBS News special report, “The Battle of Ia Drang Valley,” Nov. 30, 1965. On Nov. 14-17, large units of the U.S. Army and North Vietnamese Army collided for the first time when battalion-size forces battled each other at landing zones X-Ray and Albany, where 234 Americans were killed. Related fighting nearby pushed the number to about 300.

10

TOP: U.S. AIR FORCE; BOTTOM: CBS VIA GETTY IMAGES

WORDS FROM THE WAR

VIETNAM

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Charles C. Hagemeister, a retired Army lieutenant colonel who received the Medal of Honor for his heroics during the Vietnam War, died May 19 at age 74 in Leavenworth, Kansas. Hagemeister, born in Lincoln, Nebraska, on Aug. 21, 1946, was drafted into the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) in May 1966. He received the medal as a medic in Binh Dinh province in central South Vietnam on March 20, 1967, when his platoon, moving through a graveyard, was attacked on three sides by North Vietnamese troops. As casualties tore holes in the ranks, Hagemeister, a specialist 4, took charge of the platoon, rallying the men and rescuing the wounded under heavy fire. He killed an enemy sniper and three encroaching soldiers and destroyed a machine gun nest. Hagemeister ran under fire to contact another platoon for help and after securing aid evacuated the wounded under fire.

President Lyndon B. Johnson presented the Medal of Honor on May 14, 1968. Hagemeister stayed in the Army and became a commissioned officer. He retired from active duty in 1990. He worked as a civilian instructor at the Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and served as a board member of the Congressional Medal of Honor Society.

Wangyee Vang, founder and president of Lao Veterans of America, died Jan. 18 at age 74. He was a resident of Fresno, California. Vang, born in Laos, served from 1961 to 1975 in the “Secret Army,” a force of Hmong, Lao, Khmu and Mien soldiers trained by the U.S. military to fight communist troops in covert operations that became known as the “Secret War.” He served under Hmong Gen. Vang Pao, the leader of the Secret Army, and rose to the rank of colonel. Vang moved to the U.S. following the communist takeover of Laos in 1975. He founded the largest Laotian and Hmong veterans group in the U.S. and played a leading role in the creation of the Laos Memorial in Arlington National Cemetery. He helped persuade Congress to pass the Hmong Veterans Naturalization Act, granting honorary American citizenship to Hmong veterans and their families, and legislation allowing Hmong veterans to be buried alongside their American brothers in arms at national veterans’ cemeteries. Vang was honored with a wreath-laying ceremony at Arlington National Cemetery. —Zita Ballinger Fletcher

THE WAR’S MEDAL OF HONOR TALLY

For actions in Vietnam, 262 service members were awarded the Medal of Honor.

The Army received 66 percent of the medals, roughly proportional to its 67 percent share of U.S. forces in Vietnam. The Marines, constituting 15 percent of the American force, received 22 percent of the medals.

The Navy accounted for 6 percent of the medals, followed by the Air Force, which garnered 5 percent.

NOTE: DATA CURRENT AS OF MAY 2021 SOURCE: NATIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR MUSEUM, ARLINGTON, TEXAS

12

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ARMY

174 Medals 67%

MARINES 58 Medals 22%

NAVY

16 Medals 6%

AIR FORCE 14 Medals 5%

HAGEMEISTER: U.S. ARMY; VANG: COURTESY VANG FAMILY

High Honors

VIETNAM

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Sh Se

A BREAKFAST SURPRISE AN ARMY OFFICER HAD SOME UNEXPECTED COMPANY AT A MESS HALL

By Hardy W. Bryan In the very early and dark morning of Aug. 9, 1972, my Vietnamese driver and I departed Saigon on a special mission to Tay Ninh, about 45 miles northwest of the city. I was on my second tour in Vietnam. On my first, I had been an Army captain in a quartermaster battalion at Cam Ranh Bay during the communist Tet Offensive in 1968. Now I was a major in the 3rd Area Logistics Advisory Team 9, assisting the REFLECTIONS commander of the Saigon-area quartermaster group, which provided rations, fuel, uniforms and other items to South Vietnamese troops. That morning I went to Tay Ninh to deal with a fuel crisis.

I returned to Saigon at about 9:30 a.m. The streets were jammed with a sea of motorized bikes, pedicabs, cars and pedestrians generating a steady drone of noise and clouds of dust. Since I had left without breakfast, I was a little hungry and wanted to find a quiet place to have a late breakfast and write my reports.

American officers in Saigon were billeted in one of several hotels scattered throughout the area. Most of these bachelor officer quarters had a mess operation serving three meals a day. The meals were troop issue: the same food served to all the military off a cyclic menu. To accommodate 14

early and late meal needs, one mess hall opened earlier than the others and one remained open later. When I arrived downtown, I went to the BOQ that served breakfast until 10 a.m.

I got there at about 9:45 a.m. The dining area was full of empty tables. I got a copy of Stars and Stripes, a daily newspaper published for the troops, and selected a seat against the back wall where I could keep an eye on the entrance. We were taught to do that in Vietnamese restaurants.

We would keep our weapon on our lap under the table as about our only defense against an enemy barging in firing an automatic rifle or tossing hand grenades. At least twice in Vietnamese restaurants I moved my hands to my weapon and released the safety, but never had to fire. Even today, nearly 50 years later, I still try to sit where I can see the door. I actually get nervous when my back is to the door!

I put my weapon, an M2 carbine with two 30-round magazines taped together, on a chair and pushed it under the table. I also had a .45-caliber pistol in a shoulder holster. I preferred the carbine to the M16 rifle because it was smaller and easier to use from a jeep. After placing my carbine on the chair, I walked to the serving line.

Other than two Vietnamese kitchen workers, no one else was at the serving tables.

I settled down to enjoy breakfast, write the trip report and read the newspaper. The door opened.

I looked up and was astounded to see a welldressed white woman, unusual in Vietnam, enter and go through the serving line. As she proceeded to the end of the line, it became obvious she was American. She was beautiful. I could not help but wonder who she was, where she came from and why she was here. I wondered if I could find a way to move to her table and meet her.

Before I could devise a plan, she picked up her tray and walked straight toward me. She stopped at my table and said, “Hi, I am Michele Cornau.

I am from New Mexico.” She asked if she could join me! I had spread my papers over the table but quickly gathered them together and welcomed her to sit. She was very friendly and asked all sorts of questions: Where are you from? What do you do in Vietnam? Is it dangerous? When will you be going home?

While answering Michele’s questions, I noticed another white woman take a tray and start down the breakfast line. I was beginning to wonder if this was real. Was I dreaming? This didn’t happen

AP PHOTO

Miss America 1972 Laurie Lea Schaefer meets Army 1st Sgt. George Hudson at Tan Son Nhut Air Base in Saigon. While in Saigon, she also met Maj. Hardy W. Bryan at a hotel dining area.

VIETNAM

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To prove to his buddies back at headquarters that he had breakfast with Miss America and six members of her troupe, Bryan could show them a poster signed by Miss America, Miss Utah, Miss Maine, Miss New Mexico and Miss Louisiana.

line and came to my table. She said: “Hi, y’all!” before looking at me and announcing: “I’m Avis Ann Cochran, and I am from Louisiana.” I immediately knew she was Southern when

16

Hardy W. Bryan served in Vietnam October 1967-October 1968 and November 1971-October 1972. He retired from the Army as a lieutenant colonel and resides in St. Petersburg, Florida.

Do you have reflections on the war you would like to share?

Email your idea or article to Vietnam@historynet.com, subject line: Reflections

COURTESY HARDY W. BRYAN

to me anywhere, much less in a combat zone.

The second woman picked up her tray and came to my table. She introduced herself: “Hello, I am Janis Gentry from the University of Utah.

May I join you?” Now here I was, sitting with two gorgeous women. No way could this be real. I was afraid I would soon wake up and “Poof!”—they would be gone, and reality would return.

Janis asked me similar questions, and I answered them as I continued to pinch myself to see if I was awake. Then two more radiant knockouts came down the serving line. They too walked to my table. Seeing we would need another chair, in addition to the one with my weapon, I picked up my carbine, which had not been seen by Michele or Janis. When I did, they both exclaimed “Oooh!” and seemed shocked at the sight of my rifle. One of the two new arrivals said: “Greetings! I am Laurie Schaefer, and this is Allyn Warner. I am from Ohio, and Allyn is from Maine.” I thought it odd that each woman declared which state she was from, but that was only a passing thought.

It seemed they all wanted to know everything about me and what was going on in Vietnam. I still could not believe this scene was happening— me, with four of the most beautiful women I had ever seen, all together at once, and I’m the center of their attention. No, this couldn’t be real!

I hardly noticed another young pretty woman as she entered the mess hall, went through the

I heard her wonderful drawl.

I finally mustered the courage to ask the girls what this was all about. Laurie explained she was Miss America. Janis, Avis, Allyn and Michele represented their states in the Miss American Pageant held in September 1971. They were in Vietnam with the Miss America USO show, on its sixth annual overseas tour.

“Hot damn!” I thought. “Wait until everybody hears about this!” I was going to enjoy the experience while it lasted. When Avis finished her breakfast and they prepared to leave, I asked if I could have a picture to remember this occasion. The reply was: “Sure! Come on up to our rooms.”

Still thinking that it couldn’t be real, I walked with them down the hallway to their rooms with my carbine slung over my shoulder. Two of them took me by each arm and escorted me. “Nope, this isn’t happening to me!” I said to myself again. But it was!

As we approached their wing of the BOQ, two huge military policemen were not about to let me get past them. They had their orders. Pleas from the Miss America troupe or me were useless. Even pulling rank had no effect. Laurie told me to wait and she would bring a picture to me. While waiting, two more women, both Southerners, came to meet the “nice major.” They were Linda Jean Moyer, Miss Virginia, and Pam Inabinet, Miss South Carolina. They were all elegant, graceful, friendly and—as previously emphasized—gorgeous.

The military police decided it was time for me to remove myself. I thanked the Miss America group for an unforgettable experience and for coming to Vietnam to see the troops. I left in somewhat of a stupor, not believing I really had a meal with Miss America and four of her court, all by myself!

I returned to my headquarters and told others about my experience.

They did not believe me until I showed the poster picture, autographed by five of the women, including Miss America. I made it a point to eat breakfast at the same mess hall every morning for a week, but never saw nor heard about them again.

Thank you, Miss Virginia, Miss Utah, Miss Maine, Miss South Carolina, Miss New Mexico, Miss Louisiana and Miss America for giving me a breakfast in Vietnam I shall never forget. V

VIETNAM

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Green Berets Dramatic scenes of Special Forces in combat FIRST IN A FOUR-PART SERIES

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Extra gas

The B-52G had fuel tanks inside its wings and near the wing tips.

Rear guard

The tail turret’s radarcontrolled quad .50-caliber machine guns protected the bomber from rear attack.

Power packed

The eight turbojets used water injection for takeoff to increase thrust.

Cat’s eyes

The aircraft had a nose-mounted low-light-level TV camera and forward-looking infrared sensor for night vision.

Bombs away

The internal bomb bay carried 27 750-pound Mk 82 bombs.

B-52G STRATOFORTRESS BOMBER At approximately 8 p.m. on Dec. 18, 1972, Operation Linebacker II opened with a wave of 16 cells of B-52 Stratofortress bombers—three planes in a cell—that rolled over Hanoi. President Richard Nixon ended the operation 12 days later after North Vietnam agreed to resume peace negotiations. Linebacker II’s B-52s had dropped more than 15,237 tons of bombs, destroying major military and transportation facilities in Hanoi and Haiphong. The bombers’ effectiveness, combined with heavy North Vietnamese losses during the communists’ 1972 offensive in South Vietnam, as well as Chinese and Russian pressure on Hanoi, drove North Vietnam to sign the Paris Peace Accords on Jan. 27, 1973.

First flown on April 15, 1952, the prototype YB-52 Stratofortress was America’s ARSENAL first all jet-engine intercontinental strategic bomber. The B-52D was the most numerous version in service when Stratofortress planes were ordered to support the Vietnam War in 1965. By 1966 the aircraft had its bomb bays enlarged and wing racks modified to support a bombload of 60,000 pounds.

The B-52G had a greater internal fuel capacity, which enabled it to fly longer distances. It could complete a round-trip mission from Guam without refueling. However, the B-52G had no wing bomb racks and carried a much smaller bombload. All B-52s received several upgrades during the war, but some B-52Gs flew in Linebacker II with less effective AN/ALT-6B jammers to disrupt enemy radar, and they suffered accordingly.

Commonly called the BUFF (for Big Ugly Fat F---er), the B-52 was the Vietnam War’s most feared air weapon. Hanoi formed assessment teams to study B-52 operations and develop tactics and technology to counter them. The Air Force lost 31 B-52s during the war, but Linebacker II demonstrated the B-52’s value when properly employed and supported. B-52s have participated in every conflict involving U.S. forces since 1965. Although production ended in 1962, the bombers continue to receive upgrades and refurbishment. They are expected to remain in front-line service through the 2030s—a remarkable achievement for an aircraft considered by many to be obsolete in 1970. V 18

Crew: Six Engine: Eight Pratt & Whitney J-57-P43WB turbojets with 13,750 lbs. thrust Wingspan: 185 ft.

Length: 147 ft., 6 in.

Takeoff weight: 488,000 lbs.

Max. speed: 636 mph Max combat range: 4,000 miles with 10,000 lbs. bombload Altitude (operational ceiling): 50,000 ft.

Electronic warfare: AN/ALR-20 radar warning system and jamming equipment Max. bombload: 20,250 lbs.

Armament: Four .50-caliber machine guns in tail turret

GREGORY PROCH

By Carl O. Schuster

VIETNAM

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6/1/21 11:01 AM

TODAY IN HISTORY FEBRUARY 28, 1995

DENVER INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT OPENS. FEATURING AN EXTERIOR DESIGN WHICH BEARS RESEMBLANCE TO BOTH THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS AND TEPEES OF NATIVE AMERICANS, THE AIRPORT SPRAWLS OVER 52.4 SQUARE MILES OF LAND, 1.5 TIMES THE SIZE OF MANHATTAN. COST OVERRUNS AND CONTROVERSIAL PLANNING DECISIONS HAVE LED TO CONSPIRACY THEORIES RELATED TO THE ILLUMINATI AND THE PRESENCE OF DOOMSDAY BUNKERS. For more, visit WWW.HISTORYNET.COM/ TODAY-IN-HISTORY

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July 1 The 26th Amendment, allowing 18-year-olds to vote, is ratified after approval by three-fourths of the states when North Carolina becomes the 38th to sign on. The amendment, a response to cries of “old enough to fight, old enough to vote,” was approved by Congress on March 23.

July 10 The National Women’s Political Caucus is founded in Washington to recruit and train female candidates for public office.

One of the founders, Gloria Steinem, delivers an “Address to the Women of America,” declaring: “This is no simple reform. It really is a revolution.”

HOMEFRONT

JULY-AUGUST

1971

July 1 Folk singer Joan Baez releases a double album Blessed Are… It includes “The Night They Drove Old Dixie Down,” written by Robbie Robinson of Canadian group The Band and released in 1969. The Baez interpretation would rise to No. 3 on the pop charts in October.

July 26 Apollo 15 launches, sending astronauts David Scott, James Irwin, Alfred Worden and their car to the moon. The astronauts took NASA’s first lunar rover on three drives over three days for a total of 17 miles. The crew returned to Earth on Aug. 7.

July 3 Jim Morrison, lead singer of The Doors, is found dead in the bathtub of a Paris apartment he shared with his girlfriend.

The cause was listed as heart failure, but conflicting stories about how he died, usually involving drugs, have swirled around his death for decades.

He was 27.

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VIETNAM

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Aug. 1 The Sonny and Cher Comedy Hour premieres on CBS with husband and wife pop duo Sonny (Salvatore Phillip Bono) and Cher (born Cherilyn Sarkisian), who began performing together in 1964. Each show ends with “I Got You Babe,” their August 1965 chart topper.

July 1 In the largest single troop withdrawal since the beginning of American involvement in the war, 6,100 U.S troops leave South Vietnam.

The in-country BATTLEFRONT force is reduced to 236,000 men, less than half the peak number of 543,400 in April 1969.

July 8-9 Defense of the Demilitarized Zone separating North and South Vietnam shifts to the Army of the Republic of Vietnam as U.S. forces complete their turnover of bases there when the last 500 soldiers of the 1st Brigade, 5th Infantry Division, depart firebases Alpha 4 and Charlie 2.

Aug. 7 “How Can You Mend a Broken Heart” becomes the first No. 1 single on the U.S. charts for the Bee Gees, an Australian band formed in 1958 by brothers Barry, Robin and Maurice Gibb.

July 19-28 Supported by American artillery and helicopters, 12,000 ARVN troops conduct combat operations inside Cambodia to block the North Vietnamese Army’s infiltration into the Mekong Delta region and to inhibit enemy access to South Vietnam northwest of Saigon.

Aug. 2 The Nixon administration officially admits that the CIA is maintaining a 30,000-man force of Laotian “irregulars” fighting Hanoi-backed communist troops throughout officially neutral Laos. The announcement was a public acknowledgment of what became known as the “Secret War.” Aug. 6 The last remaining troops of the 4th Battalion, 503rd Infantry Regiment, 173rd Airborne Brigade — the first U.S. Army combat unit in Vietnam (May 1965) — are withdrawn from the field and prepare for deployment to Fort Campbell, Kentucky.

Aug. 22 The FBI arrests 28 anti-war activists breaking into a Camden, New Jersey, office to destroy draft registration records. An informant had alerted the FBI, which told him to encourage the crime. In May 1973 a jury acquitted 17 on a finding of government “overreach.”

Charges were dismissed for the rest.

Aug. 18 Australia and New Zealand, two important allies, announce the withdrawal of their remaining troops from Vietnam. At this time, Australia still had 6,000 troops in-country, and New Zealand had 264.

JULY 1 (AMENDMENT): HISTORYNET ARCHIVES; JULY 1 (BAEZ): FOTOS INTERNATIONAL/GETTY IMAGES; JULY 3: CHRIS WALTER/WIREIMAGE; JULY 10: AP PHOTO/CHARLES GORRY; JULY 26: NASA; AUG. 1: CBS VIA GETTY IMAGES; AUG. 7; GUY ACETO COLLECTION; AUG. 22: POV COURTESY OF JOHN SWINGLISH

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OPPOSITE: MARTIN BAKER; AT RIGHT: COURTESY VICTOR VIZCARRA

Ejection training is something an aviator hopes never to use— except when not to do so is the worse alternative.

Air Force pilot Victor Vizcarra, like others who bailed out over North Vietnam, had to face the fear of what might be waiting below—death or years as a prisoner of war … unless they were fortunate enough to be rescued.

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VIETNAM

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A BRUSH WITH DEATH A HELICOPTER RESCUE TEAM HAD TO FIND DOWNED PILOT VICTOR VIZCARRA BEFORE THE ENEMY DID

By Marcelo Ribeiro da Silva

OPPOSITE: MARTIN BAKER; AT RIGHT: COURTESY VICTOR VIZCARRA

I

n 1966, the country with the most heavily defended air space was not the United States, the Soviet Union or China. It was North Vietnam. A well-developed triad of anti-aircraft guns, surface-to-air missiles and MiG fighter planes made it the most dangerous place in the world for American pilots.

Yet week after week U.S. aviators were sent into the firestorm to hit North Vietnamese targets, and many didn’t come out. One of those who went down was U.S. Air Force Capt. Victor Vizcarra, a F-105D Thunderchief fighter-bomber pilot—and his plane wasn’t even touched by a North Vietnamese weapon.

Vizcarra’s journey to Vietnam began with admiration for his brother Gilbert, 15 years his senior, who enlisted in the U.S. Army Air Corps in 1942 and became a fighter pilot in World War II. Victor, born Oct. 13, 1936, in Los Angeles, learned of his brother’s heroics through talks with their father.

“My dad would tell me stories about what Gil was doing in the war so I wouldn’t forget him,” Vizcarra recalled in an extensive interview for this article. “I was in awe of him and wanted to be just like him. He finished his combat tour with 153 combat missions. He was the greatest influence in my life.”

In January 1960 Vizcarra joined the Air Force through the ROTC program at Loyola University in Los Angeles. He was called to active duty in March 1960 and went to Spence Air Base in Moultrie, Georgia, for primary flight training. Then it was on to Reese Air Force Base in Lubbock, Texas, for basic flight training and his pilot’s wings. In November 1961, Vizcarra graduated from a six-month program at Luke Air Force Base in Glendale, Arizona, to train him for the F-100 Super Sabre fighter-bomber.

After advanced training he was assigned in April 1962 to the 309th Tactical Fighter Squadron, 31st Tactical Fighter Wing, at Homestead Air Force Base in Florida. In 1963, Vizcarra received orders for an F-105 assignment and reported to Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada that August. His next stop was Itazuke Air Base

Vizcarra, in front of his F-105D Thunderchief, was on an Operation Rolling Thunder bombing mission in November 1966 when he was forced to eject over North Vietnam.

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he air war heated up on March 2, 1965, with the beginning of Operation Rolling Thunder, a campaign of continuous bombing that U.S. officials hoped would force North Vietnam to abandon its efforts to overthrow South Vietnam. “The planners at the Department of Defense estimated the campaign would last six to eight weeks,” Vizcarra noted. “It lasted 44 months and never achieved its goal.”

The 80th TFS was stationed at Takhli Royal Thai Air Force Base from mid-July through the latter part of August 1965. During this time, Vizcarra flew 29 Rolling Thunder missions in F-105 Thunderchiefs, “Thuds,” including “the first strike against a surface-to-air missile site in the history of aerial warfare,” he said. The Air Force lost six of the 46 Thuds involved in the attack on those SAMs, Vizcarra added.

In September 1966, Vizcarra and two other pilots from the 80th TFS deployed to the 354th TFS at the Takhli air base. The move sent him on more SAM suppression missions.

The mission on Nov. 6, 1966, would be the one Vizcarra could never forget. Capt. Glen Davis, in an F-105 designated Clipper Lead, and Vizcarra,

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Clipper 2, were looking for three suspected SAM sites just above the Demilitarized Zone separating North and South Vietnam.

Suddenly Vizcarra’s aircraft suffered a “hellacious” engine compressor stall.

“I initially believed I could nurse the plane back to Takhli,” Vizcarra said. He jettisoned six M117 750-pound bombs to lighten the plane.

“But that didn’t help, and I couldn’t maintain my altitude. It soon became obvious I was going to have to eject.”

After informing Clipper Lead, he pulled up the seat armrest ejection handles and waited for the canopy over the cockpit to jettison. “But nothing happened,” Vizcarra added. “I thought that the system had failed and that I was going to have to blow myself through the canopy!”

He squeezed the ejection trigger in each armrest. The canopy jettisoned and the seat followed.

Vizcarra took a last look at the cockpit instruments: airspeed 172 knots (about 200 mph) and altimeter 3,700 feet. At that altitude, he was just 1,700 feet above the terrain—300 feet below recommended minimum ejection altitude.

“The seat ballistics took me in a large backward somersault where I was inverted at the peak of the arc,” Vizcarra said. “At about the peak of the somersault, my seat belt and harness opened automatically, and the butt snapper forced me out of the seat.” The butt snapper is webbing that conforms to the shape of the seat but is stretched taut during the ejection process, bouncing the crew member out of the seat. Without it, Vizcarra explained, “too many individuals would tense up and never let go and ride the seat all the way to their deaths.”

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in Japan on Dec. 31 with the 80th Tactical Fighter Squadron, part of the 8th Crew: One Tactical Fighter Wing.

Engine: One Pratt & Whitney On Aug. 2, 1964, three North VietJ-75-P-19W turbojet with namese vessels attacked a U.S. destroyer 24,500 lbs. of thrust in the Gulf of Tonkin. In response, PresWingspan: 34 ft., 11 in.

Length: 64 ft., 5 in. ident Lyndon B. Johnson on Aug. 5 orHeight: 19 ft., 8 in. dered airstrikes against North Vietnam.

Max. weight: 52,838 lbs.

The 80th TFS deployed to Korat Royal Max. speed: 1,390 mph Thai Air Force Base on Oct. 30, 1964, Range: 2,206 miles and remained there through December.

Service ceiling: 51,000 ft.

“Our combat missions were very limArmament: One M61 Vulcan ited during this deployment,” Vizcarra 20 mm cannon; more than said. The squadron mainly provided air 12,000 lbs. of ordnance cover for search and rescue efforts to (rockets, bombs, missiles) save downed aircrews. Vizcarra was credited with eight combat missions on that deployment.

F-105D Thunderchief

U.S. AIR FORCE

Two F-105 Thunderchiefs are on a “hunter-killer” flight to attack North Vietnam’s surface-to-air missile sites. An F-105F two-seater, nicknamed “Wild Weasel,” is armed with a missile designed to take out the SAM radar used to spot American planes. With the SAM’s radar destroyed by the hunter, the single-seat F-105D killer is clear to bomb and destroy the SAM launch site

The shock from the opening of his parachute was “very mild” because of the extremely low airspeed at ejection, Vizcarra said. “Even though I had never bailed out before, prior training automatically started me going through procedures of checking my chute for any torn panels or twisted lines, and I found everything in perfect shape.”

The ejected pilot saw an F-105 flying below and close to him. “At first I was ready to cuss out my lead for flying so close to me, but then realized it was my plane,” Vizcarra said. “I watched it as it proceeded in a gradual descent and then slowly turned left and crashed into a mountainside with a resounding explosion.” It’s an image that still haunts him.

Vizcarra had ejected east of the North Vietnamese/Laotian border and just south of Mu Gia Pass, used by North Vietnamese supply trucks to reach the Ho Chi Minh Trail. It was about 3:30 p.m.

“I was surprised how quiet it was with only the sound of wind rushing through my helmet as I floated down towards the thick jungle below me,” Vizcarra remembered. “I pulled the release handle on my survival kit attached to my butt, which, when released, would hang below you by an almost 20-feet lanyard. I prepared for a landing in the trees. I put my feet close together and one arm on the parachute risers behind my head and the other arm on the front risers, making myself as streamlined as possible.”

When Vizcarra ejected, the F-105’s seat shot out of the jet and sent him into a somersault. Then the harness and seat belt opened, separating the pilot from his seat just before the parachute opened. He floated down with a radio and survival gear.

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ctually, “a landing in the trees” isn’t precisely what happened. “It was more like an uncontrolled crash!” Vizcarra said. “It was a very sudden stop. In addition to ending up tangled upside down in the tree, it also knocked the wind out of me. Hanging upside down from my right ankle wedged in a fork of a branch, it was nearly impossible to determine my height from the ground.”

After several strenuous attempts to bend upward, grab the branch hold-

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A North Vietnamese SAM, the SA-2 Guideline missile, in the outskirts of Hanoi is ready to be fired against American bombers.

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He picked a corridor to his left and followed it about 10 feet, then turned right into another corridor. Going an additional 10 feet, he saw an indentation in the passageway. Vizcarra decided that he could conceal himself in there. By leaning forward and looking back toward the spot where he entered, he would be able to see intruders silhouetted against the backlight of the main entrance. He was now able to rest.

“I finally had time to reflect on what had happened,” Vizcarra said. “I thought of my family for the first time, wondering how my wife would react when they informed her I was down. I thought of my two sons. They were 5 and 6—old enough to remember me if I didn’t get rescued. I thought of my daughter. She was three weeks short of being a year old—too young to remember me if I didn’t get rescued. For the first time, I felt pangs of despair. I turned to my faith and said a little prayer asking God to help me get out of this place!”

Almost immediately, he heard the sound of jets flying overhead. They were F-105 Thunderchiefs, although Vizcarra didn’t know it at the time. “I rushed out of the cave and heard Clipper Lead calling me as I turned on my survival radio,” he said.

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avis told Vizcarra that search-and-rescue aircraft were on-site. The rescue helicopter, not identified to Vizcarra, was a UH2A Seasprite, dubbed the “Grey Ghost” by its crew, members of the Navy’s Helicopter Combat Support Squadron 1 stationed on the destroyer USS Halsey in the South China Sea. The helicopter was accompanied by Air Force A-1 Skyraider single-seat, propeller planes that were designed as fighter-bombers but also served as escorts on rescue operations. While on rescue duty, Skyraiders

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ing the wedged ankle and pull himself up, Vizcarra finally succeeded. But he still didn’t know how far he was from the ground. Jungle trees in Southeast Asia can grow as high as 200 feet. To gauge the distance, Vizcarra dropped his helmet. He saw it vanish into the jungle undergrowth. He still had no idea of where the ground was.

“In desperation, I foolishly chanced it and released myself from my chute hoping I was not too high up,” Vizcarra said. “To my surprise, I dropped about 6 feet, which meant when I was hanging upside down, my head was only about 3 feet from the ground!” He had narrowly missed crashing headfirst to his death.

On the ground, Vizcarra put into practice what he learned during Survival Training School at Stead Air Force Base in Reno, Nevada. First, he turned off the beeper beacon that would identify his location to rescue crews because it might interfere with his emergency survival radio.

Vizcarra made contact with Clipper Lead pilot Davis, who instructed him to conserve radio power by turning the device off for 15 minutes until searchand-rescue forces arrived. Vizcarra sat on the jungle floor to wait.

“I quickly realized that although I was in thick jungle undergrowth, it wasn’t thick enough to conceal me,” Vizcarra said. He moved northward toward karst mountains—limestone rock weathered into cliffs, sinkholes and, most important to Vizcarra, caves. He had noticed the outcrops as he parachuted into the jungle.

Penetrator The jungle penetrator “I reached the base of the karst after traveling helped rescue crews reach around 200 yards up an incline,” he said. “Several and retrieve downed airmen. cave entrances came into view, providing excellent With the three “petals” concealment opportunities.” folded up, the pointed device could penetrate a Vizcarra soon found a good hiding place. “I endense jungle. Once in the tered the nearest cave directly in front of me and was hands of a downed airman, surprised by how dark it was after only taking a few the petals could be folded steps into the cave,” he said. “I had to stop and let my out and become a seat that eyes get accustomed to the darkness. I was amazed. would be attached to a helicopter hoist cable.

The cave was like a labyrinth with various corridors.”

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Vietnam’s terrain could be dangerous, even deadly, for airmen parachuting to earth. They could easily get trapped hanging in the thick growth of the jungle.

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used the call sign Sandy.

Davis radioed that Sandy 7 would be in charge.

Sandy 7 immediately told Vizcarra to press and hold down his radio button for a “long count” to give Sandy’s ADF (automatic direction finder) time to get a fix on Vizcarra’s radio signal.

Vizcarra replied with his count: “Clipper 2, five, four, three, two, one, and repeated the count back up to five.” Sandy 7 determined Vizcarra’s location and flew directly over him. Vizcarra radioed, “Sandy 7, you just flew over me!” Sandy 7 didn’t acknowledge, and Vizcarra thought the pilot might not have heard him. (After he got back to Japan and was reviewing the transcripts of radio transmissions, Vizcarra learned that Sandy 7 didn’t respond because he was concerned that the enemy might be monitoring the American radios and would be able to pinpoint Vizcarra’s location.)

At the time of the planned rescue, the sky was “almost a total overcast,” Vizcarra recalled, “with only one nearby sucker hole [a clearing in the clouds]. I heard Sandy 7 radio his wingman that he thought he could spiral down through the sucker hole and get below the clouds. All I could see were the tops of the karst disappearing into the low overcast with very little room for staying in visual conditions.”

The clock added to the pressure. Only 30 minutes of daylight were left.

The rescue helicopter, call sign “Royal Lancer,” was cleared to conduct the operation. “I picked up the distant sound of a helicopter one valley over,” Vizcarra said. “I told him I was northwest of his location and to come over one valley. He acknowledged. My excitement increased as the sound of the chopper increased as he approached my position. I finally got a partial glimpse of him through the top of the thick foliage as he traversed from left to right over my parachute hung up on the tree.”

Vizcarra radioed, “You just flew over my chute!

Do you have it in sight?” The chopper pilot acknowledged in the affirmative. Vizcarra excitedly responded, “OK, I’m only 200 miles north of my chute!” He then heard an inquisitive voice: “You’re where?” Vizcarra corrected himself: “Negative, negative. I mean I’m 200 yards north of the chute.” The rescue copter moved sideways toward Vizcarra, who popped a smoke flare to mark his location.

As the chopper neared, its downwash kicked up debris from the jungle floor and broke branches off trees. One hit Vizcarra on the head, but it was small and didn’t cause much of an injury, he said. The noise of breaking branches increased as the chopper stopped, hovered over him and low-

An A-1A Skyraider flies just above the tree line as its pilot looks for a stranded airman.

A Skyraider pilot in radio communication with Vizcarra and a helicopter directed the rescue effort.

A recovered airman in a penetrator seat is hoisted out of the jungle and into the rescue helicopter.

Vizcarra was rammed against a tree branch on his ride to freedom.

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A UH-2A Seasprite of Navy Helicopter Combat Support Squadron 1, the unit that rescued Vizcarra, sits on the deck of destroyer USS Halsey.

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reached the branch,” Vizcarra lamented. “My rescuers had to stop and lower me a few feet and try using my shoulder several times as a battering ram to break through the branch!”

Once free of that barrier, Vizcarra continued his ascent. Eventually, he cleared the trees.

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he chopper tilted nose down and started to speed away. “I finally felt someone grab the collar of my flight suit at the nape of my neck and pull me into the chopper,” Vizcarra said.

He checked his watch and figured that in about 40 minutes the helicopter would be touching down at Nakhon Phanom Royal Thai Air Force Base, where a U.S. Air Force helicopter rescue squadron was based. From ejection to rescue, Vizcarra had been on the ground for about two hours.

After a little while, Vizcarra was handed a life preserver, “which I thought was strange,” he said, “All of this just to cross the Mekong River?” He was unaware that he had been hoisted into a Navy helicopter.

Later a crewman “opened the chopper door and started dumping out anything that wasn’t tied down, the machine gun, ammo cans, etc.,” he recalled. “I wondered what the heck was going on when all of sudden I remembered their pleas for me to hurry up because of being low on fuel. I wondered how close these guys had cut it.”

Close to the 40 minutes he had estimated for the flight to Nakhon Phanom, Vizcarra felt the chopper start to decelerate, begin a descent and land. “When I jumped out of the chopper, instead of being on terra firma as I expected, I was shocked when I got hit in the face by the spray of salt water and a bunch of flashing light bulbs.”

To his great surprise, Vizcarra was on a Navy ship. “All this time I had been thinking I had been saved by the Air Force,” he said.

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ered into the trees a rescue hoist called a “jungle penetrator.” Vizcarra only had to Crew: Pilot, co-pilot, with up take one step to reach the penetrator. He to 11 passengers thought to himself, “These guys are good!”

Engine: General Electric Vizcarra unzipped the hoist’s canvas T58-GE-8F, 1,350 horsepower cover and pulled down three petal-shaped Rotor diameter: 44 ft. pieces of metal that folded out to an anFuselage length: 40 ft., 4 in. chor-like seat. He positioned himself over Height: 15 ft., 6 in.

Max. takeoff weight: the petals, sitting on one and straddling a 13,300 lbs. leg over each of the other two. The next Max. speed: 165 mph step was to secure the safety lanyard Range: 422 miles around himself and snap the clasp in place Service ceiling: 22,500 ft. on the hoist, but Vizcarra—trying to do all of that with one hand while holding his radio in the other—was having a difficult time opening the clasp.

“The spring in the clasp was either bent or rusty, but I couldn’t open it all the way with my thumb,” he said. “Every time I tried to hook the security line up, the clasp would bounce off because of it not being fully open.”

As Vizcarra struggled, someone with a megaphone in the helicopter called for him to hurry up. The helicopter was running low on fuel. After the third call from the helicopter, Vizcarra gave up on his attempt to secure the lanyard and was going to radio “OK, I’m ready,” but he got out only “OK” before he was jerked up suddenly.

“I lost hold of my radio as I reached for the cable with both hands,” he said. “The ascent was relatively quick while I held on to the cable for HC-1 Patch dear life, unsecured.”

Navy Helicopter Support It was a jarring experience. “I don’t like Squadron 1 (HC-1) got its heights unless I’m in an airplane, so I closed my start as Helicopter Utility eyes while they pulled me up,” he said. But he Squadron 1, formed in 1948. opened them upon hearing a “squeaking noise” It was designated HC-1 on above him that was increasing in loudness. The July 1, 1965. The squadron’s sound was the hoist cable rubbing against a tree primary mission was search and rescue. Its nickname branch. The hovering helicopter had drifted was “Fleet Angels.” HC-1 from its initial position, which meant the cable performed more than 1,600 was no longer hanging straight down. rescues before it was “My rise to freedom stopped as my shoulder disestablished in 1994.

UH-2A Seasprite

Vizcarra learned that this was the helicopter squadron’s last duty day on the Halsey. “I was their eighth rescue that cycle and their first land rescue,” he said. “It was an emotional rescue for the unit. They were still reeling over their most recent attempted land rescue, which had been unsuccessful. The unsuccessful experience propelled the unit to go to extremes in my rescue, staying on station way below ‘Bingo Fuel,’ the amount of fuel needed to get back home.”

The squadron’s noncommissioned officer in charge, Petty Officer 1st Class Curtis Venable, stationed on the Halsey’s bridge, had recognized

during the rescue that the helicopter’s fuel situation was critical. He recommended that Capt. Julien J. LeBourgeois, the Halsey’s commander, turn the ship around and race toward the returning helicopter at maximum speed, 34 knots (39 mph). When the chopper landed on the ship, it had just two minutes of fuel left.

By the time Vizcarra arrived at the Halsey, it was night, and from inside the helicopter he couldn’t see where the chopper landed. As he departed the Seasprite and discovered he was on a ship’s landing deck, a look of bewildered astonishment appeared on the Air Force captain’s face—a moment captured in a Navy photographer’s picture. Next to Vizcarra in the photo is Navy Airman Recruit P.J. Meier. The UH-2A’s crew included pilot Lt. Robert Cooper, co-pilot Lt. j.g. William Ruhe Jr. and Airman Recruit Robert J. Wall.

The photo, which became one of the war’s iconic images, was the subject of a humorous caption contest among the ship’s crew. The winner: “A ship? I thought I was being rescued!”

Vizcarra returned to Vietnam in 1970 as an F-100D Super Sabre pilot assigned to the 35th Tactical Fighter Wing, 352nd Tactical Fighter Squadron, at Phan Rang, South Vietnam. He retired from the Air Force as a colonel in 1984 after 24 years of service and just short of 3,600 flight hours—2,694 of which were in four different military jets. V

TOP: Vizcarra, stepping out of the Seasprite, is surprised to find himself on the deck of a ship. Unable to get his bearings in the darkness of the rescue flight, Vizcarra thought he was going to an Air Force base.

COURTESY VIC VIZCARRA (2)

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Marcelo Ribeiro da Silva is a Brazilian journalist and military aviation history researcher with a special interest in the Vietnam War and Cold War. He writes for military aviation history magazines in Brazil and abroad.

His terrifying ordeal behind him, Vizcarra relaxes with the Halsey crew.

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1ST CAV’S RETURN TO IA DRANG ANOTHER AMBUSH AND HIGH CASUALTIES

By Steve Hassett

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Troops of the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) march through a forest on Chu Pong Mountain in the Ia Drang Valley in 1965. In November 1965, 1st Cav units in the valley fought the U.S. Army’s first large-scale battle against the North Vietnamese Army. A year later in the Ia Drang, the 1st Cav again found itself in a tough fight with the NVA.

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ambushed and suffered severe losses before reinforcements arrived. Close to 300 Americans were killed at those two sites and related fighting.

Both sides learned lessons from that fight. We learned to rely on massive supporting fire and quick reinforcement from the air, while the enemy learned to fight us as close as possible—to “cling to our belts,” making it harder for U.S. air support to target the enemy without hitting our own troops.

In the first two weeks of November 1966, we went in and out of the valley. The only sign of the NVA was a skull found in the underbrush—a relic from the previous year’s fighting. Yet we never shook the eerie feeling that we were being watched. About halfway through November, we got a new company commander, Capt.

Harold Wunsch, coming from a staff job at battalion headquarters.

A few days after Wunsch arrived, he called Charlie Company together and told us we would go back into the valley to intercept commuSteve Hassett, a member of Charlie Company’s 1st Platoon, helped wrap the dead in ponchos after the Nov. 21, 1966, battle and prepare them for a transport helicopter.

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joined Charlie Company’s 1st Platoon as a private first class around Labor Day 1966, about two weeks after six men in the company were killed and others wounded in the Ia Drang Valley of South Vietnam’s Central Highlands. I was one of about 30 to 35 replacements sent in late August and early September to the company, part of 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile). Charlie Company returned to the valley on a reconnaissance mission a few days before Thanksgiving.

During September and October, we had been operating in the central coastal mountains and plains of Binh Dinh province, where we lost 11 men to combat, drowning and friendly fire. We then flew on short notice to the Cambodian border to join the 4th and 25th Infantry divisions in Operation Paul Revere IV, a search-and-destroy mission focused on the Plei Trap Valley northwest of the Duc Co Special Forces camp.

Two 1st Cav battalions were sent to cover the infantry divisions’ rear and block enemy movements through the Ia Drang Valley south of the camp.

When we learned where we were going, the older guys told the new men they would be earning their Combat Infantry Badge soon.

The 1st Cav had a history in that valley. The first clash between battalion-sized units of the U.S. Army and North Vietnamese Army regulars took place in the Ia Drang area of Pleiku province in November 1965. Helicopter-borne 1st Cav troops dropped at Landing Zone X-Ray on Nov. 14 soon were attacked by the NVA but eventually repulsed the enemy. On Nov. 17, 1st Cav troops at nearby LZ Albany were

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After the first battle in the Ia Drang Valley, Nov. 14-17, 1965, hundreds of 1st Cav bodies had to be loaded onto evacuation helicopters.

Soldiers in the 4th Infantry Division patrol the jungle in late 1966 during Operation Paul Revere IV, a series of search-and-destroy missions in the region near the Duc Co Special Forces Camp. Charlie Company was doing a sweep of its assigned area in the operation when it was attacked.

1st Cav Ambushed Ia Drang Valley, Nov. 21, 1966

DUC CO

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n Nov. 19, a scout chopper spotted about 20 enemy soldiers just inside the border. Charlie Company was helicoptered into a small clearing to check it out. Each of our platoons patrolled in a different direction. We noticed fresh trails through the brush but didn’t find any NVA. As night fell on the 20th, my platoon, 1st Platoon, had not linked up with the other platoons, so we set up an ambush about 900 yards south of them.

The 2nd and 3rd platoons set up ambush positions about 200 yards apart.

The 3rd Platoon was along a well-used trail. During the night NVA troops probed its position. One NVA soldier was killed. Three or four others faded like shadows back into the jungle and darkness, as one of them yelled: “Tomorrow, you die GI!” An experienced squad leader in 3rd Platoon, Sgt. Henry Brown, continued to report movement during the night. However, our captain, who was with 2nd Platoon, dismissed those reports, attributing them to the man’s jitteriness. Another squad leader heard a strange noise. At first light, he discovered the gruesome origin of the sound—hundreds of red army ants chewing on the dead NVA soldier’s exposed flesh. The corpse was wearing a fresh uniform and had a new AK-47 assault rifle.

Early in the morning on Nov. 21, my platoon chowed down on C rations and then moved farther from the company to set up a blocking position.

The 2nd and 3rd platoons planned to combine forces and sweep toward my 1st Platoon and drive the NVA into our field of fire.

By 10 a.m. we were roughly a mile south of the other platoons. The 3rd Platoon remained at its ambush position, where it was joined the by 2nd Platoon and Wunsch’s company command group. A Huey helicopter dropped supplies for them.

The leader of 3rd Platoon, a platoon sergeant, picked up the dead NVA soldier’s AK-47 and emptied the magazine into the corpse’s head. He sup-

CAMBODIA

SPECIAL FORCES CAMP

nist couriers crossing the Cambodian border.

We later learned the 1st Cav had solid intelligence indicating that fresh NVA regiments in Cambodia were ready to enter South Vietnam. For years I believed that our commanding officer lied to us, but I know now it’s possible the intel never filtered down to him. The commander of another company in our battalion recalled that “down at our level, we were like mushrooms ... kept in the dark and fed with lots of BS.”

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SOUTH VIETNAM CENTR AL HIGHL ANDS

IA DR ANG VALLEY

Charlie Company ambush

IA DRANG RIVER ALBANY LANDING ZONE

X-RAY LANDING ZONE

CHU PONG MASSIF

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During a three-platoon mission to Enlarged ambush enemy troops near Duc Area Co, Charlie Company of 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), SOUTH was itself ambushed. On Nov. 21, VIETNAM the North Vietnamese Army struck 2nd Platoon and then 3rd Platoon. More than half of the Charlie Company men engaged in the fight that day were killed. Just a year earlier, on Nov. 14-17, the valley was the scene of a famous battle between the U.S. Army and the NVA when battalion-sized units faced off at landing zones X-Ray and Albany. Around 300 Americans were killed there and in related fighting.

posedly did this to show the new men the serious nature of war. However, the sergeant himself was new—a replacement for a platoon sergeant wounded in mid-October.

The 3rd Platoon had a man sick with abdominal pains. There was no nearby clearing for a medevac, so Wunsch ordered a 13-man squad under Brown to take the sick man to LZ Hawk, about a mile northeast of their position. The remaining 22 men of 3rd Platoon would stay put until Brown’s squad returned, while Wunsch and 2nd Platoon began a wider sweep with 35 to 40 men.

The rest of our battalion was widely scattered.

The closest troops were two platoons of Alpha Company about a mile north of us. Mutual support was impossible.

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NVA moving along the border. As the platoon turned, the North Vietnamese disappeared into the high grass close to a small knoll. Wunsch ordered recon by fire—shooting to draw a response that would reveal the enemy’s position—and called in artillery. The platoon spotted five or six NVA men standing on the knoll and facing the other direction. Wunsch believed the NVA was unaware of the platoon’s presence, despite our artillery and small arms fire. As the captain moved the platoon into position to sweep the knoll, forward observer Spc. 4 Bill Tuey, our company’s liaison with artillery units, warned Wunsch he was heading into a trap.

The 2nd Platoon advanced toward the knoll and fired on the NVA, killing some. As the platoon reached the knoll’s base, the NVA opened up with machine gun and AK-47 fire, hitting several of our men. At approximately 10:05 a.m., Wunsch radioed the battalion commander, Lt. Col. Robert Siegrist, to report that 2nd Platoon had killed six to eight NVA fighters. “I think we’re holding our own,” he added, even though the platoon was already pinned down in the high grass and NVA soldiers on the higher ground simply fired wherever they saw the grass move.

About 10 or 15 minutes into the fight, Wunsch radioed 3rd Platoon, about 200 yards away, to come to the aid of 2nd platoon. As 3rd Platoon moved out, it was attacked on all sides by an NVA force of at least company strength. The North Vietnamese had crawled undetected through the high grass and almost immediately placed a light machine gun in the position that 3rd Platoon had just vacated as it moved out.

Meanwhile, 2nd Platoon’s fight devolved into small battles for survival led by the platoon sergeant and squad leaders. Both Wunsch and the 2nd Platoon leader were wounded early in the fight and given morphine by a medic. As 3rd Platoon was fending off the NVA, the volume of fire became so great that 2nd Platoon could hear it.

Wunsch, likely feeling the morphine, told his radioman to contact 3rd Platoon and “tell them to quit their damn firing.”

Tuey called for artillery support from a battery of 105 mm howitzers. Still a few weeks short of his 19th birthday, he became one of 2nd Platoon’s leaders, effectively handling all supporting fire and communication with the other platoons from that point on.

TOP: © KEYSTONE PICTURES USA/ZUMAPRESS.COM/ALAMY; TIM PAGE/CORBIS VIA GETTY IMAGES

LEFT TOP: In a likely posed photo, communists attack with rifles, machine guns and rocketpropelled grenades, much as they did in in the fight with Charlie Company. BOTTOM: Troops in the Ia Drang were almost always ambush targets.

PATCH: HISTORYNET ARCHIVES; VIETNAM VETERANS MEMORIAL WALL OF FACES

TOP: © KEYSTONE PICTURES USA/ZUMAPRESS.COM/ALAMY; TIM PAGE/CORBIS VIA GETTY IMAGES

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hen the NVA attacked 3rd Platoon, its radioman, Pfc. John Godfrey, told Tuey the platoon was taking fire. Minutes later, Godfrey radioed that they were surrounded by NVA attacking with hand grenades. He asked for artillery fire directly on 3rd Platoon’s position. Tuey immediately called a fire mission, but it was delayed until the battalion commander’s chopper cleared the area. After the first rounds, Godfrey asked for the artillery to be brought closer.

Tuey readjusted the coordinates. The full battery fired in support of the surrounded platoon.

Tuey got a call from Godfrey saying the rounds were on target and to keep them coming. That was the last contact with 3rd Platoon.

Tuey tried to raise Godfrey, but got no response. He told him to press the talk button on the radio’s handset if he was alive but unable to talk.

Tuey heard gunshots and people speaking Vietnamese before the radio went dead. While Tuey was handling most of the direct contact with 3rd Platoon, Wunsch radioed battalion leader Siegrist and told him 3rd Platoon was surrounded. About five minutes later, he reported: “We probably have lost them.”

The ambush of 3rd Platoon probably lasted no more than 15 or 20 minutes before the unit was overrun. Only two survived, and each recalls being the last man firing. Sgt. Julius Durham was hit in the arm trying to lead his squad to break the ambush. Pfc. Anthony Gray, an ammo bearer for a machine gun, kept firing with his rifle and throwing grenades after the machine gunner and assistant gunner were hit. After his M16 rifle jammed, Gray was hit in the eye and jaw by rifle fire and grenade fragments.

Durham and Gray played dead as the NVA moved through the area, killing the wounded and taking their weapons. One of them grabbed Godfrey’s radio. When an NVA soldier yanked Gray’s rifle out of his hand, the private involuntarily jerked, but the enemy didn’t shoot him. The NVA soldiers who ambushed 3rd Platoon turned their attention to 2nd Platoon, still trapped at the base of the knoll about 200 yards away, and attacked with rocket-propelled grenades.

Shortly after the fight started, Wunsch had ordered 1st Platoon to rejoin the rest of the company, and Siegrist ordered Alpha Company’s two platoons to link up with Charlie Company. Both groups had just started to move when 3rd Platoon was ambushed. At the same time, Brown and his 3rd Platoon squad transporting the sick man had gone just a few hundred yards when 5th Cavalry they heard the call from Godfrey telling Tuey Regiment their platoon was surrounded.

The 5th Cavalry Regiment, Brown’s men, however, were unable to make the Black Knights, traces radio contact with the rest of the company. They its origins to the 2nd Cavalry Regiment, paused briefly and considered turning back, but activated in March 1855 sporadic fire from the NVA clearly indicated they and redesignated the 5th were being tracked, so they continued on to LZ in August 1861. It became Hawk. A mortar platoon there fired shots to guide part of the 1st Cavalry Division in December 1922. them, and they reached the landing zone without The regiment was sent to casualties. A scout chopper later reported as many Vietnam in September as 100 North Vietnamese were in pursuit.

1965 and stayed there As my platoon moved toward the besieged 2nd until June 1972. The unit Platoon, we started jogging but couldn’t sustain received six Medal of that pace because we were in full gear and slowed Honor awards in Vietnam.

Pfc. John Dalton, a wounded 2nd Platoon machine gunner, kept firing until he lost consciousness.

He died before he could be medevaced. Dalton received a posthumous Silver Star.

by patches of bamboo, high grass and sharp, thorn-covered vines. Uncertain of 2nd Platoon’s location, we headed toward the firing, but got lost.

We apparently bypassed the platoon and crossed into Cambodia before we fixed on its location.

We reached 2nd Platoon shortly after an airstrike unleashed napalm and cannon fire on NVA positions atop the knoll. Airstrikes were usually executed smoothly and without delay, but that day something broke down. It took almost an hour for the Army’s Huey gunships to arrive, and when they did the thick jungle canopy dispersed the impact of their rockets. The munitions had little effect. No one at the battalion or brigade level requested support from the Air Force until at least 11:30 a.m. The first airstrike did not arrive until after noon.

The 2nd Platoon was fighting a much larger force for more than two hours before effective air support reached it. Twice-wounded machine gunner Pfc. John Dalton held off the NVA long enough for the airstrikes to arrive and stayed at his gun until he lost consciousness.

When help came, the strike was carried out by slow but accurate A-1 Skyraider attack planes.

The Skyraiders dropped napalm canisters directly on the NVA on the knoll and followed up with strafing runs using their cannons. The men in 2nd Platoon felt the intense heat from the napalm and saw NVA soldiers running through the A U G U S T 2 0 21

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s we linked up with 2nd Platoon from their rear, the NVA broke off its attack and retreated into Cambodia. A few shots were fired in our direction, but mostly silence settled back into the valley. Our platoon leader, Lt. Tim McCarthy, stopped us while he and a few others crawled up to find Wunsch who, still under the effects of morphine, told him, “I don’t think we got anyone killed.”

McCarthy then took a few men forward. They crested the knoll and saw the destructive power of the airstrikes against the NVA forces there. As McCarthy’s crew returned to the captain, they passed by the platoon’s right flank and found everyone there dead except for Dalton, still unconscious.

The brave machine gunner died before he could be medevaced.

Charlie The first man I saw had a jammed M16 rifle.

Company’s Others also had M16s that were hopelessly men may jammed. Some survivors said they had to toss have been the working M16s back and forth to each other last ones during the fight. In the early model M16s a cartridge would get stuck in the rifle’s chamber standing, but and you had to run a cleaning rod down the the Army barrel to knock it out—very difficult to do unabandoned der fire. Some men didn’t have cleaning rods the ground because the Army failed to provide enough the next day. cleaning kits. We had about one cleaning rod for every three or four riflemen. It’s impossible to know how many men had jammed M16s that day, but it’s a fact that some men of 2nd and 3rd platoons died holding a rifle that couldn’t fire. I gave my cleaning rod to the soldier I saw and asked him to pass it down the line.

McCarthy told me to collect the dog tags from the casualties on the right flank. I found two friends of mine, Pfc. Joe Scicutella from the Bronx and Pfc. Joe Rabon from South Carolina, lying within a few feet of each other. I had gone through basic training with them, and we came to Charlie Company as replacements at the same time. Scicutella and Rabon had become best friends in training and asked to be in the same squad.

After collecting what dog tags I could find, I joined other men trying to cut down trees to make a clearing for medevac choppers. The trees were

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tropical ironwood, and all we had were machetes.

We hacked away but barely scratched the bark.

To get the wounded out, we had to use a medevac helicopter equipped with a hoist. It hovered over the trees and lowered a stretcher attached to a cable. A wounded soldier was strapped onto the stretcher and held upright until he was slowly winched up through the trees and hauled into the chopper.

There was only one medevac chopper with a hoist, and it could only take one casualty at a time. The pilot had to fly each man to a secure landing zone to transfer him to another helicopter and then fly back for the next trooper. As 2nd Platoon’s wounded men were pulled up through the jungle, blood dripped on the men steadying the stretchers.

Around the time we linked up with Charlie’s 2nd Platoon, two platoons of Alpha Company reached the scene of 3rd Platoon’s ambush. They found 19 men dead and three wounded— Durham and Gray, who had played dead, and a third man, who would die without regaining consciousness. Alpha left some men to secure the area and moved to our position. As they approached, they were fired on by nervous members of our company’s 1st and 2nd platoons. After establishing radio contact with us, finding our position secure and the fight over, Alpha began evacuating 3rd Platoon’s dead and wounded.

It was late afternoon before the dead could be taken out. At the 2nd and 3rd platoon ambush sites, a CH-47 Chinook transport helicopter dropped a cargo net that was spread on the ground. We wrapped the dead in ponchos and stacked them on the net, two and three deep.

Their equipment was thrown on top of them.

Then the nets were secured, hooked to a cable

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flames. By that time, more than half of the platoon was dead or wounded.

Probably 10 to 12 men had been holding off at least two NVA companies.

TOP: U.S. AIR FORCE; OPPOSITE: COURTESY STEVE HASSETT

Two U.S. Air Force Skyraiders drop napalm bombs on the Viet Cong in an undated photo. Skyraiders with napalm canisters and strafing guns drove off the NVA assaulting Charlie Company.

and hoisted through the trees by the hovering Chinook, which flew away with the net hanging beneath it, taking the dead to the rear and an early return home.

C

PHOTO CREDITS

TOP: U.S. AIR FORCE; OPPOSITE: COURTESY STEVE HASSETT

harlie Company lost 34 men killed and 11 to 14 wounded, out of 55 to 60 soldiers from the 2nd and 3rd platoons and the company’s command post. Over a third had been in Vietnam about a month or less and died in their first battle.

The NVA troops who attacked Charlie Company were part of the 101C Regiment, which had recently come down the Ho Chi Minh Trail. They were wearing clean khaki uniforms and carrying weapons that worked effectively under fire. The day after the battle, Nov. 22, our battalion operations log reported the “final” count of enemy casualties was 119 NVA killed and 75 wounded. Then it was revised up to 145 enemy dead. Subsequently, battalion commander Siegrist estimated total enemy losses, killed and wounded, as “near the 300 mark.”

Two days after the battle was Thanksgiving. The Army brought turkey dinners to units in the field. No one told our support units that half the company was gone, so we got food for twice as many men. We sat in silence gorging ourselves on turkey, stuffing, mashed potatoes and ice cream.

A short while later, the Army declared victory. The 1st Cav’s in-house newspaper, the Cavalair, said we mauled the NVA and won a fierce fight against a much larger force. An after-action report claims that NVA forces planned to attack a nearby Special Forces camp and that we caused them “to abort the attack plan as it had lost the element of surprise.” I never believed that. NVA units could have easily maneuvered around us if that was their intent. As soon as Charlie Company landed in the Ia Drang Valley on Nov. 19, we became the target.

Some veterans say we never lost a battle because the enemy usually broke contact first and left us in possession of the battlefield. That claim never made sense to me. Our strategy in Vietnam was not to take and hold land, but to draw the NVA into battles of attrition. The Ia Drang Valley had no

value except as a place to find Ia Drang and fight the NVA. Charlie 11/21/66 Company’s men may have been the last ones standing on a remote patch of ground in CHARLIE COMPANY the valley the evening of Nov. CASUALTIES 34 KILLED, 11-14 WOUNDED 21, but the Army abandoned the ground the next day—as it did at so many other remote NVA CASUALTIES clearings, hilltops and valleys ESTIMATED KILLED AND WOUNDED in the borderlands of Vietnam.

As for the North Vietnamese infantrymen who also fought and died for the same remote patch of jungle, Tuey summed it up best: “When checking the bodies of the dead NVA, I discovered a wallet on one of the soldiers. He was one of the NVA I had shot and I had seen him fall when I shot him.

Inside was a picture of what appeared to be his wife and young son. This was the first time I was able to humanize the NVA soldiers and understand they were fighting for a cause and were no different than us, only on the other side.” V

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Steve Hassett enlisted in early 1966 and served in Vietnam August 1966-August 1967, ending his tour as a sergeant and squad leader. He later was an intelligence analyst with the 8th Army in Korea. After his discharge in 1968, Hassett went to college, was active in Vietnam Veterans Against the War, got a law degree and spent most of his career with the Washington State Attorney General’s Office. He lives in Buffalo, New York.

A memorial service was held in early December 1966 for members of the 1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry Regiment, killed since mid-September. Most of them died in the Nov. 21 attack. At the front is Charlie Company’s new commander, Capt. Robert Lowry.

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A RUN TO REMEMBER IN 1984 FOUR VETERANS SWAM, RAN AND BIKED FROM COAST TO COAST TO HONOR THE FALLEN

By Jim Barker

I

went to the dedication service of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in the cold November of 1982 and left with an inspiration. I envisioned a team of veterans in a triathlon crossing the United States from the Pacific to Washington D.C. and placing a baton at the base of the Wall in homage to the names imprinted on the shimmering black granite panels. I was confident that an accomplished team could do it in two weeks and resolved to recruit a group of national-class veteran triathletes.

Twice before, I had finished among the top 20 percent in the acclaimed Ironman Triathlon in Kona, Hawaii. I considered my success a demonstration of veterans’ pride and spirit. In the 1982 Ironman competition, I thought I was the lone veteran in the 900-competitor field until I encountered Marine Corps Maj. John Bates. He was tougher than sharkskin and undaunted from three combat wounds in Vietnam. Bates was the perfect recruit for my new plan and became a life- Fraser Langford, left, and Jim Barker run long friend. toward the nation’s I had served with Military Assistance Command, Viet- capital on a triathlon Barker organized to nam in the Central Highlands, as an adviser/linguist that remind Americans from assigned to work with officers of South Vietnam’s 23rd Di- California to D.C. of the vision during the communists’ 1972 Spring Offensive, also gallantry and sacrifice of service members who known as the Easter Offensive. I was at Kontum when the were in Vietnam. city was attacked by the North Vietnamese in mid-May 1972—a siege that lasted for weeks until the North Vietnamese withdrew in early June. Although a sergeant at the time, I received a meritorious designation of “acting captain” during my two months at Kontum to reflect the importance of the intelligence intercept and translation work I did with my Vietnamese intel counterparts.

Post-Vietnam, I focused my pent-up energy on advanced academics and long-distance running. Even though I already had an undergraduate degree from the University of Iowa, I obtained two more—in psychology and social work from Boise State University. I then completed graduate work at the University of Hawaii in 1977 with a double major in psychiatric and international social work, along with studies in advanced Vietnamese. I directed a county mental health program for Indochinese refugees in 197879 and then served on the senior inpatient staff for psychiatric care at the Veterans Administration Medical Center in Palo Alto, California, where I was working at the at the time of the veterans triathlon.

COURTESY JIM BARKER

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MY GOAL WAS TO HOLD THE VETERANS triathlon in summer 1984.

Finding top-tier veteran triathletes proved a challenge. I wanted people who had not only the physical conditioning and endurance to undertake this grueling cross-nation event but also a passionate belief in the cause.

Eventually a core team crystallized—me and three others.

Ron Barker, my twin brother, of Boise, Idaho, was an Army specialist 5 who served in Japan for 17 months during the Vietnam War. He was a communications anaI wanted lyst who tracked Soviet activity. Ron finished people who his three-year tour as Spanish linguist assigned had not only to Homestead Air Force Base in Florida, where he monitored Cuba. A triathlete and nationalphysical class distance runner, he won the Pacific mili- conditioning tary 1,500-meter event. and Fraser Langford, of Campbell, California, a endurance U.S. Air Force sergeant, was stationed in Enbut also a gland as a cryptologist 1964-67. His younger brother was an infantryman in Vietnam in passionate 1967 and experienced heavy combat. Langford belief in the was a superb cyclist and Ironman triathlete. cause.

Thieu Nguyen-phuc, of San Jose, California, 40

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MAP: JON C. BOCK; COURTESY JIM BARKER

I nearly made the Olympic trials in the 26-mile marathon for the 1976 Games. I missed the U.S. standard for the trials by just 2 minutes. I won the Hawaiian AAU Marathon championship in 1976 and set the record for the Big Island Marathon in 1977 by running the race in 2 hours, 25 minutes, besting some Olympians. Also in 1977, I won the Hawaiian-Pacific 50-mile championship when I finished in 5½ hours, the best road time in the U.S. My triathlon quest had a threefold purpose: remind Americans along the route of the gallantry and sacrifice displayed by more than a million service members in Vietnam to keep their memory alive; raise awareness of the searches and diplomatic efforts to account for more than 2,500 Americans listed as missing in action, and acknowledge and strengthen the bonds with the South Vietnamese refugees who fought alongside us.

DIANA WALKER / THE LIFE IMAGES COLLECTION VIA GETTY IMAGES

The dedication of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial on Nov. 13, 1982, drew thousands and had an emotional impact on many, including Jim Barker, who resolved to put triathletes on a course that reached the Wall on July 4, 1984.

was a South Vietnamese air force chopper pilot and solid athlete. He was shot down twice in Quang Ngai province in northern South Vietnam during the 1971-72 period, but fortunately wasn’t seriously injured. He continued his fight against communist forces during South Vietnam’s final hours in April 1975 and escaped capture by flying his helicopter to an American carrier in the South China Sea. In the U.S., he got a business degree and went into the furniture business.

Bates, my Marine friend, was invited to join the triathlon team; however, because of active-duty responsibilities, he could cycle with us only in his home state of Arkansas. He would be accompanied by Andy Bryant, a U.S. Army chopper pilot in Vietnam, all-around athlete and nephew of legendary University of Alabama football coach Paul “Bear” Bryant.

A “spark plug” on our team was 13-year-old Danny Nguyen, my stepson, who brought youthful curiosity and enthusiasm to our effort. At times he would ride his bike alongside the formal triathletes to offer moral support.

The route outline and event schedule started with 4-mile relay swim off Long Beach, California, a subsequent 10K run (6 miles) and bike ride through Los Angeles, followed by nearly two weeks of continuous cycling interspersed with daily running.

States traversed on the way to Washington, D.C., were California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Tennessee and Virginia.

We locked ourselves into a 13-day period to reach the Wall. That would require us to cover an average of 270 miles daily. The swell of emotion kindled by this pact was exhilarating and contagious.

At any given time, one or two veterans would be cycling or running, another driving a Volkswagen van we had purchased and the fourth resting for his aerobic turn. A big MIA/POW sign dominated the back of the van, whose open doors were reminiscent of a chopper on an operation in Vietnam. We borrowed a recreational vehicle to accommodate a small support team that provided meals and served as a contact for local media. Pam McMahan, a nurse in Vietnam, traveled with us and helped with the driving and coordinating our activities, along with Frank Gonzalez, a Vietnam veteran who assisted with media coverage.

At the end of our usual long day, we pulled off the road and slept in either the RV or the Volkswagen van with the doors open.

MAP: JON C. BOCK; COURTESY JIM BARKER

DIANA WALKER / THE LIFE IMAGES COLLECTION VIA GETTY IMAGES

AT A LARGE AND STIRRING reception given by the Los Angeles Vietnamese community on June 19, the day before we began the triathlon, team member Thieu stated the sentiments of many: “I am running to show the American people that we will always remember the help they gave us and to remind them to honor their veterans who gave so much.” I shared with the hosts our thanks and thoughts in both languages.

Earlier, members of San Jose/Bay Area Vietnamese community had hosted a support event.

They were also addressed and thanked in their language. Additionally, the team made an emotional address to the California National League of POW/MIA Families.

As a motivation and team readiness experience, Fraser ran the challenging Sacramento 50mile race with a 2,000-foot elevation change, and I accomplished a very hilly and daunting California 50-mile championship.

The “DC Day” mission was launched on June 20. Our 4-mile relay swim in the direction of Catalina Island, a popular boating and tourist site, was refreshing despite the smell of gasoline in the water off Belmont Shores in Long Beach. The boat guidance and provision came from a generous Vietnam veteran, J.R. Edgecomb. Out of the ocean, the team immediately ran a 6-mile run. I then took to the bike on an adrenaline high, speeding through Los Angeles traffic to the coast and southward for a 72-mile leg.

After breaking free of the megalopolis, we

1984 Veterans Triathlon June 20 – July 4

Long Beach

Oklahoma City Albuquerque Phoenix

Washington Memphis

Richmond

Little Rock

headed into the mountains, aiming for Phoenix.

A few days later, off the bikes and running a final 4 miles into the city in 110-degree heat, the team stopped at the Vietnam veterans center for support and a television shoot.

We then climbed the Rockies to Flagstaff before dropping into New Mexico. In one unforgettable gritty moment, Langford passed a semi at more than 40 mph on a downgrade. Everyone was engrossed with the aerobic action—and simultaneously very concerned. Had Langford crashed, he would have been gathered up, last rites administered, and on with the mission!

As we approached Albuquerque, a contingent of Vietnam veterans from the Laguna tribe suddenly appeared on the roadside waving the Stars and Stripes. They proudly held the flag as straight as the final plant on Iwo Jima in World War II. In

The four-veteran team poses with supporters on June 20, 1984, after three of them, Jim and Ron Barker and Langford, swam a 4-mile relay off Long Beach, California, to kick off the triathlon.

The team members gave themselves 13 days to bike and run 2,900 miles, which required them to cover an average of 270 miles per day.

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WHEN WE GOT TO THE ARKANSAS border, we were excited to see Bates and Bryant. Both men rode with the team through the entire Arkansas route. One of the peak experiences of our trip was meeting with Lt. Gov. Winston Bryant in Little Rock. Addressing the assembled veterans and community members, I spoke about the service and sacrifice of Americans and South Vietnamese and emphasized the importance of accounting for those still missing in Indochina. After a spirited jog downtown, the team was featured at an American Legion convention of several hundred members.

As the team reached the Tennessee border and crossed over the vast Mississippi River, we were filled with elation. We sensed that we could be victorious in reaching Washington on schedule. Cycling the freeway maze that night in Memphis was a challenge that required focus.

The following morning, as we proceeded to attack the lengthy distance of the Volunteer State, the Tennessee Highway Patrol—to everyone’s astonishment—instructed us to get off the freeway and travel on secondary roads.

This increased our mileage load and the physical difficulty. Although the rural scenery was delightful, the team was committed to the July 4 arrival date in Washington. We had to cycle more hours, and late nights became the new standard. However, local sheriffs’ personnel were very friendly and understanding. As we cycled by some farms at night in pitch darkness, we received a huge wave of applause by gatherings of people we never saw. It was a moving experience.

In Virginia, we ran into a similar speed bump. The state Highways Department required the team to adhere to secondary roads. Night cycling became quite treacherous, with rain on undulating surfaces through wind-

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COURTESY JIM BARKER

Old Town Albuquerque, the team was joined in an elaborate and stirring ceremony with the community’s veterans. Supportive Vietnamese residents invited us to a gratis restaurant meal. The inspirational energy that accompanied us as we cycled out of the city that night was incredible!

Humidity and increased temperatures weighed on the team as we traversed the flat stretches of Northwest Texas. The local populace was curious and very friendly. Some teenagers at a water stop were amazed that none of the triathlon team had ever smoked or tried substances to get high.

Generous truckers who were hauling produce to markets donated fresh food. Sometimes people spontaneously donated cash. This sensitivity and generosity occurred throughout the journey. The team never made any solicitations for money.

Verging into Oklahoma, we set our sights on Oklahoma City and a meeting with Gov. George Nigh’s staff. En route, we encountered a marvelously patriotic lady, Elizabeth Roy, riding a donkey named Walter, on a journey to Oklahoma City that began eight months earlier in Southern California. She was raising funds and awareness for needy veterans.

At the Capitol, the governor’s staff greeted us and presented a proclamation. A Cherokee chief presented an eagle feather to Langford, who has Cherokee heritage. We offered a commemorative baton as I stated the team’s objectives. During public presentations, we had hand towels ready because our eyes stung from the saline of perspiration in the intense weather.

COURTESY JIM BARKER

LEFT: The team stops briefly for a photo during a media interview in Oklahoma. TOP RIGHT: In Richmond, Jim Barker presents a plaque and baton to Virginia Gov. Charles Robb. LOWER RIGHT: At Arlington National Cemetery and ready for the final 7 miles are Jim Barker, nurse Pam McMahan, Langford and Ron Barker.

ing, limestone-rich country roads. But our spirit of brotherhood and camaraderie prevailed. The challenge now had the added dimension of a “crusade.” In one bike leg a team member was too physically and emotionally spent to ride. I took his place in the blackness of the night.

The following day brought the team close to Lynchburg, a major Civil War battleground. As we neared the city, the road seemed to rise in multiple terraces. Each rider attacked this challenge with ferocity, confronting rise after rise. On the final stretch into the city, a few were convulsing and had to be lifted off their bikes.

We got some relief on the stretch of road leading to Richmond. Entering the city, we felt like a jubilant band of conquering Union soldiers. We met with Gov. Charles Rob, a Marine Corps captain in Vietnam, and presented him with a plaque and ceremonial baton—a special moment for the team. In the final phase of our Virginia crossing, we cycled to the entrance of Marine Corps Base Quantico, about 35 miles south of Washington.

Like victors standing exultantly before the Arc of Triumph after winning the Tour de France, we raised our bikes high in a team shout in front of the white statue replica of the one near Arlington National Cemetery that depicts the flag raising on Iwo Jima.

1984 and red, the colors of the South Vietnamese flag.

Veterans I thanked all for their faithful support and offered a Triathlon few remarks. I focused on the mutual struggle and sacrifice of Americans and South Vietnamese in resistance to the tyranny of communism. The assembly was addressed MILES SWUM in both languages. I said we have never abandoned our commitment to service in defense of freedom.

The gathering could see some of the physical toll MILES RUN from our team’s cross-nation odyssey that doubters said was not possible in the 13-day period we committed to.

MILES BIKED A former South Vietnamese general expressed his gratitude. A Georgetown University professor who was a refugee gave his blessing. An elderly Vietnamese TOTAL ROAD MILES woman stood tenaciously holding the flags of two nations. A nearby Vietnam veteran’s wife guided her tentative husband closer to the Wall. His gaze lifted to see he STATES CROSSED was surrounded by friends.

In retrospection over the years since then, I have come to see our team’s experiences and achievement as validation of my beliefs as a veteran: Causes of dignity and principle may require everything you have. V

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2,850+

2,900+ 8

Jim Barker served in Vietnam July 1969-July 1972. He was on the senior inpatient staff at the VA Medical Center in Palo Alto, California 1979-2006.

He also taught Vietnamese part time at Mission College in Santa Clara 1997-2004. Barker lives in Keaau, Hawaii.

COURTESY JIM BARKER

COURTESY JIM BARKER

THE NEXT DAY, JULY 4, the team entered the District of Columbia. After a mere two hours rest, we ran 4 miles to stand in reverence during the changing of the guard at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. Afterward, everyone on the team was propelled by pure euphoric spirit on our remaining 7 miles to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. Pacing down Constitution Avenue the final mile felt like floating on air!

A sense prevailed that our final footsteps were a recapitulation of history—like the solo runner of Ancient Greece approaching from the plains of Marathon proclaiming, “Athens is saved,” before drawing his last breath. There was a difference, though. Four living veterans were engaging the resonant spirits of the unliving.

The team strode directly to the apex of the Wall. A gathering of veterans and Vietnamese Americans waited there. We stood at a spot festooned with beautiful wreaths of red, white and blue flowers, as well as those of brilliant yellow They made it. Jim Barker, Fraser Langford, Thieu Nguyen-phuc and Ron Barker are at the Wall on July 4, 1984, along with a ”stand-in.” Barker spoke about the sacrifices made by both South Vietnamese and Americans during the war.

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WARRING COMMANDERS THE ARMY AND MARINES BATTLED EACH OTHER OVER WAR PLANS IN NORTHERN SOUTH VIETNAM

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By Dick Camp

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A radio operator and his commander in the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) watch arriving helicopters during an operation in 1967 in central South Vietnam. In early 1968 the 1st Cav was shifted to northern South Vietnam, where top Army and Marine generals argued over differing views on the use of helicopters during combat.

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Top U.S. commander in Vietnam, Gen. William Westmoreland, center, was unhappy with the performance of Marine Lt. Gen. Robert Cushman, right, in northern South Vietnam, and put some forces there under the direct control of Army Lt. Gen. William Rosson, left. Marine Maj. Gen. Ray Davis, in plane, was Rosson’s deputy,

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o many Marines, the establishment of the Army PCV headquarters seemed to be a vote of no confidence in III MAF—and to a large degree it was.

“General Cushman and his staff appeared complacent, seemingly reluctant to use the Army forces I had put at their disposal,” Westmoreland wrote after the war. “Marines are too base-bound.”

Maj. Gen. Rathvon McClure Tompkins, commander of the 3rd Marine Division, deeply resented the establishment of PCV. “It’s tantamount to…the relief of a commander,” he asserted. III MAF headquarters never completely trusted the arrangement.

Davis, however, was unconcerned. “I did not see having a senior Army command in the Marine zone as a vote of no confidence…vis-a-vis Marines at Da Nang [III MAF headquarters],” he recalled. “The Army had put its best and most important forces forward…these were the best the Army had, and they were in an all-helicopter

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MAPS: JON C BOCK

the 82nd Airborne Division. They had been in the II Corps Tactical Zone, central South Vietnam.

On the organization chart, PCV was subordinate to the Marine headquarters, but the 1st Cav and 101st Airborne were not directly under the control of the III MAF commanding general, Cushman. They reported directly to Rosson. He even got operational control of the 3rd Marine Division, based at Dong Ha. PREVIOUS PAGE: PATRICK CHRISTAIN/GETTY IMAGES; TOP LEFT: BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES;RIGHT: RMB VINTAGE IMAGES/ ALAMY

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elations between top Army and Marine commanders became testy in early 1968 as generals with clashing views on battle tactics attacked not only the enemy but also each other. The squabble was focused on the northernmost region in South Vietnam, the only part of the country with a heavy concentration of both Army and Marine units.

The spark for the feud was lit when Army Gen. William C. Westmoreland, commander of all U.S. combat forces in South Vietnam as head of Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, decided to add a top Army commander to the northern region, where a Marine general was already in charge.

In the South Vietnamese army, the northernmost region of the country was under the command of its I Corps unit and designated the I Corps Tactical Zone, a collection of five provinces. I Corps was one of four military zones organized in the South during the late 1950s and early ’60s.

The American unit in charge of U.S. troops in the I Corps Tactical Zone was the III Marine Amphibious Force, formed in May 1965, after the Marine landing at Da Nang in March brought the first U.S. ground combat unit to Vietnam. That unit, the 3rd Marine Division, was joined by the 1st Marine Division in February 1966. The 3rd Marine Division focused on the two provinces closest to the Demilitarized Zone separating North and South Vietnam, while the 1st Marine Division handled I Corps’ lower provinces.

Marine Lt. Gen. Robert E. Cushman took command of III MAF in June 1967.

Westmoreland, concerned about increased activity by the North Vietnamese Army in late 1967, prepared contingency plans in January 1968 for a second high-level I Corps command, headed by an Army general. Army historian Graham A. Cosmas observed that Westmoreland thought there would be a major NVA offensive and “did not trust III MAF to be able to control the battle.” On Jan. 31, just days after Westmoreland’s plans were unveiled, the communists launched their Tet Offensive, a series of near simultaneous attacks all across South Vietnam.

On March 10, Westmoreland formally created Provisional Corps Vietnam. PCV was led by Army Lt. Gen William B. Rosson, with Marine Maj. Gen. Raymond G. Davis as deputy. PCV was headquartered in the Hue-Phu Bai area, about 50 miles north of the III MAF headquarters at Da Nang. (On Aug. 15 PVC became XXIV Corps in a reactivation of a World War II unit.).

In addition to setting up a corps headquarters, the Army bolstered I Corps with two highly mobile elite divisions: the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) and the 101st Airborne Division, which included the 3rd Brigade of

MAPS: JON C BOCK

PREVIOUS PAGE: PATRICK CHRISTAIN/GETTY IMAGES; TOP LEFT: BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES;RIGHT: RMB VINTAGE IMAGES/ ALAMY

posture…so I can see how the Army would be ticklish about turning them over to the Marines.”

I got to know Davis well. After serving as a captain in the 3rd Marine Division’s Lima Company, 3rd Battalion, 26th Marine Regiment, I was reassigned to the battalion staff and became Davis’ aide de camp. I spent a couple of years with him and spoke with him on an almost daily bases. I interviewed him for books I’ve written.

Army Lt. Gen. Richard Stilwell, who succeeded Rosson as head of PCV in July 1968, described Davis as “a pleasant, mild-mannered man in many respects, but was one of the most aggressive personalities I’ve ever encountered, a sort of bulldog determination.”

That aggressive determination was evident when the Army’s request for a Marine deputy to serve with Rosson reached Headquarters Marine Corps in Washington, where Davis was in charge of personnel. Visiting the commandant to recommend a general to fill the new position in I Corps, he said laconically: “I have someone in mind— me.” The commandant agreed, and Davis’ name was forwarded. Rosson enthusiastically accepted.

The discord in the upper ranks of the Army and Marines in I Corps spawned harsh words from both combatants.

“The Marines failed to provide adequate air support to 1st Cav Division units in I Corps,” Westmoreland complained at a meeting. Cushman objected, saying that the 1st Cav, “did not know how to ask for it and did not know how to use it.”

“I blew my top,” Westmoreland said in an interview after the war, adding that this was “absolutely the last straw.” He moved to centralize control of air operations under a single manager, the 7th Air Force—an anathema for the Marine Corps, which considered its aviation units to be an integral part of the Corps’ air-ground team.

The dispute intensified when Gen. William W. Momyer, commanding the 7th Air Force, called upon Rosson to get the Army general’s support for the concept. Rosson was aware of Marine sensitivity and, unknown to Momyer, invited Davis to sit in on the meeting. To say the Air Force officer was disconcerted to see the Marine general in the office would be an understatement.

On March 7, Westmoreland issued a directive implementing the single-manager concept.

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avis reported to PCV in March 1968 and was immediately welcomed by Rosson, who treated him as a fellow professional and a friend. Rosson made sure his staff and the other generals, including Maj. Gen. John J. “Jack”

Corps Commands

South Vietnam’s military regions DEMILITARIZED ZONE

Enlarged Area

III Marine Amphibious Force and XXIV Corps

I II

I Field Force II Field Force

During the war, South Vietnam was divided into four military regions, each designated with a number that corresponds to the South Vietnamese army’s corps-level unit in command of the divisions operating there.

The regions were called Corps Tactical Zones. For example, the commanding general of the army’s I Corps controlled troops in the I Corps Tactical Zone.

When American ground forces arrived in 1965, they established their own corps-level units whose territories generally followed the boundaries of South Vietnam’s Corps Tactical Zones.

They were designated I Field Force Vietnam, II Field Force Vietnam and III Marine Amphibious Force, which included since 1968 the subordinate Army-led XXIV Corps (initially called Provisional Corps Vietnam.)

SOUTH V IETNA M

III IV

Saigon

NORTH VIETNAM

Khe Sanh

DEMILITARIZED ZONE

QUA NG TRI

SOUTH CHINA SEA

Dong Ha Quang Tri A SH AU VA L L E Y

Hue Phu Bai T H UA THIEN

Da Nang QUA NG NA M

L A O S

QUA NG T I N

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anti-aircraft guns, scores of 12.7 mm heavy machine guns, a warren of underground bunkers and even tanks.

The observations that Davis made during the 1st Cav operation would assist him when he commanded the 3rd Marine Division and sent the 9th Marine Regiment into the A Shau and Song Da Krong valleys. Army leader Stilwell called Davis’ operation, “a resounding success. …

As an independent regimental operation … it may be unparalleled.”

Davis also observed an operation by the 2nd Brigade, 101st Airborne Division, in conjunction with the South Vietnamese 1st Division’s elite Black Panther Company. The Panthers trapped an NVA battalion near the small village of Phuc Yen, 2 miles northwest of Hue. U. S. Army helicopters rapidly transported the brigade to the fight and completed the encirclement, while allied artillery pounded the North Vietnamese for two days until the NVA force was destroyed.

The final tally was 300 enemy dead and 100 prisoners taken, the largest number of captives during a single engagement up to that time.

In late April, the Marine Special Landing Force, Battalion Landing Team 2/4 (2nd Battalion, 4th Marine Regiment), engaged elements of the NVA’s 320th Division near Dai Do, just north of the 3rd Marine Division headquarters at Dong Ha. Rosson and Davis happened to be on a routine visit at the time. Tompkins briefed them on the division’s activities but barely mentioned Dai Do and did not seem particularly concerned about the action.

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LEFT: JONATHAN F. ABEL COLLECTION/MARINE CORPS ARCHIVES & SPECIAL COLLECTIONS; RIGHT: USMC PHOTO

Tolson III of the 1st Cav, Maj. Gen. Olinto M. Barsanti of the 101st Airborne and Tompkins of the 3rd Marine Division, extended the same consideration.

Davis reciprocated and immediately began to develop not only professional working relationships with the Army generals but also personal friendships. He let it be known that he was there to learn. None of the fractious Marine vs. Army relationships so prevalent at the senior-command level existed on Rosson’s team.

I noted a marked difference between the two Army generals and the Marine division commander. Tolson and Barsanti were vibrant, enthusiastic troop leaders. Tompkins appeared to be worn out—the weight of command seemed to rest heavily on his shoulders. I believe he had been at war too long. The The Army Marine had fought in World War II at Guaviewed dalcanal (where he earned a Bronze Star helicopters as with a V device for valor), Tarawa (Silver Sky Cavalry.

Star) and Saipan (Navy Cross). In Korea, he received a second Bronze Star with a V. The Marines Davis started a routine that became stansaw them as dard throughout his tour in Vietnam—up at boats to get dawn, a short situation briefing and then a troops from visit to units in the field. Rosson provided ship to shore.

Davis with a helicopter on a daily basis to visit the Corps’ area of operations. “It was an ideal way to get oriented and attuned to the entire situation in terms of evaluating the readiness and effectiveness of [our] forces,” Davis stated. He returned to PCV headquarters at Phu Bai late in the afternoon.

The Army commanders encouraged Davis to attend their briefings and participate in their operations. On one occasion, he observed the 1st Cav conduct a helicopter assault in the notorious A Shau Valley, a corridor used by the NVA to move supplies and personnel down the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

It was also a staging area for attacks in northern I Corps.

The NVA had taken control of the A Shau Valley in March 1966 after overrunning an isolated Special Forces camp. The North Vietnamese fortified the valley with powerful 37 mm and rapid-firing twin-barreled 23 mm

USMC PHOTO BY CPL.L MIKE SERVAIS

In August 1968, three squadrons of Sea Knight transport helicopters in Marine Aircraft Group 39 support the 3rd Marine Division as the ground troops look for enemy locations during a multiflight air-ground mission. When Davis took command of the division in May 1968, he adopted the highly mobile airground coordination techniques more common in the Army.

LEFT: JONATHAN F. ABEL COLLECTION/MARINE CORPS ARCHIVES & SPECIAL COLLECTIONS; RIGHT: USMC PHOTO

USMC PHOTO BY CPL.L MIKE SERVAIS

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osson and Davis returned to Dong Ha the following day. As their helicopter approached the base, the two generals saw evidence of heavy fighting around Dai Do. Plumes of grayish smoke marked bomb and artillery strikes. Supply and medical evacuation helicopters busily scurried back and forth. It was obvious that 2/4 was in heavy combat with a major enemy force—yet Tompkins held back U.S. forces that could have been used to destroy the enemy. There were 15 combat battalions in the division’s area of operations, including a brigade of the 1st Cav. Rosson “was disappointed with Tompkins,” Davis recalled. “I could feel he was concerned about the mobility of the Marines…and I agreed.” Rosson’s aide told me privately that the Army commander “was so upset with Tomkins that if he hadn’t been a Marine, he would have relieved him.” Rosson was concerned that an Army general firing a Marine general would have strained Army-Marine relationships even more.

The A Shau, Phuc Yen and Dai Do operations convinced Davis that the Marines had to revise their tactics and become more involved in high-mobility operations. “This was an entirely different concept [of operations], and I picked it up immediately,” he said. One PCV officer said senior officers on Rosson’s staff would “take turns having dinner with him [Davis] every night in the headquarters mess, giving him our ideas on mobile warfare, and during the day we flew around with him.”

Davis wrote an article that offered a hypothetical example of how a Marine regiment could conduct a heliborne assault and submitted it to the Marine Corps Gazette, a professional journal that serves as a forum to discuss issues and ideas. Davis’ article combined Army and Marine helicopter tactics into a lessons-learned format. A month after submitting the article, Davis received a rejection slip: “As the article did not contain anything new in the way of innovative tactics, the Gazette did not feel it was worthy of publication.” One rather terse comment simply stated: “Nothing new here, the Corps has been doing this for years.”

Davis, upset, called the Headquarters Marine Corps chief of staff to gain his support. The article was published. The incident was another example of the Marine Corps’ failure to understand the realities of the war in northern I Corps.

LEFT: Squadron HMM-164 of the 1st Marine Air Wing takes the 5th Marine Regiment, 1st Marine Division, to a site near Da Nang on Nov. 20, 1968.

ABOVE: A CH-53 Sea Stallion heavy-lift chopper delivers a bulldozer to a Marine base in June 1968.

The Army viewed helicopters as Sky Cavalry, a means to outmaneuver and outflank the NVA, while the Marines still thought of their helicopters as boats designed to get troops from ships to shore to break through the enemies’ defensive positions.

The Marines seemed to have a defensive attitude about helicopters. I discovered that attitude when I observed the 1st Cav lift an entire battalion at one time. I remarked to a senior Marine officer that the air seemed to be full of helicopters.

The officer puffed up and sneered. “Just remember, captain,” he said, with heavy emphasis on the word “captain,” “the Marines developed vertical assault. They [the Army] are just interlopers.” The Marines may have invented the troop-carrying helicopter, but they failed to exploit it fully as the Army had done.

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t 11 a.m. on May 21, 1968, a small group of onlookers gathered around the 3rd Marine Division landing zone at Dong Ha as Davis took command of the division. Having observed the division for two months at PCV, he knew exactly what he wanted to do.

“I had enough time to do something I had never done before or since, and that is to move in prepared in the first hours to completely turn the command upside down,” Davis said.

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Davis immediately assembled his key staff officers and regimental commanders and told them his yet-to-be-published article on heliborne assaults in the Marine Corps Gazette was to be used as a guide. After he departed, several of the more senior officers groused about the new precepts.

It did not take them long to understand that Davis meant exactly what he said. One day later, during the morning intelligence briefing, a South Vietnamese officer pointed to the location of two major North Vietnamese units on a map. Davis commenced a major operation using a multibattalion force, including two battalions quickly brought in by helicopter.

“Because of my close relationship with Bill Rosson, I had his promise of support,” Davis said.

“He’d give me Army helicopters if necessary. … I was assured of support. Rosson [and his relief, Stilwell] guaranteed me that when we’d go into these tactical operations I never needed to look back over my shoulder a single time and wonder if I was going to be supported. I could get on the phone and they’d launch an Army brigade up there to help me if necessary. They would never leave me out on a limb.”

Davis had not received such assurances from III MAF and its 1st Marine Air Wing, which

commanded helicopters and fighter-bombers. That lack of support was particularly galling, Davis said, because the 3rd Marine Division “established all kinds of records, in terms of helicopter lift, support and utilization rates—but something was wrong with the system. It led to too many bad days.”

Davis thought the allocation of Marine helicopters “was so centralized that you have got to work out in detail the day before exactly what you want and schedule it. There’s no way a ground commander can work out a precise plan for the next day’s operation unless the enemy is going to hold still.”

Davis wanted a system “totally flexible and responsive to the ground commander’s needs.” On one particularly lamentable occasion, a flight of CH53 Sea Stallion heavy-lift helicopters “ran out of flight time”—the number of hours the crew could fly before rest— in the middle of an operation and was ordered to return to base.

Brig. Gen. Earl E. Anderson, III MAF chief of staff, addressed Davis’ views in staff correspondence: “Ray Davis has really been shot in the fanny with the Army helicopter system, although I frankly believe that it’s more the result of the large numbers of helicopters available to the Army units, together with the fact that the ground officer has greater control over them than does the Marine commander.”

Davis fired back that this was exactly the The air wing problem. He complained that after the inicomplained tial planning for an operation the Marine that that 3rd infantry commander played a secondary role: “The helicopter leader with his captive Marine load of troops decides where, when and Division even if the troops will land.” leader Gen. Cushman maintained Westmoreland Ray Davis “never could understand why the Marine “was totally Corps’ helicopters were not attached to the divisions and all this kind of Army docinsatiable.” trine, and I kept explaining why, but I never

BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES

The 101st Airborne Division begins a mission in March 1969 to disrupt a communist supply route in the A Shau Valley. In 1968 Westmoreland moved airborne units from South Vietnam’s central region to the northern area to bolster forces there.

USMC PHOTO BY PFC THURSTON BECHTEL

BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES

Infantrymen from the 2nd Battalion, 4th Marine Regiment, 3rd Marine Division, walk through Dai Do in early May 1968 after days of intense fighting with the NVA. Army commander Rosson criticized the operation’s Marine leader for not deploying more forces, including the 1st Cav.

could convince him.”

A single Marine aviation unit, Marine Aircraft Group 39 at Quang Tri, supported the 3rd Marine Division. It was unable to provide enough support for Davis’ high-mobility concept. The MAG-39 commander, a colonel, did not have the clout to change rigid operational procedures in a fast-paced tactical situation. He once commandeered the helicopter regularly scheduled for Davis’ daily inspections and used it for his own purposes because he thought his position as group commander enabled him to use the chopper as he wanted. He did not view the division commander’s interests as important as his, which seemed to highlight the deteriorating relations between Marine air and ground officers.

In an attempt to placate Davis, the 1st Marine Air Wing, based at Da Nang, 70 miles south of the 3rd Marine Division headquarters at Dong Ha, established an auxiliary command post at Quang Tri under Brig. Gen. Homer S. Hill, an assistant wing commander. Hill helped Davis make the mobile concept work. “He was here to solve problems,” Davis said, and he “had enough authority delegated to him. He could order air units to do things.”

However, the air wing still complained that “Davis was totally insatiable.” Davis commented that he was “amused at my ‘insatiable’ need for

choppers … when I had more enemy than anybody else!”

The Marine general bluntly told III MAF: “If I don’t get this helicopter support that I’m asking for from you, I’m going to get it from the Army. The devil take the hindmost.”

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he success of Davis’ concept for mobile operations depended not only on the helicopter, but also on extensive exploitation of intelligence gathered by small reconnaissance patrols, supplemented by electronic and human-acquired intelligence, and supported by air and artillery forces.

“The division never launched an operation without acquiring clear definition of the targets and objectives through intelligence confirmed by recon patrols,” Davis said. “High mobility operations [were] too difficult and complex to come up empty or in disaster.”

The allocation of helicopters was never satisfactorily resolved. It remained a constant source of irritation during Davis’ assignment. In April 1969, Davis was ordered to the Marine Corps Development and Education Command as director of the Education Center at Marine Corps Base Quantico and promoted to lieutenant general. Upon the transfer, Cushman rated Davis’ performance as outstanding, except in the area of “cooperation.” I believe this mark was the result of Davis’ continued push for additional helicopter support.

On March 12, 1971, Davis received his fourth star and became assistant commandant of the Marine Corps. He retired one year later after 34 years of service. Davis died Sept. 3, 2003. V

Dick Camp retired from the Marine Corps in 1988 as a colonel after serving 26 years. Camp has written 15 books and more than 100 articles in military magazines. His most recent book is Three Marine War Hero: General Raymond G. Davis. Camp lives in Fredericksburg, Virginia.

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Second in a series of four photo features on U.S. Special Operations units in Vietnam.

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Members of Foxtrot Platoon of Sea-AirLand Team One show off a variety of weapons, including at least three Stoner 63 light machine guns, rejected by other services but popular among the SEALs.

THE NAVY SEALS PHOTO CREDITS

PHOTO CREDITS

THE SEALS HONED THEIR UNIQUE APPROACH TO WARFARE IN VIETNAM

By Jon Guttman

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B In the 1950s, parachuting, land combat skills and guerrilla warfare were added to the repertoire of Underwater Demolition Teams.

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Navy SEALs

PREVIOUS SPREAD: NAVY SEAL MUSEUM. PAGE 54: TOP, U.S. NAVY. BOTTOM: U.S. NAVY SEAL MUSEUM. PAGE 55, TOP: ALAMY. CENTER: NATIONAL ARCHIVES

The SEAL trident, also known as “The Bird,” is a hard-earned merit. The mark of a full-fledged SEAL, it can be worn only by those who pass all necessary training and maintain high standards.

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he most fearsome combat personnel in the U.S. Navy evolved from Underwater Demolition Teams first organized on Aug. 15, 1942.

As amphibious landings became a regular part of American offensive operations in Europe and the Pacific during World War II, UDTs preceded landing forces, gathering intelligence and removing natural or created obstacles. After the war, scuba gear became a part of UDT equipment. During the Korean War in the 1950s, parachuting, land combat skills, guerrilla warfare and counterinsurgency were added to the UDT’s repertoire.

President John F. Kennedy’s focus on the importance of unconventional warfare increased the prominence of U.S. Army Special Forces. Around that time, in January 1962, the Navy combined UDT skills in its first Sea, Air and Land teams: SEAL Team One based at Naval Amphibious Base Coronado near San Diego, California, and Seal Team Two at NAB Little Creek, Virginia. In May 1983 the last of the UDTs were assimilated as SEAL delivery vehicle teams within Naval Special Warfare Group 3 at Coronado. As with the Special Forces, the SEALs evolved their approach to warfare and sharpened their skills in Vietnam.

The SEALs boast the most demanding physical and mental training in existence.

The Navy declares: “Then comes the hard part — the job of essentially taking on any situation or foe that the world has to offer.” Often tapped to undertake the military’s toughest small-unit direct-action missions, the SEALs have adopted this mantra: “The only easy day was yesterday.” V

C A Small craft of the Mobile Riverine Force dock alongside their mothership, the self-propelled barracks ship USS Colleton in the Mekong Delta.

B Members of a SEAL/ Underwater Demolition Team are picked up by an H-46 Sea Knight aerial replenishment helicopter as part of a demonstration on April 20, 1970.

C Trainees crawl across log obstacles during “hell week,” which tests them physically, mentally and emotionally. SEAL training is touted as the toughest in the world.

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the Bassac River, 67 miles southeast of Saigon, to conduct Operation Crimson Tide, a one-day sweep against enemy fortifications, bunkers and sampans.

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D SEALs board a fire team boat for transportation to their next operation site in October 1968. E A SEAL team trains with an inflatable Zodiac boat. F One SEAL team member makes his way through deep muck and mud during an operation in May 1970. G SEALs come ashore in a heavily infested enemy area along

U.S. NAVY. U.S. NAVY SEAL MUSEUM.

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The SEALs boast the most demanding physical and mental training in existence.

The Navy states: “Then comes the hard part.”

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Navy SEALs

H SEALs disembark from an Assault Support Patrol Boat

of River Division 91 on the Rach Thom Rach Mo Cay canal system in Kien Hoa province, 50 miles southwest of Saigon, on Jan. 25, 1968. They raided a Viet Cong base, destroying an estimated 40 to 50 bunkers and numerous camp structures, including a propaganda center and two tax collection stations. Additionally, they detained 51 suspected VC. I SEALs Terry Sullivan, left, and Curtis Ashton capture a Viet Cong in the My Tho area of the Mekong Delta in 1969.

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The SEALs’ mantra regarding the wide variety of small-unit direct action missions they carry out is: “The only easy day was yesterday.”

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PHOTO CREDITS

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TOP: NAVAL HISTORY AND HERITAGE COMMAND. BOTTOM: ALAMY.

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WHICH OF THE FOLLOWING HOLLYWOOD ACTORS NEVER PORTRAYED WILLIAM F. “BUFFALO BILL” CODY ONSCREEN? Charlton Heston, Paul Newman, Keith Carradine, or Lee J. Cobb?

For more, visit WWW.HISTORYNET.COM/ MAGAZINES/QUIZ

HISTORYNET.com ANSWER: LEE J. COBB. 1953’S PONY EXPRESS FEATURED CHARLTON HESTON AS CODY. IN 1976 PAUL NEWMAN STARRED AS CODY IN ROBERT ALTMAN’S BUFFALO BILL AND THE INDIANS, OR SITTING BULL’S HISTORY LESSON. IN 1995 KEITH CARRADINE PORTRAYED CODY IN WILD BILL, A CAREER LOW POINT FOR LEGENDARY DIRECTOR WALTER HILL.

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U.S. fighter-bombers attack enemy forces during the North Vietnamese Army’s October 1965 siege of the Special Forces Camp at Plei Me in the Central Highlands.

The defensive tactics used during this early battle would be repeated throughout the war.

Death in the Highlands: The Siege of Special Forces Camp Plei Me

By J. Keith Saliba Stackpole Books, 2020

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President John F. Kennedy didn’t live long enough to “lose” the Vietnam War, but on July 23, 1962, his State Department signed an agreement that arguably made it nearly impossible for his successors to “win” it. The U.S. naively signed the International Agreement on the Neutrality of Laos, which put the key to battlefield victories in Hanoi’s pocket. This diplomatic blunder essentially guaranteed that the Ho Chi Minh Trail would remain intact, providing an uninterrupted network that North Vietnam could use to move troops and supplies through eastern Laos and Cambodia on their way to South Vietnam—conMEDIA trolling the tempo of the war.

After years of CIA-led clanDIGEST destine operations and prolonged bombing—both failures—President Richard Nixon in April 1970 permitted a limited incursion into Cambodia by the U.S. and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam to interdict enemy supply lines and destroy communist sanctuaries. That

proved much too little and tragically too late. The Laos neutrality agreement had already doomed any chance South Vietnam might have had to survive Hanoi’s aggression.

What does the 1962 diplomatic deal have to do with the October 1965 battle in J. Keith Saliba’s book Death in the Highlands: The Siege of Special Forces Camp Plei Me? The answer is: everything.

The one-sided Laotian neutrality agreement led to the North Vietnamese Army’s October 1965 siege of Plei Me, defended by the Green Berets and local ethnic minorities in militias called Civilian Irregular Defense Groups, or CIDGs. When U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, established in February 1962 to control military actions in South Vietnam, realized that the Laotian and Cambodian borders were hemorrhaging a steady flow of enemy troops and arms into the war zone, MACV attempted to staunch the flow by changing the role of highly trained Special Forces units. Those soldiers were intended

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1965 DEFENSE OF U.S. BASE FORESHADOWED THE WAR TO COME

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to serve in vital counterinsurgency/nation-building roles to counteract Viet Cong intrusions throughout South Vietnam. In a shift that wasted the special operators’ talents, MACV assigned them to guard a long, porous, stopgap line of remote outposts on the western border. But the limited number of Special Forces men could never hope to block the flow of troops, arms and equipment from the North.

Saliba insightfully compares these “camps, with their palisades and battlements” to the U.S. Frontier Army’s 19th century mission against Native Americans, writing, “The new SF-CIDG camps truly resembled frontier forts of America’s Old West: heavily fortified redoubts in the midst of hostile ‘Indian Country.’ ” The camps were typically manned by a mere handful of Green Berets leading at most 450 or so CIDG fighters from Montagnard mountain tribes.

They became irresistible, seemingly vulnerable targets to NVA/VC forces.

The camps were accessible mainly via helicopter. Those accessible by road were an invitation for ambushes. When the enemy threatened to overrun a camp, the defenders’ “go-to weapon” was the radio —to call in helicopter gunships, aerial rocket artillery and bomb/napalm strikes.

As Saliba explains, all those factors played a part in the Oct. 19-25 siege of Plei Me in the Central Highlands, about 25 miles south of the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) base at Pleiku and 20 miles east of Cambodia. The NVA regional commander, Brig. Gen. Chu Huy Man, wanted to eliminate Pleiku but decided he first needed to overrun Plei Me. Man sent in about 4,200 soldiers. With a 10-to-1 troop advantage, overrunning Plei Me seemed a sure bet for Man. However, the Special ForcesCIDG camp had its own advantage—overwhelming U.S./ARVN firepower and the camp’s radio, which could transform Man’s sure bet into a killing ground that shredded his ranks. On Oct. 25, a 1,400-man ARVN armored relief force lifted the siege. Subsequently, 1st Cav forces pursued fleeing NVA troops, inflicting many more casualties.

The defenders’ death count totaled three Special Forces members, 14 CIDG fighters and 16 ARVN Special Forces soldiers. Adding casualties from allied air and ground support forces, the U.S./ARVN tally rises to 95 killed, with 222 wounded and 19 missing. The actual body count of NVA killed was 326, with an additional 850 estimated killed in the area.

Saliba’s final judgment is profoundly simple: “In the end, when the red dust had settled, the men of Plei Me had held their ground.”

Saliba accomplishes in about 200 pages what many historians fail to do in books three to four times as long: a thoroughly researched, well-written, compelling examination of an important Vietnam War battle. He enhances his narrative by introducing readers to the Special Forces members (notably, Maj. Charlie Beckwith who earned his first Silver Star at Plei Me and later created the famed Delta Force) and others who helped defend the camp.

Importantly, the Plei Me siege and pursuit of Man’s NVA led to the Ia Drang Valley Campaign, the war’s most influential combat action. Its mix of helicopters, ground combat and air support set the pattern U.S. units would follow through the remainder of the conflict. Saliba’s insightful and important book is a welcome contribution to the war’s history.

—Jerry Morelock

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The Continuous Fight to Control the Valley of Death Jay Phillips’ book, at just under 450 pages, takes a deep dive into U.S. actions in the A Shau Valley during the Vietnam War. Analyzing that information, Phillips makes the case that the fighting in that densely forested mountainous territory in northern South Vietnam on the Laotian border became the “crucible” of the American war.

The valley was a heavily used entry point for North Vietnamese Army troops moving into South Vietnam from the Ho Chi Minh Trail. In A Shau: Crucible of the Vietnam War, Phillips argues that the failure of American and South Vietnamese forces to “wrest control” of the strategically important territory during nearly 10 years of often brutal fighting “contributed, in a major way, to the final outcome of the war.”

Phillips served with the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile), one of the prominent units in the valley (although, as he points out, he was not in the A Shau), and is a former national adjutant general for the Military Order of the Purple Heart. A Shau offers thorough accounts of many battles and other engagements with the NVA in “The Valley of Death” from 1965 to the end of the war.

Leaning heavily on a wide array of American primary and secondary sources, Phillips presents in-depth rundowns on large, well-known operations such as Dewey Canyon I and II, Lam Son 719 and Apache Snow (which included what became known as the Battle of Hamburger Hill), along with many lesser-known operations, such as Louisiana Lee, Randolph Glen and Montgomery Rendezvous.

He highlights the “courage and fortitude” of U.S. infantrymen, primarily those who served in the 101st Airborne Division and 1st Cav. He also praises the “seemingly bottomless well of courage” of

A Shau: Crucible of the Vietnam War

By Jay Phillips Izzard Ink Publishing, 2021

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Soldiers wounded during Operation Delaware in northern South Vietnam’s A Shau Valley are helped off the battlefield in April 1968.

A Broad View of the War

In Good Faith, A History of the Vietnam War, Volume 1: 1945-1965

By Sergio Miller, Osprey Publishing, 2020 62

No Wider War, A History of the Vietnam War, Volume 2: 1965-1975

By Sergio Miller, Osprey Publishing, 2021

A recurring problem in researching and chronicling 20th century wars is keeping up with the revisions necessitated by the declassification of once-restricted documents. The American war in Vietnam is one example of those adjustments, but until the Socialist Republic of Vietnam is completely forthcoming with its own records, the definitive history of the Vietnam War won’t be written. With the declassification of more American documents, however, that history has been updated by Sergio Miller, a former British Army Intelligence Corps officer with service in Northern Ireland, South America, East Asia and Iraq.

The result is being issued in two substantial volumes: In Good Faith, covering 1945 to 1965, in which the communist-nationalist Vietnamese movement for independence and unification transitioned from fighting the Japanese to repelling the returning French colonialists to battling the United States; and No Wider War, covering what the Vietnamese call “the American War” from 1965 to 1975.

As in any previous history, the events that transformed what could have been a simple post-World War II decolonization into a long and ruinous conflict were complex and unique to the region. If there is any common theme in the process that led to the Vietnam War and its outcome, it seems to be—in Miller’s reasoning—a continuous tragicomedy of errors in which matters of global political principle and wishful thinking consistently trumped the realities that the participants were witnessing.

Miller is reluctant to focus the blame on anyone or depict the protagonists as they have too often been stereotyped, but he replays steps in the escalating conflict that were based on misinformation, even though much

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U.S. Special Forces and other military men who fought in the A Shau all those years.

Although the book is heavy on troop movements, battle details and tactics, Phillips also assesses the U.S. emphasis on attrition (weakening enemy forces by killing large numbers of them) and search-and-destroy missions, a strategy developed and pushed by Gen. William Westmoreland, head of Military Assistance Command, Vietnam. To put it mildly, Phillips is not a fan of Westmoreland’s strategic thinking on the battlefield or in the political arena.

“Westmoreland’s ‘strategy’ was fatally flawed,” he writes early on. Later,

Phillips notes that in 1968 Westmoreland’s claim that he had “enough resources to get the job done in Vietnam” was “egregiously incorrect.”

Westmoreland’s “greatest failure” in Vietnam, according to Phillips, was “his inability to accept how the outcome of a battle could have political reverberations far exceeding in scope the military result.” Westmoreland, as well as his successor, Gen. Creighton Abrams, should have realized that after the May 1969 fighting on Hamburger Hill “another bloody, prolonged battle for a worthless piece of real estate simply wasn’t going to wash with the American public, regardless of the body count, the kill ratio, and whether we were king of the mountain when it was all over,” Phillips writes.

Phillips’ well-researched book, with his emphasis on ground maneuvers, augmented by 17 maps, is a valuable addition to histories of the fights in the A Shau Valley and their impact on the outcome of the Vietnam War. A Shau is a worthy complement to retired U.S. Air Force Col. Thomas R. Yarborough’s 2016 military history, A Shau Valor: American Combat Operations in the Valley of Death, 1963–1971.

—Marc Leepson

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VN BEACHES &

of the truth was known at the time and deBATTLEFIELDS— liberately ignored.

GO WITH THE 1ST For example, the Gulf of Tonkin incidents of Aug. 2-5, 1964, have been carved & THE BEST! into American history books as a series of Get Out of unprovoked attacks on U.S. Navy destroyers, when in fact the brief Aug. 2 clash the House! occurred while North Vietnamese patrol 13-Day VN boats were pursuing South Vietnamese Tours Begin coastal raiders, and the Aug. 4 incident at $2,495! involved no North Vietnamese vessels at all. By then, however, President Lyndon B. Don’t Pay Johnson’s administration was so commitMore for ted to increasing American involvement— Less! albeit limited to a demonstration of air power initially—that the facts behind the We survived COVID-19 so get back on the road with the “provocation” didn’t matter.

Miller goes into studious detail with originator of the battlefield return to Vietnam — often numerous battles, campaigns and coups, copied but never dupliunraveling who was responsible for each. cated! MHT has been In the case of the 1968 siege of the Marine base at Khe Sanh he is unable to ascertain Disabled VN Vet Owned which of the many enigmatic strategic rea& Operated since 1987! sons given by Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap for the Call @1-703-590-1295 siege is true. All he concludes is that none of them make sense for a confrontation that WWW.MILTOURS.COM email@ MHTOURS@MILTOURS.COM benefited neither side and cost the North Vietnamese Army some 5,000 deaths.

In a way, the needlessness of the Khe Sanh fight symbolized the entire war. Had the United States government not been committed to its French World War II ally, had there not been the Cold War faceoff with the Soviet Union, the communist triumph in China and the Korean War stalemate, perhaps Americans might have been more cautious about supporting a corrupt Catholic regime in a Buddhist country and Return to the places you served less dismissive of the Viet Minh who, like it or not, constituted the most viable political entity in the country. The U.S. might have avoided a war that ended in 1975 essentially the same way it would have in 1955, 2022 Tours: with the added cost of millions of lives, two Western powers embarrassed and a dubiII, III, and IV-Corps - (March 6-20, 2022) ous victory for the winners.

VIE-210800-002 Historical Tours.indd I-Corps 1 - Emphasis on Northern I-Corps - (March 6-22, 2022) While many Vietnam veteransMilitary console Marine Reconnaissance - (March 20 - April 3, 2022) themselves with the mantra, “It was always right,” Miller’s history of the war suggests a 5th Infantry Division & Lam Son 719 - (March 20 - April 3, 2022) different conclusion: As far back as 1945, I-Corps - Emphasis on Southern I-Corps - (May 1-15, 2022) “It was always wrong.” Still, the Vietnam II, III, and IV-Corps - (Sept. 4-18, 2022) story offers lessons that could be worthMarine Corps Epic Battles Tour - (Sept. 4-19, 2022) while as another generation of American

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We can take you there.

troops prepares to end an even longer sojourn in Afghanistan.

—Jon Guttman

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AND FIVE SILVER STARS

By Doug Sterner

John Charles Bahnsen, born in Albany, Georgia, on Nov. 8, 1934, early on acquired the nickname “Doc,” after his grandfather Peter F. Bahnsen, who emigrated from Denmark with his family and in 1890 became Georgia’s first state veterinarian. That moniker followed Bahnsen to Vietnam where he used the skills of a helicopter pilot, rather than those of a physician, to save lives.

Bahnsen completed prep school at Marion Military Institute in Alabama and received an appointment to West Point. He graduated in 1956. Following fixed-wing flight school and aviator service in the 3rd Infantry Division, he became an armor officer. Bahnsen later attended the Rotary Wing Aviator Course and the Armor Officer Advanced Course.

In October 1965, he arrived in Vietnam as a captain HALL OF and helicopter gunship pilot with the 118th Aviation VALOR Company. His brother Peter, who graduated from West Point two years after him, was a Special Forces officer and flew with Doc on at least one attack mission.

On Feb. 2, 1966, Bahnsen flew missions that supported U.S. Marines in a 10-hour battle and evacuated three wounded men. He was awarded the Silver Star. On May 22, 1966, Bahnsen’s Huey helicopter came under intense fire from an estimated two enemy companies while he was using smoke to mark enemy positions. His actions “disrupted a potential attack on the American base camp” at Cu Chi, northwest of Saigon, and earned him the Distinguished Flying Cross. He left Vietnam in August 1966.

Bahnsen returned to the war in September 1968 after completing the 64

Doug Sterner, an Army veteran who served two tours in Vietnam, is curator of the Military Times Hall of Valor database of U.S. valor awards.

U.S. ARMY

JOHN BAHNSEN DISTINGUISHED SERVICE CROSS

school for pilots of AH-1 Cobra attack helicopters. This time he was a major and commanding officer of the Air Cavalry Troop, 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment.

On Oct. 17, 1968, Bahnsen directed helicopter passes against enemy forces attacking U.S. ground units and then landed “in front of the friendly forces, in full view of the enemy elements, and began directing his troop’s advancement on the hostile positions,” stated the citation for his second Silver Star. The battle ended when Bahnsen led his men “in an all-out assault on the North Vietnamese positions” and completely destroyed them. Twelve days later he earned his second Distinguished Flying Cross. He received a third for actions in December.

On Jan. 23, 1969, Bahnsen landed his helicopter in a hostile area to mark a landing zone for a rifle platoon. While taking off, he saw 15 enemy. He fired his rifle from the helicopter window and killed two. During the fight, his crew chief was wounded. Bahnsen evacuated him, refueled, rearmed and directed five airstrikes while controlling four rifle platoons until his helicopter was crippled. Switching to another, he returned, landed to guide helicopters bringing additional infantrymen and led them in an attack. He even captured two enemy soldiers. Bahnsen was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross, the second highest valor award after the Medal of Honor.

Bahnsen later became the only major to command a squadron, the 1st Squadron, 11th Armored Cavalry. Before his second tour ended in September, he earned three more Silver Stars. In all those actions he led from the front. The pilot supported his men on the ground by directing devastating fire on the enemy and then landing in the midst of a firefight to personally lead them.

During action on May 29 that earned him his fourth Silver Star, he was unable to land in the battle area, so he returned to base camp, “mounted a mechanized flame thrower and with his headquarters command group of cavalry assault vehicles moved under an air strike and through intense enemy fire to the point of heaviest contact.”

Bahnsen retired in 1986 as a brigadier general and settled on a farm in his wife’s hometown, New Cumberland, West Virginia, where he built a wildlife habitat. His five Silver Stars are a record for American airmen, shared with only one other pilot, Air Force Maj. Robert Alfred Lodge, who died after being shot down in 1972. V

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Genuine PC Vietnam M Note

Actual sizes are 17.9–30.6 mm

Vietnam Veteran Tribute Set

W

hat is the best way to honor our nation’s veterans? One way is to own a small token of appreciation—something physical you can hold in your hands that allows you to take a moment and reflect on the many sacrifices the brave men and women of our military have made in order to protect our freedoms as well as those of our allies around the globe.

It is with this idea in mind that we proudly introduce the Vietnam Veteran Tribute Set.

1968 Vietnam War-Era Coin Set

For this five-piece set, we’ve hand-picked coins from 1968, arguably the most important year of the war. These were the coins that purchased newspapers, celebratory drinks and postage for homemade care packages as American troops achieved victory during the Tet Offensive.

You’ll receive one of each denomination, housed together in a customer display holder: • Lincoln Cent • Jefferson Nickel • Roosevelt Dime • Washington Quarter • Kennedy Half Dollar

BONUS Military Currency Notes

In addition to your 5-coin set, you’ll receive one note from each side of the conflict: a genuine U.S. Military Payment Certificate (MPC) and a genuine North Vietnam Dong Note used by Viet Cong forces.

The Series 641 MPC note was issued to American troops overseas between August 31, 1965 and October 21, 1968, and was intended for use in military establishments.

This set of Choice Uncirculated coins is a fascinating look at the Vietnam War, told in a way only numismatics can tell. Only a limited number of sets are available, so call now and use the offer code below to secure yours today.

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GovMint.com • 14101 Southcross Dr. W., Suite 175, Dept. VTS207-01 • Burnsville, MN 55337 GovMint.com® is a retail distributor of coin and currency issues and is not affiliated with the U.S. government. The collectible coin market is unregulated, highly speculative and involves risk. GovMint. com reserves the right to decline to consummate any sale, within its discretion, including due to pricing errors. Prices, facts, figures and populations deemed accurate as of the date of publication but may change significantly over time. All purchases are expressly conditioned upon your acceptance of GovMint.com’s Terms and Conditions (www.govmint.com/terms-conditions or call 1-800-721-0320); to decline, return your purchase pursuant to GovMint.com’s Return Policy. © 2021 GovMint.com. All rights reserved.

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“I’’ve gotten many compliments on this watch. The craftsmanship is phenomenal and the watch is simply pleasing to the eye.”

—M., Irvine, CA “GET THIS WATCH.” —M., Wheeling, IL

Back in Black: The New Face of Luxury Watches “...go black. Dark and handsome remains a classic for a reason” — Men’s Journal

I’ll Take Mine Black…No Sugar

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n the early 1930s watch manufacturers took a clue from Henry Ford’s favorite quote concerning his automobiles, “You can have any color as long as it is black.” Black dialed watches became the rage especially with pilots and race drivers. Of course, since the black dial went well with a black tuxedo, the adventurer’s black dial watch easily moved from the airplane hangar to dancing at the nightclub.

Now, Stauer brings back the “Noire”, a design based 27 jewels and handon an elegant timepiece built in 1936. Black dialed, assembled parts drive complex automatics from the 1930s have recently hit this classic masterpiece. new heights at auction. One was sold for in excess of $600,000. We thought that you might like to have an affordable version that will be much more accurate than the original.

Basic black with a twist. Not only are the dial, hands and face vintage, but we used a 27-jeweled automatic movement. This is the kind of engineering desired by fine watch collectors worldwide. But since we design this classic movement on state of the art computer-controlled Swiss built machines, the accuracy is excellent.

Three interior dials display day, month and date. We have priced the luxurious Stauer Noire at a price to keep you in the black… only 3 payments of $33. So slip into the back of your black limousine, savor some rich tasting black coffee and look at your wrist knowing that you have some great times on your hands.

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