Korean Studies in Indonesia: An International Journal by INAKOS

Korean Studies in Indonesia KOREAN STUDIES IN INDONESIA adalah jurnal ilmiah berkala yang diterbitkan oleh INAKOS (The International Association of Korean Studies in Indonesia). Jurnal ini diterbitkan pertama kali pada bulan September 2009 yang pada intinya memuat hasil penelitian berbagai bidang tentang Korea yang dilakukan oleh para pemerhati Korea di Indonesia maupun di luar negeri. Jurnal INAKOS terbit dua kali setahun pada bulan April dan September. Jurnal berisi tulisan yang diambil dari paper yang dipresentasikan dalam INAKOS Forum serta hasil-hasil penelitian, kajian, dan ulasan buku mengenai berbagai bidang yang berkaitan dengan Korea. Jurnal ini mengundang para pakar dan sivitas akademika perguruan tinggi untuk menulis artikel ilmiah yang berkaitan dengan Korea. Naskah yang masuk disunting oleh penyunting jurnal. Penyunting berhak melakukan perubahan/ penyuntingan tanpa mengubah isinya. Komite Penasehat: H.E. Mr. Kim Chang-Beom (Duta Besar Republik Korea untuk Indonesia) H.E. Mr. Umar Hadi (Duta Besar Republik Indonesia untuk Korea) Prof. Dr. Yang Seung-Yoon (Profesor, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies) Penanggung Jawab: Mukhtasar Syamsuddin Mohtar Masâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;oed

Penyunting: Suray Agung Nugroho Tri Mastoyo

Dewan Redaksi: Anton Minardi Grace Lestariana Min Seon-hee Nur Aini Setiawati Ratih Pratiwi Anwar Tulus Warsito Yuliawati Dwi Widyaningrum

Sekretariat dan Distribusi: Eka Susanti Alamat Sekretariat: INAKOS (The International Association of Korean Studies in Indonesia) c/o Pusat Pengkajian Korea Fakultas Ilmu Budaya Universitas Gadjah Mada Jalan Olah Raga No. 1 Bulaksumur Jogjakarta Telepon : +62-8122696995 (presiden) +62-81290151270 (sekretaris) Situs Email

: inakos.org : in4kos@gmail.com

Korean Studies in Indonesia

Daftar Isi ii

Daftar Isi

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Kata Pengantar

Hlm. 1

Figurative Language in Narrative Translation of Korean – Malay Language Cho minsung

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Perbandingan Urutan Fungsi Pelaku dan Pergerakan Pola Cerita dalam Cerita Rakyat Indonesia dan Korea: Kajian Struktur Naratif Propp Dr. Novi Kussuji Indrastuti, M.Hum.

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The Unseen Role of Korea in the East Asia Regionalism Anggara Raharyo; Bustanul Arifin; Riski M. Baskoro

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Politik Adu Domba Jepang di Korea Masa Penjajahan: Kasus Manbosan 1931 Afriadi

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Territoriality in Korean Peninsula Peace-Making and Unification Process Mabda Haerunnisa Fajrilla Sidiq

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Integrating the Economy of Korean Peninsula: The Emergence of New Economic Map Policy towards Korean Reunification Cynthia Johan & La Ode Rifaldi Nedan Prakasa

Hlm. 101 Constructing a Peaceful Korean Peninsula: A Preliminary Study of South Korea’s Education on Reunification Methildis Ayu Emanuela Hlm. 116 Perbandingan Prinsip Hidup Bangsa Indonesia-Korea Berdasarkan Peribahasa Kedua Negara Chang, Young-Min Hlm. 129 Sekilas mengenai INAKOS Hlm. 133 Aggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga International Association of Korean Studies in Indonesia (INAKOS) Hlm. 138 Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. I, No. 1) September 2009 Hlm. 140 Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. I, No. 2) April 2010 Hlm. 142 Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. II, No. 1) April 2011 Hlm. 144 Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. II, No. 2) April 2015 Hlm. 145 Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. III, No. 1) April 2016 Hlm. 146 Research Notes Hlm. 147 Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. III, No. 2) April 2017

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Kata Pengantar

Sebagai sumbangsih kami dalam pentingnya pemahaman antarbudaya kedua bangsa, kami sebagai tim kecil di penerbitan jurnal INAKOS tak pernah lelah untuk terus berusaha menerbitkan tulisan-tulisan para peneliti, mahasiswa, dan pemerhati Korea dari Indonesia, Korea, dan dari belahan dunia lainnya. Dengan mengangkat tema â&#x20AC;&#x153;Dinamisme dan Dinamika Eksistensi Korea dan Indonesia: Kacamata Politik dan Budayaâ&#x20AC;?, kami hadirkan delapan buah paper yang bisa menjadi satu lagi pilihan untuk membuka mata terkait Korea dan hubungannya dengan Indonesia. Penerbitan kali ini unik karena selain ada nama-nama yang tak asing, ada pula namanama baru, terutama untuk pertama kalinya kami bekerja sama dengan para penulis dari President University, Indonesia. Terutama, kami bekerja sama untuk menerbitkan karyakarya paper hasil call for paper yang isinya sangat menggugah untuk dijadikan bahan diskusi terkait Korea. Para mahasiswa baik S1 maupun S2 yang memberanikan diri menulis sesuatu tentang Korea ini memang harus mendapat penghargaan. Untuk itulah, sebagai bentuk penghargaan tersebut, kami dengan bangga memuat paper mereka dalam jurnal INAKOS kali ini. Kami memberikan kebebasan bagi penulis untuk menuangkan idenya baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun dalam bahasa Inggris. Tentunya, dengan bantuan intisari dalam bahasa Indonesia, bahasa Inggris, dan bahasa Koreaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;jika memungkinan, maka diharapkan siapa pun bisa melihat sekilas maksud dan isi tiap-tiap tulisan. Kami dengan tangan terbuka menanti tulisan dan karya siapa pun para pemerhati Korea baik di Indonesia maupun di luar negeri yang ingin membagi ide, pemaparan, dan ilmunya dengan khalayak umum. Tiada gading yang tak retak. Sambutlah kado kecil ini dari kami. Selamat membaca dan berkarya.

Tim Redaksi November 2018

Korean Studies in Indonesia

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FIGURATIVE LANGUAGE IN NARRATIVE TRANSLATION OF KOREAN-MALAY LANGUAGE CHO MINSUNG minsung625@gmail.com Senior Researcher, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul

ABSTRAK Penterjemahan bahasa kiasan ialah satu aspek penterjemahan yang bukan sahaja memerlukan pengetahuan bahasa dan budaya bahasa sumber dan bahasa sasaran yang terlibat, tetapi juga pengetahuan khusus tentang wacana dan strategi yang sesuai untuk menterjemah bahasa kiasan. Menterjemah bahasa kiasan merupakan satu tugas yang berat yang perlu dikuasai oleh seseorang penterjemah. Bagi menganalisis teks, kajian ini menggunakan Taksonomi Larson (1984) sebagai kerangka pendekatan. Kajian perbandingan ini menggunakan teks kreatif dari Korea yang bertajuk ‘Sampo Ganun gil’ sebagai teks sumber dan teks kreatif yang telah diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Melayu oleh Dewan bahasa & Pustaka, bertajuk Perjalanan ke Sampo (삼포가는길): Antologi cerpen Korea selepas perang dunia kedua sebagai teks sasaran. Kajian ini juga akan memperlihatkan kefahaman bahasa kiasan dalam masyarakat tempatan Korea yang diterjemah ke dalam bahasa melayu. Pengkaji mendapati bahawa bahasa kiasan dominan digunakan dalam teks kajian dengan mencatatkan jumlah data sebanyak 100 jenis, iaitu simile, metafora, metonimi, synechdoche, eufemisme, idiom dan hiperbola. Kertas kerja ini membentangkan tentang pengenalan tentang terjemahan, bahasa kiasan, strategi terjemahan unsur budaya dan hasil perbandingan dari teks sumber dan teks sasaran. Kajian ini juga menyumbang pengetahuan baru kepada penterjemah dwibahasa dan juga membantu golongan yang terlibat dalam industri penterjemahan. Kata Kunci: Bahasa Korea, Bahasa Melayu, Penterjemahan, Bahasa Kiasan, Teks Kreatif

Korean Studies in Indonesia

ABSTRACT Figurative language translation is an aspect of translation, not only it needs language knowledge and source and target language culture involved but also specific knowledge about the discourse and strategy that is suitable to translate figurative language. Translating figurative language is a heavy task that required a translator’s mastery. For text analyzation, this research is using the Larson’s Taxonomy (1984) as an approach framework. This comparative research is using creative text from Korea entitled ‘Sampo Ganun gil’ as the source text and the creative text that has been translated to Malay Language by Dewan Bahasa & Pustaka, entitled Perjalanan ke Sampo (삼포가는길): Antologi cerpen Korea selepas perang dunia kedua [Journey to Samp’o 삼포가는길 (Korean Short Story Anthology After the Second World War)] as the target text. This reasearch will also show comprehension of figurative language among local Korean society that has been translated to Malay Language. Researchers discover that dominant figurative language has been use in research text with data recorded in total of 100 types, which are simile, metaphor, metanymy, synechdoche, euphemism, idioms and hyperbole. This paper work will present about the introduction to translating, figurative language, translation strategy of culture element and the outcome of comparison from source and target text. This research will also contribute new knowledge to dual language translator and will also help those involved in translation industry. Keywords: Korean Language, Malay Language, Translation, Figurative Language, Creative text

제목: 한국어 말레이어 소설 속에 나타난 비유언어 번역 비유적 언어 번역은 번역의 한 측면이다. 이 측면은 언어 지식, 언어 어원 및 대상 언어의 문화뿐만 아니라 비유적 언어를 번역하는 데 적합한 담론과 전략에 대한 구체적인 지식도 필요하다. 비유적 언어를 번역하는 것은 번역가의 숙달이 필요하며 무거운 작업이다. 텍스 트 분석을 위해 본 연구에서는 Larson ‘s Taxonomy (1984)을 접근 방식으로 사용한다. 본 비교 연구는 원본 텍스트인 ‘Sampo Ga nun gil’이라는 한국 텍스트를 사용하고 Dewan Bahasa & Pustaka 가 말 레 이 어 로 번 역 한 Perjalanan ke Sampo 를 사 용 한 다 . 특 히 , Antologi Cerper Korea Selepas Perang Dunia Kedua [삼환로 (제 2 차 세계 대전 이후 한 국 단편집)]을 대상으로 이용한다. 본 연구는 말레이어로 번역된 한국 사회에서의 비유적인 언어의 이해를 보여줄 수 있다. 연구자가 연구 텍스트에서 총 100 가지 유형의 지배적인 비유적인 언어를 발견했다. 예를 들어 직유법, 은유법, 환유법, synecdoche, 완곡 어법, 관용구 및 과장법이다. 본 논문은 번역, 비유적 언어, 문화 요소의 번역 전략 및 원본과 대상 텍스트의 비교 결과에 대한 소 개도 해준다. 마지막으로 본 연구도 이중 언어 번역가에게 새로운 지식을 제공하고 번역 업계에 종사하는 사람들에게 도움도 줄 수 있을 것이다. 키워드: 한국어, 말레이어, 번역, 비유적 언어, 텍스트

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INTRODUCTION Figurative language is a specific expression to express figurative meaning hiding in literal expressions that has become a comparative material. Figurative language translation must maintain the idea of the original text and as far as possible the delivery style of source language but at the same time still maintaining the message and purpose. According to Kamus Linguistik (1997) figurative language means word or phrases used figuratively to cause effect for certain statement or description (p.2). Awang Sariyan (1985) define figurative language as “… manipulation of language used, aligned with what the writer declared, until it caused certain effect to the readers” (p.48). Hashim Awang (1987) thinks that figurative language is an imaginative language that implies other meaning from what it was written (p.9). It means, the real meaning of figurative expressions contained in the features of material that is being compared. Therefore, conative interpretation towards figurative language will closely bring it to the real meaning of the speakers and continuity of communication because of the context (Maniyamin, 2006, p.41). Abdullah Hassan (1993) classifies figurative language based on two main things, in terms of form and meaning. In his opinion, in non-proverb group, especially metaphors that has no solid form, easily changed and swap courses in meaning. Unlike simile or parable, the form is solid and using comparative words between one object and another (Abdullah Hassan, p.907-913). Translation area is seen as an area that should be explored and lengthened to make sure the continuity of knowledge across the world without border. This paper work will look at and study the strategy in translating figurative language from Korean language to Malay language. Translation study that focuses on figurative language discover that there are not much done by linguistic researchers. Research about figurative language often seen in structure. The writer’s success to manipulate language in literary work for wrapping an idea figuratively has always been the focus of researchers. However, from translation point of view, figurative language aspect is seen once in a blue moon. In this matter, translator’s wisdom in choosing figurative language translation strategy must be validated and appreciated because of difficulty in translating figurative language is undeniable. Hence, it has become the researcher’s desire so that this research can afford to be a reference and additional literature in figurative language especially from translator’s field point of view. This research is anticipated to become a reasonable reference in enhancing translation technique in this country.

LITERATURE REVIEW Baker (1992) in his book In Other Words: A coursebook on Translation assume idioms and fixed expressions as two different categories under the multiword unit. He referred to it as language pattern that enables slight changes or none in form, and in figurative language that always carry meaning that cannot be concluded from its’ component. He also adds a

Korean Studies in Indonesia

few constrains in using of expressions including the disability to change the word command or adding words. Baker said that there are two problems in translating figurative language, which are the ability to identify and interpret figurative language in precision and the difficulty to carry variety aspects of meaning that figurative language conveys into the target language. Baker also suggests two strategies in translating figurative language. First, using figurative language that is similar in meaning and form. Second, using figurative language that is similar in meaning but different in terms of form and lastly, translating figurative language in pre-phrasal. According to Baker, translating figurative language in pre-phrasal is the most common being used when the match in the target language cannot be located. Besides that, Muhamad Fauzi Jumingan (2003) studies the form of figurative language with instilling relevant theories and discover that the literal translation technique is suitable in translating Arab-Malay, while, Ragavan (1991) studies metaphorical translation in English to Malay based on The Good earth, The Great Gatsby, The Moon and the sixpence and Indubious Battle. From their findings, it was discovered that most metaphors unable to retain their forms in source language. Translator often choose the meaning translation procedure and maintain the same metaphorical image. Besides that, Jaafar Jambi (2001) analyze the form of figurative language in the novel â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Kokoroâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; based on Larsonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Taxonomy (1984) discover that strategy that being used by translator maintain more of the figurative language image. He also discovers that the translator obliterates the image of figurative language in source language. From the background of this research literature highlight, it can be concluded that the research related to figurative language translation from Korean language to Malay language is significant because there is inadequacy in previous research. Based on this literature highlight which has been investigated and described by researcher it is believe that this research is obviously different from the previous research.

Figurative Language Translation Translating figurative language from one language to another language is quite difficult. Baker (1992) discusses the problem in translating figurative language and amongst the reasons that make translation difficult are: first, sometimes, the translator themselves does not recognize that sentence or phrases they read (and will be translated) is actually the figurative language; second, problem will arise in delivering the real meaning of the figurative language in the target language (Intan Safinaz Zainudin, 2006:82). The function of figurative language is indeed to give indirect meaning with the purpose of giving a deep impact. Other than that, figurative language also functions to give advice and educating in a more attractive and polite language. Sometimes, the use of figurative language will be more effective due to its disguise and the need for deeper understanding. Here is where figurative language must maintain the same form in the translating process. This is because translating a message must be done through figure of speech which is appropriate

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with the context. What important is the message and matter that wants to be delivered being able to receive and understand by the target reader such as mentioned by Nida, “…the production of equivalent message is a process, not merely of matching parts of utterances, but also reproducing the total character of the communication.” Nida (1964: 120) From the discussion, it is obvious that there are times figurative language translation is a little bit different from the usual translations that mostly involved semantic and syntax law. Figurative language translation must maintain the original text idea, and as far as possible the presentation style of the source language however at the same time still maintaining the message and its purpose. Figurative language is usually associated directly with literature and literacy. Hence, it is not surprising that the translating figurative language process in creative text is quite difficult compared to the usual language text because literary works usually are more complex in terms of language use and way of interpretation its meaning. This is because, in certain high quality literary works, the author will not be able to escape from using figurative language or figure of speech. This includes using idioms, proverb, parable, metaphor and variety of figure of speech.

PROBLEMS AND RESEARCH OBJECTIVE Through the literature study, researcher discover the existence of a few main issues that need to be seen in depth, which are: a) Figurative language form of identification

Translators themselves often did not recognize that the sentence or phrase that they read (and will be translated) is a form of figurative language and they did not understand the real meaning of the figurative language delivers in the target language. b) Use of specific image in source language and culture

Issues that often faced by translator in translating figurative language is that the translator is facing challenges in choosing and using an image or subject that is unknown by the target language reader that will cause wrong interpretation. A translator must wisely use an image that in the target language reader’s worldview so that there will be no confusion in understanding the image in the figurative language. c) Similar image problems but has different meaning

A translator is challenged to go through figurative language image election or object

Korean Studies in Indonesia in source language to transfer it into the target language, that is the existence of similarity of an object or image, but there are differences in meaning between both in those two languages. This matter will allow misunderstanding between both languages. It will be more unfortunate if the image or object that ‘accidentally’ used leads to negative connotation in the target language. d) Use of different image but has the same meaning

Use of different image or object in source language and target language however has the same meaning in revealing figurative language will also become one of the issues that lead to misinterpretation of figurative language meaning. e) Matching meaning

Limiting in matching an image or object in figurative language. Then, issues on extension of meaning will arise, meaning addition, losing of meaning even reducing meaning usually will happen. The writing objectives are for: • To identify the use of figurative language in target research text. • Analysing figurative language translation strategy used by research target text translator. • Analysing frequency of types of figurative language and the translation strategy in target research text.

RESEARCH METADOLOGY In this research, researcher is using the work entitled Journey to Samp’o 삼포가는길 (Korean Short Story Anthology After the Second World War). This work was published by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka in 1988. For data collection, researcher will pay attention to the sentences that were identified containing the figurative language element only. This means, researcher will not count the elements of other languages that make this creative text. In choosing data limitations, researcher will only choose identified phrases, clauses or sentences that belong to figurative language categories according to Larson’s (1984) types figure of speech distributions, which are metaphor, simile, metonymy, synecdoche, idioms, euphemism and hyperbole. Generally, researcher only choose figure of speech data that based and regard of human field and the environment around it only, that is in this research context tend towards figurative language in the context of Korean society’s nature. In this matter also, researcher wish to discover and investigate about the figurative speech in Korean culture. What is interesting is that, in this research, even though the culture that underlying the environment in the text is Korean culture, however the original research text is in Korean language. Researcher marks all the identified sentences that has figure of speech elements

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according to types figure of speech listed by Larson (1984), and continuing listing those sentences by recording and arranging it according to its appearance in the novel so that the matching process with translated text can be done easily. The process to get the translated data was also through steps that is similar with the process in the source text. The matching of translated figure of speech verses that was identified from the translated text, “Journey to Samp’o 삼포가는길” will be quoted and listed in order. If the match translation cannot be discovered in the target text, researcher will put a marker NIL to show that figure of speech element cannot be translated literally by the translator. After the process of withdrawing data from the research material is done, thorough process towards the data is done to ensure that the data is consists of the figure of speech elements and the distribution of the types of figure of speech will be done. This matter is important following there are various of figure of speech types that might be using by the text editor. Therefore, this thoroughness is important so that data disorder and uncertainty can be avoided. The table below explains briefly about data collecting method in this research. Table 1: Data Collection Procedure STEP PROCEDURE 1

Identifying main data source that is, the novel Journey to Samp’o 삼포가는길.

Read and understand the overall source text (ST).

Second and third reading are being done to identify and mark the type of figure of speech contained in the ST.

All the data quoted, collected and recorded based on order of appearance in the novel.

Read and understand the overall translated text (TT).

The second and third reading are being done to identify matching types figure of speech based on the records that was done in ST.

The data withdrawing process has finished. Next, data thoroughness process that was quoted and matched to look for matching precision other than that is, to ensure the precision of the type of figure of speech according to Larson’s distribution (1984).

A complete time table purification with matching figurative language in ST and TT according to the type of figure of speech are done.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION From this research result, researcher has made a classification of figurative language based on Larson’s (1984) types figure of speech, that consist of simile, metaphor, metonymy,

Korean Studies in Indonesia

euphemism, synecdoche, idioms and hyperbole. Based on the research data collected, it was discovered that all types of figurative language that was classified by Larson is used in the research material. From the study on the overall research material, that in the source text, 삼포가는길 (sampoganungil), and its translated text, Journey to Sampo, it was discover that there are 100 figurative languages that was taken out from the text. All these figurative languages consist of the seven types of figurative language that was classified by Larson (1984). It is to be declared here that the classification made on these types of figurative language that is in this data is not genuine considering that there are phrases that can be placed in two different categories. The figure below specifies the types of figurative language that was acquired in this research findings. Based on the figure 1, it is discovered that metaphor is the common figurative language that often used in 삼포가는길 (sampoganungil) and its’ translation, Journey to Sampo, that consist of 26% from the total of the figurative language. The use of simile is seen as dominant in this creative text writing, that is 26 data that was acquired monopolies almost half from the total of the figurative language. The use of preposition like seolah-olah (as if) and bak becomes an option in simile expression. In the matter of using metaphor, sometimes it can also be classified in simile that will cause confusion in simile and metaphor figurative language. However, researcher has limit both types of figurative language by assuming that metaphor is more of the analogy form and not a comparative form like simile. Based on the research data, metaphor form that are in the research text mostly is in a form of analogy to illustrate a situation or emotion. Hyperbole also noted a high frequency with 20 data with 20% notation. Like what has been said before, for the other types of figurative language like simile, idioms, metonymy, Figure 1: Total types of Figurative Language

Total s of Figurative Language

Metaphor Hyperbole Simile Idioms Metonymy Synechdoche

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synecdoche and euphemism individually stated 14 data for simile (14%), 14 idioms (14%), 12 metonymies (12%), 10 synecdoche (10%) and 4 euphemisms (4%).

Figurative language Korean–Malay 1) Metaphor

Korean Language: 말이 청산유수였다 (mal-i cheongsanyusuyeossda). Malay Language: percakapannya lancar According to researcher, metaphor type figure of speech in this source language has been translated by instilling the figure of speech in the target language but with changes of image that represent this type of metaphor figure of speech. The phrase 말이 청산유수였다 (mal-i cheongsanyusuyeossda) in the source text is translated as percakapannya lancer (fluent converse). The phrase 말이 청산유수였다 (mal-i cheongsanyusuyeossda) is converse as green mountain and river. In source text culture, 청산유수 (cheongsanyusu) means percakapannya lancer (fluent converse). 2) Hyperbole

Korean Language: …. 솜 같은 눈송이가 펄펄 내리고 있었다 (som gat-eun nunsong-i peolpeol naeligo iss-eossda). Malay Language: …dan salji turun dengan kepingan yang besar. In the analysis, hyperbole type figure of speech is known used by the writer for arousing excessive effect for meaning delivery. The phrase 솜 같은 눈송이가 펄펄 내리고 있었다 (som gat-eun nunsong-iga peolpeol naeligo iss-eossda) in the source text has been translated as salji turun dengan kepingan yang besar (large pieces of snowflake when snowfall) in the target text. The phrase 솜 같은 눈송이가 펄펄 내리고 있었다 (som gat-eun nunsong-iga peolpeol naeligo iss-eossda) is a situation when a heavy snowfall like cotton. 3) Simile

Korean Language: … 그을지 않을 사기처럼 하얀얼굴 바탕에 지나치리만큼 오똑한 콧날과 ... (…geueulji anh-eul sagicheoleom hayan-eolgul batang-e jinachil mankeum ottoghan kosnal ...) Malay Language: wajahnya seputih warna porselin dan hidungnya tinggi, alisnya ….

Korean Studies in Indonesia In the analysis, the element of simile is discovered through image comparison ‘사기(sagi)’ and ‘하얀 얼굴 (hayan-eolgul)’ has been translated in similar image in the target language that is ‘seputih warna poeselin’ (fair as the color of porcelain) and ‘wajahnya’ (his face). This comparison is marked with ‘se-putih’ that marks the use of cynical figurative language, simile. Both language cultures also state sharing the similar image and known by the society’s speakers.

4) Idioms

Korean Language: 이거 왜 이래. 괜히 나이롱 비행기 태우지 말어 (igeol wae ilae. gwaenhi nailong bihaeng-gi taeuji mal-eo). Malay Language: apa yang kau kata ni? Jangan pura-pura memuji aku. In the analysis, idioms type figure of speech used in the source language is translated using similar image in the target language. In the source language, the phrase 비행기 태우지 is “naikkan pesawat” (to lift the plane). Idiom 비행기를 태우지 means excessive compliment. The idiom mentioned carries other implied meaning that is, as tough as nail but if it is mould and nurture, it will be soft. 5) Metonymy

Korean Language: 어디 코 큰 놈 이라구 별거 있겠니, 말 잘해서 진정이 …….(eodi ko keun nom ilago byeolgeos issgessni, mal jalhaeseo jinjeong-i …….) Malay Langauge: kau fikir orang Rusia yang berhidung besar itu mempunyai sesuatu yang istimewa? Jika kau boleh bertutur dalam bahasa ….. Based on the analysis, the word 코 큰 놈 (eodi ko keun nom) is hidungnya besar (big nose). In Korean culture, the image ‘코 큰 놈 (eodi ko keun nom)’ that means ‘orang barat’ (westerners). These words have been replaced and modifies to the target language by the translator. Use of the image ‘orang Rusia yang berhidung besar’ (The Russian with the big nose) is seen more appropriate and not excessive if compared to ‘hidungnya besar’ (he has a big nose) in the target language. This matter is as such because, the target language society’s culture that signifies politeness in conversing. However, the concept and meaning that constructed both images are still the same. 6) Synechdoche

Korean Language: 맥주는 좀 마셨봤는지요(maegjuneun jom masyeossbwassneunjiyo)? Malay Language: kau pernah minum bir?

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The word 맥주 (maegju) in the source text has been translated as beer. The word 맥주 (maegju) is beer. In the source text, the word 맥주 (maegju) is a symbol for liquor beverages. If it is translated in literal, the exact meaning will stray from the original meaning. In this case, translator still using the same image in the target language as a translation strategy for this figure of speech. 7) Euphemism

Korean Language: 그날 밤 이장 영감도 갑자기 세상을 떠나고 말았다 (geunal bam ijang yeong-gamdo gabjagi sesang-eul tteonago mal-assda). Malay Language: malam itu dia juga mati. Referring to euphemism type figure of speech, there are changes of images in translating this of figurative language. In the source text, ‘세상을 떠나고 (sesangeul tteonago) has been a regular expression when people passed away, this image is adjusted with Malay culture, which is the target language by replacing it to ‘mati’ (died). These changes are cultural conformity where the euphemism type figure of speech is the conversion process or a more suitable saying to avoid wrong impression of the target language society.

Suggestion and Expectation The study on figurative language is indeed has been done numerously by language and literature researchers, however the figurative language study associated with translation field is very few. Therefore, researcher hoped that extensive follow up study regarding figurative language translation in various world language to display the wealth and continuity of aesthetic values of Malay language treasury. Besides, it is important to express a society’s language thought, it does not matter whether it is a source language or a target language in translating certain literary works. Next, researcher suggest multiplying more translated creative works either from Malay language to another language or vice versa. Because simile and metaphor figurative language are used dominantly in creative works, therefore there must be a follow up study that focus only on that figure of speech. Figurative language translation strategy must be explored and varied, following this research, linked to this study’s corpus, generally there are a lot of limitations that are not able to describe it in absolute.

CONCLUSION Translation is a process that was done to fulfill a few purposes according to readers’ necessity. For translating a literary text like a novel, that is a creative work, there are absolutely

Korean Studies in Indonesia

variety of stylistic and figurative elements that function as not only to beautify the language but also contains messages that need to be delivered figuratively. Because of that, creative text translator from the source language to the target language especially those involve a figurative element in this language style must be thorough so that the authenticity can be retained when it is translated to the target language. This matter has contributed a lot of challenges and difficulties to the translators. Based on the overall research findings, the use of metaphor figure of speech is dominant. In this matter, the tendency of using metaphor is obvious because according to researcher’s observation, source language culture often symbolizes a situation or an emotion with parable to the images in their worldview.

REFERENCE Abdullah Hassan. (1993). Bahasa Kiasan. Jurnal Dewan Bahasa. Bil. 37(10). M/s 907-913. Awang Sariyan (editor). (1985). Dari Kata ke Hati: Persoalan Stilistik Melayu. Penerbit Fajar Bakti: Petaling Jaya. Baker, Mona (1992) In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation. London and New York: Routledge. Chung, Y. R. (1988). Antologi Cerpen Korea Selepas Perang Dunia Kedua Perjalanan ke Samp’o. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Hashim Awang. (1987). Glosari Mini Kesusasteraan. Penerbit Fajar Bakti: Petaling Jaya. Intan Safinaz Zainudin. (2006). Pencarian Makna Idiomatik dalam Terjemahan: Peranan Kamus Dwibahasa Inggeris – Melayu. Dlm. Kajian Bahasa dan Terjemahan. Sunt.: Zubaidah Ibrahim. et. al. Penerbit Universiti Malaya: Kuala Lumpur. Jaafar Jambi. (2001). Terjemahan Bahasa Kiasan dalam Novel “Kokoro” dari Bahasa Jepun ke Bahasa Melayu: Satu Analisis. Disertasi Sarjana, Fakulti Bahasa dan Linguistik, Universiti Malaya. JF Ragavan. (1991). The Translation of Metaphors: A Text Analysis of The Good Earth, The Great Gatsby, The Moon and Sixpence and In Dubious Battle. Fakulti Bahasa dan Linguistik, Universiti Malaya. Kamus Linguistik. (1997). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Larson, Mildred. (1984). Meaning-Based Translation: A Guide to Cross-Language Equivalence. University Press of America: New York Larson, Mildred. (1998). Meaning-Based Translation: A Guide to Cross-Language Equivalence (2nd Edition). University Press of America: New York Maniyamin Hj. Ibrahim. (2006). Gaya Bahasa Kiasan: Penggunaan dan Keberkesanannya dalam Sajak. Karisma Publication Sdn. Bhd.: Shah Alam.

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Nida, E. A. (1964). Toward A Science of Translating. Brill: Leiden. Nida, E. A. (1996). Menerokai Struktur Semantik. Penterjemah: Mashudi Kader. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka: Kuala Lumpur.

Korean Studies in Indonesia

PERBANDINGAN URUTAN FUNGSI PELAKU DAN PERGERAKAN POLA CERITA DALAM CERITA RAKYAT INDONESIA DAN KOREA: KAJIAN STRUKTUR NARATIF PROPP DR. NOVI KUSSUJI INDRASTUTI, M.HUM. Dosen Jurusan Sastra Indonesia, Fakultas Ilmu Budaya, Universitas Gadjah Mada

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis serta mendeskripsikan fungsi pelaku, urutan fungsi pelaku, dan pola pergerakan cerita dalam cerita rakyat Korea dan Indonesia, yakni dongeng Korea: “무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan”, “바리 공주/Putri Bari”, dan “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” serta dongeng Indonesia: “Ular n’Daung”, “Buaya Ajaib”, dan “Watu Maladong”. Adapun masalah yang akan dianalisis adalah perbandingan struktur naratif dalam dongeng Korea dan Indonesia. Teori yang digunakan untuk menganalisis adalah teori strukturalisme naratologi yang disampaikan oleh Vladimir Propp dalam bukunya yang berjudul Morphology of the Folktale (1979). Metode yang digunakan adalah metode komparatif berupa metode komparatif deskriptif yang membandingkan variabel yang sama untuk sampel yang berbeda. Selain itu, metode pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan metode kepustakaan dan metode analisis data dilakukan sesuai dengan metode struktural model Propp. Berdasarkan analisis diketahui bahwa fungsi pelaku dalam dongeng Korea dan dongeng Indonesia yang dianalisis tidak lengkap. Skema fungsi pelaku yang terbentuk juga tidak bergerak secara berurutan, bahkan ada 18 fungsi yang sama sekali tidak muncul, baik dalam dongeng Korea maupun dongeng Indonesia yang dianalisis. Berdasarkan pola pergerakan cerita diketahui bahwa fungsi pelaku yang dominan adalah (1) fungsi the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ yang dilambangkan dengan D; (2) the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ yang dilambangkan dengan E; dan (3) fungsi provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ yang dilambangkan dengan F. Kehadiran fungsi F sebagai salah satu bagian dalam fungsi penyelesaian sebuah cerita didahului dengan kehadiran fungsi D dan E. Namun, analisis yang telah dilakukan menunjukkan bahwa dalam dongeng Indonesia ditemukan fungsi penerimaan unsur magis (F) yang tidak didahului dengan fungsi pertama donor (D) dan fungsi reaksi pahlawan (E). Kata Kunci: struktur naratif, fungsi pelaku, pola pergerakan cerita, dongeng, Korea, Indonesia

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ABSTRACT This study aims to analyze and describe the function of the character, the sequence of functions of the character, and the pattern of movement of stories in Korean and Indonesian folklore, namely Korean tales: “무덤 속의 속의/Ginseng Mountain in the Grave”, “바리 공주/Putri Bari”, and “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/ Nine-Headed Thief” and Indonesian tales: “N’Daung Snake”, “Magic Crocodile”, and “Watu Maladong”. The problem to be analyzed is the comparison of narrative structures in Korean and Indonesian tales. The theory used to analyze is the theory of structuralism naratology delivered by Vladimir Propp in his book entitled Morphology of the Folktale (1979). The method used is a comparative method in the form of a descriptive comparative method that compares the same variables for different samples. In addition, the method of data collection is done by the library method and the data analysis method is carried out in accordance with the structural method of the Propp model. Based on the analysis it is known that the characters’ functions in the Korean fairy tales and Indonesian tales analyzed are incomplete. The scheme of the function that is formed also does not move sequentially, there are even 18 functions that do not appear at all, both in the Korean fairy tales and the Indonesian fairy tales. Based on the story movement pattern, it is known that the dominant function of the characters is (1) the function of the first function of the donor (donor’s first function) which is denoted by D; (2) the hero’s reaction (reaction hero) symbolized by E; and (3) the function of provocation of a magical agent that is represented by F. The presence of function F as a part of completing a story is preceded by the presence of functions D and E. However, the analysis shows that in Indonesian fairy tales, there is the function of receiving magical elements (F) that are not preceded by the first function donor (D) and the reaction function of the hero (E). Keywords: narrative structure, character functions, story movement patterns, fairy tales, Korea, Indonesia

제목: 인도네시아-한국 동화에서 본 내러티브 구조 본 연구는 한국과 인도네시아의 민속 “무덤 속의 속 / 무덤 속의 산삼”에서 인물의 기능, 인물의 기능 순서, 그리고 이야기 전개의 패턴을 분석한 것이다. 한국민속인 “바리 공주”와 “머리 아홉 달린 도둑”을 인도네시아 민속인 “N’Daung Snake”, “Magic Crocodile”, “Watu Maladong”와 비교함에 있어서 이야기 전개 구조를 중심으로 분석해 볼 것이다. 특히, 블 라디미르 프로프 (Vladimir Propp)이 쓴 Folktale (Morphology of the Folktale, 1979)에서 나온 교조주의 이론을 이용해서 두 나라의 민속 속에 담아 있는 다른 표본과 동일한 변수 를 비교하고자 한다. 데이터 분석 방법은 Propp 모델의 구조적 방법을 따를 것이다 분석 결과에 따르면, 한국의 동화와 인도네시아의 민속에서 등장한 캐릭터의 기능은 불완 전한 것으로 알려져 있다. 형성된 기능의 계획도 순차적으로 움직이지 않으며, 양 국의 민

Korean Studies in Indonesia

속에서는 전혀 나타나지 않는 18 가지 기능이 있다는 것도 발견되었다. 줄거리 패턴을 기 반으로, 기증자의 지배적인 기능은 (1) D 로 표시된 기증자의 첫 번째 기능이고; (2) E 로 상 징된 영웅의 반응이고; (3) F 로 표현된 마법 작용제의 도발 기능이다. 줄거리를 완성해 주 는 과정의 기능인 F 는 기능 D 와 E 가 먼저 나타나고 존재할 수 있다. 그러나 분석에 따르 면 인도네시아 민속에서는 (D)와 (E)의 기능이 줄거리에 먼저 쓰지 않아도 (F)기능도 존재 할 수 있다는 것을 알 수 있게 된다. 키워드: 내러티브 구조, 캐릭터 기능, 스토리 움직임 패턴, 한국 동화, 인도네시아 동화

1. PENDAHULUAN Cerita rakyat atau yang disebut cerita prosa rakyat oleh James Danandjaja (2002: 21) merupakan produk budaya yang asal mulanya termasuk dalam folklor lisan. Folklor lisan adalah folklor yang berbentuk lisan murni (Danandjaja, 2002: 21). Adapun yang dimaksud dengan folklor adalah sebagian kebudayaan suatu kolektif yang tersebar dan diwariskan secara turun-temurun, secara tradisional, dalam versi yang berbeda-beda, baik dalam bentuk lisan maupun contoh yang disertai dengan gerak isyarat atau alat pembantu pengingat (Danandjaja, 2002: 2). Dengan demikian, cerita rakyat sebagai bagian dari folklor lisan disebarkan dan diwariskan secara lisan, yakni melalui tutur kata atau dari mulut ke mulut dan disampaikan secara turun-temurun. Menurut William R. Bascom via Danandjaja (2002: 50), cerita prosa rakyat terbagi dalam tiga golongan besar, yaitu (1) mite, (2) legenda, dan (3) dongeng. Dalam perkembangannya, ketiga golongan cerita rakyat yang disampaikan secara lisan tersebut mulai terpinggirkan dengan adanya aksara dan media elektronik. Hal ini tampak seperti yang disampaikan oleh Probonegoro dalam Pudentia (2008: 105) yang menyatakan bahwa tradisi lisan yang pada mulanya berkembang, khususnya di daerah pedesaan, mulai kurang diminati oleh generasi muda yang sudah mengenal aksara, bahkan cerita rakyat yang pada mulanya disampaikan melalui tuturan, saat ini telah banyak diterbitkan dalam bentuk buku sehingga terjadi pengalihan wacana dari tradisi lisan ke tradisi tulis. Lebih lanjut, Bunanta (1998: 1) mengatakan bahwa penulisan dan penerbitan cerita rakyat telah banyak dilakukan di Indonesia, baik untuk keperluan cerita anak-anak maupun untuk kepentingan dokumentasi, inventarisasi, dan penelitian. Penulisan kembali cerita rakyat dengan berbagai tujuan tersebut diharapkan dapat mendokumentasikan salah satu bentuk ekspresi kebudayaan yang dimiliki oleh bangsa Indonesia sehingga lebih dikenal oleh masyarakat. Selain itu, penulisan kembali cerita rakyat diharapkan dapat menjadi bahan penelitian yang hasilnya dapat disebarluaskan, bahkan dimanfaatkan oleh masyarakat. Salah satu penelitian cerita

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rakyat yang menarik untuk dilakukan adalah analisis struktur naratif. Pada kesempatan ini akan dianalisis perbandingan struktur naratif dalam cerita rakyat Korea dan Indonesia, khususnya dongeng. Adapun dongeng yang akan dianalisis sebagai berikut. Nomor Dongeng

Judul Dongeng Korea

Indonesia

“무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan” “Ular n’Daung”

“바리 공주/Putri Bari”

“머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” “Watu Maladong”

“Buaya Ajaib”

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap serta mendeskripsikan perbandingan fungsi naratif dalam dongeng Korea dan Indonesia. Dengan demikian, penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memperkaya wawasan pembaca, terutama yang berkaitan dengan struktur naratif dalam cerita rakyat, khususnya cerita rakyat Korea dan Indonesia.

2. LANDASAN TEORI Teori strukturalisme naratologi yang akan digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah strukturalisme naratologi yang disampaikan oleh Vladimir Propp dalam bukunya yang berjudul Morphology of the Folktale (1979). Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan, Propp menjelaskan bahwa sebuah dongeng memiliki struktur yang dibentuk dari fungsifungsi yang bergerak berurutan. Pada umumnya, sebuah cerita berawal dari kejahatan atau kekurangan melalui fungsi-fungsi perantara dan berakhir dengan perkawinan atau fungsi-fungsi lain yang bertugas sebagai penyelesaian. Fungsi-fungsi yang bertugas sebagai penyelesaian kadang-kadang berupa penerimaan alat magis, penghapusan penderitaan atau kekurangan, dan pahlawan (hero) yang diselamatkan (Propp, 1979: 92). Adapun yang dimaksud fungsi oleh Propp ialah suatu tindakan (action) dari dramatis personae (peran, tokoh, pelaku) yang didefinisikan dari sudut pandang kepentingannya di dalam aliran tindakan. Fungsi ditetapkan dengan melihat peristiwa di dalam cerita (Propp, 1979: 20—21). Dalam hal ini, fungsi dimaknai sebagai tindakan (action) dari pelaku yang dikenakan sasaran (objeknya) atau bagaimana pelaku bertindak kepada objeknya (Propp, 1979: 19—20). Dari hasil penelitiannya terhadap 100 dongeng Rusia, Propp menyimpulkan bahwa dalam setiap cerita rakyat terdapat 31 fungsi pelaku dengan keteraturan arah naratifnya. Tiap-tiap fungsi pelaku diberi nomor fungsi, ikhtisar singkat tentang hakikat fungsi, definisi yang disingkat dalam satu kata, lambang konvensionalnya, dan beberapa contoh variasi tindakan untuk mempermudah pembuatan kerangka dan skema pergerakan cerita.

Korean Studies in Indonesia

Berdasarkan 31 fungsi yang ada, menurut Propp, sebuah cerita biasanya memiliki skema urutan fungsi: β γ δ ε ζ η θ A (a) B C ↑ D E F G H J I K ↓ Pr Rs O L M N Q Ex T U W. Terkait hal tersebut, Propp memberi catatan bahwa sebuah cerita tidak harus memuat 31 fungsi tersebut. Berikut salah satu contoh skema urutan fungsi yang tidak memuat 31 fungsi tersebut: γ β δ A C ↑ D E F G K ↓ Pr Rs (Propp, 1979: 99). Selain itu, Propp juga mengatakan bahwa sebuah cerita, biasanya, dimulai dengan initial situation ‘situasi awal’ yang pendek. Situasi awal bukanlah sebuah fungsi, tetapi menjadi elemen penting dalam cerita. Initial situation ‘situasi awal’ ini diberi lambang α (Propp, 1979: 25—26).

3. METODE Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif. Menurut Bogdan dan Tylor (via Moleong, 2001: 3), metode penelitian kualitatif adalah prosedur penelitian yang menghasilkan data deskriptif berupa kata-kata tertulis atau lisan dari orang-orang dan perilaku yang dapat diamati oleh peneliti. Selain itu, dalam penelitian ini juga digunakan metode penelitian komparatif karena data yang dianalisis berasal dari Korea dan Indonesia. Penelitian komparatif menurut Silalahi (2009) adalah penelitian yang membandingkan dua gejala atau lebih. Dalam hal ini, metode komparatif yang digunakan berupa metode komparatif deskriptif yang membandingkan variabel yang sama untuk sampel yang berbeda. Menurut Arikunto (2009), dalam penelitian komparatif dapat ditemukan persamaan-persamaan dan perbedaan-perbedaan tentang benda-benda, orang, prosedur kerja, ide-ide atau gagasan, kritik, dan sebagainya. Selanjutnya, metode dalam penelitian ini terdiri atas metode pengumpulan data dan metode analisis data. Metode pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara studi kepustakaan. Studi kepustakaan dilakukan untuk memperoleh referensi dan data-data lain yang mendukung analisis dalam penelitian ini. Adapun metode analisis data yang digunakan adalah metode struktural model Propp. Hal itu disebabkan objek penelitian ini adalah tiga cerita rakyat Korea dan tiga cerita rakyat Indonesia yang akan dianalisis dengan teori strukturalisme naratologi Propp. Berikut ini tahap-tahap penelitian yang dilakukan berdasarkan metode struktural model Propp. (a) Cerita rakyat Indonesia dan hasil terjemahan tiga cerita rakyat Korea dianalisis dengan langkah awal berupa pelacakan peristiwa-peristiwa yang terjadi pada setiap adegan sehingga ditemukan pelaku (dramatis personae). (b) Berdasarkan peristiwa-peristiwa yang terjadi pada setiap adegan kemudian ditentukan tindakan pelaku (dramatis personae) dalam menggerakkan cerita. (c) Menentukan fungsi pelaku dalam tiga cerita rakyat Indonesia dan tiga cerita rakyat Korea. (d) Menentukan urutan fungsi pelaku dalam tiga cerita rakyat Indonesia dan tiga cerita rakyat Korea.

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(e) Menentukan pola pergerakan cerita dalam tiga cerita rakyat Indonesia dan tiga cerita rakyat Korea. (f) Menarik kesimpulan. (g) Menyajikan dalam bentuk laporan penelitian.

4. PEMBAHASAN 4.1 Analisis Urutan Fungsi Pelaku Berdasarkan analisis fungsi pelaku diketahui urutan fungsi pelaku pada tiga cerita rakyat Korea (“무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan”, “바리 공주/Putri Bari”, dan “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan”) serta tiga cerita rakyat Indonesia (“Ular n’Daung”, “Buaya Ajaib”, dan “Watu Maladong”). Urutan masing-masing fungsi pelaku tersebut sebagai berikut.

4.1.1 Cerita Rakyat Korea 4.1.1.1 Urutan Fungsi Pelaku dalam “무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan” No. Definisi Singkat Fungsi Pelaku Initial Situation ‘Situasi Awal’

Lambang Α

absentation ‘ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran’ (bentuk ketiadaan yang lebih kuat yang ditunjukkan dengan kematian orang tua)

β2

mediation, the connective incident ‘perantaraan, peristiwa penghubung’ (kesialan diberitahukan)

В4

the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ (tokoh penolong menguji pahlawan)

departure ‘keberangkatan/kepergian’

↑

the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ (pahlawan bertahan terhadap ujian)

provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ (alat sihir ditunjukkan lokasinya)

return ‘kepulangan’

↓

the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’ (barang yang dicari dikuasai dengan kekuatan dan kecerdasan)

Urutan fungsi pelaku: α β2 В4 D1 ↑ E1 F2 ↓ K1

Korean Studies in Indonesia

4.1.1.2 Urutan Fungsi Pelaku dalam “바리 공주/Putri Bari” No. Definisi Singkat Fungsi Pelaku Initial Situation ‘Situasi Awal’

Lambang Α

absentation ‘ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran’ (generasi yang lebih muda pergi)

β3

mediation, the connective incident ‘perantaraan, peristiwa penghubung’ (pahlawan langsung berangkat)

В2

departure ‘keberangkatan/kepergian’

↑

the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ (tokoh penolong menguji pahlawan) the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ (permohonan yang lain)

D -D7

the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ (pahlawan bertahan terhadap ujian)

provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ (alat sihir diberikan secara langsung pada pahlawan)

return ‘kepulangan’

↓

the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’ (barang yang dicari dikuasai dengan kekuatan dan kecerdasan)

Urutan fungsi pelaku: α β3 В2 ↑ D1-D7 E1 F1 ↓ K1

4.1.1.3 Urutan Fungsi Pelaku dalam “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” No. Definisi Singkat Fungsi Pelaku Initial Situation ‘Situasi Awal’

Lambang Α

absentation ‘ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran’ (generasi tua meninggalkan rumah atas kemauannya sendiri)

β1

villainy ‘kejahatan’ (penjahat menculik seseorang)

mediation, the connective incident ‘perantaraan, peristiwa penghubung’ (kesialan diberitahukan)

В4

departure ‘keberangkatan/kepergian’

↑

the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ (tokoh penolong menyapa dan menanyai pahlawan)

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

No. Definisi Singkat Fungsi Pelaku

Lambang E2 the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ (pahlawan menanggapi sapaan/ pertanyaan) F7 provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ (penerimaan unsur magis yang dimakan/diminum) G4 spatial translocation ‘perpindahan (tempat)’ (jalur pahlawan ditunjukkan kepadanya) H1 struggle ‘berjuang, bertarung’ (pertarungan di lapangan terbuka)

10.

victory ‘kemenangan’ (penjahat dibunuh tanpa perlawanan)

11.

the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’ (tawanan dibebaskan)

12.

return ‘kepulangan’

↓

13.

wedding ‘perkawinan [dan naik tahta]’ (pahlawan menikah tanpa mendapatkan kekuasaan karena mempelai bukan keturunan bangsawan)

6. 7. 8.

I4 K10

Urutan fungsi pelaku: α β1 A1 B4 ↑ D2 E2 F7 G4 H1 I4 K10 ↓ W2

4.1.2 Cerita Rakyat Indonesia 4.1.2.1 Urutan Fungsi Pelaku dalam “Ular n’Daung” No. Definisi Singkat Fungsi Pelaku Initial Situation ‘Situasi Awal’

Lambang Α

lack ‘kekurangan [kebutuhan]’

departure ‘keberangkatan/kepergian’

↑

the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ (tokoh penolong menguji pahlawan)

the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ (pahlawan bertahan terhadap suatu ujian)

provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ (alat sihir diberikan secara langsung pada pahlawan)

return ‘kepulangan’

↓

the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’

departure ‘keberangkatan/kepergian’

↑

Urutan fungsi pelaku: α a ↑ D1 E1 F1 ↓ K ↑

Korean Studies in Indonesia

4.1.2.2 Urutan Fungsi Pelaku dalam “Buaya Ajaib” No. Definisi Singkat Fungsi Pelaku Initial Situation ‘Situasi Awal’

Lambang Α

lack ‘kekurangan [kebutuhan]’

departure ‘keberangkatan/kepergian’

↑

the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ (tokoh penolong menyapa dan menanyai pahlawan)

the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ ((pahlawan menanggapi sapaan/ pertanyaan)

return ‘kepulangan’

↓

provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ (beberapa tokoh menawarkan dirinya sendiri untuk membantu pahlawan)

the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’

Urutan fungsi pelaku: α a ↑ D2 E2 ↓ F8 K

4.1.2.3 Urutan Fungsi Pelaku dalam “Watu Maladong” No. Definisi Singkat Fungsi Pelaku Initial Situation ‘Situasi Awal’

Lambang Α

villainy ‘kejahatan’ (penjahat menjarah dalam bentuk lain)

mediation, the connective incident ‘perantaraan, peristiwa penghubung’ (kesialan diberitahukan)

departure ‘keberangkatan/kepergian’

↑

provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ (beberapa tokoh menawarkan dirinya sendiri untuk membantu pahlawan)

spatial translocation ‘perpindahan (tempat)’ (pahlawan dibimbing)

struggle ‘berjuang, bertarung’ (pertarungan di lapangan terbuka)

victory ‘kemenangan’ (penjahat dikalahkan dalam pertarungan terbuka)

the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’

return ‘kepulangan’

↓

Urutan fungsi pelaku: α A5 B4 ↑ F8 G3 H1 I1 K ↓

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

4.2 Perbandingan Fungsi Pelaku Skema fungsi-fungsi dalam tiga dongeng Korea dan tiga dongeng Indonesia bergerak tidak berurutan sesuai dengan 31 fungsi yang disampaikan oleh Propp dalam bukunya Morphology of the Folktale (1979). Skema fungsi yang terbentuk hanya singkat sebagaimana tampak dalam tabel berikut ini. Negara Korea

Indonesia

No. Dongeng

Judul Dongeng

Jumlah Fungsi

Skema Fungsi α β2 В4 D1 ↑ E1 F2 ↓ K1

“무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan”

“바리 공주/Putri Bari”

“머리 아홉 달린 도둑/ Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan”

“Ular n’Daung”

α a ↑ D1 E1 F1 ↓ K ↑

“Buaya Ajaib”

α a ↑ D2 E2 ↓ F8 K

“Watu Maladong”

α A 5 B 4 ↑ F 8 G 3 H1 I 1 K↓

α β 3 B 2 ↑ D 1-D 7 E 1 F1↓ K1 α β1 A1 B4 ↑ D2 E2 F7 G4 H1 I4 K10 ↓ W2

Berdasarkan tabel di atas diketahui bahwa tiga cerita rakyat Korea diawali dengan hadirnya fungsi ke-I, yaitu absentation ‘ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran’ yang dilambangkan dengan β. Adapun tiga dongeng Indonesia diawali dengan fungsi ke-VIII dan VIIIa, yaitu villainy ‘kejahatan’ yang dilambangkan dengan (Α) dan lack ‘kekurangan’ yang dilambangkan dengan (a). Meskipun fungsi yang muncul di awal cerita dalam dongeng Korea dan Indonesia berbeda, sesungguhnya keduanya sama-sama menunjukkan hal yang berkaitan dengan “tidak adanya”, yaitu ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran dan kekurangan. Hal ini sesuai dengan penjelasan Propp bahwa pada umumnya, sebuah cerita berawal dari kejahatan atau kekurangan melalui fungsi-fungsi perantara dan berakhir dengan perkawinan atau fungsi-fungsi lain yang bertugas sebagai penyelesaian (Propp, 1979: 92). Selanjutnya, dalam tiga dongeng Korea dan tiga dongeng Indonesia, fungsi the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’ yang dilambangkan dengan K hadir menjelang akhir cerita. Pada dongeng Korea nomor 1 dan 2, fungsi K muncul di akhir cerita, sedangkan fungsi K dalam dongeng nomor 3 muncul menjelang akhir cerita. Adapun dalam dongeng Indonesia nomor 2, fungsi K muncul di akhir cerita, sedangkan fungsi K dalam dongeng nomor 1 dan 3 muncul menjelang akhir cerita. Fungsi K yang muncul di akhir atau menjelang akhir cerita tersebut merupakan fungsi penyelesaian. Hal itu sesuai penjelasan Propp yang mengatakan bahwa fungsi-fungsi yang bertugas sebagai penyelesaian

Korean Studies in Indonesia

kadang-kadang berupa penerimaan alat magis, penghapusan penderitaan atau kekurangan, dan pahlawan yang diselamatkan (Propp, 1979: 92). Selain fungsi absentation ‘ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran’ (β) dan fungsi the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’ (K), fungsi lain yang menjadi bagian penting dalam dongeng, baik Korea maupun Indonesia adalah fungsi provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ yang dilambangakan dengan (F). Fungsi F ditemukan dalam tiga dongeng Korea dan tiga dongeng Indonesia yang dianalisis. Fungsi penerimaan unsur magis juga menjadi salah satu bagian dalam fungsi penyelesaian sebuah cerita. Terkait dengan fungsi penerimaan unsur magis, dalam skema fungsi naratif Propp, kehadiran fungsi tersebut diawali dengan fungsi the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ yang dilambangkan dengan (D) dan the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ yang dilambangkan dengan (E). Hal tersebut menjelaskan bahwa seorang pahlawan harus diuji, ditanya, atau diserang. Hal tersebut akan membuka jalan bagi si pahlawan untuk memperoleh alat sakti yang akan berfungsi sebagai penolongnya. Ketika menghadapi ujian tersebut, seorang pahlawan akan menanggapinya dengan cara yang berbeda-beda yang dihadirkan melalui fungsi the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ (E). Terkait hal tersebut, fungsi D dan E hadir dalam ketiga dongeng Korea, sedangkan dalam dongeng Indonesia, fungsi tersebut hanya ditemukan dalam dongeng nomor 1 dan 2. Adapun dalam dongeng Indonesia nomor 3, pahlawan mendapatkan unsur magis tanpa melalui kehadiran fungsi D dan E. Hal tersebut menunjukkan bahwa dalam sebuah dongeng juga ditemukan fungsi penerimaan unsur magis (F) yang tidak didahului dengan fungsi pertama donor (D) dan fungsi reaksi pahlawan (E). Berikut ini tabel yang menunjukkan hal tersebut. Dongeng Korea No. Dongeng

Dongeng Indonesia 1

Lambang Fungsi √ √ √ β

No. Dongeng Lambang Fungsi Β

A a

√

A A

√ √

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

Dongeng Korea No. Dongeng

Dongeng Indonesia 1

Lambang Fungsi √ √ √ B

No. Dongeng Lambang Fungsi B

3 √

↑ D

√ √ √ √ √ √

↑ D

√ √ √ √ √

√ √ √

√ √

√ √ √

Berdasarkan tabel di atas diketahui bahwa ada 18 fungsi yang sama sekali tidak muncul, baik dalam tiga dongeng Korea maupun tiga dongeng Indonesia yang dianalisis. Fungsifungsi tersebut sebagai berikut. No. Lambang Γ 1.

Fungsi Pelaku interdiction ‘larangan’

violation ‘pelanggaran’

reconnaisance ‘pengintaian’

delivery ‘penyampaian [informasi]’

fraud ‘penipuan [tipu daya]’

complicity ‘keterlibatan’

beginning counteraction ‘reaksi balasan’

definisi marking ‘penandaan’

pursuit, chase ‘pengejaran’

10.

rescue ‘penyelamatan’

11.

unrecognized arrival ‘datang tak dikenali’

12.

unfounded claims ‘tuntutan yang tidak berdasar’

13.

the difficult task ‘tugas sulit’

14.

solution ‘penyelesaian’

15.

recognition ‘dikenali’

16.

exposure ‘pengungkapan (tabir)’

Korean Studies in Indonesia

No. Lambang T 17. 18.

Fungsi Pelaku transfiguration ‘penjelmaan’ punishment ‘hukuman’

4.3 Perbandingan Pola Pergerakan Cerita Berdasarkan analisis fungsi naratif dapat ditentukan pola pergerakan cerita dalam tiga dongeng Korea dan tiga dongeng Indonesia. Pola pergerakan cerita tersebut menunjukkan adanya kesamaan fungsi dalam dongeng Korea dan Indonesia. Melalui pola pergerakan cerita tersebut dapat dilihat juga beberapa persamaan peristiwa dalam dongeng Korea dan Indonesia yang dianalisis.

4.3.1 Perbandingan Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam “무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan”, “바리 공주/Putri Bari”, “Ular n’Daung”, dan “Buaya Ajaib” Dongeng Korea yang berjudul “무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan” dan “바리 공주/Putri Bari” serta dongeng Indonesia yang berjudul “Ular n’Daung” dan “Buaya Ajaib” mempunyai kemiripan pola pergerakan cerita. Propp mengatakan bahwa sebuah cerita, biasanya, dimulai dengan initial situation ‘situasi awal’ yang pendek. Situasi awal bukanlah sebuah fungsi, tetapi menjadi elemen penting dalam cerita. Initial situation ‘situasi awal’ ini diberi lambang α (Propp, 1979: 25—26). Situasi awal tersebut hadir dalam enam dongeng yang dianalisis. Dalam dongeng Korea nomor 1 dan 2 serta dongeng Indonesia nomor 1 dan 2, situasi awal dihadirkan dengan pengenalan tokoh. Cerita kemudian dimulai dengan kehadiran fungsi ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran (β) dalam dua dongeng Korea dan kehadiran fungsi kekurangan [kebutuhan] (a) dalam dua dongeng Indonesia. Kedua fungsi tersebut (β, a) menjadi awal mula cerita yang mengarahkannya ke masalah yang akan dihadapi oleh pelaku. Pergerakan berikutnya adalah hadirnya fungsi perantaraan/peristiwa penghubung (B) dalam dongeng Korea. Fungsi ini tidak ditemukan dalam dongeng Indonesia karena setelah fungsi kekurangan [kebutuhan] (a), pelaku/pahlawan langsung bereaksi dengan pergi untuk berusaha menyelesaikan/memenuhi kekurangan tersebut sehingga fungsi yang muncul adalah keberangkatan/kepergian (↑). Pergerakan cerita selanjutnya masuk ke bagian penyelesaian, yaitu dengan hadirnya fungsi penerimaan unsur magis (F), namun sebelum cerita bergerak ke arah tersebut terlebih dahulu muncul fungsi pertama donor (D) dan reaksi pahlawan (E). Kehadiran dua fungsi tersebut (D dan E) menunjukkan bahwa untuk sampai pada penyelesaian masalah, pelaku/ pahlawan harus melewati ujian terlebih dahulu. Reaksi pahlawan ketika menerima ujian tersebut akan menentukan keberhasilan dalam upaya mencapai penyelesaian. Fungsi yang

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

bertugas sebagai penyelesaian dalam dua dongeng, baik Korea maupun Indonesia berupa fungsi penerimaan unsur magis. Dengan demikian, dalam setiap dongeng tersebut, unsur magis menjadi faktor penting yang harus diperjuangkan oleh pelaku/pahlawan untuk menyelesaikan kekurangan/masalah yang dihadapi. Pola pergerakan cerita yang ditandai dengan hadirnya fungsi D, E, dan F dalam dua dongeng Korea dan dua dongeng Indonesia dibedakan dengan fungsi keberangkatan/ kepergian (↑) dan fungsi kepulangan (↓). Kehadiran dua fungsi tersebut membuat skema fungsi sedikit berbeda. Dalam dongeng Indonesia, fungsi keberangkatan/kepergian (↑) hadir setelah fungsi kekurangan [kebutuhan] (a), maka fungsi yang hadir di antara D, E, dan F adalah fungsi kepulangan (↓). Hal tersebut berbeda dengan fungsi yang hadir di antara D, E, dan F dalam dongeng Korea, yakni fungsi keberangkatan/kepergian (↑). Fungsi kepulangan (↓) dalam dongeng Korea hadir setelah pelaku/pahlawan berhasil memperoleh unsur magis (F). Berikut ini tabel yang menunjukkan hal tersebut.

Negara Korea

No. Dongeng 1

2 Indonesia

1 2

Skema Fungsi Judul Dongeng

1 2 2 “무덤 속의 산삼/ Α β Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan” 3 “바리 공주/Putri Α β Bari” Α a “Ular n’Daung” “Buaya Ajaib”

Α a

3 4 5 В4 D1 ↑

B2 ↑

6 7 8 E1 F2 ↓

9 K1

D1-D7 E1 F1 ↓

↑

D1 E1

F1 ↓

↑

↓

↑

Berdasarkan skema fungsi tersebut dapat ditentukan pola pergerakan cerita dalam dongeng Korea: “무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan” dan “바리 공주/ Putri Bari” serta dongeng Indonesia: “Ular n’Daung” dan “Buaya Ajaib”. a. Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam “무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan” Ayah, ibu, dan anak gadisnya bernama Ganan (α). Sang ibu meninggal (β2). Sang ayah sakit menular dan terancam akan diusir dari desa (B4). Tuan Roh memerintahkan untuk pergi ke gunung yang paling dalam dan seram untuk mencari sebuah kuburan kemudian memotong kaki mayat [akar ginseng] yang ada di dalamnya dan mengolahnya menjadi obat (D1). Ganan pergi mencari kaki mayat [akar ginseng] (↑). Ganan terus mencari kaki mayat [akar ginseng] tanpa merasa lelah dan takut (E1). Kaki mayat [akar ginseng] ditemukan

Korean Studies in Indonesia

lokasinya (F2). Ganan pulang ke rumah (↓). Sang ayah sembuh (K1). α β2 В4 D1 ↑ E1 F2 ↓ K1 b. Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam “바리 공주/Putri Bari” Raja, ratu, dan anak perempuannya bernama Bari (α). Bari dibuang oleh ayahnya (β3). Penjaga gunung berkata kepada Bari untuk segera ke istana [raja dan ratu sakit]; kakek dan nenek menceritakan asal usul Bari (B2). Bari remaja pergi mencari obat [air kehidupan] untuk raja dan ratu (↑). Seorang nenek dan seorang perempuan meminta bantuan; bidadaribidadari dalam kesulitan; penjaga air kehidupan mengajukan syarat (D1—D7). Bari membantu si nenek, si perempuan, dan bidadari; memenuhi syarat yang disampaikan oleh penjaga air kehidupan (E1). Bari memperoleh obat [air kehidupan] (F1). Bari pulang ke istana (↓). Raja dan ratu hidup kembali (K1). α β3 B2 ↑ D1—D7 E1 F1↓ K1 c. Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam “Ular n’Daung” Seorang janda tua dan ketiga anak perempuannya (α). Si janda tua sakit keras dan memerlukan bara gaib untuk memasak ramuan obat (a). Si bungsu pergi mencari bara gaib untuk mengobati ibunya (↑). Si bungsu bertemu ular n’Daung yang menjaga bara gaib (D1). Si bungsu bersedia memenuhi syarat ular n’Daung (E1). Si bungsu mendapatkan bara gaib (F1). Si bungsu pulang ke rumah (↓). Si janda tua (sang ibu) sembuh (K). Si bungsu pergi menemui ular n’Daung untuk memenuhi syarat yang telah disepakati (↑). α a ↑ D1 E1 F1 ↓ K ↑ d. Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam “Buaya Ajaib” Seorang laki-laki bernama Towjatuwa dan istrinya yang sedang hamil tua (α). Si istri akan segera melahirkan sehingga membutuhkan rumput air dari Sungai Tami (a). Towjatuwa pergi ke Sungai Tami untuk mencari rumput air (↑). Towjatuwa bertemu buaya besar yang menanyakan maksud kedatangannya (D2). Towjatuwa menjawab pertanyaan buaya besar (E2). Sang suami pulang ke rumah (↓). Buaya besar membantu istri Towjatuwa melahirkan dengan kekuatannya (F8). Istri Towjatuwa melahirkan dengan selamat (K) α a ↑ D2 E2 ↓ F8 K

4.3.2 Perbandingan Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/ Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan dan “Watu Maladong” Dongeng Korea yang berjudul “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” dan “Watu Maladong” mempunyai kemiripan pola pergerakan cerita. Cerita dalam kedua dongeng ini dimulai dengan hadirnya initial situation ‘situasi awal’ berupa pengenalan tokoh. Cerita kemudian dimulai dengan kehadiran fungsi ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran (β)

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

dan kehadiran fungsi kejahatan (A). Kedua fungsi tersebut (β, A) menjadi awal mula cerita yang mengarahkannya ke masalah yang akan dihadapi oleh pelaku. Dalam dongeng “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” dan “Watu Maladong” ditemukan dua skema yang serupa, yakni dengan hadirnya (a) fungsi A, B, ↑ dan (b) fungsi F, G, H, I, K, ↓. Berikut ini tabel yang menunjukkan hal tersebut.

Negara Korea

No.

Judul

Dongeng

Skema Fungsi 1

β1

↑

G4 H1

K10

↓

A 5 B4

↑

F8 G3 H1

“머리 아홉 달린도 둑 /Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan”

Indonesia 3

“Watu Maladong”

↓

Fungsi yang membedakan dongeng “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” dan “Watu Maladong” adalah hadirnya fungsi β, D, E, dan W dalam dongeng Korea “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan”. Dalam dongeng Korea nomor 3 tersebut, cerita dimulai dengan hadirnya fungsi absentation ‘ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran’ (β1), sedangkan dalam dongeng Indonesia nomor 3 dimulai dengan hadirnya fungsi villainy ‘kejahatan’ (A5). Selain itu, dalam dongeng Korea nomor 3, cerita diakhiri dengan hadirnya fungsi wedding ‘perkawinan [dan naik tahta]’ (W2), sedangkan dalam dongeng Indonesia nomor 3, cerita diakhiri dengan hadirnya fungsi return ‘kepulangan’ (↓). Dengan demikian, “berdasarkan skema fungsi tersebut dapat ditentukan pola pergerakan cerita dalam dongeng “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” dan “Watu Maladong” sebagai berikut. a. Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam Dongeng “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan” Geomundol dan istrinya bernama Nonsil (α). Geomundol pergi menggembala sapi (β1). Pencuri berkepala sembilan mencuri Nonsil dan pembantunya bernama Bokdeok (A1). Penduduk mengatakan kepada Geomundol bahwa Nonsil dan Bokdeok diculik oleh pencuri berkepala sembilan (B4). Geomundol pergi mencari Nonsil dan Bokdeok (↑). Nenek menyuruh Geomundol mencari ginseng liar di gunung (D2). Geomundol mencari ginseng liar di gunung (E2). Geomundol berhasil menemukan ginseng liar kemudian menyeduh dan meminumnya (F7). Nenek memberitahu tempat keberadaan pencuri berkepala sembilan (G4). Geomundol bertarung dengan pencuri berkepala sembilan (H1). Pencuri berkepala sembilan dikalahkan (I4). Bokdeok dan Nonsil aman, tetapi hanya Bokdeok yang diajak

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pulang oleh Geomundol (K10). Geomundol dan Bokdeok kembali ke desa (↓). Geomundol dan Bokdeok menikah (W2). α β1 A1 B4 ↑ D2 E2 F7 G4 H1 I4 K10 ↓ W2 b. Pola Pergerakan Cerita dalam Dongeng “Watu Maladong” Seorang petani di daerah Sumba yang rajin bekerja (α). Sekawanan babi hutan mencuri umbi keladi milik si petani (A5). Si petani tidak berhasil menangkap babi hutan dan tombak saktinya pun hilang bersama babi yang terkena tombak tersebut (B4). Si petani pergi mencari kawanan babi yang menculik umbi keladinya (↑). Si petani dibantu penyu raksasa dan seorang nenek sehingga berhasil menemukan kawanan babi jadi-jadi yang mencuri umbinya (F8). Tokoh nenek membimbing si petani agar bisa menghadapi dan mengalahkan babi jadijadian (G3). Si petani adu kesaktian dengan panglima perang dari kawanan babi jadi-jadian (H1). Si petani berhasil mengalahkan panglima perang (I1). Si petani memperoleh Watu Maladong yang ajaib (K). Si petani pulang ke Sumba dan membawa Watu Maladong (↓). α A5 B4 ↑ F8 G3 H1 I1 K ↓

5. KESIMPULAN Analisis fungsi pelaku dalam tiga dongeng Korea (1. “무덤 속의 산삼/Ginseng Gunung di dalam Kuburan”, 2. “바리 공주/Putri Bari”, dan 3. “머리 아홉 달린 도둑/Pencuri Berkepala Sembilan”) serta tiga dongeng Indonesia (1. “Ular n’Daung”, 2. “Buaya Ajaib”, dan 3. “Watu Maladong”) menunjukkan bahwa skema fungsi naratif dalam tiga dongeng Korea dan tiga dongeng Indonesia tersebut bergerak tidak berurutan sesuai dengan 31 fungsi yang disampaikan oleh Propp dalam bukunya Morphology of the Folktale (1979). Fungsi yang hadir dalam enam dongeng tersebut juga tidak lengkap, yaitu hanya berjumlah 8, 8, 13, 8, 7,dan 8. Adapun fungsi yang sama sekali tidak muncul, baik dalam tiga dongeng Korea maupun tiga dongeng Indonesia yang dianalisis berjumlah 18 fungsi. Berdasarkan skema fungsi naratif kemudian dapat ditentukan pola pergerakan cerita. Tiga dongeng Korea yang dianalisis diawali dengan hadirnya fungsi ke-I, yaitu absentation ‘ketiadaan/ketidakhadiran’ yang dilambangkan dengan β. Adapun tiga dongeng Indonesia yang dianalisis diawali dengan fungsi ke-VIII dan VIIIa, yaitu villainy ‘kejahatan’ yang dilambangkan dengan (Α) dan lack ‘kekurangan’ yang dilambangkan dengan (a). Selanjutnya, dalam tiga dongeng Korea dan tiga dongeng Indonesia, fungsi the initial misfortune or lack is liquated ‘kebutuhan terpenuhi’ yang dilambangkan dengan K hadir menjelang akhir cerita. Pada dongeng Korea nomor 1 dan 2, fungsi K muncul diakhir cerita, sedangkan fungsi K dalam dogeng nomor 3 muncul menjelang akhir cerita. Adapun dalam dongeng Indonesia nomor 2, fungsi K muncul di akhir cerita, sedangkan fungsi K dalam dongeng nomor 1 dan 3 muncul menjelang akhir cerita. Fungsi K yang muncul di akhir atau menjelang akhir cerita tersebut merupakan fungsi penyelesaian.

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Adapun fungsi F, provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’, ditemukan dalam tiga dongeng Korea dan tiga dongeng Indonesia yang dianalisis. Fungsi penerimaan unsur magis juga menjadi salah satu bagian dalam fungsi penyelesaian sebuah cerita. Kehadiran fungsi tersebut diawali dengan fungsi the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ yang dilambangkan dengan D dan the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ yang dilambangkan dengan E. Hal tersebut menjelaskan bahwa seorang pahlawan harus diuji, ditanya, atau diserang. Hal tersebut akan membuka jalan bagi si pahlawan untuk memperoleh alat sakti yang akan berfungsi sebagai penolongnya. Ketika menghadapi ujian tersebut, seorang pahlawan akan menanggapinya dengan cara yang berbeda-beda yang dihadirkan melalui fungsi the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ (E). Terkait hal tersebut, fungsi D dan E hadir dalam ketiga dongeng Korea, sedangkan dalam dongeng Indonesia, fungsi tersebut hanya ditemukan dalam dongeng nomor 1 dan 2. Adapun dalam dongeng Indonesia nomor 3, pahlawan mendapatkan unsur magis tanpa melalui kehadiran fungsi D dan E. Hal tersebut menunjukkan bahwa dalam sebuah dongeng juga ditemukan fungsi penerimaan unsur magis (F) yang tidak didahului dengan fungsi pertama donor (D) dan fungsi reaksi pahlawan (E). Dengan demikian, fungsi naratif yang dominan hadir dalam dongeng Korea dan Indonesia yang dianalisis adalah (1) fungsi the first function of the donor ‘fungsi pertama donor’ yang dilambangkan dengan D; (2) the hero’s reaction ‘reaksi pahlawan’ yang dilambangkan dengan E; dan fungsi provition of receipt of a magical agent ‘penerimaan unsur magis’ yang dilambangkan dengan F.

DAFTAR PUSTAKA Arikunto, Suharsimi. 2009. Dasar-Dasar Evaluasi Pendidikan. Jakarta: Bumi Aksara. Bunanta, Murti. 1998. Problematika Penulisan Cerita Rakyat untuk Anak di Indonesia. Jakarta: Balai pustaka. Danandjaja, James. 2002. Folklore Indonesia: Ilmu Gosip, Dongeng, dan Lain-Lain. Jakarta: Grafiti. Departemen Pendidikan Nasional. 2015. Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia Pusat Bahasa. Edisi ke-IV. Cetakan ke-9. Jakarta: Gramedia. Endraswara, Suwardi. 2004. Metodologi Penelitian Sastra: Epistemologi, Model, Teori, dan Aplikasi. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Widyatama. Gazalba, Sidi. 1981. Sistematika Filsafat IV. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang. Moleong, Lexy J. 2001. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif. Cetakan Kedua. Bandung: Remaja Rosdakarya.

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Pradopo, Rachmat Djoko. 1997. Prinsip-Prinsip Kritik Sastra. Cetakan Kedua. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press. Pudentia. 2008. Metodologi Kajian Tradisi Lisan. Jakarta: Asosiasi Tradisi Lisan. Rosenstand, Nina. 1999. The Moral of the Story: An Introduction to Ethics. Edisi Ketiga. California: Mayfield Publishing Company. Silalahi, Ulber. 2009. Metode Penelitian Sosial. Bandung: Refika Aditama. Suseno, Franz Magnis. 1987. Etika Dasar: Masalah-Masalah Pokok Filsafat Moral. Yogyakarta: Kanisius. Teeuw, A. 1984. Sastra dan Ilmu Sastra: Pengantar Teori Sastra. Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya. Tim Penulis Balai Kajian dan Pengembangan Budaya Melayu. 2013. “Ular n’Daung” dalam 366 Cerita Rakyat Nusantara. Cetakan ke-3. Yogyakarta: Adicita Karya Nusa. -----------------------------------------. 2013. “Buaya Ajaib” dalam 366 Cerita Rakyat Nusantara. Cetakan ke-3. Yogyakarta: Adicita Karya Nusa. -----------------------------------------. 2013. “Watu Maladong” dalam 366 Cerita Rakyat Nusantara. Cetakan ke-3. Yogyakarta: Adicita Karya Nusa. V. Propp. 1979. Morphology of the Folktale. Amerika: University of Texas Press. 한국전래동화/채찬석 (Ed.). 1997. “마당 애니메이션 전래동화 5: 무덤 속의 산삼”. 서울, Korea Selatan: 마당. 한국전래동화/채찬석 (Ed.). 1997. “마당 애니메이션 전래동화 14: 바리 공주”. 서울, Korea Selatan: 마당. 한국전래동화/채찬석 (Ed.). 1997. “마당 애니메이션 전래동화 14: 머리 아홉 달린 도둑. 서울, Korea Selatan: 마당.

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THE UNSEEN ROLE OF KOREA IN THE EAST ASIA REGIONALISM ANGGARA RAHARYO; BUSTANUL ARIFIN; RISKI M. BASKORO (President University, Indonesia)

ABSTRAK Dalam studi Hubungan International, studi tentang Asia Timur menjadi salah satu isu yang sering didiskusikan. Beberapa studi yang telah ada fokus pada ASEAN dan negara-negara besar seperti Jepang, Tiongkok, dan Amerika Serikat serta perannya dalam regionalisme Asia Timur. Ada satu negara yang selalu ditinggalkan yaitu peran dari Republik Korea (ROK) dalam regionalisme Asia Timur. Dengan menganalisa pada pembentukan institusi East Asia Summit (EAS), tulisan ini ingin membuktikan bahwa ROK memiliki tiga kontribusi besar: Mendorong pembentukan institusi melalui kepemimpinan di dalam East Asia Vision Group (EAVG), menjembatani kepentingan antara Tiongkok dan Jepang yang terus mendominasi satu sama lain, dan mendorong isu keamanan terutama dalam isu denuklirisasi di semenanjung Korea untuk mempersatukan negara-negara di Asia Timur. Kata Kunci: Korea Selatan, Asia Timur, Regionalisme, KTT Asia Timur, East Asia Vision Group, dan Pembangunan Kelembagaan

ABSTRACT In the study of International Relations, East Asia studies have been one of the leading discussion topics. Most studies are either focusing on ASEAN or big countries such as Japan, China, and the US involvement in regionalism process of East Asia. One of the countries that are always left behind, however, is the involvement of the Republic of Korea (ROK) contribution in the East Asia regionalism. Analyzing through the institutional building of the East Asia Summit (EAS), this paper would like to argue that the ROK had three important contributions: Leading the initiative of the institutional building through East Asia Vision Group (EAVG), bridging rivalry between China and Japan in the continuous rivalry between both countries, and pushing traditional security issues in the region especially the Korean Peninsula denuclearization issue to unify the countries in the region of East Asia. Keywords: Republic of Korea, East Asia, Regionalism, East Asia Summit, East Asia Vision Group, and Institutional Building

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제목: 동아시아 지역주의와 한국의 잠재적 역할 국제관계 연구에서 동아시아 연구는 주요 토론 주제 중 하나이다. 대부분의 연구는 ASEAN 또는 일본, 중국, 동아시아의 지역주의 형성과정에 대한 미국의 개입과 같은 대국 의 역할과 기능에 중점을 두고 있다. 동아시아 지역주의에 대해서 항상 간과하는 이슈들 중 하나는 한국의 기여에 관한 부분이다. 본 연구는 동아시아정상회의 (EAS)의 제도적 장 치의 구축을 분석하면서 한국의 세 가지 중요한 기여를 도출해 낼 것이다. 첫째는, 동아시 아 비전그룹 (EAVG)을 통해서 한국이 EAS 의 기관 강화에 주도적인 역할을 하고 있으며; 둘째는, 계속되는 중국-일본의 패권경쟁 속에서 양국 관계의 연결고리가 되고 있으며; 셋 째로 전통적인 지역 안보문제에 있어서, 특히 동아시아의 국가들의 공감대를 이끌어 내기 위한 한반도 비핵화 문제에서 중요한 역할을 하고 있다는 것이다. 키워드: 한국, 동아시아, 지역주의, 동아시아 정상회의, 동아시아 비전그룹

In the study of International Relations, East Asia studies have been one of the leading discussion topics. Most studies are either focusing on Association of South East Asia Nations (ASEAN) or focusing on big countries such as Japan, China (Xiao 2009) and the US involvement in the regionalism process of East Asia. The region, however, is not limited to big countries only. One of the studies that have been missing in recent literature studies is the role of Republic of Korea (ROK) in the East Asia regionalism. Korea formally engaged in the process of East Asia regionalism back in 1989 when it obtained the status of “sectoral dialogue relation” (ASEAN Secretariat 2012). It took eight years to finally increase the status into a summit-level meeting held in 1997. The relations of both entities then start to blossom working side-by-side into cooperation of multiple issues. The cooperation consists of Political and Security, Economic, Socio-cultural, and Development Cooperation (ASEAN Secretariat 2018). In 2014, particularly, ROK held its 25th commemorative summit in the Busan with the aim to improve good relations between ROK and ASEAN that drives the East Asia regionalism. Even after more than 25 years of relations between ASEAN and ROK, there is a huge scholarship gap in explaining ROK’s role in the East Asia regionalism. Many scholarships have not been paying attention towards ROK’s involvement that perhaps clouded by the dominance of the study of Japan and China’s role in the region. If we trace back to 1998, Kim Dae Jung, the President of ROK took the initiative to lead the so-called East Asia Vision Group (EAVG). In the following year (ASEAN Secretariat 2012), he delivered his speech in the first ASEAN+3 (ASEAN Plus Three/APT). It shows the role of ROK in taking a position as the Chairman of the EAVG and hosting its meetings. In the year 2000, the EAVG formed East Asian Study Group (EASG) that focuses on giving recommendation towards the pathway to the East Asian Regionalism towards the East Asian Community (EAC).

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One of the closely related studies to answer the question, however, comes from Yul Sohn (Sohn 2016) explaining ROK’s role in building trade regional architecture. Utilizing a middle-power concept, ROK’s role in the trade regional architecture is as a mediator between powers in East Asia, namely China and the US. He also focusses on the rivalry between the US and China in the trade architecture where the US previously focuses on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) deal with China-backed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) deal. The ROK, according to him, has the potential to link RCEP and the TPP by leading “a middle power network to propagate against the view that sees the regional free-trade agenda reduced to a Sino-US relationship”. This study, however, is limited to trade architecture while the regionalism also involved in the political sector and others institutional-building. Some insights have shown that the ROK has two roles in the East Asia integration. First, taking lead in the early stage development of the regionalism. Leading the EAVG and EASG to form early studies of wider-than-ASEAN regional cooperation. Second, bridging interest between US and China in the formation of trade architecture. The existing studies, however, focus on one specific sector while the East Asia regionalism is also consisting of political cooperation. The ROK’s behavior in the regionalism is matched with its status as the “Emerging Middle-Power”. A Middle-Power can be identified by either their position, behavior, or identity (Carr 2014). The position is related to their power status defined by mostly military capacity and economic capability. A middle-power will have a medium size of the military and economic position. It will usually be under the hegemony but not so distant that it has a better condition compared to other states. The Middle-Power behavior can be seen in its orientation of foreign policy. Middle-Power tends to have these behaviors (Jordaan 2003). One, they seek for the multilateral approach in finding a solution. Two, they seek to persuade other states to compromise but not with a military action. Three, they are actively engaged to be the part of the solution. A prominent study on middle-power, by Cooper (1997), also mentioned that the behavior consists of: catalyst, facilitators, and managers. The catalyst character means that a middle power shall possess intellectual and political creativity to overcome an obstacle. The facilitator means that it shall be able to collaborate and create a coalition between states to be able to agree upon certain common goals. While the manager means that it shall be able to do institution buildings for common goals. In short, what defines middle-powers from their behavior is the ability to engage to form a multilateral institution. The identity part is, however, harder to be identified as it requires a state to be able to identify itself as a middle-power. Most states never mentioned its position as a middlepower. In the case of ROK, however, it is mentioned in many kinds of literature and “widely circulated following the inauguration of the Lee Myung-bak administration in 2008” (LeeSook-Jong 2012).

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The literature regarding middle-power has similarity with “leadership” role in the formation of the international regime. The prominent study by Oran Young (1991) explain the concept of leadership in the institutional building is separated into three roles: Structural, Entrepreneur, and Intellectual leadership. The concept of structural leadership role is possessed by states that own material capacity, in this case, military or economic power. The entrepreneur role, on the other hand, played by the state which can compromise interest between states. The ideas of shaping institution thus it is called as the state that played the intellectual leadership role. In forming an institution, it is usually started by the idea that is initiated by an intellectual leadership role, it then continued by the entrepreneur role and then enforced by structural leadership. Connecting both concepts, a middle-power has the similarities as intellectual leadership role and entrepreneur role. A work by Jordaan (2003) mentioned that the middle power is “keen participants and often the initiator of regional integration and cooperation”. In addition, a middle-power is also “a state with an interest in and capacity to work proactively in concert with similar states to contribute to the development and strengthening of institutions for the governance of global commons” (Robertson 2017). On contrary, a middle power will never take the position of structural leadership because “regard soft power as an alternative source of influence to compensate for their weaker economic and military power” (Lee 2012). In other words, a middle-power shall take the role of intellectual leadership and entrepreneur leadership roles in forming international institution but not as a structural leadership role. Utilizing the concepts mentioned, this paper aims to analyze ROK’s contribution in the institution building towards the EAC. The East Asia institution building, however, has not reached the level of EAC that is a vision to be. It is instead on the level of Summit which is called the East Asia Summit (EAS). To this date, the EAS is probably the highest or the wider form of political cooperation across East Asia. Ranging from ASEAN member countries to the US and Russia as their members. ROK has been joining ever since and, as mentioned, taking several contributions in the institution-building of East Asia. Therefore, it will analyze the contribution of ROK’s until the formation of the EAS. This paper then will be divided into several parts. The first part addressing the issue and identify the study gap while explaining the concept related to the study. The second part will explain the progress of East Asia regionalism. The third part then will analyze deeply on the role of ROK in East Asia regionalism. The final part then will conclude the findings.

EAST ASIA REGIONALISM: FROM ASEAN TO EAS The whole process can be traced back to the formation of ASEAN. To separate, there are four phases in the East Asia regionalism. The first phase begins with the background of security motive. Global circumstances on the first phase, forcing the initiation of a securitybased cooperation. The second phase, unlike the first, is driven by trade and investment

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Figure 1 East Asia Regionalism Phase

Source: Authors Compilation

while maintaining a security concern (Honghua 2010). The third phase follows the trade and investment-driven background and efforts to make it as international common goals. The fourth phase indicated by numerous efforts to widen the economic cooperation through the Free Trade Area (FTA). Related to understanding for this study it is better to start looking from the second phase. The second phase started with the development of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). It is created as a part of Japan’s ambition to stimulate economic growth development through “FDIs as a package of capital, technology, managerial skills, and market” (Park 2007). Highly supported by Washington, through economic engagement, the creation of ADB also stimulates the creation of ASEAN. Although it started as a security initiative to prevent the spread of communism in Southeast Asia, ASEAN also concerns economic cooperation in the longer terms (Jones and Smith 2006). The third phase is especially dynamic for the region. After dominated by Japan through the ADB and investment, the third phase saw the introduction of the US in the region through Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). The US initiative is considered as a direct response towards European Single Market and previous ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) (Park and Kim 2006). In the case of AFTA, APEC is a form of negotiation that directly opposes to the formation of AFTA due to its rejection by Japan and the US (Öjendal 2004). Especially since there is a proposal by Malaysia to create a close regionalism through the idea of East Asia Economic Council/EAEC or East Asia Economic Grouping/EAEG (Jones and Smith 2006).

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The ongoing progress to form FTA is delayed by the Asian Financial crisis of 1997. The East Asian countries, feeling helpless from the west, felt that they should form an independent economic cooperation (Lee and Cheong 2011). Japan, as the hegemonic state in the region, proposes the creation of the Asian Monetary Fund (AMF) but then the idea is rejected by countries in East Asia and proceeds to create “beyond the ASEAN framework to build new mechanisms of regional governance were not simply abandoned” (Breslin 2010). In addition, the creation of AMF also rejected by China that do fear Yen currency which will be stronger if the AMF is established (J.-S. Park 2012). This also gives a higher sign for China to begin engaging in the region. Thereafter, with Korea, China, and Japan alongside ASEAN member countries forming the APT. Initially, as an informal meeting between twelve countries (Breslin 2010), the APT becomes the baseline for the future of East Asia regionalism. The APT created a working group in 1999 to vision the future of East Asia regionalism that is the EAVG. Initiated by President of ROK (ASEAN 2012), Kim Dae-Jung, the group works for two years and coordinated with the APT members and recommends several points. The first point is to build an East Asia community shall start by upgrading the APT to the EAS. It is mentioned on the report that they should do “Evolution of the annual meetings of ASEAN plus Three into the East Asian Summit”. The second point is to build a wider cooperation on economic sector especially free trade. Several phrases emphasized on the economic cooperation, such as “Expansion of framework agreement…. to all of East Asia” and establishing East Asia FTA “… well ahead of APEC Bogor Goal”. The third part is on the financial sector. The nightmare of the Asian financial crisis has made the EAVG create the idea of a “self-help regional facility for financial cooperation” to prevent similar cases to happen. The three main points explained that the East Asia region is moving toward a wider cooperation beneath the ASEAN framework and securing its own interest. It also means that the region will push for an open regionalism while wanting to secure its own region before going wider cooperation. The idea of open regionalism was brought by ROK in the year 2000 as the region “cannot be solely defined by the interest of East Asian countries alone. The US and European both have interest, involvement, and stake in the region’s stability and prosperity”. Interestingly, the political security dimension only mentioned that the region will “broadening of political cooperation with respect to national governance issue”. The phrase of one of the political security dimensions is similar to the ASEAN/Asian way of regionalism, which indicates a non-interference principle. Therefore, in the early stage of the regionalism, we can conclude that an open and wide regionalism while keeping the ASEAN way will be the way forward for the East Asia regionalism. The vision of EAVG also marks the start of the fourth phase of the East Asia regionalism. The follow-up after the EAVG can be seen in several areas. The first one is the establishment of the East Asia Summit in 2005. The creation of EAS - besides is one of the

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follow up of the EAVG recommendation - also intends to create a “main channel for East Asia Region Cooperation” (Haacke 2002). The main issue that surrounds the establishment of EAS is the issue of membership. The membership issue of the EAS created a cleavage between big players, namely China and Japan. China prefers the idea of the EAS membership only limited to 10+3 countries of ASEAN and northern counterpart. Japan, however, “expressed its desire for inclusive regionalism” (Arenla 2014). Meaning, Japan would prefer to include more members that are the 10+6 that includes Australia, New Zealand, and India. Countries in the ASEAN also have a different opinion on the membership issue. Malaysia, for example, would take China side alongside Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar. Countries like Thailand and the Philippines would go for the wider regionalism (Kim, Ping and Ariff 2011) while ROK’s position, however, made the difference. With their idea of an open regionalism, ROK supports the position of Japan to make the EAS more inclusive. Therefore, the EAS ends up including Australia, New Zealand, and India. Many scholarships consider this as a diplomacy win for Japan over China with their ongoing rivalry. The similar rivalry also occurred in the establishment of a free trade area between ASEAN and the “+3” members - which brings to the second part of the EAVG. China comes as the first of three to conclude the FTA while ROK came second and Japan came latest. China is the earliest country and considered as a brave move that no countries ever did between the APT countries. One of the reasons that China can conclude the FTA sooner than the others is their openness toward agricultural products from ASEAN - which are their main commodities - that Japan resist opening (Zha 2002, Chung 2013) The EAVG vision that there will be an East Asia Free Trade Area (EAFTA). The vision, however, has a bias definition that is still related to membership issue. In the trade regime issue, existed two main frameworks, the EAFTA and the Comprehensive Economic Partnership in East Asia (CEPEA). the EAFTA, highly supported by China focuses on the establishment of FTA between the APT members while Japan with their CEPEA focuses on establishing FTA between members of EAS. The continuations rivalry has caught the attention of ROK that should play the entrepreneur leadership role or one of the middle-power roles. In the 40th anniversary of ASEAN, in 2007, ROK remarks an interesting point and specifically mentions the rivalry between China and Japan. It mentioned that: “East Asia is increasing challenges as the political and economic rivalry between China and Japan continues to intensify. Although ASEAN has traditionally maintained close economic relations with Japan, I believe China’s growing presence in the regional economic arena and the resulting competitive environment can leave ASEAN in a slightly uneasy situation”

Therefore, in the same remarks, ROK propose: “... I believe ASEAN is now looking towards Korea to neutralize the prevailing influence of China and Japan over the region and take up the role as ‘facilitator’ of collective cooperation in East Asia…. Korea, in return, can gain

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a stepping stone to enter further into this region in tandem with raising our profile and solidifying our image as an advocate of future-oriented diplomacy, making this a diplomatic and economic win-win equation for East Asia.” (ROK MOFAT 2007)

In short, Korea has pushed a rally to the ASEAN members to solve the China-Japan rivalry in 2007. To increase both entities diplomatic relations, in November 2007, ROK signed Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to establish Korea-ASEAN center. In addition, by 2008, ROK appointed an ambassador to ASEAN which indicates a more serious political bond between ASEAN (ASEAN Secretariat 2008) and the ROK and by 2010 appointed a dedicated ambassador to ASEAN (ROK MOFAT 2010). The third part is on the financial issue where the region concludes the establishment of Chiang-Mai Initiative (CMI) as a mechanism to prevent the similar financial crisis in 1997. The initial idea of forming the AMF was rejected mainly by China and several others ASEAN members state. In addition, the formation of the AMF is not supported by Washington, implying it will challenge the IMF (Rocher 2010). However, it is projected that it will consider forming AMF in the long-run (Y. W. Lee 2015). In terms of financial cooperation, similar interest between China and Japan did not trigger its nature of rivalry and the cooperation of the East Asia financial sector flowing smoothly (Faure 2010). Even in 2010, the CMI was evolved into a Chiang-Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM), thus, many scholarships positive upon the financial cooperation in the region. The political-security sector, however, has a unique condition. Many acknowledge that the region always avoids having a security forum with the existing sovereignty conflict between them and drives the regionalism mostly from the economic sector (Choi 2012). The initial security forum to be established is under the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) back in 1994. It consists of countries from ASEAN members and the +6 members alongside Canada, EU, Russia, the US, Mongolia, Pakistan, Timor-Leste, Bangladesh, Papua New Guinea, and North Korea (DPRK). Its goal is to create a confidence-building measure, facilitate dialogue, and prevent conflict in the ASEAN area. The inclusion of the US, at least, has been the main agenda of both ROK and Japan as the main ally of the US in the region. Particularly in the security area, ROK has acknowledged long that “the continued presence of the United States and the constructive role of China are essential elements for maintaining the peace and stability in this [Asia-Pacific] region” (ROK MOFAT 1997). The practices of ARF, however, did not manage to satisfy conflict management especially related to a traditional security issue (Hong 2013).

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Table 1. EAVG Comparison Sector

EAVG I

EAVG II

Economic

• Establishment of EAFTA

• Pushing RCEP as trade regime

• Expansion of ASEAN • Adding several financial Investment Area to all East Asia cooperation Financial

• Establishment of the Self-Help regional facility for financial

• Dissolve into economic sector cooperation

• Adopting better exchange rate coordination PoliticalSecurity

• The emphasis of ASEAN Way

• Pushing traditional security issue, especially non-proliferation of WMD

• Unclear security issue priority

• Enhancing cooperation in nontraditional security issue

Institutional • Transform the APT to EAS

• Pursuing EAC • Centralize ASEAN Secretariat and APT cooperation

Source: Authors Compilation

The second political-security forum is administered in the ASEAN Defence Minister’s Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus). The first difference between ADMM-Plus and ARF is on their membership. The ADMM-Plus only consist of ASEAN+6 with Russia and the US. The second difference is on the purposes, “the ADMM-Plus is designed both as a mechanism for multilateral security dialogue and consultation as well as a framework for non-traditional security cooperation” (Tan 2017). The ADMM-Plus is established in 2010 after the EAVG I report and the EAS, however, their existence is still under the ASEAN embodiment and therefore shall be included in the wider regional institution. The formation of ADMM-Plus is considered a leap forward towards the security community in the region. Unlike the ARF, the ADMM participant is the defense ministers while the ARF did not include defense ministers (Choi 2012). The progress of political-security cooperation in the region stimulates the existing EAS that is still lacking in the traditional security issue. In 2010, during the 13th APT Summit, ROK initiates to review the ongoing progress of EAVG I by forming EAVG II and creating new recommendations. In the years following, the EAS received additional members, the US and Russia. Many researchers focus on the US inclusion to EAS as a part of its “pivot to Asia” to balance China’s rise (J. C. Kim 2010). As mentioned, however, the US is considered

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by many – including ROK – as a critical partner to be included in the region formation. Therefore, it is reasonable to include the US and Russia in the EAS as they are influential players in security issue and their presence in the region – although not the core members – is critical for security issues that are included in the EAVG and evolving EAVG II. In 2012, the study of EAVG that was led by ROK completed. There are several changes, notably in Economic and Political-Security sector. The Economic sector sees converging towards Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) as a trade regime for the region. The political-security sector, meanwhile, sees an addition of the traditional-security issues including non-proliferation. The issue of non-proliferation is directed toward the DPRK nuclear issue and the Korean Peninsula issue. It has been the main concern of ROK and brought to ASEAN meetings in 1997 (ROK MOFAT 1997). Only in the EAS that finally the issue of non-proliferation becomes a common concern for the region. The evolving regional architecture of East Asia has started as security-based architecture and driven by economic cooperation. Although many consider that the path towards EAC is still far, the establishment of EAS is a new standard for the cooperation in East Asia. While many scholarships are pessimistic upon EAS future, the EAS can prove the region capability to cooperate in diverse sectors and not only on the economic and financial sector.

ROK ROLE IN THE EAST ASIA REGIONALISM The political institution building in East Asia has been through the long process. It reached a level where all countries cooperate in economic and political-security issue. The question remains, what is ROK’s role in the East Asia regionalism? As can be seen with a middle-power perspective and leadership role in institutional building, we can conclude that there are three main points of ROK role in the regionalism of East Asia. The first one is Leading the initiative for the institutional building. The second, as with previous study (Sohn 2016), rivalry-bridging between China and Japan as well as managing interest of its ally, the US. The third point being pushed traditional security issue in the region.

Leading the initiative for Institutional Building ROK plays a secondary – but a very critical one – issue related to the institution building. Its present since 1989, ROK has managed to evolve from dialogue partner into a strategic partner for the ASEAN. The role to take responsibility of EAVG I and II has proven ROK’s role as middle-power in the region. As mentioned in previous work (Soeya and Lee 2014), a middle-power tends to push forward a multilateral cooperation. Furthermore, a middlepower also “active builders in coalitions” (Cooper 1997). In other words, a middle-power will seek to build a multilateral cooperation. The impact of ROK initiative towards the region is significant. The EAVG has been used as the framework for the APT building towards the EAS. The EAVG II, then, improves the

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original EAVG framework and able to follow the dynamic of the region, especially on the security issue. The inclusion of traditional security issue is a leap towards existing security cooperation that only focuses on the non-traditional security issue, which then becomes a common concern for the region. Furthermore, the involvement of ROK will drive to form some regionalism images in terms of economic image, geopolitical structure or power, and catered voice toward international issues. Those elements will definitely support the formulation of East Asia regionalism. The coming of ROK will bring a new color for new power characteristic and image in the region. The communication style of ROK will support to bridge the communication between the Japan and China in order to see the perspective of the regionalism, although they will bring their fundamental interests in this concept.

Rivalry-Bridging A middle-power country shall be able to “advocating compromises” (Jordaan 2003). In the presence of ongoing rivalry between China and Japan, ROK has rallied the central actor in the East Asia regionalism. The ASEAN is able to enforce the ongoing rivalry between the China and Japan especially after the launch of the RCEP and the inclusion of the US and Russia. The progress of the EAS still continues until today. The very least effort that we can appreciate is it is no longer conflicting on membership issue. While the previous study has concluded ROK role in bridging the rivalry on trade regime, this study also finds its contribution on the political dimension. That is, the prove that EAS still exist and evolve with the dynamic in the East Asia Region.

Pushing traditional security issue in the region Security has been one of the taboo issues in the region. The ongoing dispute especially territorial dispute has been the cause of countries of East Asia unwilling to create a security community. The Korean peninsula, however, managed to bring all members to the table to discuss more on the security issue. The issue was brought by ROK since its approach toward ASEAN in 1997. Even more, the issue has been one of the triggers to the inclusion of traditional security issue in the EAVG II. The evolving security dynamics in East Asia can be contributed to the inclusion of the political-security agenda, however, we may believe that ROK’s persistence to deliver its concern brings a contribution toward the East Asian countries in their effort of regionalism.

CONCLUSION The role of ROK in the East Asia regionalism can now be seen as one of important factors for the advancement of the region. This study believes that its roles as an initiator,

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mediator, and pushing security issue have contributed to the regionalism of East Asia. It is expected that in the near future, ROK will continue to contribute towards regionalism of East Asia and we expect a more central role with better exposure. The existence of ROK to take role and position into East Asia regionalism will bring new characteristic and style of communication between Japan, China and ASEAN countries in the region. ROK will automatically have some important agendas in the East Asia regionalism structure, therefore this regionalism will be an important and strategic agenda of ROK to involve more in the region. The reason will come from economic or trade, security, political and cultural perspectives. For ASEAN itself, ROK in general will be a potential partner for economy in the future. At the end, the acceptance of the present of ROK in formulating the East Asia regionalism will help to achieve the goal the near future. ROK strategic move to set some agenda with East Asian countries will help the regionalism structure itself. Lastly, the structure and format of East Asia regionalism will be influenced by the role ROK based on their strategy to stabilize the powers.

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Park, Jin-Soo. 2012. “Regional Leadership Dynamics and East Asian Financial Cooperation.” Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 19 (1): 225-256. Park, Sung-Hoon, and Hong-Youl Kim. 2006. “Increasing sub-regionalism within APEC and the Bogor Goals.” Koreanische Zeitschrift fuer Wirtschaftswissenschaften 24 (3): 143-168. Park, Young-il. 2007. “How Feasible is East Asia-Only Regional Integration: Economic Imperative and Political Impracticality.” New Vision for Asia-Europe Economic Cooperation. Incheon: Jungseok Research Institute of International Logistics and Trade. 37-54. Robertson, Jeffrey. 2017. “Middle-Power Definitions: Confusion Reigns Supreme.” Australian Journal of International Affairs 71 (4): 355-370. Rocher, Sophie Boisseau du. 2010. “China/Japan/ASEAN: What Kind of Cooperation for What Issues.” In New Dynamics between China and Japan in Asia: How to Build the Future from the Past?, by Guy Faure, 65-90. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co.Pte.Ltd. ROK MOFAT. 2010. Appointment of the Ambassador to ASEAN. Februar y 26. Accessed July 19, 2018. http://www.mofa.go.kr/eng/brd/m_5676/view.do? seq=308110&srchFr=&amp;srchTo=&amp;srchWord=asean&amp;srchTp=0&amp; multi_ itm_seq=0&amp;itm_seq_1=0&amp;itm_seq_2=0&amp;company_ cd=&amp;company_ nm=&page=10&titleNm= . —. 1997. AT THE ASEAN PMC 9+10 SESSION. July 28. Accessed July 19, 2018. http://www.mofa.go.kr/eng/brd/m_5689/view.do?seq=298247&srchFr= &amp;srchTo=&amp;srchWord=ASEAN&amp; srchTp=0&amp;multi_itm_ seq=0&amp;itm_seq_1=0&amp;itm_seq_2=0&amp;company_ cd=&amp;company_ nm=&page=2&titleNm=. —. 2007. Remarks by Director-General for South Asian & Oceanian Affairs at Seminar to Mark 40th Anniversary of ASEAN. August 27. Accessed July 17, 2018. http://www.mofa.go.kr/eng/brd/m_5691/ view.do?seq=317410&srchFr=&amp;srchTo=&amp;srchWord=40th&amp; srchTp=0&amp;multi_itm_seq=0&amp;itm_seq_1=0&amp;itm_ seq_2=0&amp;company_cd=&amp;company_nm=&page=1&titleNm=. Soeya, Yoshihide, and Geun Lee. 2014. “The Middle-Power Challenge in East Asia - An Opportunity for Cooperation between Korea and Japan.” Global Asia 9 (2): 85-91. Sohn, Yul. 2016. “The Role of South Korea in the Making of a Regional Trade Architecture: Convening, Bridging, and Designing FTA Networks.” In Transforming Global Governance with Middle Power Diplomacy: South Korea’s Role in the 21st Century, by Sook Jong Lee, 109-128. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Tan, See Seng. 2017. “A Tale of Two Institutions: The ARF , ADMM-Plus and security Regionalism in the Asia Pacific.” Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs 259-264. Xiao, Ren. 2009. “Between Adapting and Shaping: China’s Role in Asian Regional Cooperation.” Journal of Contemporary China 18 (59): 303-320. doi:10.1080/10670560802576059.

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Yoshimatsu, Hidetaka. 2010. “The Mekong Region, Regional Integration, and Political Rivalry among ASEAN, China and Japan.” Asian Perspective 34 (3): 71-111. Young, Oran. 1991. “Political Leadership and Regime Formation: on the Development of Institutions in International Society.” International Organization 45 (3): 281-308. Zha, Daojiong. 2002. “The Politics of China-ASEAN Economic Relations: Assessing the Move Toward a Free Trade Area.” Asian Perspective 26 (4): 53-82.

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POLITIK ADU DOMBA JEPANG DI KOREA MASA PENJAJAHAN: KASUS MANBOSAN 1931 AFRIADI (Mahasiswa Pascasarjana S2 Program Studi Ilmu Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya, Universitas Indonesia Email: Afriadi325113@gmail.com; Afriadi81@ui.ac.id)

ABSTRAK Jepang menjajah Korea sejak tahun 1910-1945. Selama 35 tahun, penjajahan Jepang terbagi ke dalam tiga fase. Pertama, fase penguasaan militer (Mudan Tongchi Sidae) dari tahun 1910-1919. Kedua, fase penguasaan budaya (Munhwa Tongchi Sidae) dari tahun 1920â&#x20AC;&#x201D;pasca Gerakan Samil (Samil Undong)â&#x20AC;&#x201D;hingga tahun 1929. Ketiga, fase penguasaan rakyat (Minjok Malsal Tongchi Sidae) dari tahun 1930 hingga Perang Dunia Kedua dan kalahnya Jepang. Selama tiga fase penjajahan ini, berbagai upaya penaklukkan dilakukan oleh Jepang. Tak luput, adu domba juga pernah dilakukan oleh pemerintah Jepang. Bukan hanya terhadap sesama orang Korea, melainkan antara orang Korea dengan pendatang Tionghoa (Hwagyo). Tahun 1931, terjadi sebuah kasus yang dikenal dengan kasus Manbosan. Kasus Manbosan merupakan kasus perseteruan sederhana antara petani Tiongkok dengan petani Joseon di Manchuria. Namun, kasus ini membesar setelah Jepang memberitakannya simpang siur. Setelahnya terjadi pembantaian Hwagyo di Korea. Akibat pembantaian ini, berbagai kerugian terjadi khususnya di bidang finansial. Adu domba dilakukan Jepang bukan tanpa tujuan. Di balik upaya Jepang dalam memicu kasus Manbosan ini, terdapat motif politik. Jepang kala itu sedang berupaya menaklukkan Manchuria. Kasus Manbosan diharapkan dapat menjadi dalih Jepang dalam mengambilalih Manchuria. Namun, kasus ini mereda begitu saja setelah 10 hari. Melalui metode sejarah, tulisan ini berusaha menggali lebih lanjut tentang kasus ini dalam eskalasi politik yang lebih luas kala itu. Terdapat hubungan erat antara kasus Manbosan, penaklukkan Jepang terhadap Manchuria dan pendirian negara Manchukuo. Untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang menyeluruh, tulisan ini berusaha merekonstruksi peristiwa Manbosan dan mengaitkannya dengan kondisi politik Asia Timur kala itu. Kata Kunci: Penjajahan Jepang, Manchuria, Kasus Manbosan, Hwagyo di Korea

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ABSTRACT Japan colonization in Korea start from 1910 until 1945. For 35 years, Japanese occupation was divided into three phases. First, the phase of military control (Mudan Tongchi Sidae) from 1910-1919. Second, the phase cultural control (Munhwa Tongchi Sidae) from the 1920s –after the Samil Movement (Samil Undong)—until 1929. Third, the phase of people control (Minjok Malsal Tongchi Sidae) from 1930 to the Second World War and the defeat of Japan. During these three phases of occupation, various conquest efforts were carried out by Japan. One of them is to divide the people of Korea. Not only against another Koreans, but between Koreans and Chinese immigrants (Hwagyo). In 1931, there was a case known as the Manbosan riots. The Manbosan riots is a simple case of dispute between Chinese farmers and Joseon farmers in Manchuria. However, this case became complicated by Japan false information. After that, the Hwagyo massacre occurred in Korea. As a result of this massacre, various losses occurred especially in the financial sector. Japanese propaganda was not without purpose. There were political motives behind the propaganda. Japan at that time was trying to conquer Manchuria. The Manbosan riots is expected to be a Japan alibi in taking over Manchuria. However, this case died down after 10 days. Through historical methods, this paper seeks to explore more about this case in the wider political escalation of that time. There is a close relationship between the Manbosan riots, the Japanese conquest of Manchuria and the establishment of the Manchukuo. To get a comprehensive understanding, this paper seeks to reconstruct the Manbosan riots and relate it to the political conditions of East Asia at the time. Keywords: Japanese Colonization, Manchuria, Manbosan Riots, Hwagyo in Korea 제목: 만보산 폭동으로 재 음미해 본 일본의 식민통치 야욕 일본의 조선 식민통치는 1910 년부터 1945 년까지다. 35 년의 일본 점령은 3 단계로 나뉜 다. 첫 단계는 1910-1919 년 군사통제(Mudan Tongchi Sidae)시대, 둘 째 단계는 1920 년 대 (삼일 운동 이후)부터 1929 년까지 문화통치(Munhwa Tongchi Sidae) 시대, 셋 째 단계 는 1930 년부터 제 2 차 세계 대전에서 일본의 패배에 이르기까지 민족말살통치(Minjok Malsal Tongchi Sidae)시대다. 그 동안 일본은 한국인들을 분열시키려고 했다. 그 방법의 하나가 중국인들을 이용한 것이 다. 1931 년에 발생한 만보산(Manbosan) 폭동이 하나의 사례이다. 당시 만보산 폭동은 만 주의 중국 농민과 조선 농민 사이에서 발생하였다. 그러나 이 사건을 상세하게 살펴보면, 일본의 잘못된 정보와 조선-중국 농민 간의 이간정책에 의해서 일어난 것이다. 그 후 일제 에 의한 대대적인 화교 학살도 발생하였다. 이 결과로, 특히 금융 부문에서 조선인들은 많 은 피해를 입었다. 다른 관점에서 본다면, 일본은 정치적 동기에서 만보산 폭동을 이용하였음이 분명해 보인 다. 당시 일본은 만주를 정복하려 했다. 만보산 폭동은 일본의 만주정복과 만주국 설립과 밀접한 관계가 있다는 것이다. 본 연구를 통하여 만보산 폭동은 당시의 동아시아 정치 상 황의 축소판임을 확인할 수 있다. 키워드: 일본의 식민통치, 조선, 중국, 만주, 만보산 폭동, 만주국, 화교

Korean Studies in Indonesia

I. PENDAHULUAN Tahun 1876 merupakan awal dari semua tragedi ini. Korea yang kala itu masih bernama Kerajaan Joseon dipaksa untuk â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;membukaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; pelabuhannya terhadap pedagang-pedagang Jepang dalam Perjanjian Ganghwa (Ganghwa Joyak) (Lee Ki Baik, 1999: 293). Sebelumnya, selama satu dekade kepemimpinan Heungseon Daewongun, Korea menutup diri dan tidak melakukan banyak transaksi dagang dengan negara lain. Satu-satunya sekutu Korea adalah Tiongkok. Terlebih pula, pada tahun 1592-1599 Joseon pernah diserang oleh pasukan Jepang (Wae) dalam pertempuran Imjin (Imjin Waeran) (Lee Ki Baik, 1999:232-235). Semenjak itu, Jepang merupakan negara yang sulit diterima di hati masyarakat Korea. Jepang memaksa Korea untuk membuka beberapa pelabuhannya bagi pedagang Jepang yang ingin bertransaksi di Korea. Beberapa pelabuhan tersebut yakni Pelabuhan Wonsan di Laut Timur Korea (Donghae) dan Pelabuhan Incheon di Laut Barat Korea (Seohae). Pembukaan pelabuhan di titik-titik strategis ini bukanlah semata-mata untuk perdagangan kedua negara. Ada niat politis di baliknya. Pelabuhan Wonsan akan dijadikan Jepang sebagai markas untuk menyerang Rusia dan Pelabuhan Incheon akan dijadikan markas untuk menyerang Kekaisaran Qing (Tiongkok) di Perang Sino-Jepang. Niat Jepang menjadikan Korea sebagai markas sekaligus sumber daya pendukung perang sudah dimulai dari masa ini (Lee Ki Baik, 1999:293). Jepang semakin menggeliat di dapur politik Korea setelah Perjanjian Ganghwa. Hingga akhirnya Jepang berhasil mengubah status Korea dari kerajaan independen menjadi negara protektorat Jepang dengan penandatanganan Perjanjian Eulsa (Eulsa Joyak) tahun 1905. Isi perjanjian ini di antaranya, pertama, hubungan internasional Korea dengan negara lain diatur oleh Jepang. Kedua, Pemerintahan Korea tidak boleh melakukan perjanjian apapun dengan negara lain tanpa melalui Jepang. Ketiga, Jepang akan menaruh pendamping di Kekaisaran Han (Korea) untuk membantu kaisar urusan luar negeri. Dengan kata lain, Korea sudah tidak punya taring lagi di kancah internasional (Lee Ki Baik, 1999;332). Tidak lama setelah Korea jadi negara protektorat Jepang, tahun 1910 Jepang secara resmi menganeksasi Korea sebagai bagian dari wilayah kekaisaran Jepang. Hal pertama yang dilakukan Jepang adalah mengirimkan 2.000 tentara Jepang untuk mengisi semua kantor polisi dan tentara Korea. Koran Hwangseong (Hwangseong Sinmun), Harian Rakyat Korea (Daehan Minbo), Harian Korea (Daehan Maeil Sinbo) ditutup untuk menenagkan situasi rakyat Korea. Dalam perjanjian aneksasi dituliskan bahwa perjanjian tersebut ditandatangani kedua negara untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan kedua negara serta kedamaian wilayah Asia Timur (Lee Ki Baik, 1999:334-335). Penjajahan Jepang di Korea dibagi menjadi tiga fase. Pertama, fase penguasaan militer (Mudan Tongchi Sidae) dari tahun 1910-1919. Kedua, fase penguasaan budaya (Munhwa Tongchi Sidae) dari tahun 1920 pasca Gerakan Samil (Samil Undong) hingga tahun 1929. Ketiga, fase penguasaan rakyat (Minjok Malsal Tongchi Sidae) dari tahun 1930 hingga Perang Dunia Kedua dan kalahnya Jepang.

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Tujuan utama Jepang memang bukan hanya Korea, melainkan daratan besar di sebelahnya, Tiongkok. Korea menjadi tempat persinggahan yang sangat strategis untuk menaklukkan raksasa tersebut. Tak hanya menjadi penghubung menuju daratan Tiongkok, Korea juga dijadikan Jepang sebagai pemasok sumber daya perang baik manusia maupun logistiknya. Selama 35 tahun penjajahan Jepang di Korea, berbagai cara dilakukan untuk menaklukkan orang Korea. Tak luput, adu domba juga pernah dilakukan oleh pemerintah Jepang. Bukan hanya terhadap sesama orang Korea, melainkan antara orang Korea dengan pendatang Tionghoa (selanjutnya akan disebut Hwagyo) di Korea. Salah satu kasus perselisihan antara orang Korea dengan Hwagyo akibat adu domba Jepang adalah kasus Manbosan. Tulisan ini berusaha merekonstruksi peristiwa Manbosan yang terjadi di tahun 1931, untuk dikaitkan dengan penjajahan Jepang di Korea dan Tiongkok di kala itu. Kasus ini sangat erat kaitannya dengan usaha Jepang dalam membentuk Manchukuo di Manchuria tahun 1931-1932. Beranjak dari latar belakang mengenai penjajahan Jepang yang telah dijabarkan di atas, tulisan ini berusaha melihat kasus Manbosan dalam eskalasi politik yang lebih besar. Pecahnya kasus Manbosan memuluskan usaha Jepang untuk mendirikan Manchukuo dan mengguncang kondisi politik di Korea. Untuk melengkapi pemahaman mengenai kasus Manbosan, tulisan ini akan mulai dengan penjelasan mengenai awal kedatangan Hwagyo di Korea. Setelah itu, tulisan akan berfokus pada kasus Manbosan dan dampaknya, khususnya dalam eskalasi politik masa itu. Di bagian penutup, tulisan ini akan menyimpulkan dan mengaitkan kasus Manbosan sebagai bagian dari politik penjajahan Jepang di Korea dan Tiongkok (Manchuria). Tulisan ini sendiri akan menggunakan metode sejarah dalam penulisannya. Metode penelitian sejarah terdiri atas empat tahap. Di antaranya: tahap Heuristik (mencari sumber sejarah), Kritik (menguji keaslian dan keotentikan sumber dari sisi eksternal maupun internal), Interpretasi (menafsirkan sumber sejarah) dan Historiografi (menuliskan fakta sejarah sebagai sebuah kisah yang dapat dibaca) (Langlois dan Seignobos, 2015; Sjamsuddin, 2007; Gottschalk, 1975:34).

II. HWAGYO DI DUNIA DAN DI KOREA Peradaban Tiongkok telah dimulai ribuan tahun sebelum kelahiran Yesus. Sejarah peradabannya mencatat jatuh bangunnya dinasti selama berabad-abad (Tan, 1986:36). Dinasti terakhir Tiongkok, Dinasti Qing (1644-1911) diperintah oleh Suku Man dari Manchuria (Wicaksono, 2015:xx). Dinasti Qing melarang migrasi warganya ke luar Tiongkok baik untuk perdagangan maupun untuk menetap permanen, tanpa izin resmi pemerintah. Hal ini bertujuan menekan pertemuan antara rakyat dengan peradaban barat. Dinasti Qing sendiri merupakan dinasti yang berasal dari suku minoritas, memerintah mayoritas suku Han di Tiongkok. Sehingga, Dinasti Qing berupaya menekan pengaruh luar yang dapat memengaruhi keberlangsungan dinasti (Tan, 1986:37).

Korean Studies in Indonesia

Pada 1840, meletus Perang Candu antara Tiongkok dan Inggris. Perang ini berakhir dengan ditandatanganinya Perjanjian Nanking. Salah satu isi perjanjian ini adalah Inggris berhak membuka dan membangun Hong Kong sebagai pelabuhan bebas. Selanjutnya Hong Kong memainkan peranan penting terhadap kehadiran orang Tionghoa di Asia Tenggara. Hong Kong menjadi tempat orang keluar masuk dari atau ke Tiongkok. Arus perantauan Tionghoa juga makin deras (Poerwanto, 2014:54). Persebaran ini menjadi salah satu pemicu terbentuknya komunitas-komunitas orang Tionghoa di luar Tiongkok. Korea mempunyai catatan tersendiri tentang kaum ini. Korea secara geografis1 berdekatan dengan Tiongkok. Tidak menutup kemungkinan persebaran kaum Tionghoa juga sampai ke Korea. Hubungan dinasti-dinasti Korea dengan dinasti-dinasti di Tiongkok telah terjalin lama sejak masa tiga kerajaan Korea. Pada masa Tiga Kerajaan (Goguryeo (37 S.M.-668), Silla (57 S.M.-935) dan Baekje (18 S.M.-660)), sebagian wilayah kerajaan Goguryeo merupakan provinsi utara Tiongkok sekarang.2 Memasuki periode Joseon (1392-1910), cikal bakal negara Korea mulai terbentuk. Batas negara antara Joseon dan Tiongkok dipatok dengan jelas. Pada masa Joseon ini pula hubungan kedua negara semakin erat. Pendirian Dinasti Joseon oleh Yi Song Gye tak luput dari pengaruh politik di Tiongkok. Awal abad ke-14 gejolak politik Tiongkok mulai memanas. Dinasti Yuan (1271-1368) yang berkuasa berhasil dikudeta oleh Zhu Yuan Zhang (Kaisar Hongwu) pada tahun 1368. Peralihan kekuasaan ini bergejolak hingga semenanjung Korea. Di Korea pun terjadi penggulingan serupa yang dipelopori oleh Yi Song Gye. Yi berhasil meruntuhkan Dinasti Goryeo (918-1392) dan mendirikan kerajaan baru yang dinamainya Joseon (Shin Hyong Sik, 2010; Park Yong Gyu, 2004; Yi Deok Il; 2014). Awal berdirinya Joseon ditandai hubungan harmonis dengan Dinasti Ming. Gejolak politik berubah ketika Dinasti Ming berhasil digulingkan oleh Dinasti Qing dari Manchuria. Hubungan kedua negara mulai retak ketika Dinasti Qing menyerang Joseon pada peristiwa Invasi Manchu ke Korea3. Invasi kedua berhasil membuat Joseon takluk kepada Dinasti Qing dan menjadi negara di bawah pengaruh Qing. Korea diwajibkan membayar upeti dan tunduk akan kekuasaan Qing hingga keruntuhannya di awal abad ke-20. Akhir abad ke-19 menjadi periode awal masuknya orang Tiongkok modern yang menjadi cikal bakal Hwagyo Korea. Meluasnya persebaran kaum Tionghoa di luar negeri dan semakin jelasnya batas-batas negara di dunia memunculkan istilah baru untuk merujuk orang-orang Tiongkok yang ada Posisi Korea berada pada 33-44 derajat lintang utara, da n 124-132 derajat bujur timur. Korea berbatasan langsung dengan Tiongkok (Laut Kuning, dan tiga provinsi di daerah Manchuria) di sebelah barat, Jepang di sebelah timur, dan Provinsi Siberia, Rusia di sebelah utara (Shin Hyong Sik, 2010:12).

Lihat Lee Ki Baik, Hanguk Sasillon ‘Sejarah Baru Korea’ dan Kim Pu Sik, Samguk Sagi ‘Catatan Sejarah Tiga Kerajaan’

Invasi pertama dikenal dengan nama Jeongmyeo Horan (丁卯胡亂) yang terjadi tahun 1627. Invasi kedua menyusul pada tahun 1632 yang dikenal dengan peristiwa Byeongja Horan (丙子胡亂)

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

di luar negeri. Muncul istilah Huaqiao4 atau Hwagyo (華橋) untuk menyebut orang-orang atau kelompok Tionghoa yang ada di luar Tiongkok. Selain Hwagyo terdapat istilah-istilah lain yang merujuk pada orang Tionghoa perantauan. Di antaranya terdapat istilah Hwain (華人), Hwaye (華裔), dan Hwasang (華商) (Lee Jae Yoo, 2006:67; Kim Jin Ho, 2007:5; Lee Yong Jae, 2015:31; Jeonbuk Development Institute, 2011:9). Sebelum Dinasti Ming, terdapat beberapa istilah yang digunakan untuk merujuk keturunan orang Tiongkok di luar Tiongkok, di antaranya Hanin (漢人), Dangin (唐人), Hwain (華人), Junggukin (中國人), Bukin (北人), Jubeon (主蕃). Setelah Dinasti Qing, terdapat beberapa panggilan umum untuk Tionghoa perantauan yakni Jeohwa (楮貨), Hwain (華人), Hwamin (華民), Hwagong (華工), Hwasang (華商) (Lee Gun Hyo Pyeon, 1999:405-407 dalam Lee Jae Yoo, 2006:67). Kata Hwagyo sendiri pertama kali digunakan dalam sebuah laporan resmi (呈文) yang dikirimkan pada tahun 1883 oleh Zheng Guan Ying (鄭觀應) kepada Lee Hong Zhang (李鴻章) yang berbunyi “Terdapat banyak Hwagyo di pelabuhan-pelabuhan laut selatan (Asia Tenggara)”5 (Ju San Yuan, 1996:62 dalam Lee Jae Yoo, 2006:67). Di masa Dinasti Qing, kata Hwagyo merujuk pada orang Tiongkok yang ke luar negeri maupun yang berdiam di luar negeri karena berbagai alasan tanpa membedakan status kewarganegaraan.6 Pasca berdirinya Republik Rakyat Tiongkok pada tahun 1949, kata Hwagyo berubah definisi menjadi orang-orang dengan kewarganegaraan Tiongkok (中國公民 Zhongguo Gongmin) yang berada di luar negeri7. Dengan kata lain, Hwagyo berarti orang Tiongkok yang berada di luar negeri yang tetap mempertahankan status kewarganegaraan asalnya tanpa berubah kewarganegaraan8. Berdasarkan definisi tersebut, jumlah Hwagyo hanya sepuluh persen dari jumlah etnis Tionghoa di dunia (Lee Jae Yoo, 2006:68). Selain Hwagyo terdapat istilah Hwain yang juga merujuk pada etnis Tionghoa di perantauan. Hwain dapat didefinisikan sebagai orang Tiongkok yang sudah keluar dari negara 4

Aksen Mandarin.

凡南洋各埠華僑最多之處. Dikutip Ju San Yuan (居三元) dari 壓國土. “華僑詞名稱考”.[南洋問題]. 第1期. 1984年.

Definisi Hwagyo di Tiongkok secara formal barulah pertama kali dicetuskan oleh Sun Yat Sen (孫中山) ketika ia memerintah Pemerintahan Revolusioner Guangdong (廣東革命政府) dalam 내정부교 무국보호교민전장內政部僑務局保護僑民專章 Neizhengbu Qiaowu Ju Baohu Qiaomin Zhuanzhang ‘peraturan kementrian dalam negeri mengenai perlindungan kaum imigran (Hwagyo)’ pasal 1 yang menyatakan “Siapapun warga negara Tiongkok yang berada di luar maupun yang telah kembali disebut Kyomin (僑民)”. Dikutip oleh Lee Jae Yoo dari Wi Mun (1996:16).

Hal ini didefinisikan secara tegas oleh Komisi Urusan Rakyat Perantauan Tiongkok (華僑事務委員會 Huaqiao Shiwu Weiyuanhui) pada Januari 1952, direvisi pada Desember 1957, dan terakhir direvisi pada 1984. Dalam hal ini merujuk pada kewarganegaraan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok (Tiongkok daratan), karena definisi ini diatur oleh Komis Urusan Rakyat Perantauan Tiongkok (RRT).

Korean Studies in Indonesia

asalnya dan bertempat tinggal serta bermata pencaharian di negara lain dan mengadopsi kewarganegaraan setempat. Selain Hwain terdapat juga istilah Hwaye yang berarti keturunan dari Hwagyo maupun Hwain yang masih membawa darah Tionghoa namun lahir dan besar di perantauan serta mengadopsi kewarganegaraan setempat. Pada umumnya, kaum Tionghoa perantauan tidak memisahkan ketiga kelompok ini secara jelas. Istilah Hwain menjadi istilah paling populer untuk menyebut ketiga kategori ini (Kim Jin Ho, 2007:5). Terdapat juga istilah lain yakni, Hwasang yang secara harfiah merupakan sebutan bagi pedagang dari etnis Tionghoa. Di dalam Hwasang juga terdapat perkumpulan yang terdiri dari pedagang-pedagang Tionghoa—semacam organisasi pedagang Tionghoa—. Sepak terjang kaum ini terjalin rumit oleh sistem-sistem gilda9, masyarakat gotong royong, tong10, triad11, kongsi12, dan asosiasi-asosiasi berdasar kesamaan nama dan asal yang memasok koneksi-koneksi personal dan jaringan finansial mereka (Seagrave, 2015:2). Perbedaan penyebutan kaum Tionghoa perantauan berdasarkan status kewarganegaraannya menjadi sangat kabur di masa modern ini. Acap kali, istilah Hwagyo, Hwain, dan Hwaye disatukan penggunaanya. Hal ini dilakukan agar mudah mengelompokkan suku-suku asli dan suku pendatang Tiongkok terlepas dari status kewarganegaraannya. Banyak pula ahli sejarah bidang Tionghoa perantauan yang menggabungkan kata Huaqiao Huaren/ Hwagyo Hwain (华侨华人) untuk merujuk pada kaum Tionghoa perantauan ini (Lihat Cheng Xi, 2014; Leo Suryadinata; Mely G. Tan). Sementara itu, di Korea kata Hwagyolah yang paling populer untuk menyebut kaum Tionghoa perantauan tanpa membedakan status kewarganegaraan. Untuk itu, dalam tulisan ini penulis akan menggunakan istilah Hwagyo dalam merujuk kaum Tionghoa yang merantau ke Korea terlepas dari masalah status kewarganegaraannya. Diaspora Hwagyo di Korea pada masa modern terbentuk dari empat puluhan pedagang13 Hwagyo yang masuk ke Korea bersama dengan tentara Qing. Tentara Qing disinyalir masuk

Perkumpulan dari usaha sejenis yang mendapat monopoli dan perlindungan dari pemerintah.

Dalam Bahasa Mandarin dikenal dengan istilah Tang (堂). Secara harfiah berarti aula tempat orang berkumpul. Dalam hal ini, istilah Tong merujuk pada organisasi rahasia yang didirikan oleh para kaum Tionghoa. Banyak di antaranya berafiliasi dengan gengster dan organisasi kriminal.

Dalam Bahasa Mandarin dikenal dengan istilah San He Hui (三合会). Merupakan organisasi kriminal Tionghoa yang bermarkas di Hongkong, Makau, Taiwan dan Daratan Tiongkok. Dalam Bahasa Mandarin berbunyi Gong Si (公司). Merupakan asosiasi yang didirikan oleh kaum Tionghoa dengan kesamaan Klan dan Marga.

Empat puluhan pedagang (軍役商人) ini merupakan pedagang yang mendapat dukungan pemerintah Qing dan dipisahkan penyebutaannnya dengan pedagang lain yang datang ke Joseon dengan bebas. Keseluruhan pedagang yang menjadi cikal bakal diaspora Hwagyo di Korea tidak hanya berjumlah empat puluhan.

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

ke semenanjung Korea pada 1882 untuk membantu menyelesaikan Imo Kunlan14. Empat puluhan pedagang yang datang ke Korea ini bertugas untuk menyuplai kebutuhan tentara Qing yang ada. Kebanyakan dari mereka merupakan pedagang besar dari Guangdong （广东） dan Fujian (福建), Selatan Tiongkok (南方人). Masuknya pedagang-pedagang ini mendapat dukungan dari Kerajaan Qing. Hingga tahun 1886 cikal bakal terbentuknya diaspora Hwagyo di Korea mulai tumbuh (Li Yi Lian, 2005:2). Di Incheon, pusat diaspora Hwagyo di Korea sendiri pedagang-pedagang yang masuk awalnya berasal dari Guangdong dan Fujian, Selatan Tiongkok. Namun, perlahan orangorang utara (北方人) khususnya yang berasal dari Shandong (山東), Henan (河南) dan Hebei (河北) mulai menggantikan pedagang selatan (Yang Pil Seung dan Lee Jeong Hee dalam Li Yi Lian, 2005:2). Tabel 1. Persebaran Pedagang Hwagyo di Korea Berdasarkan Tempat Lahir Tahun 1883 Shandong (Utara)

Guangdong (Selatan)

Zhejiang (Selatan)

Total

Kota

Asal Seoul

41 orang

18 orang

59 orang

Mapo

18 orang

2 orang

3 orang

23 orang

Incheon

19 orang

17 orang

18 orang

54 orang

Sumber: 『淸季中日韓關係史e』3卷, (826), (光緖 10年 2月 11日, 附件 1), 1337 쪽. ‘Sejarah Tiongkok, Korea, Jepang periode Qing’ Volume 3, (826), (Guang Xu tahun ke-10, 11 Februari), hlm. 1337. Dikutip dari Li Yi Lian (2005, 18). Data telah diolah kembali.

Aktivitas para pedagang di masa ini mendapat perlindungan dari pemerintah Qing dibawah Wu Chang Qing (吳長慶). Wu Chang Qing merupakan Jenderal Tiongkok yang mendapat keistimewaan dari pemerintahan Gojong—yang dikendalikan keluarga Min—untuk melindungi para pedagang Qing yang ada di Korea. Selain bertugas memenuhi kebutuhan para tentara, pedagang tentara ini juga menjual barang-barang kepada masyarakat Korea itu sendiri. Masuknya empat puluhan pedagang tentara di Korea dilansir oleh Li Yi Lian (2005:21) sebagai peletak tonggak diaspora Hwagyo di Korea untuk pertama kalinya. Tiga tahun sejak

Konflik yang terjadi antara Joseon dan Jepang pasca dibukanya Pulau Ganghwa sebagai pintu masuk perdagangan internasional. Kekacauan ini juga diwarnai intrik internal Kekaisaran Han Raya yang menyeret beberapa tokoh seperti Kaisar Gojong, Min Gyeom Ho dan Heungseon Daewongun.

Korean Studies in Indonesia

kedatangannya dari tahun 1882 hingga penandatanganan Konvensi Tianjin,15 pedagang tentara ini memulai sejarah masuk dan berkembangnya kaum Hwagyo di negeri ginseng ini. Sepuluh tahun setelahnya jumlah Hwagyo di Korea meningkat drastis. Pengaruhnya di bidang ekonomi mulai terasa bagi Korea. Sepuluh tahun setelah kedatangannya, tepat pada 1893, Hwagyo telah menyumbang hampir 50 persen angka impor Korea dari Dinasti Qing. Hwagyo memainkan peran sebagai perantara di tiga pelabuhan besar, Incheon, Busan dan Wonsan. Tabel 2. Persentase Impor Korea Tahun 1893 (dalam Dolar Amerika) Pembagian Pelabuhan

Total Impor Korea Jumlah

Jumlah

Incheon

2.421.392

100

1.585.617

65,5

Wonsan

588.378

100

304.932

51,8

Busan

844.971

100

15.149

17,9

3.854.741

100

1.905.698

49,9

Total

Impor dari Dinasti Qing

Sumber: 『韓國史』最近世篇, 871쪽. ‘Sejarah Korea’ seri terbaru, hlm. 871. Dikutip dari Li Yi Lian (2005:82). Data telah diolah kembali

Tabel di atas menunjukkan dengan jelas, hampir setengah impor Korea berasal dari Dinasti Qing. Dalam hal ini, peranan pedagang Hwagyo sebagai perantara tak dapat dielakkan lagi. Li Yi Lian (2005:82) melansir bahwa jumlah ini jauh meninggalkan hegemoni pedagang Jepang dalam ekspor dan impor di Joseon. Di Incheon dan di Wonsan sendiri angka yang muncul melebihi setengah dari total impor Korea tahun itu. Tahun 1893 menjadi tahun yang sangat berpengaruh bagi pedagang Hwagyo di Korea. Namun, hal ini tak bertahan lama hingga meletusnya perang Sino-Jepang I tahun 1894. Meletusnya Perang Sino-Jepang I tahun 1894 memberikan pengaruh besar terhadap perkembangan Hwagyo di Korea dan pergantian orang selatan menjadi orang utara di struktur sosial Hwagyo Korea. Perang Sino-Jepang I mengakibatkan banyak Hwagyo yang pulang ke tempat asalnya. Sehingga banyak rumah kosong di Incheon disewakan kepada pedagangpedagang Jepang. Pecinan di Incheon pun berubah menjadi perkampungan multikultur. Selain banyak yang pulang, banyak pula Hwagyo yang datang ke Joseon untuk mengungsi dan mencari mata pencaharian baru. Khususnya orang-orang yang berasal dari Provinsi Shandong. Di masa ini pula terjadi perubahan struktur Hwagyo yang ada dari orang-orang selatan menjadi orang-orang utara. (Li Yi Lian, 2005). 淸 ․日天津條約 Qingri Tianjin Tiaoyue merupakan perjanjian yang ditandatangani oleh Qing dan Jepang untuk sama-sama menarik tentaranya dari semenanjung Joseon pasca Kudeta Kapsin yang digagalkan 1500 tentara Qing yang dipimpin Yuan Si Khai.

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

Tabel 3. Jumlah Pedagang Hwagyo di Seoul, Ansan, Wonsan dan Incheon Tahun 1891-1893 Wilayah

Tahun 1891

Tahun 1892

Seoul

751 Orang

957 Orang

1.254 Orang

142 Keluarga

Incheon

563 Orang

637 Orang

711 Orang

117 Keluarga

Busan

138 Orang

148 Orang

142 Orang

21 Keluarga

Wonsan

37 Orang

63 Orang

75 Orang

10 Keluarga

1.489 Orang

1.805 Orang

2.182 Orang

290 Keluarga

Total

Tahun 1893

Sumber: 『淸季中日韓關係史e』5卷, 2978쪽, 3138쪽 ;同書, 6卷, 3276쪽, 3276~3277쪽. ‘Sejarah Tiongkok, Korea, Jepang periode Qing’ Volume 5, Hlm.2978, Hlm. 3138; Buku sama, Volume 6, Hal 3276-3277. Dikutip dari Li Yi Lian (2005:81). Data telah diolah kembali.

Tabel 4. Jumlah Hwagyo di Incheon Tahun 1897-1910 Tahun

Jumlah Rumah

Jumlah Hwagyo

1897

157

1.331

1898

212

1.781

1899

222

1.736

1900

228

2.274

1901

239

1.640

1902

207

956

1903

228

1.160

1904

237

1.063

1905

311

2.665

1906

186

1.254

1907

414

1.373

1908

383

2.041

1909

419

2.069

1910

524

2.806

Sumber: 『仁川府史』, 7쪽. ‘Sejarah Incheon’, Hlm. 7. Dikutip dari Li Yi Lian (2005:86). Telah diolah kembali

Korean Studies in Indonesia

Tabel tiga dan empat di atas menunjukkan jumlah Hwagyo yang terus meningkat dari tahun ke tahun semenjak kedatangannya. Jumlah ini terus bertambah hingga tahun 1930an. Namun, terjadi perubahan struktur demografi Hwagyo yang masuk ke Semenanjung Korea sejak tahun 1910. Dua dekade awal orang-orang Tiongkok yang datang ke semenanjung berasal dari Provinsi Fujian dan Guangdong. Sedangkan sejak tahun 1910 hingga 1937, Hwagyo yang masuk ke Korea didominasi oleh para pengungsi dari Shandong. Tahun 1911, tercatat 350 ribu orang keluar dari Shandong akibat bencana alam. 100 ribu orang di antaranya menuju ke arah Vladivostok. Dari tahun 1927 hingga tahun 1937, sekitar 1 juta orang meninggalkan Shandong. 25-30 persennya dan menyebar ke Korea, Rusia, Manchuria hingga Jepang (Li Yi Lian, 2005:128). Li Yi Lian dalam disertasinya (2005:123124) mengungkapkan bahwa hingga disertasinya ditulis tahun 2005, masih sangat jarang bahkan hampir tidak ada penelitian yang mengungkap eksodus orang-orang Shandong ke Korea periode 1910-1940an. Li Yi Lian menduga, kebanyakan perantau Shandong yang datang ke Korea ketika itu berprofesi sebagai kuli (苦力). Li Yi Lian juga menekankan perlunya ada penelitian lebih lanjut mengenai proses kedatangan dan struktur demografi pengungsi Shandong ini.

III. KASUS MANBOSAN DAN USAHA PENAKLUKKAN MANCHURIA OLEH JEPANG Manbosan (万宝山) merupakan nama sebuah gunung dekat Chang Chun, Manchuria. Tahun 1931, terjadi insiden penyerangan para petani migran Korea oleh para petani setempat. Kejadian ini dimanfaatkan oleh Jepang sebagai propaganda anti Tiongkok di Korea. Alhasil, berita yang disampaikan ke Korea pun menjadi simpang siur. Hal ini memicu kemarahan masyarakat Korea, hingga meletus insiden penyerangan kaum Hwagyo di Korea. Ratusan orang Hwagyo terbunuh dan ribuan lainnya keluar Korea untuk menyelamatkan diri (Li Yi Lian, 2005: 162; Michael Kim, 2010: 209-227). Kejadian ini bermula ketika seorang bernama Hao Yong De (郝永德) mendirikan sebuah perusahaan bernama Zhangnong Daotian Gongsi (長農稻田公司) pada 16 April 1931. Ia kemudian menyewa sebidang tanah di utara Yi Tong He (伊通河), daerah San Xing Bao (三性堡), Guan Huang Tun (官荒屯) selama sepuluh tahun, tanpa izin resmi dari pemerintahan setempat. Walau, di pasal ketiga belas perjanjian sewa menyewanya terdapat keharusan mendapatkan izin dari pihak berwenang setempat untuk mengelola tanah tersebut (Li Yi Lian, 2005:162). Kemudian, Hao yang tak mengantongi izin tersebut menyewakan kembali tanahnya kepada petani Korea bernama Lee Seung Hoon (李昇薰) dan kesembilan orang lainnya. Selanjutnya, datang 188 orang Korea yang akan mengelola tanah tersebut. Setibanya di Manbosan, mereka langsung membuat saluran irigasi (水路 Shuilu) yang memotong jalur air Sungai Yi Tong. Warga setempat yang dirugikan, kemudian mendatangi kantor polisi setempat memprotes jalur irigasi yang dibangun oleh orang-orang Korea. (Park, 1978 dalam Li Yi Lian, 2005:163).

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Pihak Lee Seung Hoon yang mengetahui ini, mengabaikannya dan terus menggali saluran irigasi sejauh 20 Li16. Kasus ini pun semakin serius, karena petani yang jalur airnya dipotong oleh irigasi ini terus memprotes polisi Jepang yang menjaga daerah Manchuria. Polisi setempat tak menghiraukan protes tersebut, namun justru melindungi para petani Korea yang bekerja. Dari sinilah akar kasus Manbosan dimulai. Puncak kemarahan para petani meluap pada 1 Juli 1931. Dini hari, para petani berjumlah sekitar 400 orang berkumpul untuk menutup jalur irigasi yang telah dikerjakan oleh para petani Korea. Namun, hal ini direspon polisi Jepang dengan menangkap para petani setempat. Keesokan harinya, para petani berkumpul lagi untuk menutup jaur irigasinya, dan kepolisian berhasil meredamnya kembali. Penyerangan yang terjadi dalam kurun dua hari ini sama sekali tidak menimbulkan korban jiwa di kedua belah pihak (Li Yi Lian, 2005:163). Berbeda dengan kenyataannya, Jepang menyampaikan kasus ini seolah-olah kondisi yang dialami orang-orang Korea di sana sangatlah mengenaskan. Melalui wartawan Koran Joseon Ilbo, Kim Yi Sam, Jepang menyampaikan bahwa pertikaian sudah lama mulai dan kerap terjadi penyerangan-penyerangan kecil. Kim Yi Sam yang tidak memastikan langsung kejadian sebenarnya, kemudian menulis berita sesuai dengan yang disampaikan perwakilan Jepang di Manchuria. Berita ini kemudian memicu amarah besar rakyat Korea yang membacanya. Tak hanya itu, koran-koran Joseon Ilbo, Donga Ilbo, Maeil Sinbo, dan Dongnib Sinmun pun memberitakannya senada (Li Yi Lian, 2005:162-165). Mulai dari tanggal 2 Juli hingga 10 Juli, berita ini menjadi isu panas di semenanjung Korea. Maeil Sinbo sebagai salah satu koran bergengsi masa itu mengangkat judul-judul sensasional dalam pemberitaan Kasus Manbosan. Hal ini memicu kemarahan rakyat Korea terhadap kaum Hwagyo yang ada di Korea saat itu. Kemarahan ini berbuntut pada penyerangan kaum Hwagyo di berbagai kota. Seoul, Incheon dan Pyongyang menjadi tiga kota terparah, di mana kaum Hwagyo diserang rumah dan kawasan pertokoannya (Li Yi Lian, 2005: 166-168). Aksi ini dianggap sebagai bentuk balas dendam atas saudara sebangsanya yang dibantai di Manbosan. Akibat huru-hara ini banyak Hwagyo yang pulang ke daratan Tiongkok untuk menyelamatkan diri. Di Provinsi Pyeongan Utara, dari 7000 kaum Hwagyo yang ada, 6000 orang di antaranya memilih untuk pulang ketika situasi mulai kondusif. Akibat kepulangan mereka, banyak sektor ekonomi yang terlantar dan kehilangan pengelolanya. Di Incheon sendiri, sektor yang lumpuh setelah ditinggal kaum Hwagyo yakni sayur-mayur. Sayur mayur menjadi komoditas langkah pasca ditinggal kaum Hwagyo (Kim Michael, 2010: 218-223). Setelah 10 hari, penyerangan-penyerangan terhadap Hwagyo di Korea berhasil diredam. Campur tangan tokoh masyarakat dan jurnalis (yang kontra dengan Jepang) kedua negara memainkan peran penting dalam mendinginkan suasana ini. Koran Jungang Ilbo (ä¸ĺ¤Žć&#x2014;Ľ ć&#x160;Ľ) memberitakan kasus ini sebagai bentuk propaganda Jepang untuk menguasai Manchuria Satuan Li setara dengan 500 meter.

Korean Studies in Indonesia

dengan memanfaatkan orang-orang Korea di sana. Agar tidak terjadi aksi balas dendam oleh orang Manchuria terhadap orang Korea di sana, organisasi masyarakat Asia Munhwa Hyeobhwe terus mengkririk Jepang atas adu domba yang dilakukannya (Li Yi Lian, 2005:169). Adu domba Jepang dan membesarnya kasus ini tak lain merupakan bagian dari usahanya dalam menaklukkan Manchuria. Tahun 1931, kondisi ekonomi Jepang merosot tajam akibat gejolak ekonomi dunia. Ekspor Jepang menurun 43 persen dalam kurun waktu dua tahun (1929-1931). Ekonomi yang goyang tentunya akan berdampak pada kondisi politik Jepang yang goyang. Untuk menjaga kondisi agar tetap stabil, Jepang butuh pemasok sumber daya baru. Manchuria kemudian ditaksir oleh Jepang sebagai salah satu penopang sumber daya itu. Tanah Manchuria kaya dengan mineral dan sumber tambang (Beasley, 1987:190). Dua bulan setelah meletusnya kasus Manbosan, muncul lagi insiden baru yang dikenal dengan Insiden Mukden. Insiden Mukden terjadi pada bulan September 1931. Insiden Mukden terjadi di daerah Mukden (kini Shenyang). Tanggal 18 September 1931, seorang perwira Jepang bernama Suemori Kawamoto meledakkan bom berdaya ledak kecil dekat jalur kereta api milik Jepang. Bom ini bahkan tidak berhasil menghancurkan jalurnya. Dengan dalih ini, Jepang menuduh pemerintah Tiongkok sebagai dalangnya. Enam bulan kemudian, Jepang mendirikan Manchukuo sebagai negara bonekanya (Beasley, 1987:188-197). Jika dilihat dari rangkaian peristiwa yang terjadi, kasus Manbosan, Insiden Mukden hingga pendirian Manchukuo merupakan upaya Jepang yang berkesinambungan dalam menaklukkan Manchuria. Jepang tidak mungkin melakukan adu domba tanpa maksud jelas. Kasus Manbosan yang dibesar-besarkan merupakan bagian dari upaya Jepang menaklukkan Manchuria. Kekacauan yang terjadi pasca Manbosan kemudian memecah perhatian pemerintah dan tuan tanah setempat. Meletusnya kasus Manbosan merupakan sebuah kebetulan yang berhasil dimanfaatkan oleh Jepang sebagai alat adu domba antara orang-orang Korea di Manchuria dengan penduduk setempat, begitu juga dengan Hwagyo di Korea dengan orang setempat. Diharapkan setelah meletusnya pembantaian Hwagyo di Korea, terjadi juga kasus balas dendam serupa di Manchuria. Jika hal itu terjadi, kondisi Manchuria akan menjadi kacau dan lebih mudah untuk ditaklukkan. Hanya saja, setelah 10 hari kasus ini mereda dan tidak membawa dampak seperti yang diharapkan. Untuk itu, Jepang butuh pemantik lain. Dua bulan setelahnya Insiden Mukden meletus dan berhasil dijadikan dalih utama untuk menduduki Manchuria.

IV. KRISIS FINANSIAL DI KOREA PASCA MANBOSAN Jumlah Hwagyo di seluruh Korea terus meningkat dari tahun 1910. Jumlahnya yang hanya berkisar 11.000 orang pada tahun 1910, melonjak menjadi 24.000 orang pada tahun 1920 (Son, 2009:143 dalam Kim Michael, 2010: 213). Gubernur Jenderal Jepang untuk Korea saat itu melansir jumlah Hwagyo terus melonjak hingga menembus angka 67.800 orang saat terjadi huru hara pasca Manbosan. Tak hanya orang-orang Korea, rakyat Jepang

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

pun mengakui dominasi barang-barang Tiongkok dan pedagang Hwagyo amatlah kuat di semenanjung Korea kala itu. Berikut pengakuan dari orang Jepang yang terbit pada buletin bulanan Kamar Dagang Keijo.17 “Generally speaking, Chinese merchants have commercial districts with a firm foundation throughout Korea. For example, when people speak of hemp, they mean Chinese hemp. When they speak of silk, they mean Chinese silk. Furthermore, more recently even the people from the naichi have a tendency to associate restaurant cuisine with Chinese cuisine and vegetables with Chinese vegetables.” (Kim Michael, 2010). “Secara umum, pedagang Tiongkok memiliki distrik komersial dengan dasar yang kuat di seluruh Korea. Misalnya, ketika orang mengatakan rami, maka yang dimaksud adalah rami Tiongkok. Ketika mereka bicara sutra, yang dimaksud adalah sutra Tiongkok. Selanjutnya, akhir-akhir ini bahkan orang-orang dari Naichi sering mengasosiasikan restoran dengan restoran Tionghoa dan sayur-sayur Tiongkok.”(Kim Michael, 2010).

Enam puluh hingga tujuh puluh persen sayur-mayur yang dijual di Seoul merupakan hasil pertanian kaum Hwagyo. Kaum Hwagyo memonopolinya dengan membawa bibit sayur dari Tiongkok dan menanam serta menjualnya sendiri di Korea. Tak hanya itu, kaum Hwagyo menggeluti berbagai bidang mulai dari berjualan eceran hingga grosir besar. Kaum Hwagyo banyak mendominasi wilayah-wilayah sepanjang jalur kereta api dan pelabuhan (Kim Michael, 2010). Data resmi pemerintah Tiongkok menyebutkan 142 orang meninggal, 546 orang lukaluka dan aset Hwagyo bernilai 4,1 juta yen pun terbakar akibat perusakan yang dilakukan pasca kasus Manbosan. Puluhan ribu Hwagyo meninggalkan Korea untuk menyelamatkan diri18. Akibatnya, perekonomian yang dijalankan Hwagyo pun lumpuh. Seperti yang telah dijelaskan di atas, Hwagyo memegang peranan penting dalam pendistribusian barang di Korea. Posisinya sebagai penghubung antara produsen dan konsumen sontak patah akibat pembantaian ini. Alhasil, rantai ekonomi Korea pun tak bergerak akibat kehilangan sendinya (Kim Michael, 2010). Sistem berdagang dengan kaum Hwagyo pun terkenal lebih mudah. Selain uang tunai, kaum Hwagyo menerapkan sistem kredit yang dikenal sebagai Suhyeong. Sistem ini memungkinkan kaum Hwagyo untuk membayar barang-barang yang diambilnya dari produsen setelah 20-30 hari barang diambil19. Tentunya kredit tersebut dapat dibuktikan dengan tanda terima. Pasca pembantaian Manbosan, banyak pedagang yang keluar Korea. Sehingga banyak Suhyeong yang berasal dari produsen Jepang dan Korea tidak dikembalikan Merujuk pada koran “Sennai ni okeru kasho no gensei,” Keizai geppo, Juni 1932, 5 (dalam Kim Michael)

Februari, 1932 Harian Donga melansir 34.000 orang Hwagyo meninggalkan Korea lewat jalur darat dan laut. “Choson chaeju chunggukin 3 man 4 ch’on myong kwiguk,” Donga ilbo, March 1, 1932 (dalam Kim Michael)

Sistem ini kita kenal sebagai sistem giro di masa modern.

Korean Studies in Indonesia

oleh kaum Hwagyo. Alhasil banyak produsen yang bangkrut akibat kekurangan dana (Kim Michael, 2010: 217). Selain itu, dana-dana yang dipegang kaum Hwagyo pun banyak yang mengalir kembali ke Tiongkok pasca pembantaian ini. Bank Joseon mencatat pengiriman uang ke akun-akun bank di Tiongkok mencapai 309.162 yen di bulan Juli. Kemudian, 178.883 yen di bulan Agustus dan 261.877 yen di bulan September. Sebagian besar dana ini dikirimkan ke Dalian dan Shanghai (Matsuhara, 1931:62 dalam Kim Michael, 2010). Selain itu bank-bank swasta yang kesulitan mencari dana akibat sebagian besar dana yang bersumber dari Hwagyo ditarik. Tak jarang bank-bank swasta tersebut mengalami kebangkrutan akibat kekurangan modal penggerak. (Kim Michael, 2010) Krisis ekonomi akibat pembantaian ini membuktikan pengaruh Hwagyo di bidang ekonomi amatlah besar kala itu. Pemerintah kolonial pun kewalahan meredam krisis finansial yang ada. Pemerintah Jepang seolah terkena â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;bumerangâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;nya sendiri akibat propaganda palsu kasus Manbosan. Inilah ironi yang terjadi di masa itu. Di satu sisi Jepang berusaha menaklukkan Manchuria untuk menguasai sumber daya alamnya. Untuk itu, berbagai cara pun dilakukan termasuk adu domba kasus Manbosan. Di sisi lain, akibat meletusnya kasus ini terjadi krisis finansial di belahan tanah jajahan lainnya, Korea. Memang butuh modal besar untuk keuntungan yang besar. Krisis finansial dan segala akibat dari meletusnya kasus Manbosan ini menjadi harga yang harus dibayarkan Jepang atas ambisinya dalam menaklukkan Manchuria.

V. PENUTUP Kasus Manbosan merupakan kasus perselisihan sederhana yang terjadi antara petani Korea di Manchuria dan penduduk setempat. Kasus ini menjadi kebetulan yang sangat pas untuk dimanfaatkan Jepang dalam upayanya menduduki Manchuria. Berita palsu yang disampaikannya ke Korea berhasil menjadi pemicu meletusnya pembantaian terhadap Hwagyo di Korea. Dengan pembantaian ini diharapkan terjadi balas dendam serupa di Manchuria. Namun, kasus ini berhenti begitu saja setelah 10 hari. Organisasi masyarakat dan jurnalis (kontra Jepang) kedua negara berhasil meredam dampak dari kasus ini. Untuk itu, Jepang butuh kasus baru sebagai dalih dalam mencaplok Manchuria. Insiden Mukden kemudian meletus dan berhasil digunakan Jepang untuk menuduh pemerintah Tiongkok sebagai dalangnya. Insiden ini disusul dengan pendirian Manchukuo sebagai negara boneka Jepang tahun 1932. Kasus Manbosan bukan berarti tidak berpengaruh dalam penguasaan Jepang terhadap Manchuria. Kasus Manbosan justru menjadi awal dari rentetan upaya Jepang menguasai Manchuria. Hanya saja, akibat beberapa faktor di atas, kasus Manbosan tidak berhasil menjadi pemantik utama dalam penguasaan terhadap Manchuria. Efek krisis finansial akibat kasus ini pun menjadi harga mahal yang harus dibayar oleh Jepang atas ambisinya

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

menaklukkan Manchuria. Kasus Manbosan dengan sederet ironinya ini menunjukkan bahwa keterkaitan sejarah antara Daratan Tiongkok, Korea dan Jepang di awal abad 20 sangatlah kuat. Memahami sebuah kasus sejarah dalam cakupan yang lebih luas sangat diperlukan untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang komprehensif. Dalam tulisan ini, kasus Manbosan dapat dipahami sebagai peristiwa sejarah yang berdampak terhadap kawasan Asia Timur.

REFERENSI Beasley, W. G. 1987. Japanese Imperialism 1894-1945. USA: Oxford University Press. Gottschalk, Louis. 1975. Mengerti Sejarah. Jakarta: UI Press. Lee Deok Il. 2014. Jeongdojeongwa Geueui Sidae ‘Jeong Do Jeon dan Masanya’. Seoul: Okdang. Lee Deok Il. 2014. Yiseonggyewa Yibangwon ‘Yi Seong Gye dan Yi Bang Won’. Seoul: Okdang. Lee Ki Baik. 1999. Hanguk Sasillon ‘Sejarah Baru Korea’. Seoul: Iljogak. Park Yong Kyu. 2004. Joseon Wangjosillok ‘Silsilah Raja Joseon’. Seoul: Woongjin, 2004 Poerwanto, Hari. 2014. Cina Khek di Singkawang. Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu. Seagrave, Sterling. 2015. Sepak Terjang Para Taipan. Jakarta: Pustaka Alvabet. Seignobos, Charles dan Langlois, Charles-Victor. 2015. Introduction To The Study of History: Pengantar Ilmu Sejarah. Yogyakarta: Indoliterasi. Shin Hyong Sik. 2010. An Easy Guide to Korean History. Seoul: KED. Sjamsuddin, Helius. 2007. Metodologi Sejarah. Jakarta: Ombak. Tan, Thomas Tsu Wen. 1986. Your Chinese Roots: The Overseas Chinese Story. Singapore: Times Books International. Wicaksono, Michael. 2015. Dinasti Qing: Sejarah Para Kaisar Berkuncir 1616-1850. Jakarta: Kompas Gramedia.

Skripsi, Tesis, Disertasi Li Yi Lian. 2005. Geundae Hanguk Hwagyo Sahweieui Hyeonseonggwa Jeongae ‘Terbentuknya Masyarakat Hwagyo Korea di masa modern’. Disertasi Doktoral Universitas Inha.

Artikel Ilmiah Jeonbuk Development Institute. 2011. “Semangeum Kebarel Wihan Junghwajabonyuchi Gicho Yeongu ‘Riset Awal Menarik Modal Tionghoa untuk Pengembangan Semangeum’”.

Korean Studies in Indonesia

Kim Jin Ho. 2007. “Asiaeui Hyeonhwanggwa Hwasang Yeongu ‘Kondisi Asia dan penelitian tentang Hwasang’. Gonggong jeongchaegwa Gukjeong kwalli 1. Kim Michael. 2010. “The hidden impact of the 1931 post wanpaoshan riots: credit risk and the Chinese commercial network in colonial Korea.” Sungkyun Journal of East Asian studies Vol. 10, no. 2 Hal 209-227. Lee Jae Yoo. 2006. “Hwagyo Kieobei Baljeongwa Gyeonggwan Teukseong ‘Kemajuan dan karakteristik perusahaan Hwagyo’.”Jungso Yeongu no.110. Lee Yong Jae. 2015. “Hanguk Hwagyo Jeongchak Gwajeonggwa Silphae Yoin ‘Proses perkembangan Hwagyo Korea dan alasan kegagalannya’.” Minjok Yeongu 62 Hal. 27-49.

National Call for Paper 2018 President University

Korean Studies in Indonesia

TERRITORIALITY IN KOREAN PENINSULA PEACE-MAKING AND UNIFICATION PROCESS MABDA HAERUNNISA FAJRILLA SIDIQ (Undergraduate Program of International Relations Department Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Indonesia)

ABSTRACT The peace-making process within the Korean Peninsula has recently shown a remarkable progress, following South and North Koreaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s willingness to engage in peaceful talks. As the two states began to consolidate their views with Panmunjom Declaration, followed by DPRK-US Summit held on June 2018, it is expected that the two states, along with the US and China, will engage in further trilateral or quadrilateral discussions in the future. Agreements on denuclearisation process and the basis of unification arrangements have become the topics which receive heavy scrutiny from the public. However, talks on territorial disputes, especially with their foreign counterparts, still receive minimal attention. Territoriality is considered as one of the most essential components of statehood. Throughout the modern history, territorial disputes have often become the driving force of numerous military and political conflicts. Both Koreas have had a fair share of their own border conflicts, sparked by disputes along the demarcation line of Northern Limit Line (NLL). Aside from that, in spite of minimal military contacts within the demilitarized zone (DMZ), there have been a few instances which highlight its vulnerability as the line which divides the Korean Peninsula in half. In addition, conflict on Liancourt Rocks, mainly between ROK and Japan, still remains unsolved. The much disputed East China Sea could also potentially disrupt a peaceful unification process. However, recent talks on Korean Peninsula peace-making barely touched upon the topic of territoriality, albeit the Panmunjom Declaration did try to prevent and further resolve maritime conflicts along the NLL. Also, current discussions have not involved all states which border on Korean Peninsula, especially Japan. In consideration of above statements, I argue that future talks on the peacemaking and unification of Korean Peninsula also need to engage other bordering countries of the Korean states in order to avoid possible military and political clashes. In consideration of the territorial disputes mentioned above, a clear-cut territorial arrangement is needed to truly resolve details on peace-making and reunification. Thus, it is implied that Japan and Russia, countries bordering Korean Peninsula, should also be involved in the peace-making process, with varying degrees of involvement. To

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elaborate my argument, I will evaluate the concept of territoriality and its importance in Inter-Korean conflict. Then, I will employ historical analysis to examine major territorial arrangements and conflicts around the Korean Peninsula. Specifically, territorial hostilities, which involve China, Japan, South Korea and North Korea, and each state’s maneuvers will be investigated. A closer examination on the importance of minimalizing misunderstandings on territorial arrangement with Russia and the US will also be laid down. In addition, this paper will also take a close look on the possible roles of other external parties, especially the involvement of security arrangements within Asia-Pacific, on talks and future regulations regarding territoriality. Keywords: Territoriality, peace-making, security, territorial conflict

제목: 한반도 평화정착을 위한 주변의 영토적 문제점 고찰 최근 한반도 평화 과정은 남북한의 평화적 대화 의지에 따라 큰 진전을 보였다. 판문점 선 언과 함께 2018 년 6 월에 개최 된 북미 정상회담에 이어 향후 남북미 3 자 회담 또는 남 북미에 중국이 참여하는 4 자 회담에 참여할 것으로 기대된다. 비핵화 과정에 관한 합의와 통일논의가 많은 관찰자의 관심 주제가 되었다. 그러나 간과할 수 없는 한반도 주변의 영 토 분쟁에 관한 논란은 여전히 최소 수준의 관심 대상이다. 영토는 국가의 가장 필수적인 구성 요소 중의 하나다. 근대 역사를 통틀어 영토 분쟁은 종종 군사적 정치적 갈등을 야기하였다. 남북한은 북한한계선 (NLL) 분쟁으로 포격을 주 고받았으며, 이로 인해서 전면전으로 확대되기 직전까지 사태가 악화되기도 했다. 비무장 지대 (DMZ)에서는 자주 약소한 군사적 충돌이 일어나고 있었다. 또한 한국과 일본은 독도 (Liancourt Rocks) 분쟁은 여전히 해결되지 않고 있다. 이와 같은 분쟁은 잠재적으로 평화적 통일 과정을 혼란 시킬 수도 있다. 최근의 판문점 선언에 따라 영토적 분쟁을 예방 하려고 노력하고 있다. 남북 간의 대화는 영토라는 주제에 대해서는 거의 논의되고 있지 않다. 한반도의 평화와 통일에 관한 향후 논의는 군사적 및 정치적 충돌 가능성을 피하기 위해 한반도 주변국들과 논의가 연계되어야 한다고 주장한다. 이는 영토를 맞대고 있는 중국뿐 만 아니라 일본과 러시아도 다양한 수준에서 평화정착 과정에 참여해야 함을 암시한다. 이러한 논쟁을 다듬기 위해 남북 분쟁에서 영토와 그 중요성에 대한 개념을 평가할 것이 다. 그 다음 과제로 역사적 분석을 통해서 한반도 주변의 주요 영토 배열과 갈등을 조사 할 것이다. 키워드: 영토, 평화, 안보, 영토 분쟁, 북방한계선, 비무장지대, 독도

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The peace-making process taking place in the Korean Peninsula has achieved a notable progress. The two neighboring countries, along with the United States, have consolidated their views with the signing of Panmunjom Declaration and joint statement between USDPRK. However, such progress is not unprecedented, considering previous efforts made by both parties to engage in peaceful talks, and none ended successfully. Aside from that, many has sensed that US-DPRK Summit has proven to be defective, considering the lack of details on DPRK’s perception on denuclearization and their lack of commitment on putting a halt to their nuclear program.1 Nonetheless, Panmunjom and US-DPRK Summit has sparked great expectations and a new wave of optimism among the wider public on the possibility of unification. Yet, no remarkable progress has been noted on one of the most sensitive aspect of unification, namely territoriality. Panmunjom Declaration encompasses three major topics that both parties agreed upon, which are rebuilding interconnectivity among Korean people, conflict prevention, and future attempts on confidence building measures. The second topic does shed some light on territory issue, considering its mention on the need to prevent hostile acts along the demarcation line and declaring Northern Limit Line in the West Sea as a maritime peace zone.2 On the other hand, US-DPRK’s Joint Statement, which stresses the importance of an enhanced US-DPRK relation and DPRK’s denuclearization in the future, made no mention of any territorial issues.3 It is fair to conclude that territoriality has yet to gain much attention on both talks. However, taking other more urgent, immediate issues into account, as of now, it is understandable to put territorial issues aside.i In the long run, territoriality could play an important role in the Inter-Korean peacemaking and unification process. Unification means the merger of two contrasting systems into one, which could potentially disrupt stability. Such issues should receive heavy scrutiny, considering territory’s vital position as one of the most important components of statehood. Territory, as identified by Peter J. Taylor, serves as a ‘container’ in which state exerts its power over military, economy, cultural, and social means of life on its subjects.4 Aside from that, 1

Andreas Illmer, “Is North Korea secretly continuing its nuclear programme?”, BBC, July 2, 2018, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:33 PM, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-44679144.

“Panmunjom Declaration for Peace, Prosperity and Unification of the Korean Peninsula,” Reuters, April 27, 2018, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:20 PM, https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-northkorea-southkorea-summitstatemen/panmunjom-declaration-for-peace-prosperity-and-unification-of-the-korean-peninsula-idUKKBN1HY193.

“Joint Statement of President Donald J. Trump of the United States of America and Chairman Kim Jong Un of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea at the Singapore Summit,” WhiteHouse.gov, June 12, 2018, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10: 20 PM, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/ joint-statement-presidentdonald-j-trump-united-states-america-chairman-kim-jong-un-democratic-peoples-republic-korea-singaporesummit/.

Peter J. Taylor, “The State as Container: Territoriality in the Modern World-System,” in Neil Brenner,

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formulating a regulation on how the unified territory is going to be governed and interact with bordering territories could possibly hamper a peaceful unification process. Northeast Asia is home to several military and political clashes which are driven by territory-related interests. Thus, analyzing territoriality’s possible role in the future could provide an important insight on future unification process. This paper seeks to answer in what ways the issue of territoriality could potentially be tackled in Inter-Korean peace-making and unification process. Recent talks have mainly focused on denuclearization and minimalizing hostilities between DPRK and ROK, with the addition of the US. I argue that future Inter-Korean unification talks need to involve discussions on territoriality and engage with other bordering countries in order to avoid disruptions on regional stability and security. Thus, discussions on a detailed, clear-cut territorial arrangement is needed to fulfill loopholes in past arrangements, such as the Korean Armistice Agreement which divides the Korean Peninsula in halves. The argument above will be elaborated in three sections. Firstly, explanation on the concept of territoriality, which I adopt as conceptual framework, will be laid down. Then, I will provide historical analysis on the importance of territoriality by analyzing past conflicts among the two Korean countries and with foreign counterparts. This paper will also explore possible security arrangement models, both bilateral and multilateral, which could facilitate the consolidation of South and North Korea’s perceptions on territoriality. As a conclusion, I will point out how the discussion laid down in this paper could provide a useful insight for future Inter-Korean peace talks.

TERRITORIALITY: STRATEGIC DECISION ON POWER EXERTION In spite of its importance within the strategic and security realm, the issue of territoriality is often overlooked in recent Inter-Korean peace talks, which mostly focuses on North Korea’s nuclear program. However, previous North Korean military and diplomatic maneuvers put forward their questions on territoriality by attempting to nullify Korean Armistice Agreement, which put a halt to Korean War and legally divide Korean Peninsula in two. Thus, there is a possibility that territoriality will emerge as a pivotal issue in future peace talks between the two Koreas. This section seeks to explain territoriality as a concept and its role in the existence of a nation-state. The need to pay attention to territoriality is essential, considering its importance to support state’s existence and actualize its control within its territory in the current interstate system. Territoriality plays a major role in maintaining a certain territory’s role as a ‘container’. There are, at least, four basic functions that territory fulfills as a ‘container’. First, territory serves as a power container, in which that it enables states to exercise power

et.al. (ed.), State/Space: A Reader, (Malden: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 2003), p. 102.

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over individuals living within a given area and against external power. Then, territory, although has received much more scrutiny in recent years, is also an economic container, as proven by the formation of economic blocs. Territory also contains cultural units and play its role in putting homogenous cultural units together. Lastly, as a social container, territory also supports social interactions within its area.5 In addition, territory’s pivotal role is also supported by its potentially destructive nature, as it maintains self-other relations between people from different territories, as evident in the division of Korean Peninsula. Territory also encourages the governing party to adopt strategies in accordance with zero-sum game logics. Nevertheless, territoriality remains an important ability and a key power for states.6 This paper employs Robert D. Sack’s conception of territoriality, which will be taken within the concept of statehood. Sack define territoriality as “the attempt to affect, influence, or control actions and interactions (of people, things, and relationships) by asserting and attempting to enforce control over a geographic area.”7 To put it simply, territoriality is the attempt by a certain party to exert its ability to control within a particular area. State, as an institution which holds military, economic, and social power, is viewed as the party which attempts to exert territoriality. Sack postulated several characteristics of territoriality.8 He wrote that territoriality is built upon non-territoriality, or the ability to control through contact without any given geographical area. Then, he mentioned that it is constructed through social or human interactions. Thus, regulations formulated by diplomatic deliberations, such as Korean Armistice Agreement and Panmunjom Declaration, could contribute in the construction of territoriality. Sack also wrote that territoriality is defined within a certain social context, which governs people’s access to things or people. States or the exercising party of territoriality is accorded with several abilities, or which Sack addressed as territoriality’s ‘tendencies’9. Territoriality enables a particular state to form classifications according to area, put forward its perception on boundary, and exercise control over a geographical area. Then, territoriality could become a mean for state to actualize its power and mask the relationship between state and the public as the “controller and controlled”. Aside from that, state’s needs to address its citizens as impersonal units is also fulfilled by territoriality. Sack’s conceptualization of territoriality implies that territoriality and territorial issues in 5

Ibid., p. 108-112.

James Anderson and Liam O’Dowd, “Borders, Border Regions and Territoriality: Contradictory Meanings, Changing Significance,” Regional Studies, Vol. 33, No. 7 (April 1999), p. 598.

Robert D. Sack, “Human Territoriality: A Theory,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 73, No. 1 (March 1983), p. 55.

Ibid., p. 56-57.

Ibid., p. 58-

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general could serve as a stumbling block for the perseverance of stability within the Korean Peninsula and Asia - Pacific. It is proven by clashing views between North Korea, the U.S., and South Korea around territorial issues enclosed in the Korean Armistice Agreement. Thus, the next section will encapsulate a historical analysis on territoriality surrounding the Korean Peninsula, in order to pinpoint how territoriality issues could be tackled during Inter-Korean peace-making process.

TERRITORIALITY AROUND KOREAN PENINSULA: CONFLICTUAL MARITIME BOUNDARIES Territoriality is a crucial part of the geopolitical and security dynamics in Northeast Asia, particularly around the Korean Peninsula. In general, Central East Asia is home to many disputes concerning maritime territoriality, namely conflicts in East China Sea, the Sea of Japan, and the Yellow (West) Sea.10 Some conflicts have led to military and political clashes. Diplomatic means have often become the very first resort, although little progress have been achieved. Thus, I suggest that such turmoil could potentially harm stability in Korean Peninsula. Unification, in the first place, already has some destabilizing potentials, and territoriality-based conflicts could potentially spoil Inter-Korean peace-making process. This section discusses the implications of several territorial disputes within Northeast Asia which could potentially harm a peaceful unification process in the Korean Peninsula. First, a deep explanation on the much-disputed Armistice Line, which had divided the Korean Peninsula into two separate countries, will be laid down. Then, I will elaborate on several territorial conflicts with other bordering countries which could pose a threat to future unification process. This section will serve as a basis for the next section, which provide several suggestions on future talks on territoriality in the Korean Peninsula.

Armistice Line Armistice Line, referred as Military Demarcation Line in the Korean War Armistice Agreement, is the de facto legal framework which regulates the border dividing the Korean Peninsula in halves. Signed on July 1953, the said agreement has established a quasi-peaceful situation in the Korean Peninsula, as it established a ceasefire between all warring countries and brought the Korean War to end. The treaty was signed by Nam Il, a general representing Korea’s People Army (KPA) from the north side and William K. Harris, representing United Nations Command (UNC) which then was politically and militarily supporting the south, non-communist side of the Korean Peninsula. The agreement concluded the Armistice Line, which become the demarcation line along the border between the North and the South.11 10

Jonathan I. Charney, “Central East Asia Maritime Boundaries and the Law of the Sea,” The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 89, No. 4 (October 1995), p. 724.

“The Korean War armistice,” BBC, March 5, 2015, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:23 PM, https://

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The Armistice Line became the legal guideline which regulates the two Koreas’ territoriality. Aside from the Armistice Line, a demilitarized zone was also established, which would serve as a buffer zone. Then, both sides agreed to assign supervising responsibilities to Military Armistice Commission. UNC and KPA also decided to condemn any hostile acts within the demilitarized zone. Both also suggested that tighter border policies were needed along the Armistice Line.12 In spite of its decisive role in the Korean War, the Armistice Line leaves a lot of room for violations on territoriality. The demarcation line has not been able to prevent several military clashes between the two Korean countries. Such clashes prove that the Armistice Line does not sufficiently fulfill its function to sustain a peaceful situation within the Korean Peninsula. One of its most crucial loopholes is its inability to regulate maritime territoriality, as shown by the clashes around the disputed Northern Limit Line (NLL) between the year of 1993 to 2002. NLL is a maritime boundary drawn on the Yellow Sea, made in order to prevent military clashes between DPRK and ROK on sea, as no maritime border and territorial regulations was concluded with the Armistice Agreement. However, it failed to cater its supposed function, as both DPRK and ROK have laid down their claims on the five islands located in the Yellow Sea.13 Various diplomatic and military confrontations then erupted, especially between 1993-2002, as DPRK stated that it would like to nullify the Armistice Agreement and conclude a final peace treaty with the U.S.14 The hostile contacts on the Yellow Sea has resulted in many military clashes, such as the Battle of Yeonpyeong in 1999 and 2002. Then, DPRK was also blamed for the sinking of Cheonan, a South Korean vessel, in 2010, as investigations pointed out that the communist regime had used its torpedo to attack the vessel. However, DPRK denied any involvement in the attack.15 Many also theorized that DPRK’s provocations had economic motives, as those provocations coincidentally happened when crab harvesting were in season.16 Crab harvesting played a significant role to sustain www.bbc.com/news/10165796. U.S. Department of State, The Korean War Armistice Agreement, Panmunjom: United Nations Command and Korea’s People Army, July 27, 1953, Article 1.

Ryoo Moo Bong, “The Korean Armistice and the Islands,” USAWC Strategy Research Project (March 11, 2009), p. 1 and 9.

Narushige Michishita, North Korea’s Military-Diplomatic Campaigns, 1966-2008, (Oxon: Routledge, 2010), p. 138.

Miyoung Kim, “North Korea denies it sank South’s navy ship,” Reuters, April 17, 2010, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:49 PM, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-korea-north/north-korea-denies-itsanksouths-navy-ship-idUSTRE63G0CN20100417.

Ryoo Moo Bong, “The Korean Armistice and the Islands,” USAWC Strategy Research Project (March 11,

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DPRK’s economy, which gained a significant amount of support from its fishery industry.17 North Korea started to show its reluctance to abide by the agreement when a South Korean was appointed as a Senior Member for the UNC. DPRK perceived the appointment as non-justifiable, considering ROK’s position as non-signatory of Armistice Agreement and non-member of the UNC.18 However, in defense of its interest to nullify the agreement, DPRK formally stated that the NLL was drawn unilaterally by the UNC. The NLL, according to DPRK, has also made possible various territorial violations by ROK, due to its unfair division which limits DPRK’s access to its maritime territory.19 DPRK also argued that NLL has never been formally acknowledged. DPRK also maintained that a renewed, fair demarcation line on the sea is needed, hence their own unilateral demarcation line, declared on September 2, 1999 named “Chosun West Sea Demarcation Line”.20 On the other hand, ROK firmly believed that NLL is legally just and the disputed area should be under ROK’s control. ROK stated that NLL is enforced in accordance with the Armistice Agreement and Inter-Korean Basic Agreement, and it should remain so until a new demarcation line is redrawn through another peaceful agreement. The line also did not violate any international maritime law at the time it was settled. ROK also argued that DPRK’s resistance to admit the NLL had only been shown 20 years after NLL came into force. The five disputed islands which are located in the West Sea were also controlled by ROK throughout the Korean War. ROK also claimed that the issue should have been resolved through two bilateral agreements signed in 1991 and 1992.21 However, the said agreements did not make any detailed mention of the NLL, as the document only reaffirmed the existence of Armistice Line, therefore did not strongly support ROK’s argument.22

2009), p. 2. Jon M. Van Dyke, et.al., “The North/South Korea Boundary Dispute in the Yellow (West) Sea,” Marine Policy, Vol. 27 (2003), p. 148-149.

Narushige Michishita, North Korea’s Military-Diplomatic Campaigns, 1966-2008, (Oxon: Routledge, 2010), p. 138.

Jon M. Van Dyke, et.al., “The North/South Korea Boundary Dispute in the Yellow (West) Sea,” Marine Policy, Vol. 27 (2003), p. 143 and 148.

Ryoo Moo Bong, “The Korean Armistice and the Islands,” USAWC Strategy Research Project (March 11, 2009), p. 11-12.

Ibid., p. 13-15.

Conference on Disarmament, Republic of Korea and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, December 13, 1991, Article 11.

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Foreign territorial disputes Territorial disputes with foreign counterparts could also potentially hinder a stable peace regime once the two Koreas unite. Korean Peninsula is surrounded by militarily powerful countries which lay claims on many overlapping territories. Due to their differing ideologies and allies, North and South Korea do have differing stances in some disputes. Thus, these disputes need to be addressed in a proper and thorough manner in order to properly resolve issues on territoriality if the two Koreas were to go through with their unification plan. Socotra Island, referred as Ieodo Island in Korean, is a historically disputed island between ROK and China. The dispute mainly revolves around whose EEZ (Exclusive Economic Zone) does the area fall into. A series of reciprocal backlash between the two claimants started after ROK built a research center, ‘Ieodo Ocean Research Center’, on the disputed area in 2003, which angered China. A recent clash, on the basis of claims of Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ), then started in 2013, after China included Socotra in its renewed ADIZ, earning protests from ROK, Australia, Japan, and the U.S.23 ROK retaliated with its renewed ADIZ in December 2013, in order to strengthen its presence around Socotra.24 Such retaliation is then supported by ROK’s plan to build a new naval base in Jeju, ROK’s nearest territory to Socotra, which sparked controversy and worries that it might provoke hostile response from China.25 Then, dispute surrounding Liancourt Rock, called as Dokdo in Korean and Takeshima in Japanese, could also potentially harm stability in Northeast Asia. Liancourt is considered as a Korean territory by both South and North Korea, Unification, according to Hideki Kajimura, should be achieved first to completely resolve Liancourt dispute.26 The dispute itself is caused by how Liancourt is not being properly addressed in San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1951, leaving room for overlapping claims.27 Treaty on Basic Relations, signed in 1965, between Japan and South Korea also didn’t make any mention of Dokdo, but

Victor Cha, “Korea’s Mistake on China’s ADIZ Controversy,” The Korean Chair Platform, (December 2, 2013), p. 1-2.

Lily Kuo, “Will a Tiny, Submerged Rock Spark a New Crisis in the East China Sea?”, The Atlantic, December 9, 2013, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:24 PM, https://www.theatlantic.com/china/ archive/2013/12/will-a-tiny-submerged-rock-spark-a-new-crisis-in-theeast-china-sea/282155/.

Andrew Yeo, “Will S. Korea’s New Nava Base Provoke China?”, The Diplomat, July 10, 2013, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:26 PM, https://thediplomat.com/2013/07/will-s-koreas-new-naval-base-provokechina/.

Hideki Kajimura, “The Question of Takeshima/Tokdo,” Korea Observer, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Autumn 1997), p. 424.

Michael Weinstein, “South Korea-Japan Dokdo/Takeshima Dispute: Toward Confrontation,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 4, Issue 5 (May 6, 2006), p. 2-6.

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both promised to make peaceful resolution if any dispute would erupt in the future.28 However, both parties still strongly defend their rights over the rock, as Japan claimed that the rock was an unclaimed territory until its annexation in 1905. ROK, on the other hand, argued that Korea’s right of the rock could be traced back to the sixth century, and Japan has recognized Korea’s ownership of the rock in 1696. The dispute has sparked hardline nationalist narratives, hampering peaceful resolution between the two.29 Then, although not as conflictual as the two previous conflicts, issues on Noktundo, one of Russia’s outermost border, should also be heavily scrutinized. The two Koreas have differing perception on Noktundo. While North Korea officially regards Noktundo as Russian territory, with a border treaty between DPRK and USSR signed in 1990, many South Korean academics and historians believe that Noktundo still belongs to Korea.30 Noktundo’s vulnerable position is caused by Tumen River, which flows along Noktundo, due to its periodical change of course. Such change had required both DPRK and Russia to redraw the demarcation line between the two countries, until Russia planned to build a dam in order to maintain a settled boundary. However, Russia’s plan received several protests from South Koreans. Aside from that, the demarcation line on Noktundo separates Northeast China from the Sea of Japan, and is strategically important for the construction of trans-Korean railway if the project were to be continued. The project was meant to build railway infrastructure in North Korea which will connect South Korea and Russia through land.31 Thus, many South Korean academics believed that issues surrounding Noktundo should be resolved once a peace regime is settled and the two Koreas unite as a country.32

FORMULATING ARRANGEMENT ON TERRITORIALITY: BILATERAL AND MULTILATERAL STRATEGIES Addressing territorial issues in Northeast Asia, an area surrounded by security and geopolitics complexities, could potentially serve as a stumbling block during the peace-making and unification process of the Korean Peninsula. Each participant has conflicting perceptions 28

Sean Fern, “Tokdo or Takeshima? The International Law of Territorial Acquisition in the Japan-Korea Island Dispute,” Stanford Journal of East Asian Affairs, Vol. 5, No. 1 (Winter 2005), p. 79-81.

Michael Weinstein, “South Korea-Japan Dokdo/Takeshima Dispute: Toward Confrontation,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 4, Issue 5 (May 6, 2006), p. 2-6. Alexander Ivanov, “The Problem of the Noktundo Island in the Media in South Korea,” Asia-Pacific International Relations Study Center, 2013, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:28 PM, http://apircenter. org/publications/the-problem-of-the-noktundo-island-in-the-media-in-south-korea.

Tessa Moris-Suzuki, et.al., East Asia Beyond the History Wars: Confronting the ghosts of violence, (Oxon: Routledge, 2013), p. 34-35.

Alexander Ivanov, “The Problem of the Noktundo Island in the Media in South Korea,” Asia-Pacific International Relations Study Center, 2013, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:28 PM, http://apircenter. org/publications/the-problem-of-the-noktundo-island-in-the-media-in-south-korea.

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and interest, and these differences often get in the way during previous diplomatic talks. Therefore, this section will address various suggestions on territoriality and border issues which could be adapted during the peace-making and unification process. I would also like to put forward some recommendations on how talks on territoriality could possibly be conducted in the future, in a manner that would be acceptable for all parties involved and bring a long-lasting stability in the Korean Peninsula.

Bilateral Efforts: Building South-North Engagement The peace-making and unification process of the Korean Peninsula should prioritize territoriality issues, considering its essential role in sustaining statehood. Historical evidences, as shown by the previous section, have shown that most clashes between the two Koreas was initially perpetrated by conflicting perceptions regarding maritime boundary which was left unclear by the Armistice Agreement. Thus, it is important to recreate a strong legal basis that would regulate how territoriality is going to be conducted in a unified Korea. I suggest that if such regulation were going to be made in the future, the Korean countries should reflect on how the Armistice Agreement has shaped their relations and their territorialities. The Armistice Agreement and its conflictual nature have showed that creating a detailed and compromising legal framework is needed. Due to its lack of clarity, both countries are able to take actions that is essentially still in line with the agreement, but would run counterproductive to the goal that it is trying to achieve. For example, both DPRK and ROK accused each other of territorial violation, with contrasting stance and legally sound reasonings to support each other’s stance.33 Such loopholes are made possible by how issues on maritime boundary is not being properly addressed in the agreement. The agreement, as stated in the previous section, did not specify a clear sea boundary between the two Koreas. Future agreements should also represent both the north and south’s interests in all dimensions. This suggestion is based upon findings that North Korea’s past provocations in West Sea were attributed to their interest in supporting fishery industry. As both countries recognize the economics potentials of the West Sea, both seeks to maximize each presence in the said area. However, North Korea’s limited space in the sea had challenged its interest to boost its marine industry’s productivity. Before the second confrontation in Yeonpyeong, North Korea had attempted to significantly increase its crab export, a main commodity of its fishery industry.34 Therefore, territoriality agreements in the future should seek to balance out each party’s interests, especially the ones which are concerned with one’s control over certain territory, and how those interests could potentially get in the way of the agreement. 33

Ryoo Moo Bong, “The Korean Armistice and the Islands,” USAWC Strategy Research Project (March 11, 2009), p.

Jon M. Van Dyke, et.al., “The North/South Korea Boundary Dispute in the Yellow (West) Sea,” Marine Policy, Vol. 27 (2003), p. 149.

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The creation of a new treaty should be supported by a strong institutional framework that would maintain the conduct of territoriality inside of the unified Korea. Thus, I suggest that confidence-building measures are also needed to build a strong support for future territoriality regulations. Past territorial conflicts have shown that most conflicting actions taken by both countries were taken upon differing perceptions and mistrust between both parties. As such, I believe that trust-building would play an essential part in maintaining the territoriality system that is about to be conducted. The two Korean states need to reflect on their past shared projects, such as the Kaesong Industrial Project, to pinpoint what conflictual tendencies should be avoided in order to maintain a peaceful relationship between both Koreas. For instance, the Kaesong Industrial Project was repeatedly shut down due to series of diplomatic confrontations between the two countries, inflicted by the lack of trust which is especially evident in the most recent closure.35 The industrial project shows that the two Koreas should overcome their tendency to put little trust on each other.36

Multilateral Efforts: Stabilizing Northeast Asia and Beyond Northeast Asia encompasses a wide variety of destabilizing impetuses towards the unification process of the Korean Peninsula, which mostly are caused by territorial disputes surrounding the area. In order to ensure stability, it is important to bind each claimant in a territorial framework that would prevent future clashes. Based upon the previous section, I believe that North and South Korea need to involve China, Japan, Russia, and the U.S. in future discussions on territoriality. Then, it is also important to create an all-encompassing supervising institution to observe the conduct and compliance of each participating party. Involving China, Japan, Russia, the U.S., and the Korean states in a single forum is not a new idea, considering the creation of six-party talks to restrain North Korea’s nuclear project in the past. In spite of its failure in keeping North Korea’s nuclear proliferation curbed, it is important to reflect on its creation and conduct in order to reflect on how issues on territoriality could be resolved in Northeast Asia. The creation of six-party talks, a Chinese-led forum to balance out North Korea’s nuclearization, is built upon the narrative that North Korean nuclear ambition was a “neighborhood problem” which all Northeast Asian states shared at that time. China’s attempt to engage with all participating parties by initially conducting bilateral relations with each participant in order to fully consider all

Christine Kim, Joyce Lee, “North Korea warns foreigners to leave South amid new threats of war,” Reuters, April 9, 2013, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:32 PM, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-koreanorth/ north-korea-warns-foreigners-to-leave-south-amid-new-threats-of-war-idUSBRE93408020130409.

Justin McCurry, “Seoul shuts down joint North-South Korea industrial complex,” The Guardian, February 10, 2016, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10: 33 PM, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/ feb/10/seoulshuts- down-joint-north-south-korea-industrial-complex-kaesong.

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interests37 shows that it is actually possible to consolidate everyone’s view to the extent of making some considerable success possible. China’s efforts have proven to be quite successful at some point, when North Korea once agreed to cancel its nuclear program and join the NPT.38 Although North Korea did not go through with its commitment, China’s approach shows that the involvement of external parties is needed to bind North Korea in an agreement. Reflections on how territorial disputes surrounding the Korean Peninsula is needed to find the core problem which led to the disputes. Based upon the cases laid down in the previous section, it is fair to conclude that most disputes around the Korean Peninsula is concerned with Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), aside from sovereignty infringement and national sentiments. For example, as previously mentioned, conflict on Socotra Rock was taken to a higher tension level after South Korea announced its interest on using Socotra as a research base. Meanwhile, ownership of Liancourt is speculated to be economically advantageous for both parties due to its strategic area for fishing industry in the Sea of Japan.39 Aside from a strong, binding legal framework, I believe that creating an all-encompassing supervising institution is truly essential, considering how some territorial conflicts were inflicted by UNC’s unilateral decisions and the level of complexity of territoriality issues in Northeast Asia. UNC’s involvement, as the then representative of South Korea, has been repeatedly blamed by North Korea for its decision to unilaterally draw NLL. UNC played a pivotal role in creating most arrangements which regulate border policies around the Korean Peninsula, especially the NLL, which was drawn unilaterally. Although UNC has successfully brought a quasi-peaceful situation around the Korean Peninsula, their NLL proposal failed to fulfill its supposed function on preventing direct military clashes between the two Koreas. The supervising institution should properly represent both Koreas. The creation of NLL as an extension of the Armistice Line by UNC shows how crucial representation is, as UNC’s decision and its firm stance in the following years after the Armistice Agreement heavily sided with South Korea.

CONCLUSION Aside from efforts in denuclearizing North Korea, territoriality should also receive a heavy scrutiny from the public. History has proved that the Armistice Agreement has not sufficiently served its function in preventing military clashes between the Korean countries. Aside from that, the complex and unclear sea boundaries around Northeast Asia could also John S. Park, “Inside multilateralism: The six-party talks,” Washington Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 4 (2005), p. 76.

Xiadon Liang, “The Six-party Talks at a Glance,” Arms Control Association, June 21, 2018, accessed on August 24, 2018, 10: 41 WIB, https://www.armscontrol.org/factsheets/6partytalks.

Sean Fern, “Tokdo or Takeshima? The International Law of Territorial Acquisition in the Japan-Korea Island Dispute,” Stanford Journal of East Asian Affairs, Vol. 5, No. 1 (Winter 2005), p. 79-81.

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potentially damage stability during the Inter-Korea unification process. Therefore, territory plays an important role on regional stability, which is pivotal to support the peace-making process in the Korean Peninsula. If a much more serious and robust discussions on unification is to be held, both Koreas need to start to seriously consider to conduct talks on territoriality. Establishing a peaceful agreement, which is based on each country’s interests and how it would play out within the regional security complex would be essential in the future. The conduct of the said agreement also needs to be supervised by a new institution, which could represent the Korean nation better than the previous ones, and with the support of all bordering countries within the Northeast Asia. As such, it is hoped that a long-lasting peace regime could be established.

REFERENCES ____. “Joint Statement of President Donald J. Trump of the United States of America and Chairman Kim Jong Un of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea at the Singapore Summit.” WhiteHouse.gov. June 12, 2018. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10: 20 PM. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/joint-statement-president-donald-jtrump-united-states-america-chairman-kim-jong-un-democratic-peoples-republic-koreasingapore-summit/. ____. “Panmunjom Declaration for Peace, Prosperity and Unification of the Korean Peninsula.” Reuters. April 27, 2018. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:20 PM. https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-northkorea-southkorea-summit-statemen/ panmunjom-declaration-for-peace-prosperity-and-unification-of-the-korean-peninsulaidUKKBN1HY193. ____. “The Korean War armistice.” BBC. March 5, 2015. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:23 PM. https://www.bbc.com/news/10165796. ____. Conference on Disarmament. Republic of Korea and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. December 13, 1991. Anderson, James and Liam O’Dowd. “Borders, Border Regions and Territoriality: Contradictory Meanings, Changing Significance.” Regional Studies, Vol. 33, No. 7 (April 1999): 593-604. Brenner, Neil, et.al. (ed.). State/Space: A Reader. Malden: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 2003. Cha, Victor. “Korea’s Mistake on China’s ADIZ Controversy.” The Korean Chair Platform (December 2, 2013): 1-2. Charney, Jonathan I. “Central East Asia Maritime Boundaries and the Law of the Sea.” The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 89, No. 4 (October 1995): 724-729.

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Christine Kim and Joyce Lee. “North Korea warns foreigners to leave South amid new threats of war.” Reuters. April 9, 2013. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:32 PM. https://www. reuters.com/article/us-korea-north/north-korea-warns-foreigners-to-leave-south-amidnew-threats-of-war-idUSBRE93408020130409. Fern, Sean. “Tokdo or Takeshima? The International Law of Territorial Acquisition in the Japan-Korea Island Dispute.” Stanford Journal of East Asian Affairs, Vol. 5, No. 1 (Winter 2005): 78-89. Illmer, Andreas. “Is North Korea secretly continuing its nuclear programme?” BBC. July 2, 2018. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:33 PM. https://www.bbc.com/news/worldasia-44679144. Ivanov, Alexander. “The Problem of the Noktundo Island in the Media in South Korea.” Asia-Pacific International Relations Study Center, 2013. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:28 PM. http://apircenter.org/publications/the-problem-of-the-noktundo-islandin-the-media-in-south-korea. Kajimura, Hideki. “The Question of Takeshima/Tokdo.” Korea Observer, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Autumn 1997): 423-475. Kim, Miyoung. “North Korea denies it sank South’s navy ship.” Reuters. April 17, 2010. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:49 PM. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-koreanorth/north-korea-denies-it-sank-souths-navy-ship-idUSTRE63G0CN20100417. Kuo, Lily. “Will a Tiny, Submerged Rock Spark a New Crisis in the East China Sea?” The Atlantic. December 9, 2013. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:24 PM. https://www. theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/12/will-a-tiny-submerged-rock-spark-a-new-crisisin-the-east-china-sea/282155/. Liang, Xiadon. “The Six-party Talks at a Glance.” Arms Control Association. June 21, 2018. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10: 41 WIB. https://www.armscontrol.org/ factsheets/6partytalks. McCurry, Justin. “Seoul shuts down joint North-South Korea industrial complex.” The Guardian. February 10 , 2016. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:33 PM. https://www. theguardian.com/world/2016/feb/10/seoul-shuts-down-joint-north-south-koreaindustrial-complex-kaesong. Michishita, Narushige. North Korea’s Military-Diplomatic Campaigns, 1966-2008. Oxon: Routledge, 2010. Moris-Suzuki, Tessa, et.al. East Asia Beyond the History Wars: Confronting the ghosts of violence, Oxon: Routledge, 2013. Park, John S. “Inside multilateralism: The six-party talks.” Washington Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 4 (2005): 73-91. Ryoo, Moo Bong. “The Korean Armistice and the Islands.” USAWC Strategy Research Project (March 11, 2009): 1-21.

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Sack, Robert D. “Human Territoriality: A Theory.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 73, No. 1 (March 1983): 55-74. U.S. Department of State. The Korean War Armistice Agreement. Panmunjom: United Nations Command and Korea’s People Army, July 27, 1953. Van Dyke, Jon M. et.al. “The North/South Korea Boundary Dispute in the Yellow (West) Sea.” Marine Policy, Vol. 27 (2003): 143-158. Weinstein, Michael. “South Korea-Japan Dokdo/Takeshima Dispute: Toward Confrontation.” The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 4, Issue 5 (May 6, 2006): 1-7. Yeo, Andrew “Will S. Korea’s New Nava Base Provoke China?” The Diplomat. July 10, 2013. Accessed on August 24, 2018, 10:26 PM. https://thediplomat.com/2013/07/will-skoreas-new-naval-base-provoke-china/.

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INTEGRATING THE ECONOMY OF KOREAN PENINSULA: THE EMERGENCE OF NEW ECONOMIC MAP POLICY TOWARDS KOREAN REUNIFICATION CYNTHIA JOHAN & LA ODE RIFALDI NEDAN PRAKASA (International Relations Study Program Faculty of Humanities, President University)

ABSTRACT As the two Koreas strive for the reunification of the Korean Peninsula, economic integration between the Republic of Korea (hereinafter ROK) and the Democratic Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Republic of Korea (hereinafter DPRK) becomes increasingly relevant. However, the vast economic gap between ROK and DPRK remains to be a challenge. On one hand, the sanctions imposed by the United Nations on DPRK hinder the latter economic prosperity. On the other hand, ROK also faces economic difficulties due to geopolitical risk issue of Korea Discount. In accordance with the Panmunjom Declaration signed by both Koreas, ROK has formed a New Economic Map focuses on supporting the Korean Peninsulaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic growth and paves the way towards a peaceful reunification. The aim of this paper is to elaborate the establishment of Three Economic Belts on the New Economic Map policy and to examine its role in revitalizing economic exchanges based on mutual trust and reciprocity. By using the New Economic Geography Theory and NetworkBased approach in Economic Integration Theory, the authors will analyze how far such policy will minimize the economic gap between ROK and DPRK as well as how it will strengthen the prospect of reunification through a single market system. The study of this paper has limitations with regards to the quantity of pertinent resources regarding DPRK and the ongoing status of the policy. As a result, the paper relies more on global economic projections rather than analysis of current events. The finding of this paper indicates that the policy can extract the benefit of close geographical proximity between DPRK and ROK to increase mutual trust which is essential for sustaining collaborative network. Moreover, strong supports from major powers, i.e. China and Russia, who share geographical borders with Korean Peninsula, will increase the value of international trade and the amount of foreign investment not only for Korean Peninsula, but also for the Northeast Asia region. Through the lens of Economic Integration Theory, these situations might prompt the economic reform of DPRK and the state formation of one Korean Peninsula which will

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ensure larger market for new industries. As a result, Korea’s domestic markets will expand throughout the Korean Peninsula and a single market bloc can be created. Furthermore, it will lead to the establishment of new economic growth engines and the creation of equal economic condition in the Korean Peninsula. Finally, it is concluded that Three Economic Belts has a crucial role in integrating the economy of both Koreas and make the reunification even more plausible. Keywords: Korean Reunification, New Economic Geography, Economic Integration, New Economic Map

제목: 남북한 신 경제지도와 한반도 경제통합 가능성 고찰 남북한이 한반도 통일을 위해 노력함에 따라 한국과 북한 간의 경제통합 문제가 점차 부각되고 있다. 한국과 북한 간의 심대한 경제적 격차는 상존하고 있으며, 유엔의 북한 경제 제재는 북한의 경제적 어려움을 가중 시키고 있다. 이에 대하여 한국은 지정학적 위험요소 때문에 막대한 정치적 비용을 감당해야 하는 어려움에 직면해 있다. 판문점 평화선언에 따라 한국은 북한의 경제성장을 지원하고 평화통일을 향한 새로운 경제지 도를 만들었다. 이 논문은 신 경제지도 정책에 관한 3 가지 경제 벨트의 수립을 정교화하고 상호 신뢰 와 호혜성에 기반한 경제교류 활성화 방안을 분석할 것이다. 경제통합 이론의 새로운 경제 지리학 이론과 네트워크 기반의 접근법을 사용하여 남북한의 경제 격차를 최소화 할 수 있는 방법과 단일시장 체제를 통한 통일의 전망을 어떻게 강화할 것인지 분석할 것이다. 이 논문의 연구는 북한에 관한 적절한 자원의 양과 정책의 진행 상태에 관해서 한계가 있다. 결과적으로 이 보고서는 현재의 사건 분석보다는 세계 경제 전망에 더 의 존하게 된다. 본 논문에서는 협동 네트워크를 유지하는 데 필수적인 상호 신뢰를 높이기 위해서 한국 과 북한의 가까운 지리적 근접성이 중요함을 강조하고자 한다. 또한 한반도와 지리적 경계를 공유하는 중국과 러시아 같은 강대국의 강력한 지지는 한반도뿐 아니라 동북아 지역에 대한 국제 무역 가치와 외국인 투자 규모를 증가시킬 것이다. 경제통합 이론의 렌즈를 통해 북한의 경제개혁과 한반도의 형성으로 새로운 산업을 위한 더 큰 시장을 확보 할 수 있을 것이다. 결과적으로, 한국 시장은 한반도 전역으로 확장되어 하나의 새 로운 경제블록을 창출할 수 있다. 마지막으로, 3 경제 벨트가 남북경제를 통합하고 통일 을 앞당기는데도 중요한 역할을 하게 될 것이다. 키워드: 한반도 통일, 경제통합, 신 경제지도

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INTRODUCTION Since the Korean Peninsula was divided into two in 1945, reunification has become one of the national goals for both Koreas. However, the goal for reunification is not easy to be handled. From economic standpoint, amidst 2000, the prospect of reunification is strengthened by the narrowing gap between the two Koreas coupled by the willingness of DPRK to open channel of communication with other states including ROK.1 Unfortunately, nowadays, the economic gaps between DPRK and ROK become more significant. It can be seen in their structures of economic systems and their performances.2 On one hand, DPRK currently has a low speed of economic growth. This situation is exacerbated by the UN sanctions given to DPRK. Due to the sanctions, DPRK has grown increasingly isolated from the global market and its people cut off from better living standards. These sanctions make the economic gaps between both Koreas increasingly marginalized.3 On another hand, ROK’s economic condition, according to Ministry of Unification also in bad performances, the ROK’s economy’s vitality is continuously declining due to low growth rate and also the Korea discount issue.4 In the view of the economic isolation and hardship that is faced by DPRK, there is a need for both Koreas to boost their economic ties. Looking at the situation, Moon Jae-In creates a policy, known as “New Economic Map Initiative” that focus on enhancing economic growth and establishing a single economic zone for the reunification. Based on this, Moon’s policy not only for improved economic growth and closed economic gap around the Korean Peninsula but also it will contribute to the peaceful reunification In accordance with that, Korean unification cannot be completed without the economic integration. It needs to be noted that this paper will focus on how to integrate economic in the Korean Peninsula by creating a single market system in as the main goal of the New Economic Map policy. Thus, the main questions emerge, How New Economic Map policy will integrate economy, close the economic gap and contribute to peaceful unification in the Korean Peninsula? In order to answer this question. First, this paper will explain the economic situation in both Koreas, Second the authors will elaborate on the policy and its opportunities and challenges. Third, this paper will recognize the concept of economic integration is needed to establish single economic zone market as the main goal of the New Marcus Noland. 2001. North Korea’s External Economic Relations. Peterson Institute for International Economics. February 1. Accessed August 7, 2018. https://piie.com/commentary/speeches-papers/ north-koreas-external-economicrelations.

Motoko Rich, Sang-Hun Choe, and Megan Specia. 2018. How South Korea Left the North Behind. February 6. Accessed August 8, 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/02/06/world/asia/ korea-history.html.

Ibid.

Ministry of Unification. 2018. Moon Jae-In’s Policy on the Korean Peninsula. Seoul: Ministry of Unification.

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Economic Map Policy and use the network-based approach in its implementation as well as the concept of New Economic Geography. Next, the authors also will use the geographical implications since have the near geographical will make the international trade system in the economic integration process become easier. Last but not least, this paper will see how far the policy can strengthen the prospect for unification.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK (ECONOMIC INTEGRATION) The concepts of economic integration come from various notions; Mendes (1987) pointed out that there are two fundamental ideas which are associated with the economic integration concept: “the need to abolish discrimination within spatial unit and the necessity of promoting some sort policy coordination on issues as being of mutual interest”.5 Other scholars, such as Balassa (1961) defined ‘integration as both a process and a state affair.6 Meanwhile, according to Robson (1984), international economic integration is a means not an end.7 Furthermore, the authors use economic integration to establish peaceful relations in the Korean Peninsula. In other words, before finally comes to political unification, economic unification has to be achieved in the first place. The economic integration covered by Simon Usherwood explains the level of economic unification as follows: (1) Free-Trade Area (FTA), in this level all kinds of trade impediments, such as quantitative restrictions are abolished among partners; (2) Customs Union (CU), which is the same as Free-Trade Area with addition of internal barrier removal and harmonization of external trade policy; (3) Single Market (SM), which is the extension of Custom Union, with free movement of production factors, i.e. labor and capital; (4) Economic Union (EU) which implies not only a single market but also a high degree of coordination or even unification of the most important areas of economic policy; (5) Political Union (PU) which will be the main objective after all economic integration levels are completely achieved.8 In this paper, the term economic integration is used with respect to international economic relations, to indicate the combination of the economies of both or several sovereign states in one entity. In other words, the economic integration indicates the economies of DPRK and ROK as one entity by promoting policy coordination. The policy itself refers to the promotion the New Economic Map policy that is based on mutual interest and mutual trust. In this paper, the economic integration for both Koreas focuses on the Single Market A. J. Marques Mendes. 1987. Economic Integration and Growth in Europe. London: Croom Helm.

Bela A. Balassa 1961. The Theory of Economic Integration. London: Grccnwood Press.

Peter Robson. 1984. The Economics of International Integration. New York: Routledge.

Simon Usherwood. 2012. “Economic Integration Basic Model: Euroscepticism as a Persistant Phenomenon.” Journal of Common Market Studies.

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Figure 1 Basic Model Economic Integration by Simon Usherwod. Source: see footnote 8

stage. Especially, since the implementation of the New Economic Map has the common goals to establish single market or single economic zone as the way to have peaceful unification. However, due to the ongoing status of the policy, the authors will analyze a single market in the context of free movement of goods and services.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK (NEW ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY) In the process of integrating economy between DPRK and ROK, the authors examine the role of geography in economic integration of the Korean Peninsula, especially in single market establishment which is in line with the New Economic Map policy. Therefore, the concepts covered in New Economic Geography is needed to explain the single market in geographical space. New Economic Geography (hereinafter NEG) marks the appearance of “spatial economics” which indicates the relevance of space (location) and trade freeness in understanding the economic behaviors of two countries and how the behaviors lead to uneven distribution of economic activities.9 Economic behavior in the scope of NEG used in this paper determines what decision will be most- likely taken by firms based on rational decision making, if they were placed in certain economic situations.10 The economic activities 9

Paul Krugman. 1991. “Increasing Returns and Economic Geography.” Journal of Political Economy 99 483-499

Masahisa Fujita, Paul Krugman, dan Anthony Venables. 1999. The Spatial Economy: Cities, Regions, and International Trade. Cambridge: MIT Press.

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covered in this paper are consumption, intermediate production, and final production in DPRK and ROK. To easily comprehend the relations between the economic activities, Venables considers the activities to be vertically linked: the intermediate production is the only source of final production and the demand of final production (market) only comes from labor (only labor do consumption).11 If due to any reason, new intermediate firms are built on Country A, the labor demand will increase together with intermediate supply resulted in higher wages and falling intermediate price. The intermediate firms will relocate to less occupied location (market crowding effect), which is Country B. The intermediate price fall will reduce production costs and higher wages will increase final production demand as the labor get higher income. However, these benefits will attract more final production firms to Country A which in turn will give a rise to intermediate demand as well as its price. These benefits will attract more intermediate firms (market expansion effect) and thus repeat the cycle.12 Both market crowding effect and market expansion effect take part in distribution of economic activities, i.e. agglomeration and dispersion. When the market expansion effect dominates the market crowding effect, agglomeration will take place and vice versa.13 Agglomeration occurs when the firms cluster in one country, while dispersion occurs when the number of firms is proportional to the size of the market.14 The illustration above is modeled based on a basic inter-trade relation between two countries where transport cost is in intermediate level and free movement of goods and services is permitted.15 In order to save transport cost, firms tend to locate in Country A which has higher proximity to the market.16 The accumulated demands will attract final production firms to locate in Country A. As the final production firms lured in, the intermediate demand and labor demand will be increased, market expansion effect will be amplified and thus more intermediate firm will locate and agglomerate in Country A. Free movement of capital enables trade to happen.17 However, when transport cost is high, the countries will self-suffice; causing the firms to be dispersed without having inter11

Anthony Venables. 1996. “International Economic Review 37.” Equilibrium Locations of Vertically Linked Industries, 341 Ibid., p 351.

Ibid., p 352.

Ottaviano, Gianmarco, dan Thisse. 2001. “On Economic Geography in Economic Theory: Increasing Returns and Pecuniary Externalities.” Journal of Economic Geography 1 153-179.

Ibid., Anthony Venables, p 341.

Anderson, J., and E. van Wincoop. 2004. “Trade Costs.” Journal of Economic Literature 42 691.

Puga D. 2002. “Regional Policies in the Light of Location Theories.” Journal of Economic Geography 2 377.

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trade relation. Low transport cost will encourage Country A and Country B to form intertrade relation without concerning about the proximity to market access; causing the firms to be dispersed but connected.18 In this paper, NEG serves as a benchmark to provide more realistic insights to the New Economic Map Policy. The concepts covered in this section shape firmsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; location behavior that sets the distribution of economic activities. The economic activities distribution affects wealth distribution in both countries; uneven economic activities distribution is concomitant with uneven wealth distribution which exacerbate economic gap.19 Therefore, NEG illustrates the effect of the policyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s implication towards the welfare of both Koreas.20 By using NEG, the authors will examine the economic situations resulted from the policy, how the situations will lead to either even or uneven economic activities distribution, as well as how the distribution will affect the length of economic gap between DPRK and ROK.

CURRENT ECONOMIC SITUATION IN BOTH KOREA According to Arribas, the most commonly used integration measured based on quantities is the degree of openness. The openness levels are explained by structural factors such as country size, development level, total exports, total capital formation, GDP, etc. It can be seen that there is a gap in these indicators between DPRK and ROK.21 In its process for Unification, integrating economic is a must. However, looking at the status quo, the vast economic gap between both of Korea remain to be challenge. It can be seen in term of GDP per capita. In 2017, Bank of Korea announced that DPRK has $16.4 billion GDP with $648 GDP per capita compared with ROK that has $1.4 Trillion with $27,397 GDP per capita.22 In DPRK, The Central Intelligence Agency estimates that in 2017 DPRK GDP as one of the lowest in the world which is bring DPRK in rank 215 out of 229 countries and half of its population or 12 million people are living in the extreme poverty.23 Moreover, the Ibid., Anderson, p 692.

OECD. 2009. How Regions Grow. Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Baldwin, Richard, Rikard Forslid, Philippe Martin, Gianmarco Ottaviano, dan Frederic. 2005. Economic Geography and Public Policy. Princeton: Princeton University Press

Arribas, Ivan. 2006. Measuring Intternational Economic Integration Theory and Evidence of Globalization. Valencia: Valencia University.

Will Martin. 2018. USB: One of the Biggest Expected benefits of a North and South Korea Peace deal could fail to materialise. Business Insider. May 2. Accessed August 10, 2018. http://www.businessinsider.com/ north-korea-economicgrowth-after-peace-agreement-south-korea-ubs2018-5.

CIA. 2015. COUNTRY COMPARISON : GDP - PER CAPITA (PPP). Accessed August 10, 2018. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2004rank.html

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Figure 2 Economic gap between DPRK and ROK

United Nations sanctions exacerbate the condition. Although, DPRK economy grew 3.9% in 2016 that the fastest rate since 1999, however due to the sanction, the DPRK economy shrank 3.5% in 2017.24 According to Shin Seung-Cheol, Head of Bank of Koreaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s National Accounts Coordination Teams, the sanction is stronger in 2017 than they were in 2016. He added that the external trade volume fell significantly with the exports ban on coal, steel, and textile products.25 In contrast with the DPRK, in terms of GDP ROK shows much better performances, but it does not mean ROK has no problem with its economy. ROK also faces Korean Discount. According to Heckman, the Korea Discount is defined by Forbes Magazine as the number of investors which undervalue Korea stock and undermining the potential for economic growth.26 Therefore, in order to narrowed the economic gap and enhancing economic growth, New Economic Map policy from Moon Jae-In becomes the answer. The goals of the policy are to build a single market on the Korean Peninsula as new growth engines that will close 24

Christine Kim, and Jane Chung. 2017. North Korea 2016 economic growth at 17-year high despite sanctions: South Korea. July 21. Accessed August 11, 2018. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-northkorea-economy-gdp/north-korea-2016-economic-growth-at-17-year-high-despite-sanctions-south-korea-idUSKBN1A607Z.

Ibid.

Heckman, Stephan G. 2017. Korea Discount. October 01. Accessed August 25, 2018. m.koreatimes.co.kr/ pages.articleasp?newsldx=58738.

Korean Studies in Indonesia

the economic gap and create an inter-Korean economic community of coexistence and co-prosperity. Furthermore, it will strengthen the prospect for both economic and political unification.

THE STEP OF NEW ECONOMIC MAP: THREE ECONOMIC BELTS OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES In 2017, Moon Jae-in delivered a speech at Berlin’s Old City Hall. He stated that “When peace is established, unification will be realized naturally someday through the agreement between the South and the North. What my Government and I would like to realize is only peace”.27 In this essence, Moon has its own way to pave the way for unification, where “peace” put on the highest priority. In its process, Moon believes that rather than using military force is better to implement policy centre based on mutual respect to create unification.28 Related with that, at the same time, Moon introducing a policy that focus on enhancing economic growth throughout realization of a new economic community on the Korean Peninsula. Such policy known as the New Economic Map Initiative. This economic policy also including to building three economic belts not only for both Korea but also for its neighbor countries.29 However, it is important to keep in mind, that ROK willing to do it all with the DPRK once the efforts for denuclearization completed.30 In connection with the matters above, April 27, 2018 became a historical day for both Koreas. At the time the inter-Korean Summit took place, the Panmunjom Declaration was released.31 With this declaration, the leaders of those country have declared that there will be no war anymore on the Korean Peninsula and the new era of peace has begun. According to Sung Hyun Lee, senior research fellow from Sejong Institute Korea. Overall, the declaration itself emphasizes active cooperation in three aspects regarding inter-Korea relations. At first and second, in term of political and security aspects, it promotes to establish joint efforts to national reconciliation and to alleviate the acute military tension through complete denuclearization. Third, in term of economic aspect, it promotes balanced economic growth and prosperity of the nation.32 In accordance with that, it proved that the 27

President Moon Jae-in’s Speech Delivered at Berlin’s Old City Hall upon the invitation of the Körber Foundation, July 6, 2017

Ibid., Ministry of Unification. p 12.

Ibid,. P 15.

Channel News Asia. 2018. Koreas to build ‘new economic map’ after denuclearisation: Moon Jae-in. July 13. Accessed August 10, 2018. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/singapore/south-korea-moon-jae-in-singapore-north-koreadenuclearisation-10526534.

J Berkshire Miller. 2018. The Panmunjom Declaration in Full. 04 May. Accessed August 09, 2018. www. aljazeera.com/amp/indepth/opinion/great-aspirations-inter-korea-relations-180504095245725.

Lee, Sang Hyun. 2018. Panmunjom Declaration is a first step on an uncharted path. April 30. Accessed

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Figure 3 Three economic belts map. Source: see footnote 33

efforts of the denuclearization have been completed. Moreover, the New Economic Map is ready to be implemented. It can be seen during the summit, Moon handed Kim Jong Un a USB driver that contain comprehensive data â&#x20AC;&#x153;New Economic Map for the Korean Peninsulaâ&#x20AC;?, inside includes new railways and power plant for the impoverished North.33 Accordingly, this New Economic Map will be implemented by establishing three economic belts. The belts would link ROK industrial heartland with the DPRK, China and Russia as well. Those three belts are: (1) Pan East Sea Belt, belt of energy and natural resources connecting Wonsan, Hamhung, Danche on, Rason, and Russia; (2) Pan Yellow Sea Belt, belt of transportation, logistics, and manufacturing connecting the Seoul metropolitan area, Gaeseong and Haeju, Pyongyang and Nampo, Sinuiju, and China. (3) DMZ Belt, belt of environment and tourism connecting the District of Ecology, Peace, Security, and Tourism in the DMZ and the Unification Special Economic Zone.34 One of the first step to starts these economic belts will be reopening rails and roads between two Koreas that in accordance with the Panmunjom Declaration. It stated that DPRK and ROK will actively implement the projects previously agreed on October 2007 for

August 09, 2018. https://www.policyforum.net/panmunjom-declaration-first-step-uncharted-path/. 33

Ibid. Misitry of Unification. p 13

Korean Studies in Indonesia

connecting and modernizing roads.35 In this essence, improved infrastructure will help DPRK lift barriers to monetizing its mineral resources, including outdated and under developed transportation networks and a severe energy shortage.36 In addition, according to Cho Bong Hyun, the Director of ROK’s Industrial Bank of Korea Economic Research Institute, the map if well-implemented, it could create 20.000 jobs per year in DPRK.37 Everything has been planned by ROK. But there are still challenges that become a question. Firstly, does the economic belts still can continue under the UN sanction. Secondly, whether or not Kim want accept all of those economic maps. For the first, according to senior fellow at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies, Shin Beom Chul, affirmed that “while building public infrastructure in DPRK it does not violate the UN Sanctions”. It asserts that in one hand, the economic belts still can be implemented under UN Sanction. Nonetheless, in another hand, broader cooperation in New Economic Map is more likely occur after the international community lifts its sanctions on DPRK.38 Furthermore, regarding the second question, Lee Jong-Seok, a former unification minister of ROK said “Kim Jong Un’s desire to develop his country’s economy is as stronger as, and even stronger than, his desire for nuclear weapons”.39 Kim exactly knows, it is hard to achieve that kind of rapid economic growth because of the sanctions. In line with that, most of ROK’s analysts also believe that Kim wants to follow this model of ROK on economic prosperity. Based on those statements, the authors believe that Kim more likely will accepts this policy proposal since this year his intense focuses on fixing the country’s economy and improving the lives of his people rather than on weapon programs. Furthermore, Mr. Moon’s proposal to modernize the North’s roads and railways and link them to the South’s is not meant to help just North Korea. They also envision building trans-Korean railways to find faster and cheaper routes to export South Korean goods to China, Russia and Europe, and bring Russian oil and gas into the South through pipelines.

SINGLE ECONOMIC ZONE: NETWORK BASED APPROACH IN NEW ECONOMIC MAP 35

Stephan Haggard. 2018. Parsing the Panmunjom Declaration. 29 April. Accessed August 09, 2018. https:// www.nknews.org/2018/04/parsing-the-panmunjom-declaration/

Jiyeun Lee. 2018. These Maps Show How to Unlock North Korea’s Economy. Bloomberg. June 3. Accessed August 09, 2018. www.bloomberg.com/amp/news/articles/2018-06-03/these-maps-show-how-to-unlocknorth-korea-s-economy.

Andrew Salmon. 2018. S Korea Unveils Plan for N Korean Economic Enrichmnet. Asia Times. 03 July. Accessed August 10, 20189. www.atimes.com/article/sth-korea-unviels-plan-for-north-korea-economicenrichment/amp/.

Ock Hyun Ju. 2018. Expectations grow for North Korea-US summit. The Korea Herald. April 29. Accessed August 13, 2018. http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20180429000211.

Ibid., Hun.

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According to South Korean policymakers say that the two Koreas must first integrate their economies to make an eventual reunification less chaotic.40 In addition, Moon’s administration mentioned that New Economic Map is a plan for economic unification by resuming inter-Korean cooperation and developing a single market between the two Koreas. Therefore, it shows that ROK has a strong desire to build a single market on the Korean Peninsula to create new growth engines and create an inter-Korean economic community of coexistence and co-prosperity.41 In the authors’ perspective, integrating both Koreas economy in order to establish single market in The Korean Peninsula it needs a plentiful effort, compatible measures and appropriate approach. Hence, the authors believe use network-based approach is the best way to make it happen. According to Barroso Network Based Approach in single market can be done by these steps: (1) Strengthen preventive action by shaping enforcement-friendly regulation based on impact assessment (2) Create single market desks within Representation offices with the task of pre-screening conformity between single market legislation and national implementing rules and to liaise with national administrations responsible for implementation; (3) Extend Mutual Evaluation Process to new policy initiatives: (4) Integrate the ex post evaluation of the implementation situation in a given sector into Market Monitoring analysis.42 In this case, network-based approach takes a role as a basic foundation for single market in Korea Peninsula. This is an approach to economic policy and programs that requires a higher degree of collaboration between governments in market legislation, and the establishment of regional innovation networks in policy initiative, to create a single market for generating new economic engines. The question is, how does it work? Here are the steps. At the first, the network collaboration between DPRK and ROK governments will accelerate the implementation of the policy to integrate distant trade nodes using railway networks. Second, in terms of trade, data by OECD in Korean economic survey shows the DPRK’s trade only dominated by China. China recorded share of DPRK trade jumped for 64% in 2015 to 88% in 2016. While, ROK share less than 5%. Therefore, by connecting railways and road will have a significant progress in reducing the time and cost. Afterwards, it needs an implementation market regulation to reduce or remove obstacles in economic exchange between them restrictions, bans, and other institutional barriers in The Korean Peninsula and will increase 40

Ibid.

Lee Sung Eun, and Kang Tae Hwa. 2018. Moon gave Kim a ‘vision’ of economic cooperation. Korean Joongang Daily. May 02. Accessed August 13, 2018. http://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/news/article/article. aspx?aid=3047605.

José Manuel Barroso. 2010. A New Strategy for the Single Market: At the Service of Europe’s Economy and Society. Brussel: European Commission.

Korean Studies in Indonesia Figure 4 Trend in North Korea Trade

the trade and open the chance for single market between ROK and DPRK Third, once the basic economic exchange has been regularized between two countries the next formal step in economic integration of single market is achieved in this situation and the value of international trade between them will increase. In addition, since the belts also connecting part of China and Russia, it opens a chance to make a broader single market also in Northeast Asia Region. China itself show their support seeing that the belts infrastructure as the extension of their One Belts One Road initiative. Meanwhile Russia also shows their support because it will benefit their Russian Far East that lack of manpower and investment.43 The investment that can be seen coming from China and Russia will become a stepping stone for the succesful of the New Economic Map in establish single market.

NEW ECONOMIC MAP POLICY: A WAY TO REDUCE ECONOMIC GAP IN THE KOREAN PENINSULA During Korean Summit on April 27, 2018, Kim Jong Un and Moon Jae-In had agreed to start the first step of the New Economic Map Policy, i.e. reopening and improving rail links and roads between DPRK and ROK.44 Accordingly, it impact to easier movement of goods and services as well as improved transportation networks make the transport cost lower. Furthermore, by reopening the rail links the firms will not locate in certain locations with higher proximity to the market as the market access is opened to firms in any location.45 43

Hussein Dia. 2018. Why roads and trains may be key to bringing peace to the Korean peninsula. 06 Juli . Accesed August 18, 2018. https://theconversation.com/why-roads-and-trains-may-be-key-to-bringingpeace-to-the-korean-peninsula-98234 Ibid., Jiyeun Lee.

44 45

Ibid., Anderson, p. 692.

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Figure 5 Three economic belts: The rails map. Source: see footnote 33

Given the condition, free movement of goods and services encourages the countries not to self- suffice as it is more profitable to trade with each other. In this condition, DPRK and ROK will then be focusing on goods and services productions which give them higher comparative advantage than each other. In other words, each country will specialize in the goods and services that they can produce at lowest cost. Specialization based on each comparative advantage will maximize production, and thus it will increasing the value of trade and can make both countries better off.46 An example for the trade and specialization will be DPRK’s mineral mining and ROK’s high- tech industry. DPRK gets a hold of 80-90% of The Korean Peninsula’s vast mineral reserves, while ROK has only 10-20% of it.47 Taking the cost of production into account, DPRK will gain more profit in mineral mining rather than ROK. Therefore, it is more profitable for ROK to import the minerals from DPRK and focus on other production. On the other hand, ROK’s high-tech industry clearly excels DPRK’s in terms of infrastructure and knowledge.48 Taking the production’s efficiency and quality into 46

Bridgman, Benjamin. 2012. “The Rise of Vertical Specialization Trade.” Journal of International Economics 133

Washington Post. 2016. Washington Post. 15 April. Accesed August 20, 2018. www.washingtonpost.com/ wpsrv/world/countries/korea.html?nav=el&noredirect=on

McKinsey. 2015. McKinsey&Company. April. Accesed August 20, 2018. https://www.mckinsey.com/ featuredinsights/asia-pacific/south-korea-finding-its-place-on-the-world-stage

Korean Studies in Indonesia Figure 6 Three economic belts: North Koreaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mineral resources map. Source see footnote 33

Figure 7 Authorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; visualization framework for integrating economy in Korea Peninsula

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consideration, it is better for DPRK to specialize in mineral mining and ROK in high-tech industry. In this case, the road and railways play the role as a tools to mobilize the trade of mineral mining and tech industry in The Korean Peninsula. Moreover, The benefits of the trade and specialization between DPRK and ROK will eventually provide improved standards of living, as well as sustained economic development for both Koreas in the long run. The dispersed firms in both countries will also make the length of economic gap shorten as the economic activities are distributed proportionally; causing the wage to be more equalized and thus leads to a more even distribution of wealth.

CONCLUSION The worsened economic condition due to UN sanctions imposed on DPRK causes the economic gap with ROK to be bigger. Significant economic gap will hinder economic integration which is crucial for the reunification of Korean Peninsula. Thus, Moon Jae-In offers New Economic Map Policy to Kim Jong Un which currently has been focusing on DPRK’s economic growth. New Economic Map Policy will become an instrument to bring Korea to the third stage of economic integration, i.e. Single Market. The implementation of the policy will be accompanied by network-based approach in order to accelerate the establishment of single market in Korean Peninsula. The reopening of roads and railways within Korean Peninsula as the first step of the policy plays an important role in reducing transport cost and facilitating the free movement of goods and services and increasing the value of trade between DPRK and ROK. Low transport cost eliminates the benefits of high proximity to the market and makes the firms dispersed. It also causes DPRK and ROK to specialize and trade with each other. The “dispersed but connected” characteristic of the firms prompt economic growth and more even distribution of wealth. Therefore, the New Economic Map Policy will bring economic growth to Korean Peninsula, reduce the economic gap between DPRK and ROK, and thus make the reunification even more plausible.

REFERENCES Rich, Motoko, Sang-Hun Choe, and Megan Specia. 2018. How South Korea Left the North Behind. February 6. Accessed August 8, 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/ interactive/2018/02/06/world/asia/korea-history.html. Anderson, E. James, and Eric Van Wincoop . 2004. “Trade Costs.” Journal of Economic Literature 42 691.

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Arribas, Ivan. 2006. Measuring Intternational Economic Integration Theory and Evidence of Globalization. Valencia: Valencia University. Balassa, Bela A. 1961. The Theory of Economic Integration. London: Grccnwood Press. —. 1961. The Theory of Economic Integration. London: Grccnwood Press. Baldwin, Richard, Rikard Forslid, Philippe Martin, Gianmarco Ottaviano, and Frederic. 2005. Economic Geography and Public Policy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Barroso, José Manuel. 2010. A New Strategy for the Single Market: At the Service of Europe’s Economy and Society. Brussel: European Commission. BBC. 2017. South Korea birth rate plunges to record low. July 30. Accessed August 11, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-40769591. Bridgman, Benjamin. 2012. “The Rise of Vertical Specialization Trade.” Journal of International Economics 133. Brülhart, M, and F Sbergami. 2009. “Agglomeration and Growth: Cross-Country Evidence.” Journal of Urban Economics 48-63. Channel News Asia. 2018. Koreas to build ‘new economic map’ after denuclearisation: Moon Jae-in. July 13. Accessed August 10, 2018. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/ singapore/south- korea-moon-jae-in-singapore-north-korea-denuclearisation-10526534. CIA. 2015. Country Comparison :: GDP - Per Capita (PPP). Accessed August 10, 2018. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2004rank.html. —. 2015. COUNTRY COMPARISON :: GDP - PER CAPITA (PPP). Accessed August 10, 2018. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2004rank. html. D., Puga. 2002. “Regional Policies in the Light of Location Theories.” Journal of Economic Geography 2 377. Dia, Hussein. 2018. Why roads and trains may be key to bringing peace to the Korean peninsula. Juli 06. Accessed August 18, 2018. https://theconversation.com/why-roads-and-trainsmay-be-key- to-bringing-peace-to-the-korean-peninsula-98234. Eun, Lee Sung, and Kang Tae Hwa. 2018. Moon gave Kim a ‘vision’ of economic cooperation. Korean Joongang Daily. May 02. Accessed August 13, 2018. http://koreajoongangdaily. joins.com/news/article/article.aspx?aid=3047605. Fujita, Masahisa, Paul Krugman, and Anthony Venables. 1999. The Spatial Economy: Cities, Regions, and International Trade. Cambridge: MIT Press. Haggard, Stephan. 2018. Parsing the Panmunjom Declaration. 29 April. Accessed August 09, 2018. https://www.nknews.org/2018/04/parsing-the-panmunjom-declaration/. Heckman, Stephan G. 2017. Korea Discount. October 01. Accessed August 25, 2018. m.koreatimes.co.kr/pages.articleasp?newsldx=58738.

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Hun, Choe Sang. 2018. South Korea Hands Kim Jong Un a Path to Prosperity on a USB Drive. The New York Times. May 10. Accessed August 10, 2018. www.nytimes.com/2018/05/10/ world/asia/kim-jong-un-north-korea-south-usb-economy.html. Ju, Ock Hyun. 2018. Expectations grow for North Korea-US summit. The Korea Herald. April 29. Accessed August 13, 2018. http://www.koreaherald.com/view. php?ud=20180429000211. Kim, Christine, and Jane Chung. 2017. North Korea 2016 economic growth at 17-year high despite sanctions: South Korea. July 21. Accessed August 11, 2018. https://www.reuters.com/ article/us-northkorea-economy-gdp/north-korea-2016-economic- growth-at-17-yearhigh-despite-sanctions-south-korea-idUSKBN1A607Z. Krugman, Paul. 1991. Geography and Trade. London: MIT Press. Krugman, Paul. 1991. “Increasing Returns and Economic Geography.” Journal of Political Economy 99 483-499. Lee, Jiyeun. 2018. These Maps Show How to Unlock North Korea’s Economy. Bloomberg. June 3. Accessed August 09, 2018. www.bloomberg.com/amp/news/articles/2018-06-03/ these-maps- show-how-to-unlock-north-korea-s-economy. Lee, Sang Hyun. 2018. Panmunjom Declaration is a first step on an uncharted path. April 30. Accessed August 09, 2018. https://www.policyforum.net/panmunjom-declarationfirst-step- uncharted-path/. M, Fujita, Krugman P, and Venables A. 1999. The Spatial Economy: Cities, Regions, and International Trade. Cambridge: MIT Press. Martin, Will. 2018. USB: One of the Biggest Expected benefits of a North and South Korea Peace deal could fail to materialise. Business Insider. May 2. Accessed August 10, 2018. http:// www.businessinsider.com/north-korea-economic-growth-after-peace-agreement-southkorea-ubs2018-5. McKinsey. 2015. McKinsey&Company. April. Accessed August 20, 2018. https://www. mckinsey.com/featured-insights/asia-pacific/south-korea-finding-its-place-on-theworld-stage. Mendes, A. J. Marques. 1987. Economic Integration and Growth in Europe. London: Croom Helm. Miller, J Berkshire. 2018. The Panmunjom Declaration in Full. 04 May. Accessed August 09, 2018. www.aljazeera.com/amp/indepth/opinion/great-aspirations-inter-korearelations-180504095245725. Ministry of Unification. 2018. Moon Jae-In’s Policy on the Korean Peninsula. Seoul: Ministry of Unification. Noland, Marcus. 2001. North Korea’s External Economic Relations. Peterson Institute for International Economics. February 1. Accessed August 7, 2018. https://piie.com/ commentary/speeches- papers/north-koreas-external-economic-relations.

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North Korea Economy Watch. 2016. What North Korea’s 2017 budget report and 2018 projections tell us about its economy. April 16. Accessed August 10, 2018. http://www.nkeconwatch. com/category/statistics/gdp-statistics/. OECD. 2009. How Regions Grow. Paris: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. —. 2016. Korea in the OECD: 20 years of progress. October 25. Accessed August 10, 2018. http://www.oecd.org/korea/korea-in-the-oecd-20-years-of-progress.htm. —. 2018. OECD Economic Surveys: Korea 2018. Accessed August 13, 2018. https://books. google.co.id/books?id=1PZgDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA64&lpg=PA64&dq=how+to+c reate+single+market+in+korean+peninsula&source. Ohlin, Bertil. 1933. Interregional and International Trade. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Ottaviano, Gianmarco, and Thisse. 2001. “On Economic Geography in Economic Theory: Increasing Returns and Pecuniary Externalities.” Journal of Economic Geography 1 153-179. Robson, Peter. 1984. The Economics of International Integration. New York: Routledge. Salmon, Andrew. 2018. S Korea Unveils Plan for N Korean Economic Enrichmnet. Asia Times. 03 July. Accessed August 10, 20189. www.atimes.com/article/sth-korea-unviels-planfor-north- korea-economic-enrichment/amp/. Steger, Isabella. 2017. South Korea is aging faster than any other developed country. August 31. Accessed August 11, 2018. https://qz.com/1066613/south-korea-demographic-timebomb-its- aging-faster-than-any-other-developed-country-with-lowest-birth-rate-of-oecdcountries/. Usherwood, Simon. 2012. “Economic Integration Basic Model: Eurosceoticism as a Persistant Phenomenon.” Journal of Common Market Studies. Venables, Anthony. 1996. “International Economic Review 37.” Equilibrium Locations of Vertically Linked Industries, 341-359. Washington Post. 2016. Washington Post. April 15. Accessed August 20, 2018. www. washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/world/countries/korea.html?nav=el&noredirect=on.

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CONSTRUCTING A PEACEFUL KOREAN PENINSULA: A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF SOUTH KOREA’S EDUCATION ON REUNIFICATION METHILDIS AYU EMANUELA (President University)

ABSTRACT This year has recorded notable progress for peace in Korean Peninsula, starting with the historical meeting of Moon Jae-in and Kim Jong Un, Korean joint-entourage for Pyeongchang Olympics and the remarkable Singapore Summit last June. After series of economic sanctions and threads of self-indulgent tweets, North Korea eventually starts to listen and open its door for two-way discussion. South Korea, particularly the current administration under President Moon, has shown positive response, allowing more constructive interactions between two Koreas which could be seen in the recent months. Some, particularly from South Korea, have shown skepticism towards North Korea’s abrupt change of behavior for fear that the unfortunate history of Sunshine Policy would repeat itself again. Being apart for more than five decades has left the two Koreas with noticeable gap in term of politics, economy and socio-cultural aspect, making the vision of reunification seems less desirable and unnecessary. For many of South Korean youths who barely see the remnants of the previously united Korea, it is difficult to digest the necessity of reunification given the cost and risks that their country has to bear. To address this problem, various efforts have been done including the establishment of Reunification Ministry, sets of foreign policies, and supportive educational courses. In the last decades, South Korean government has occasionally carried out unification lesson in school to ensure that its generation has the correct understanding on the matter so that they could act properly in the future. The main objective of this paper is to emphasize the constructivists’ viewpoint on the importance of education for pursuing peace in the Korean Peninsula. While politics and economy remain as the main pillars, the author sees that socio-cultural aspect

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should not be undermined because it holds an important role of bringing together the differing views between people in the North and South. For a comprehensive and substantial understanding, this paper begins by describing the socio-cultural life of both Koreas in the aftermath of Korean War, emphasizing the ground for reluctance and sometimes hostility upon the idea of reunification. It is followed by an explanation on the inclusion of reunification-related issue into curriculum, including the sense of national identity, and its impact towards youth perspective upon North Korea and future reunification. The author finally concludes education while does not directly impact reunification effort, it could rectify harmful perception thus producing a wiser future generation who would be able to stand tall in the midst of power struggle and thus determining the best path for peaceful relations between two Koreas. Keywords: Korean peninsula, reunification, education, ethnic nationalism, identity

제목: 한반도 통일문제에서 교육의 중요성에 대한 고찰 2018 년은 한반도의 평화에 대한 진전을 보여준 해다. 문재인과 김정은의 역사적인 만 남, 평창 올림픽의 성공, 2018 년 6 월 싱가포르 북미 정상회담 등이 그 증거다. 북한은 국제사회가 경제적 제재조처를 취해 나가자 남북 간의 대화에 관심을 쏟기 시작했다. 문재인의 한국 정부는 북한의 긍정적인 반응을 이끌어 내었다. 한국은 남북한 간의 건설적인 상호교류를 허용하고 있지만, 일부에서는 북한의 갑작스 런 행동 변화에 의구심을 가지고 있다. 그들은 햇볕정책(Sunshine Policy)의 오판된 결 과가 다시 반복 될 지 모른다는 우려를 하고 있다. 남과 북이 50 년이 넘게 갈라진 후 정 치, 경제, 사회 문화적 측면에서 눈에 띄는 현격한 차이도 걱정거리가 되었다. 한국의 많 은 젊은이들에게는 부담해야 할 통일비용과 위험성 때문에 통일의 필요성을 이해하기 가 어렵다. 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 통일부 설립, 외교 정책 소개, 교육 과정 등 다양한 노력이 이루어졌다. 본 논문의 주된 목적은 한반도 평화추구를 위한 교육의 중요성을 강조하는 것이다. 정 치와 경제가 주요 과제가 상존하지만, 사회 문화적 측면을 간과해서는 안 된다는 점이 다. 왜냐하면 남북한 사람들 사이의 다양한 견해를 하나로 모으는 중요한 역할을 하기 때문이다. 이를 위해서 통일과 관련된 문제, 북한에 대한 청소년의 시각, 미래 통일에 대 한 영향 등을 어떻게 교과과정에 포함시킬 것인가가 중요한 문제라는 것이다. 저자는 교육이 통일 노력에 직접적인 영향을 미치지는 않지만 유해한 인식을 제거 할 수 있다고 판단한다. 교육은 미래 세대를 현명하게 만든다는 의미다. 또는 그들은 권력 투쟁의 중심에서 강해질 수 있다. 결국 그들은 남북한 간의 평화적인 관계를 위한 최선 의 길을 결정할 수 있다. 키워드: 한반도, 통일, 교육, 민족 민족주의, 정체성

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INTRODUCTION “Unification is a process where both sides seek coexistence, co-prosperity and a restored sense of national community. When peace is established, unification will be realized naturally someday through an agreement between the South and the North.” – Moon Jae-in1 Putting the world spectators on the edge, North Korea eventually softens its stance thus allowing two-way discussion to take place. Thanks to the positive response from Moon Jaein’s administration, more constructive interactions between two Koreas have been evident recently. The year of 2018 embarks the new journey of peaceful Korean Peninsula, starting with the unified women ice hockey team for Pyeongchang Olympics, the third Inter-Korean, and the remarkable Trump-Kim meeting in Singapore. Unfortunately, not everyone received the significant turn of North Korea’s approach with open arms. Living in isolation from each other since 1953 has created noticeable gap and grown distrust among the people which resulting in hardening ties between two Koreas. Furthermore, the fear of repeating the same old mistake during the enactment Sunshine Policy2 also becomes the ground for some people to question North Korea’s intention this time. It is more difficult for South Korean youths, who do not have (good) memories of united Korea, to put faith on rapprochement with the North given the cost and risks that their country has to bear. According to the survey by Seoul Broadcasting System (SBS) and the Office of the Speaker of the National Assembly earlier this year, 72.2% respondents argued that the government should not have pushed forward the joint ice hockey team.3 Based on Asan Institute data in 2017, while generally expressed negative views, the 20s group recorded the highest percentage (88.5%) to oppose economic aid provision to North Korea.4 Furthermore, almost half of the 20s (49.3%) saw North Korea as a stranger or an enemy while only 30% of the total respondents hold such perception.5 We could see that South Korean society holds different perspective where the youths particularly express skepticism and hostility upon this issue. Responding to this problem, South Korean government has conducted various efforts through foreign policies, the foundation of Unification Ministry, and other relevant projects. President Moon’s speech at the Körber Foundation, Germany on 6th of July 2017. Taken from 2018 Inter-Korean Summit Preparation Committee, 2018 Inter-Korean Summit, (Panmunjeom: 2018 Inter-Korean Summit Preparation Committee, 2018), http://www.korea.net/FILE/pdfdata/2018/04/2018_inter-korean_summit_EN.pdf.

South Korea’s foreign policy initiated by Kim Dae-jung in 1998 which aims to improve the ties between two Koreas through peace, reconciliation and cooperation.

Jiyoon Kim, Kildong Kim, and Chungku Kang, South Korean Youths’ Perceptions of North Korea and Unification, (Seoul: Asan Institute for Policy Studies, 2018), http://en.asaninst.org/contents/43527/.

Ibid.

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Here, education is also employed to forge better view on North Korea for South Koreans. In the last few years, South Korean government has occasionally carried out unification education to “foster the sense of values and attitudes required” to later pursue unification based on “free democracy, national community and security.”6 This paper aims to expound the significance of education for peacemaking effort in the Korean Peninsula using constructivism perspective. The author sees that the essence of national identity based on common ethnicity and culture which have been employed to construct the sense of unity in the peninsula is withering in South Korean society, particularly the youths. In the case of Korean Peninsula, identity holds key role because it defines “preferences, interests and norm structures which strongly affect state action and international security dynamics.”7 Considering the lack of shared experience and interaction in the current Korean society, particularly the youths, education is essential to make up for this gap. As the tool of social construct, this paper will explore the South Korea’s unification education, national curriculum and other educational resources on North Korea and reunification issue to assess its contribution on the South Korea’s rapprochement effort.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This paper employed constructivism as its main paradigm to digest the complexity of socio- cultural aspect of Korean Peninsula problem while also utilized the concept of identity and ethnic nationalism. At its core, constructivism posits that “in the beginning was the deed” from which “human beings…construct society, and society is indispensable to the actualization of whatever human beings may “naturally” be.”8 Here, constructivist argues that while there are innate attributes of the world, everything that exist today is the product of social construct as people collectively (re)defines things in their surrounding through continuous process and interaction. Notwithstanding with the realist’ idea which stipulates anarchy as the natural condition in states relations that triggers self-help system, constructivism sees such attributes and today’s world as the product of process involving state interactions.9 Power distribution might influence states’ behavior, nevertheless how it works hinge on the “intersubjective understanding and expectation… that constitute their conceptions of self and other.” 6

Ministry of Unification, White Paper on Korean Unification 2010, (Seoul: Ministry of Unification, 2010), http://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/Publications/whitepaper/.

Bernd Bucher and Ursula Jasper, “Revisiting ‘identity’ in International Relations: From identity as substance to identifications in action,” European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 2 (2017): 392, doi:10.1177/1354066116644035.

Nicholas G. Onuf, World of Our Making (New York: Routledge, 2013), PDF e-book, 46. Alexander Wendt, “Anarchy is What States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics,” International Organization 46, no. 2 (Spring 1992): 396, http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0020-8183%281 99221%2946%3A2%3C391%3AAIWSMO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9.

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Remaining as the only divided country long after the finale of Cold War, the case of two Koreas thus underscores the urge to search for alternative viewpoint which could fully grasp the complexities and distinct characteristics under today’s environment. Here, constructivists put forward the significance of national identity and the shift of its creation in the Korean Peninsula. Identity is the product of social constructs throughout history which are closely interlaced with security dilemmas of present times.11 The old paradigms unconsciously affect people’s mindset, particularly Koreans, to establish “culture of insecurity” which creates an illusion that conflict in the peninsula is unavoidable.12 It is important to note that this identity might change over time and vary upon the given condition. States as well as individuals articulate their interests while making sense out of the situation since one does not have a fixed set of interests outside social context.13 As the idea of race, ethnicity and nation are substantially overlapped in the peninsula, the definition of identity among Koreans was considered immutable based on the concept of ‘Korean blood’ (hyoltong) which embrace them in a unitary nation (danil minjok), a collectivity with homogenous ethnicity and various races.14 This notion embodies ethnic nationalism which refers to a sense of community based on common ancestry that is supported by existing commonalities in term of physical appearance, language and religion.15 Such rhetoric has been (re)constructed and integrated in multiple projects16, particularly by South Korean government, over decades to increase sense of belongings in the people of two Koreas or simply to elevate regime’s legitimacy. Ethnic nationalism could be uttered through many forms such as cultural obedience, political populism and animosity against particular ethnic group.17 10

10 11

Ibid, 397.

Roland Bleiker, Divided Korea: Toward a Culture of Reconciliation (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005), PDF e-book, 1. Ibid, 1.

Wendt, “ Anarchy is What States Make of it,” 398.

Gi-Wook Shin, James Freda, and Gihong Yi, “The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism in Divided Korea,” Nations and Nationalism 5, no. 4 (1999): 469, doi:10.1111/j.1354-5078.1999.00465.x.

Emma Campbell, “Uri nara, our nation: Unification, identity and the emergence of a new nationalism amongst South Korean young people,” (PhD diss., Australian National University, 2011), https:// openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/9750/1/02Whole_Campbell.pdf.

Look at 1) Kim Dae-jung’s Sunshine Policy and Moon Jae-in’s foreign policy toward North Korea which take on the theme of kinship or brotherhood. 2) The South Korean musician’s concert at Pyeongyang, North Korea, on April 1, 2018 which brought the slogan of “We are One!” (urineun hana). 3) The joint women ice hockey team of Korea at PyeongChang Winter Olympics this year.

Emma Campbell, “Nationalism in South Korea,” in South Korea’s New Nationalism: The End of “One Korea”? (Boulder: First Forum Press, 2016), PDF e-book, 11.

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Considering the widening gap of socio-cultural understandings between the South and North, this paper highlights the role of education in closing down these cavities and thus forging a peacemaking effort in the peninsula. To support this attempt, the author quotes Chamberlain’s posit: “education institution may be society’s most powerful tool to inculcate certain fundamental facts and values into the next generation, as knowledge is the foundation for attitudes and then behavior.”18 Living in complete isolation for decades has hindered interaction between two Koreas which negatively affects mutual identity-making process, generating distrust and hostility. The following paragraphs will further expound the significance of unification education as constructive means that aim for peaceful Korean Peninsula while further incorporate constructivism and ethnic nationalism into the topic under discussion.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF ETHNIC NATIONALISM IN SOUTH KOREAN SOCIETY Throughout the history of Korean Peninsula, the essence of ethnic nationalism has shifted mainly due to changing environment which requires Korean19 society to readjust the understanding of their identity. The inclusion of ethnicity into Korean nationalism emerged in response to Japan’s attempt to abduct Korea as its imperial subject by forcing out common ancestry and cultural attributes between the two nations, which consequently obliterate Korea’s culture, to justify its action. Japanese policy, which positioned Koreans as its lower subordinate, triggered Korean nationalists to revive its pride and to avow the nations’ marvelous culture by highlighting its distinctive and pristine ethnicity.20 Shin Chaeho rose as a prominent figure during this period after he wrote “A New Way of Reading History” which retold Korean history based on ethnicity instead of dynasty and emphasized Korean minjok21 as the core of Korean nation.22 He accused the dependency on Chinese Confucius value had obscured Korea’s true identity and distorted the nation’s origin. He claimed Dangun Joseon, who was Manchuria-born and had close affiliation with Goguryeo, as the ancestor of Koreans which ensures the distinctiveness of true Korean race despite the

Paul F. Chamberlain, “CULTURAL DIMENSIONS OF KOREAN REUNIFICATION: BUILDING A UNIFIED SOCIETY,” International Journal on World Peace 21, no. 3 (September 2004): 14, http:// www.jstor.org/stable/20753448.

This refers to both South Koreans and North Koreans.

Shin, Freda, and Yi, “The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism in Divided Korea,” 471.

It literally means „people, ethnic group race’ however on the context it refers to Korea’s ethnic nationalism whose origination was closely associated with its rivalry concept Japan’s minzoku. Shin Chae-ho pioneered the usage of minjok in this manner to strengthen Korean identity and to counter foreign aggression through his writings and actions.

Campbell “Uri nara, our nation.”

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growing diversity over time.23 Here, social construct was evident because minjok itself was created out of process involving Shin Chae-ho’s interactions with his surroundings (in this case Japanese aggressor) which later produced particular identity. Unfortunately, the essence of minjok lost its applicability not long after Japanese liberation as the Korean Peninsula caught in the power clash of Cold War which ended in the division at 38th parallel. South Korea’s first president, Syngman Rhee, deemed minjok as politically unacceptable given its complex legacy and territorial repercussion thus giving rise to kukka24 that asserts faithfulness solely to the country which only covers the south part.25 Using constructivist’ approach, such action occurred because South Korea identified itself as liberalist thus defined its interest to counter communism which in this case North Korea since “states act differently toward enemies than they do toward friends.”26 This hostile identity was constructed during the Korean War, where two Koreas stood against one another resulting in massive loss for both, which has not been concluded properly. This period was made even worse due to Rhee’s suppressing policy banning critics and question over his regime which limited people’s expression. In addition, the unfinished war also gave justification for South Koreans to forsake “narrow regionalism and traditional sense of social hierarchy”27 thus affirming liberalist view brought by United States which showed more utility during the period. In the aftermath of Rhee regime, South Koreans pioneered by university-based scholars and students who conducted demonstrations in opposition to the country’s normalized ties with Japan28 and attempted at reviving minjok as uniting concept.29 Such spirit remained strong and flourished until 1990s. This period marked another phase of ethnic nationalism which became more convoluted after the foundation of Republic of Korea (South) and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North). President Park preserved the idea of minjok and sought to be the sole successor of ethnic Korean nation by annulling the North due to its communist value, which for him, did not comply with the authentic “Korean-ness.”330 23

Michael Robinson, “National Identity and the Thought of Sin Ch’aeho: Sadaejuŭi and Chuch’e in History and Politics,” Journal of Korean Studies 5, no. 1 (1984): 133, doi:10.1353/jks.1984.0003.

Its literal translation is nation, country or state which mainly embodied the concept given above.

Andre Schmid, “Rediscovering Manchuria: Sin Ch’aeho and the Politics of Territorial History in Korea,” The Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1997): 40, doi:10.2307/2646342.

Wendt, “ Anarchy is What States Make of it,” 397.

Jinwung Kim, A History of Korea: From “Land of the Morning Calm” to States in Conflict (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012), PDF e-book, 420.

Japan’s reluctance to formally offer sincere apologize for war atrocities and loss it had caused during its occupation exacerbated South Koreans’ enmity against the country. Japan’s approach which placed itself as the victim of World War II further enraged South Korean society.

Schmid, “Rediscovering Manchuria,” 40.

Shin, Freda, and Yi, “The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism in Divided Korea,” 479.

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While reunification still remained at the table, South Korea at this point firmly held upon its democratic values and thus contending the North’s communist values. Meanwhile, nationalistic movement during this phase was mainly driven by the youth, particularly university students, who protested the neo-colonist threats emanating from Park Chunghee’s militaristic government as well as the vicious dictator, President Chun.31 Also in this period, students started questioning the necessity of US as allies whom they accused of prolonging two Koreas division and supporting authoritarian rule in ROK.32 Suffering both mental and physical difficulties after years of filial war, added by dictatorship government, had pushed South Koreans to adapt with the condition thus generating ‘hot-headed’ culture which frequently involved force as evident in students’ demonstration. Entering new millennial also begins the new beginning of South Korea as modern, prosperous and sophisticated country. South Korea records outstanding growth as it turned from an economic aid recipient into a high-income country, whose GNI per capita had multiplied from US$67 in 1950s into US$ 22,670 in 2012, currently standing as the 15th largest economy worldwide.33 The rapid economic growth added by robust advancement of science and technology has fully transformed South Korea, leaving barely any trace as previously war-torn country. The new circumstance has created another challenge for ethnic nationalism among South Koreans, especially the youths, or sometimes the 20s group (isipdae), who do not have any memories of united Korea and share a very limited amount of interaction. Isipdae, whose perceptions are formed under the new globalized cultural nationalism, mostly define “uri nara”34 as South Korea.35 This is not wrong indeed, however, such understanding points to shifting sense of nationalism in comparison to the previous generation who saw uri nara as the whole Korean Peninsula. Campbell astutely figured out the distinct attributes of nationalism in isipdae namely modernity, cosmopolitan and status, as further explicated: “Modernity refers to pride in South Korea’s economic achievements and advancement in all aspect of Korean life; the characteristic of cosmopolitan reflects the rise and importance of international experience and learning in Korean youth culture; and status refers to the importance placed upon

Campbell “Uri nara, our nation.”

Ibid.

World Bank Group, “Overview,” World Bank, last modified April 19, 2018, http://www.worldbank. org/en/country/korea/overview.

It literally means our country. In Korean language, the usage of pronoun ‘our’ does not necessarily refer to ‘us’ or ‘we.’ On the context, it indicates favor and fondness on the following noun (country). This phrase has been used as an expression containing ethnic nationalism.

Emma Campbell, “Nationalism in South Korea,” in South Korea’s New Nationalism: The End of “One Korea”? (Boulder: First Forum Press, 2016), PDF e-book, 3.

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South Korea’s national status and standing by young South Koreans as well as to their individual family economic and social status.”36 This new nationalism follows the concept of looking-glass self, a principle in identitymaking, which posits that “the self is a reflection of an actor’s socialization.”37 Isipdae’s nationalism is the product of the youths’ interaction in the newly transformed South Korea which portrays lower sense of belonging with the North. Based on Korea Institute for National Unification’s survey last year, almost half of isipdae respondents (47.2%) hold negative view upon one-nation state, whilst only 26.6% from the 60s have such perception.38 One of Blue House source even expressed concern on the 2030 generation whose majority criticized the joint women ice hockey team at Pyeongchang Olympics and thus decreasing their support for Moon administration.39 In addition, influenced by both middle-class values and globalized cultural identity, this new nationalism accepts everyone including migrants in concept, but exclusive and selective in practice.40

REUNIFICATION ISSUE IN SOUTH KOREA’S NATIONAL EDUCATION To begin with, education holds vital position in today’s society of South Korea and thus possessing substantial weight on state affairs. The country formulated an education system based on egalitarianism which supports personal development and aims for ideal universal man (hongik ingan).41 This system enables the South Koreans’ to recognize the demand of today’s world and thus determining the urgency to reform and execute educational measures which also implying the good performance of the country’s democracy.42 In 2012, South Korea alongside Finland came as the first of out 40 countries with the best education system based on the list by Pearson.43 These might be the reason behind South Korean government’s 36

Ibid, 9.

Wendt, “ Anarchy is What States Make of it,” 404.

Ben Jackson, “„One Nation’ Dream: Do Younger South Koreans Want Reunification?,” KOREA EXPOSÉ, last modified March 6, 2018, https://www.koreaexpose.com/younger-south-koreans-still-want-unification/.

Clint Work, “What Do Younger South Koreans Think of North Korea?,” The Diplomat, last modified February 2, 2018, https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/what-do-younger-south-koreans-think-of-northkorea/.

Emma Campbell, “The end of ethnic nationalism? Changing conceptions of national identity and belonging among young South Koreans,” Nations and Nationalism 21, no. 3 (2015): 499, doi:10.1111/ nana.12120.

Chamberlain, “ CULTURAL DIMENSIONS OF KOREAN REUNIFICATION,” 15.

Ibid, 15.

The Huffington Post, “Where To Find The Best Education Around The World,” HuffPost, last modified

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attempt at utilizing education for peace-making effort in Korean Peninsula. The following paragraphs will mainly explore unification education as one of the South’s rapprochement effort to the North in socio- cultural field. To begin with, unification education is “education which helps the people foster the sense of values and attitudes required to achieve unification of South and North Korea, based on the belief in free democracy, consciousness of the national security community, and sound awareness of national.”44 Unification in this context should not be perceived in pessimistic manner since “it is not about returning Korea to circumstances existing before division but about proceeding to the creation of a better future in Korea.”45 Unfortunately, this understanding is often missed by public who were blinded by the light of fast-growing South Korea. This situation gets worse in this digital era, where people could freely express their view to international community in just a few seconds, since it allows such publications without solid basis and serves as groundless propaganda. Therefore, education is highly needed to save South Korea’s future generations from harmful perceptions and to nurture them to wisely select all information that they got. Here, unification education serves as a long-term project which is devised to educate the youths on everything that are required to pursue reunification including the past account on the division of Korean Peninsula, the importance of reunification and harmonious coexistence.46 This project has been carried out by Institute for Unification Education (hereafter IUE) since the late 1990s before South Korean government, in accordance with the National Constitution article 4,47 issued the Unification Education Support Act in February 1999.48 To date, Unification Education has yet to be formally incorporated in South Korea’s national curriculum thus to ensure its consistency within and outside schools, the government annually distributes its guidelines to relevant institutions.49 The IUE provides seven types of January 27, 2013, https://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/11/27/best-education-in-the-wor_n_2199795. html. Ministry of Unification, “White Paper on Korean Unification 2010.”

44 45

Surl Hee Kim, “Sources of Influence on Perceptions of South Korean Youths about Unification of North and South Korea,” Master’s Capstone Projects 178 (May 2016): 13, https://scholarworks.umass. edu/cie_capstones/178.

Kim, “Sources of Influence on Perceptions of South Korean Youths about Unification of North and South Korea,” 13.

“The Republic of Korea shall seek unification and shall formulate and carry out a policy of peaceful unification based on the principles of freedom and democracy.” This is taken from Republic of Korea, THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA, (Geneva: World Intellectual Property Organization, n.d), http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/kr/kr061en.pdf.

Ministry of Unification, “White Paper on Korean Unification 2010.”

Ministry of Unification, White Paper on Korean Unification 2014, (Seoul, Republic of Korea: Ministry of Unification, 2014), http://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/Publications/whitepaper/.

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in- class programs: “unification education programs for schools, public officials, the general public, future unification leaders, unification education instructors, executives, and special programs” (see Appendix, table 1.1 for full information).50 Besides conventional method, IUE in cooperation with national government also offer online course, educational video, textbooks, overseas education tour for Koreans who live abroad and many more activities. In 2015, IUE opened 95 classes for 5,748 participants in which the percentage of teachers who teach unification education for the youths was raised by 29% (from 1,282 to 1,658 participants).51 Increased by almost 10% points from the previous year, 63.1% of 68,000 teenagers who joined School Unification Education in 2015 became aware of the necessity of reunification.52 Indeed, the number of participants is small in comparison to all South Korean youths, nonetheless it is important to underscore such improvement. While giving positive contribution to the two Koreas problem, the utility of unification education has not been fully developed. According to Kang, unification education could achieve its maximum capacity due to its political neutrality which purportedly serves to counter individual or group interest but consequently close the space for critical thinking on the issue.53 In consequence, South Korea has been endorsing reunification whilst putting aside the needs for scrutinizing the primary reason that cause separation of the two Koreas.54 Therefore, on this basis, it is essential to maneuver unification education as peace education. Noting that the content and direction of unification education have gone through several changes (see Appendix, table 1.2), not to mention the significant gap of the region and world order in 1948 and 2018, it is noteworthy to consider this proposal. By peace education, it denotes education which is offered for everyone to establish “nonviolent, economically sustainable, just and participatory societies.” In this sense, the ultimate goal of unification is not completely abandoned but regarded as one of the possible future scenario whilst opening for other alternatives that will make the project’s function less vague and more concrete. In the conflicted society like Koreans, peace education detects the root of division and creates a peaceful order by making use of righteous process in dealing with separation.55 Furthermore, as unification education highlights the national community which may be interpreted as rhetoric of ethnic nationalism, it ought to nurture the youths 50

Ibid.

Ministry of Unification, White Paper on Korean Unification 2016, (Seoul: Republic of Korea: Ministry of Unification, 2016), http://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/Publications/whitepaper/.

Ibid.

Soon-Won Kang, “The Limit and Possibilities of Unification Education as Peace Education beyond Division in South Korea,” Asian Journal of Peacebuilding 6, no. 1 (2018): 137.

Ibid, 135.

Ibid, 139.

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on positive peace and capability to acknowledge and accept differences.56 Based on Annual Unification Attitude Survey in 2014, peace and multiculturalism were proven to be closely intertwined because as number of multicultural acceptance grows, the closer feelings toward North Korean defector increase as well.57 This way, South Koreans, particularly the youths, would be positively influenced and constructed in a manner that supports peaceful relations between two Koreas, be it one united Korea or harmonious co-existence in the peninsula.

CONCLUSION To avoid confusion, whilst repeatedly mentioned the term reunification or unification throughout this paper, the author, as implied in President Moon’s quote at the beginning, does not suggest reunification as the best option for Korean Peninsula. In the midst of ongoing distrust and accuses toward the sudden change in North Korea’s behavior, South Koreans are expected to be smart and wise in taking decisions, not to be blinded by sunshine (again). This gives more significance to the author’s preoccupation on constructivism and Korean Peninsula to show the alternative approach for South Korea from the existing efforts, while also pinpointing the challenges and potentials. The preceded narratives on Korean ethnic nationalism emphasizes the changing notion of both South Korean identity and Korean identity as a whole which was primarily affected by social construct besides the given condition, thus denoting the necessity of constructivism in Korean Peninsula case. In conclusion, unification education has positive implication on the case of Korean Peninsula in the way it constructs wiser view in South Korean youths upon North Korea. However, it might be able to contribute even more if several adjustments, such as the transformation as peace education and the inclusion of multicultural understanding, are applied. In this era where one’s voice could bear the impact of thousands’, thanks to social media, it is important to give more attention on individual behavior beside state action. South Korean government could not completely confined personal choice of their citizens to go along with their plans, but they may limit extreme deviation or strong opposition by planting favorable understanding and view through education. For future-oriented project like peace-making effort in Korean Peninsula, this approach is the best suit because education would only shows its fullest implication in the long run, especially when the target is the youths. Considering the time frame, the South Korean government must be conscious of the shifting condition in the peninsula and capable of properly forecast the future scenario so that an effective-yet-impactful education could be formulated.

Ki-Sung Oh and Min-Ji Kim, “The Unification Education for Peaceful Unification of Korean Peninsular,” The Journal of Peace Studies 18, no. 2 (2017): 48, doi:10.14363/kaps.2017.18.2.41.

Pyeong-Eok AN, “Peace Education in Korea : The Need for a Paradigm Shift from Unification to Peace on the Korean Peninsula,” The Journal of Peace Studies17, no. 2 (2016): 13, doi:10.14363/kaps.2016.17.2.7

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 2018 Inter-Korean Summit Preparation Committee. 2018 Inter-Korean Summit. Panmunjeom: 2018 Inter-Korean Summit Preparation Committee, 2018. http://www.korea.net/ FILE/pdfdata/2018/04/2018_inter-korean_summit_EN.pdf. AN, Pyeong-Eok. “Peace Education in Korea: The Need for a Paradigm Shift from Unification to Peace on the Korean Peninsula.” The Journal of Peace Studies 17, no. 2 (2016), 7-19. doi:10.14363/kaps.2016.17.2.7. Berenskoetter, Felix. “Identity in International Relations.” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies, December 2017, 1-23. doi:10.1093/ acrefore/9780190846626.013.218. Bleiker, Roland. Divided Korea: Toward a Culture of Reconciliation. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005. PDF e-book. Bluth, Christoph. Crisis on the Korean Peninsula. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2011. PDF e-book. Bucher, Bernd, and Ursula Jasper. “Revisiting „identity‟ in International Relations: From identity as substance to identifications in action.” European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 2 (2017), 391-415. doi:10.1177/1354066116644035. Campbell, Emma. “Nationalism in South Korea.” In South Korea’s New Nationalism: The End of “One Korea”?, 1-24. Boulder: First Forum Press, 2016. PDF e-book. Campbell, Emma. “The end of ethnic nationalism? Changing conceptions of national identity and belonging among young South Koreans.” Nations and Nationalism 21, no. 3 (2015), 483-502. doi:10.1111/nana.12120. Campbell, Emma. “Uri nara, our nation: Unification, identity and the emergence of a new nationalism amongst South Korean young people.” PhD diss., Australian National University, 2011. https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/ bitstream/1885/9750/1/02Whole_Campbell.pdf. Chamberlain, Paul F. “CULTURAL DIMENSIONS OF KOREAN REUNIFICATION: BUILDING A UNIFIED SOCIETY.” International Journal on World Peace 21, no. 3 (September 2004), 3-42. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20753448. Gil, Han Mann. Role of Education in National Unification. Seoul: Korea Institute for National Unification, 2000. Accessed August 13, 2018. http://www.koreafocus.or.kr/design1/ layout/content_print.asp?group_id=603. Glosserman, Brad, and Scott Snyder. The Japan-South Korea Identity Clash: East Asian Security and the United States. New York: Colombia University Press, 2015. PDF e- book. Han, Dongho. “The problem of Korean reunification: A scenario analysis.” PhD diss., University of Nebraska, 2010. ProQuest (AAI3412271).

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The Huffington Post. “Where To Find The Best Education Around The World.” HuffPost. Last modified January 27, 2013. https://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/11/27/besteducation- in-the-wor_n_2199795.html. Jackson, Ben. “‘One Nation’ Dream: Do Younger South Koreans Want Reunification?” KOREA EXPOSÉ. Last modified March 6, 2018. https://www.koreaexpose.com/ younger-south-koreans-still-want-unification/. Kang, Soon-Won. “The Limit and Possibilities of Unification Education as Peace Education beyond Division in South Korea.” Asian Journal of Peacebuilding 6, no. 1 (2018), 133156. Kim, Jinwung. A History of Korea: From “Land of the Morning Calm” to States in Conflict. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012. PDF e-book. Kim, Jiyoon, Kildong Kim, and Chungku Kang. South Korean Youths’ Perceptions of North Korea and Unification. Seoul: Asan Institute for Policy Studies, 2018. http://en.asaninst. org/contents/43527/. Kim, Surl Hee. “Sources of Influence on Perceptions of South Korean Youths about Unification of North and South Korea.” Master’s Capstone Projects 178 (May 2016), 1-59. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/cie_capstones/178. Ministry of Unification. UNIFICATION EDUCATION SUPPORT ACT. Seoul, Republic of Korea: National Law Information Center, 2011. Accessed August 14, 2018. http:// law.go.kr/LSW/eng/engLsSc.do?menuId=2&query=UNIFICATION%20EDUCA TION%20SUPPORT%20ACT#liBgcolor0. Ministry of Unification. White Paper on Korean Unification 2010. Seoul, Republic of Korea: Ministry of Unification, 2010. http://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/ Publications/whitepaper/. Ministry of Unification. White Paper on Korean Unification 2014. Seoul, Republic of Korea: Ministry of Unification, 2014. http://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/ Publications/whitepaper/. Ministry of Unification. White Paper on Korean Unification 2016. Seoul: Republic of Korea: Ministry of Unification, 2016. http://www.unikorea.go.kr/eng_unikorea/news/ Publications/whitepaper/. Oh, Ki-Sung, and Min-Ji Kim. “The Unification Education for Peaceful Unification of Korean Peninsular.” The Journal of Peace Studies 18, no. 2 (2017), 41-54. doi:10.14363/ kaps.2017.18.2.41. Onuf, Nicholas G. World of Our Making. New York: Routledge, 2013. PDF e-book. Republic of Korea. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA. Geneva: World Intellectual Property Organization, n.d. http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/ en/kr/kr061en.pdf.

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Robinson, Michael. “National Identity and the Thought of Sin Ch’aeho: Sadaejuŭi and Chuch’e in History and Politics.” Journal of Korean Studies 5, no. 1 (1984), 121-142. doi:10.1353/jks.1984.0003. Schmid, Andre. “Rediscovering Manchuria: Sin Ch’aeho and the Politics of Territorial History in Korea.” The Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 1 (February 1997), 26-46. doi:10.2307/2646342. Shin, Gi-Wook, James Freda, and Gihong Yi. “The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism in Divided Korea.” Nations and Nationalism 5, no. 4 (1999), 465-484. doi:10.1111/j.13545078.1999.00465.x. Wendt, Alexander. “Anarchy is What States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics.” International Organization 46, no. 2 (Spring 1992), 391425. http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0020- 8183%28199221%2946% 3A2%3C391%3AAIWSMO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-9. Work, Clint. “What Do Younger South Koreans Think of North Korea?” The Diplomat. Last modified February 2, 2018. https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/what-do-youngersouth- koreans-think-of-north-korea/. World Bank Group. “Overview.” World Bank. Last modified April 19, 2018. http://www. worldbank.org/en/country/korea/overview.

Sekapur Sirih Perbedaan Indonesia â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Korea

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PERBANDINGAN PRINSIP HIDUP BANGSA INDONESIA-KOREA BERDASARKAN PERIBAHASA KEDUA NEGARA CHANG, YOUNG-MIN (Pekerja Sosial di Ungaran Jawa Tengah)

ABSTRACT Both Indonesia and Korea are countries with high level of culture. One of the things that connotes culture and the view of life is proverb. Thus, for foreigners who learn languages, proverbs are not only good linguistic tools but also a good means of learning to understand culture. Korea and Indonesia have given each other important positions, and this tendency, in recent years, became stronger. In addition to the fact that both countries are in contact with the oceans in geographical terms, both countries share common ground such as the fact that their national economy has been developed based on agriculture industry, and both countries have fermented foods and spices. However, it is also clear that Confucianism and Islam are major ideological foundations for respective nation. In addition to that, while Indonesia is a multiethnic country, Korea is mostly comprised of one ethnic. These differences and commonalities are reflected in the proverbs. First of all, common views of life in both countries can be seen in their ways of helping others and emphasizing humility. However, the multiethnic Indonesia is pursuing a more harmonious life than Korea is and teaching its values to its people. On the other hand, Koreans who have experienced the horrors of civic war and the harshness of winter tend to have a sense of life that clearly shows the value of accomplishment and transformation rather than the value of harmony. This tendency can be seen in the way how Indonesians are interested in religion and spiritual world, while Korea is interested in the present age and success. This tendency has naturally added more temporal values such as diligence, sincerity, and success to Korea, and few people can deny that these socially acceptable values became the basis of Korea’s achievement now. Indonesia, on the other hand, is more adaptable to the environment and the situation, and has a strong tendency to live with adapting themselves to their surroundings and to conceive of it as the will of God. Perhaps the mild natural environment and abundant resources throughout the year have had a great impact on Indonesians’ view of life. Meanwhile, Koreans put emphasis on the importance of doing something on time. As for Indonesians, they are even more afraid of breaking things by hastening them rather than being afraid of missing them. These differences mean that we have many advantages to learn from each other, and we must remember that proverbs can be an important educational tool

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for understanding and acquiring this view of life. However, the use of this proverb gradually decreases. When preserving culture is seen as not a big deal, educating and teaching the proverbs is enough to preserve such a culture. Keywords: Korea, Indonesia, proverbs, Indonesian proverbs, Korean proverbs, Indonesian culture, Korean culture

제목: 속담을 통해서 본 인도네시아-한국 양국의 인생관 비교 인도네시아, 한국 모두 수준 높은 문화를 가지고 있는 나라들이다. 이런 문화와 인생관이 잘 담겨있는 것 중의 하나가 바로 속담이다. 그래서 언어를 배우는 외국인에게 있어서 속담은 좋 은 언어적 도구일 뿐만 아니라 문화를 이해하는 좋은 교육 수단이 되기도 한다. 한국과 인도네시 아는 오래 전부터 서로에게 중요한 위치를 부여해왔으면 최근 들어 이런 경향을 더욱 강해지고 있다. 지리적으로 두 국가는 모두 해양을 접하고 있다는 공통점 이외에도 농업을 중심으로 국가 경제가 발전해온 점, 두 국가 모두 발효와 향신료를 사용한 음식들이 많다는 점을 들 수 있다. 하 지만 유교와 이슬람이 각국에 주요 사상적 기반이라는 점, 다종족-단일민족 국가라는 점의 차이 점도 명확하다. 이런 차이점과 공통점은 속담에도 그대로 반영되어 있다. 먼저 양국의 공통적인 인생관들은 상부상조, 겸손함을 강조하는 예법 등을 들 수 있지만, 다종족의 인도네시아는 한국보다 더욱 조화로운 삶을 더욱 추구하고 자국민들에게 그 가치를 가 르치고 있다. 이에 비해서 전쟁과 겨울의 혹독함을 안고 살아가는 한국 사람들은 조화의 가치보 다는 목적 성취와 변혁의 가치가 보다 분명히 대두되는 인생관을 가지고 있는 경향이 강하다. 이 러한 경향은 인도네시아가 종교와 영적인 세계에 대한 관심이 많은 반면, 한국은 현세와 성공에 대한 관심이 많은 점에서도 엿볼 수 있다. 이런 경향은 당연히 근면과 성실 그리고 성공과 같은 현 세적인 가치를 한국에 더욱 심어주었고, 이런 사회적으로 통용되는 가치들이 지금 한국이 누리는 성공의 밑거름이 되었음을 부인할 수 있는 사람은 많지 않다. 이에 비해 인도네시아는 보다 환경 과 상황에 순응적이며, 자신을 그 속에 조화시키는 것을 신의 뜻으로 이해하고 살아가는 경향이 강하다. 아마도 일년 연중 온화한 자연 환경과 풍족한 자원들이 인도네시아인들의 인생관 정립에 많은 영향을 끼쳤을 것이다. 한국은 제 때 하느냐를 중요시 여기고, 인도네시아인들은 때를 놓치 는 것을 두려워하기보다 성급하게 하여 일을 그르치는 것을 더욱 두려워한다. 이런 차이점은 양국이 서로에게 배워야 할 많은 장점들이 많이 있다는 것을 의미하며, 속 담은 이런 인생관을 이해하고 체득해 가는데 중요한 교육적 수단이 될 수 있음을 우리는 기억해 야 한다. 하지만 점차 이런 속담 사용의 빈도가 줄어들고 있어서 안타까울 뿐이다. 문화를 보존하 는 것은 거창하고 힘든 일이 아니다. 속담의 교육만으로도 충분히 그런 문화를 보존, 전수할 수 있 다. 키워드: 한국, 인도네시아, 속담, 문화, 인생관, 상부상조, 다종족, 단일민족

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PENDAHULUAN: DEFINISI DAN PERAN PERIBAHASA Indonesia dan Korea merupakan negara yang mempunyai peradaban tinggi dan kaya. Dari peradaban tinggi tersebut maka kedua negara ini akan memiliki pengalaman yang luas tentang arti dan makna kehidupan. Salah satu peradaban yang paling menonjol dari pengalaman itu adalah adanya kemampuan dalam pengolahan kata. Contoh yang paling baik adalah peribahasa. Peribahasa merupakan pepatah rakyat yang mengandung katakata bijak bagi masyarakat dan yang disampaikan secara lisan. Peribahasa ini mengandung sejarah bangsa yang panjang dan hikmat kehidupan bangsa itu. Karena biasanya peribahasa diwariskan dari generasi ke generasi dan dari mulut ke mulut, maka susunan kata-kata dalam peribahasa juga biasanya tetap. Karena peribahasa merupakan ungkapan atau kalimat ringkas padat, berisi perbandingan, perumpamaan, nasihat, prinsip hidup atau aturan tingkah laku, peribahasa sering juga disebut sebagai hasil campuran antara kebudayaan tinggi dan prinsip hidup masyarakat. Maka peribahasa dianggap sebagai bahan yang penting dalam pengajaran bahasa khususnya sebagai bahasa asing bagi orang asing yang mempelajari bahasa tersebut. Kita bisa mengerti dan memahami ciri khas sosial negera itu dan warisan kebudayaan dengan lebih mudah melalui belajar peribahasa dari negara tersebut. Hampir semua peribahasa singkat dan padat supaya mudah dipahami dan mudah dihafalkan. Juga peribahasa berperan sebagai standar nilai-nilai sosial dalam masyarakat, dan juga berperan untuk memelihara ketertiban sosial. Selain itu, peribahasa memiliki otoritas validitas karena peribahasa sudah ada secara lisan sejak jaman nenek moyang sebelum tertulis, maka bisa dikatakan sejarah peribahasa sangat panjang. Oleh karena faktor keberadaan peribahasa sudah ada sejak jaman dahulu dan faktor pemakaian peribahasa dalam masyarakat sehari-hari, menyebabkan peribahasa ini memiliki otoritas validitas. Juga, peribahasa mencerminkan ciri-ciri lingkungan sebuah negara. Sebab bahan-bahan yang dipakai dalam peribahasa selalu berhubungan dengan lingkungan sekitar negara itu. Akan tetapi peribahasa bukan hanya menyatakan ciri-ciri bangsa dan masyarakat sebua negara, tetapi juga menunjukkan keunikan suatu daerah dan tren jaman tersebut. Oleh karena kehidupan dan prinsip hidup selalu berubah, ideologi dan sistem juga berubah mengikuti perubahan jaman, maka peribahasa tidak hanya mencerminkan ciri-ciri jaman saat peribahasa itu dibuat namun juga kata-kata yang dipakai dalam peribahasa itu disesuaikan dengan gaya bahasa pada jaman tersebut. Oleh karena ciri-ciri peribahasa yang telah disebutkan di atas, peribahasa merupakan bahan-bahan yang sangat berguna untuk mengerti dan memahami ciri-ciri bahasa dan budaya di sebuah negara sekaligus. Akan tetapi, ada kesulitan yang disebabkan oleh ciri-ciri itu. Yaitu peribahasa menjadi tidak mudah dipahami oleh orang asing yang memiliki kebudayaan yang berbeda. Kalau kita mengerti makna dan arti peribahasa dari sebuah negara, maka kita lebih mudah mengerti budaya dan tradisi dari negera tersebut. Hal tersebut yang mendasari

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dalam penulisan artikel ini. Saya ingin membandingkan prinsip hidup bangsa Indonesia dan Korea berdasarkan peribahasa dari kedua negara tersebut dalam artikel yang singkat ini.

PERSAMAAN DAN PERBEDAAN INDONESIA DAN KOREA DARI BERBAGAI SUDUT Indonesia dan Korea Selatan secara resmi membentuk hubungan diplomatik pada 17 September 1973. Hubungan Indonesia dan Korea Selatan berubah dari hubungan bilateral luar negeri antara Indonesia dan Korea Selatan menjadi â&#x20AC;&#x153;special strategic partnershipâ&#x20AC;? pada Nov 2017. Kedua negara ini memiliki visi, nilai, dan keinginan untuk berkontribusi pada komunitas internasional sebagai kekuatan tengah yang sama. Kedua negara adalah anggota dari G-20 dan APEC. Walaupun kedua negara ini memiliki perbedaan yang sangat nyata dalam struktur ekonomi dan sistem politik, namun kedua negara tersebut juga memiliki dua pengalaman yang sama, yaitu dua-duanya pernah mengalami penjajahan dan peperangan dengan komunisme. Persamaan historis atau sejarah ini sangat mempengaruhi padangan diplomatik kedua negara ini. Korea merupakan negara semenanjung yang terletak di timur-utara benua Asia. Nenek moyang orang Korea memanfaatkan segi geografis sebagai semenanjung sehingga menerima budaya kontinental seperti Kongfusianisme dan Buddha dan menaturalisasi budaya kontinental tersebut. Namun oleh karena ciri-ciri semenanjung, dari kedua sisi, yaitu dari benua dan laut, Korea sering mengalami serangan dan tekanan politik. Secara geografis Korea terletak di belahan utara, maka tentu saja beriklim hangat dan memiliki 4 musim. Oleh karena iklim seperti ini, industri pertanian sudah berkembang sejak masa lampau. Dalam industri pertanian tenaga kerja sangat penting, maka kebudayaan komunitas sangat dipentingkan. Tetapi Indonesia merupakan negara kepulauan terbesar di seluruh dunia yang terdiri atas 5 pulau besar, Jawa, Kalimatan, Sumatra, Sulawesi dan Papua serta 17,508 pulau yang besar dan kecil. Luas daerah Indonesia adalah 1.9juta Km2, ini 19 kali lipat lebih besar daripada daerah Korea. Ikilm Indonesia merupakan monsun tropis, jadi panas dan lembab. Oleh karena iklim seperti ini, sejak dahulu wilayah Indonesia cocok untuk pertanian, berbagai macam buah-buahan tropis seperti kelapa, pisang, pepaya dll berlimpah-limpah. Umbi-umbian seperti singkong, ubi, kentang yang bisa menjadi pengganti nasi juga bertumbuh subur di Indonesia. Dengan demikian, Indonesia memiliki wilayah negara yang luas, SDA yang kaya, dan suku serta bahasa daerah yang bervariasi. Dan 87% dari penduduk Indonesia memeluk agama Islam. Berdasarkan informasi di atas ini kita menyimpulkan beberapa persamaan dan perbedaan di antara kedua negara tersebut yaitu, Indonesia dan Korea. Persamaan yang pertama, kedua negara ini berbatasan dengan laut, sehingga sejak jama dahulu, kebudayaan laut berkembang. Akan tetapi ada perbedaan secara geografis. Indonesia adalah negara kepulauan, sedangkan Korea adalah negara semenanjung. Persamaan yang kedua adalah

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negara Indonesia dan Korea termasuk daerah agraris, nasi adalah makan pokok. Makanan Indonesia juga berpusat pada peragian seperti sambal yang mirip dengan Gochujang di Korea. Di Korea gagasan Konfusianisme berkuasa, sedangkan di Indonesia gagasan dari Islam berkuasa dengan mutlak. Berbeda dengan Korea yang sejak dulu satu ras, namun Indonesia terdiri atas beragam-ragam suku(Melayu, Tionghowa, India dll). Akan tetapi jaman sekarang Korea pun berubah dari masyarakat satu ras menjadi masyarakat multirasial dalam fenomena globalisasi. Dengan demikian meskipun Indonesia dan Korea jaraknya cukup jauh, namun dalam budaya ada persamaan dan perbedaan yang jelas. Semua hal ini, yaitu budaya dan tradisi yang terkandung di dalam peribahasa kedua negara, tetap mempengaruhi setiap masyarakat dan kehidupan penduduk secara langsung maupun tidak langsung. Saat ini kita akan mengamati prinsip hidup yang bisa ditemukan dalam peribahasa di kedua negara, kemudian mencari manfaat pengajaran peribahasa untuk memahami dan melestarikan budaya.

GOTONG-ROYONG Sejak dahulu, di Indonesia dan Korea industri pertanian berkembang pesat karena kedua negara memiliki iklim yang cocok untuk menanam padi. Karena bertanam padi membutuhkan tenaga kerja yang besar, maka sejak dulu kehidupan komunitas juga berkembang. Kehidupan demikian menimbulkan gagasan ‘Gotong-royong’ sebagai prinsip hidup secara otomatis. Gotong-royong merupakan istilah Indonesia untuk bekerja bersamasama untuk mencapai suatu hasil yang didambakan dan untuk kepentingan bersama. Istilah ini berasal dari kata gotong berarti “bekerja atau mengangkat”, dan royong berarti “bersama”. Gotong-royong terjadi dalam beberapa aktivitas kehidupan masyarakat sehari-hari, seperti gotong-royong dalam bentuk kerjabakti, dilakukan untuk kepentingan bersama. Gotong-royong dapat terjadi di lahan pertanian yang berada di wilayah pedesaan berupa bantuan tenaga pada saat membuka lahan baru sampai mengerjakan lahan pertanian, dan diakhiri di saat panen, bantuan dari orang lain seperti ini harus dikembalikan sesuai dengan tenaga yang diberikan, hal ini terus menerus terjadi yang akhirnya menjadi ciri masyarakat, terutama yang memiliki mata pencaharian sebagai petani. Khususnya bantuan di lahan pertanian dicontohkan pada saat petani mengalami lahan kering atau kurangnya irigasi, terutama pada sistem huma, karena pada sistem pertanian huma sangat jelas sekali pola gotong-royong yang mereka lakukan yaitu azas timbal-balik. Tetapi oleh karena perubahan jaman dan struktur industri serta perkembangan dan kemajuan alat-alat pertanian, sekarang gotong-royong lebih sering ditemukan dalam hal-hal atau kegiatan yang berkaitan dengan acara-acara khusus seperti pesta pernikahan, atau khitanan. Beberapa hari sebelum pesta para kenalan, tetangga ataupun kerabat biasanya datang membantu dan membawa bahan makanan, uang, ataupun tenaga, kemudian bantuan ini harus dikembalikan minimal dengan nilai yang sama. Bahkan gotong-royong dapat pula

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terjadi pada saat adanya musibah ataupun kematian salah seorang warga komunitas, hal ini tidak dapat disebut kepentingan bersama ataupun kepentingan pribadi tetapi rasa kemanusiaan yang muncul di antara warga, karena musibah datangnya tidak diperhitungkan ataupun diketahui, sehingga warga yang mendapat musibah tersebut memerlukan bantuan dari warga lainnya. Kita bisa sering menemukan prinsip hidup ‘gotong-royong’ dalam peribahasa, khususnya dalam peribahasa Jawa. Urip iku urup, peribahasa ini sangat familiar bagi semua orang Indonesia. Maksudnya hidup itu hendaknya memberi manfaat bagi orang lain di sekitar kita, semakin besar manfaat yang bisa kita berikan tentu akan lebih baik, tapi sekecil apapun manfaat yang dapat kita berikan, jangan sampai kita menjadi orang yang meresahkan masyarakat. Peribahasa yang lain yang berhubungan lebih erat dengan gotong-royong adalah Berat sama dipikul, ringan sama dijinjing. Peribahasa ini biasanya sering diungkapkan untuk teman setia, walaupun sebenarnya ungkapan ini bisa bermakna lebih luas daripada hanya untuk seorang teman. Sedangkan dalam peribahasa bahasa Korea juga ada istilah yang mempunyai arti yang sama, yaitu 상부상조 (相扶相助), artinya ‘saling membantu, saling mendorong’. Juga ada ‘이웃 사촌’(Tetangga itulah kerabat), ‘가까운 남이 먼 일가 보다 낫다’(Tetangga lebih baik daripada saudara yang tinggal jauh). ‘백지장도 맞들면 낫다’(bahu-membahu; Bila dikerjakan dengan saling membantu, walaupun itu hanya hal kecil maka akan menjadi lebih mudah). Peribahasa seperti ini juga menunjukkan sikap orang Korea tentang konsep ‘saling membantu dan saling mendukung’. Persamaan prinsip kedua negara ini, menurut pendapat saya, bersumber dari industri pertanian yang sangat membutuhkan tenaga yang besar pada waktu penanaman padi sampai penuaian padi.

TENGGANG RASA DAN RENDAH HATI Tenggang rasa adalah sikap menghargai dan menghormati perasaan orang lain serta dapat menempatkan diri pada situasi yang dialami orang lain sehingga dapat ikut merasakannya. Karena Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara multikultural-multirasial-multireligius, tenggang rasa menjadi prinsip hidup yang harus dikembangkan. Dalam menghayati dan mengamalkan nilai kebudayaan, kesukuan dan keagamaan diperlukan sikap tenggang rasa yang tinggi untuk mewujudkan dan mengembangkan sikap hormat menghormati dan kerja sama antarsuku-bangsa dan pemeluk agama yang berbeda-beda. Wujud sikap tenggang rasa ini, antara lain, dapat berupa pengendalian diri untuk tidak mencela suku, bangsa, bahasa, agama dan budaya yang lain. Orang Indonesia pada umumnya berpikir bahwa perbedaan itu tidak menjadi penghalang terwujudnya persatuan karena adanya sikap tenggang rasa demi kesatuan dan persatuan bangsa. Teman saya, Bapak Sugiono, berkata bahwa “kita mungkin berbeda suku dan adat-istiadat dengan orang lain. Namun kita tetap bisa menjalin persahabatan yang akrab.” Peribahasa Jawa “Sura Dira Jayaningrat, Lebur Dening Pangastuti” juga menyatakan tenggang rasa sebagai prinsip

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hidup. Artinya segala sifat keras hati, picik, angkara murka, hanya bisa dikalahkan dengan sikap bijak, lembut hati dan sabar. Seperti telah disebutkan di atas, Korea adalah bangsa homogen. Maka orang Korea jarang dididik untuk menghargai dan menghormati orang yang berbeda. Jadi orang Korea kadang-kadang bersikap kurang bertoleransi. Akan tetapi karena pengaruh globalisasi dan internasionalisasi, telah mulai muncul banyak keluarga campuran antara negara. Keadaan seperti ini menuntut orang korea juga harus memiliki tenggang rasa dan toleransi. Namun oleh karena pengaruh Konghucu yang sangat mengutamakan tingkatan dalam masyarakat, Orang Korea sangat mementingkan sikap rendah hati. Menurut pendapat saya, tenggang rasa dan rendah hati tidak begitu berbeda karena kalau kita rendah hati, pasti kita saling menghargai dan menghormati. ‘벼는 익을 수록 고개를 숙인다.’(Semakin matang padi di sawah, semakin tunduk kepalanya; Sebagai ilmu padi, makin berbuah makin runduk), ‘ 뛰는 놈 위에 나는 놈 있다.‘(pasti ada orang yang terbang di atas orang yang berlari cepat; Di atas langit masih ada langit. Tidak boleh sombong karena sehebat apapun kita pasti masih ada orang yang lebih hebat lagi) Peribahasa ini menekankan betapa pentingnya sikap merendahkan diri seperti peribahasa di Indonesia “Sepandari-pandainya tupai melompat, sekali waktu jatuh juga”, “Aja kuminter mundak keblinger, aja cidra mundak cilaka”. Artinya jangan merasa paling pandai agar tidak salah arah, jangan suka berbuat curang agar tidak celaka. Berbagai macam suku dan bahasa dan ajaran konghucu serta masa penjajahan mungkin mempengaruhi perkembangan budaya kedua negara ini untuk mengutamakan kerendahan hati dan tenggang rasa.

KERUKUNAN Indonesia adalah salah satu negara yang menganjurkan masyarakatnya untuk hidup rukun. Sebab kerukunan merupakan salah satu pilar penting dalam memelihara persatuan rakyat dan bangsa Indonesia. Tanpa terwujudnya kerukunan diantara berbagai suku, agama, ras dan antar golongan bangsa Indonesia akan mudah terancam oleh perpecahan dengan segala akibatnya yang tidak diinginkan. Kerukunan dapat diartikan sebagai kondisi hidup dan kehidupan yang mencerminkan suasana damai, tertib, tentram, sejahtera sesuai dengan kepribadian pancasila. Hampir semua orang Indonesia setuju bahwa alam semesta beserta isinya telah diciptakan oleh Tuhan dengan sedemikian harmonisnya. Manusia sebagai makhluk terakhir yang diciptakan oleh Tuhan diberi tanggung jawab untuk menguasa bumi ini dan memelihara dan melesatarikan apa yang telah Allah ciptakan. Maka manusiapun diwajibkan hidup dalam komunitas masyarakat dan berinteraksi satu sama lain secara rukun dan damai. Jika seluruh alam semesta saja mampu hidup secara harmonis seharusnya manusia juga bisa melakukannya. Namun bagi orang Korea nilai keberhasilan lebih penting daripada nilai kerukunan. Ada dua alasan. Alasan pertama, secara geografis Korea adalah semenanjung, maka ancaman

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perpecahan tidak begitu besar. Sepanjang sejarah korea, hampir tidak pernah negara korea terpecah, atau provinsi di korea tidak pernah meminta kemerdekaan kepada pemerintahan Korea. Tetapi korea mengalami dua kesengsaraan dalam sejarah modern, yatiu penjajahan Jepang dan Perang Korea. Kebetulan kedua peristiwa ini terjadi di luar keinginan dan rencana orang Korea bahkan di luar kemampuannya. Maka semua orang korea berpikir bawah karena mereka lemah dan kecil dalam dunia internasional, maka mereka mengalami kedua kesulitan tersebut. Oleh karena itu, orang Korea rajin bekerja sampai terwujud apa yang ditargetkan supaya cepat menjadi negara yang kuat dan besar. Kerajinan lebih dihargai daripada kerukunan. Orang Korean ingin cepat menjadi kaya dan kuat, akhirnya mereka mewujudkan keajaiban di Sungai Han. Maka di Korea terkadang nilai-nilai kerukunan disingkirkan. Peribahasa berikutnya menyatakan dengan baik sikap seperti ini. ‘목구멍이 포도청이다’(Mau tidak mau melakukan perbuatan yang seharusnya tidak dibolehkan demi kelangsungan hidup), ‘모로 가도 서울만 가면 된다’(Menghalalkan segala cara; Melakukan sesuatu tanpa menghiraukan apakah cara yang dilakukannya benar atau salah). Sedangkan, Orang Indonesia cepat puas diri, dan mereka jarang mengorbankan kebahagiaan hari ini untuk mencapai cita-cita besok. “Memayu hayuning bawana, ambrasta dur hangkara”. Artinya manusia hidup di dunia harus mengusahakan keselamatan, kebahagiaan dan kesejahteraan, serta memberantas sifat angkara murka, serakah dan tamak. Maka sampai saat ini, saya belum pernah bertemu dengan orang yang tamak dan serakah, tetapi memang ada orang yang pelit di sekeliling saya. Juga saya sering mendengar peribahasa “Mangan ora mangan sing penting ngumpul” artinya makan tidak makan yang terpenting adalah bisa berkumpul. Peribahasa ini menyatakan betapa pentingnya kebersamaan bagi orang Indonesia. Benar-benar orang Indonesia, khususnya wong jowo, yang saya pernah temui dan alami adalah orang yang suka dan mudah bergaul. Betul sekali, “Wong jowo iki gampang di tekuk-tekuk ”. Ungkapan ini menunjukan orang Jawa atau orang Indonesia itu fleksibel dalam kehidupan. Kemudahan bergaul dan kemampuan hidup di level manapun baik kaya, miskin, pejabat atau pesuruh sekalipun.

KEJIWAAN DAN KEROHANIAN Setiap saat saya menonton aktor dalam sebuah program tv yang mengungkapkan pikirannya dan pendapatnya berdasarkan keyakinan agamanya masing-masing, saya merasakan bahwa mungkin Indonesia adalah salah satu negara yang paling rohani dan mengutamakan nilai-nilai kejiwaan. Sedangkan Korea lebih sekuler daripada Indonesia, maka di Korea masyarakatnya lebih sering mengutamakan nilai duniawi. Persentase penganut Ateis dalam masyarakat Korea sekarang hampir mencapai 49%, rasio ini menempatkan Korea di peringkat No.12 di seluruh dunia. Aktor Korea jarang sekali menunjukkan kepercayaannya secara pribadi karena pada umumnya masalah agama dianggap sebagai privasi. Kebanyakan orang Korea tidak percaya lagi pada keberadaan Allah. Mereka cenderung lebih senang

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percaya kepada teori evolusi, serta lebih mementingkan hak asasi manusia dan martabat manusia daripada kepercayaan agama. Mungkin peribahasa ini ‘내 코가 석자다’(tidak dapat memperhatikan orang lain karena keadaan diri sendiri dalam kesulitan) menjelaskan fenomena ini. Bagi orang Korea yang mengalami kelaparan dan kedinginan untuk jangka waktu yang lama, mencari nafkah lebih penting daripada mencari Allah. Seperti dinyatakan dalam Pancasila, semua orang Indonesia meyakini bahwa mereka adalah ciptaan Allah, Yang Maha Esa. Tidak seorang pun menyangkal pernyataan ini. Kalau dibandingkan dengan Korea, Indonesia masih sangat rohaniah/religius dan hampir semua orang mempunyai kepercayaan agama masing-masing. “Aja ketungkul marang kalungguhan, kadonyan lan kemareman” artinya janganlah terobsesi atau terkungkung/terkurung oleh keinginan untuk memperoleh kedudukan, harta benda dan kepuasan duniawi. Peribahasa yang berikut juga menyatakan pentingnya nilai-nilai intern dan batin. “Aja gumunan, aja getunan, aja kagetan, aja aleman” artinya jangan mudah terheran-heran, jangan mudah menyesal, jangan mudah terkejut-kejut, jangan mudah kolokan atau manja. “Aja milik barang kang melok, aja mangro mundak kendo” artinya jangan tergiur/tergoda oleh halhal yang tampak mewah, cantik, indah; Jangan berpikir mendua agar tidak kendor niat dan kendor semangat. “Saiki jama edan yen ora edan ora komanan, sing bejo sing eling lan waspodo” maksudnya adalah sekarang zaman gila, yang tidak gila tidak bakal kebagian, hanya orang yang ingat kepada Allah dan waspada yang beruntung. Seperti yang dinyatakan dalam peribahasa yang telah kita amati di atas, dasar kehidupan orang Indonesia adalah kepercayaan dan takut akan Tuhan Yang Maha Esa.

BERADAPTASI (MENYESUAIKAN DIRI) Nerimo ing pandum. Mungkin tidak ada peribahasa yang sering saya dengar selama tinggal di Indonesia. Peribahasa tadi artinya menerima dengan pemberian dari Allah. Maksudnya orang harus ikhlas menerima hasil dari usaha yang sudah dia kerjakan atau orang harus bersyukur atas keadaan sekarang. Maka biasanya di mata orang asing seperti saya, orang Indonesia kelihatan lebih ikhlas dan rela atas apa yang mereka terima dalam kehidupannya atau legowo dalam menghadapi setiap lika-liku dalam hidup. Pengaplikasian dalam kehidupan sosial “nrimo ing pandum” bisa berarti bermurah hati dengan sesama, dalam ekonomi dapat pula dikatakan sebagai rasa puas dengan kekayaan yang dimiliki, dan masih bisa lebih luas lagi “nrimo ing pandum” dapat diaplikasikan. Nrimo yang berarti menerima dengan segala sesuatu pemberian baik dari sesama manusia ataupun dari Yang Maha Kuasa, baik berupa hal baik maupun hal buruk, bahkan kurang ataupun lebih. Bagi sesepuh jaman dulu khususnya seperti nenek moyang orang Indonesia “nrimo ing pandum” digunakan sebagai pegangan dalam menjalani ujian kehidupan. Mungkin banyak dari mereka berpikir bahwa ujian hidup itu hal yang menyedihkan, menyusahkan, ‘bikin bete’ kata anak muda jaman sekarang. Akan tetapi perlu kita ingat juga bahwa ujian bisa saja berupa

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kelebihan yang kita miliki. Kelebihan yang kita miliki atau kita terima tersebut dalam kajian nrimo memesankan kepada kita agar selalu bersyukur dan berendah hati dengan apa yang sudah kita miliki. Sebaliknya dalam kekurangan yang kita hadapi nrimo mengajarkan kita agar selalu bersabar dan tabah dalam kekurangan maupun kesulitan yang ada. Tetapi kalau dibandingakn dengan orang Indonesia, orang Korea pada umumnya lebih suka melampaui batas. ‘고생 끝에 낙이 온다’(Setelah kesulitan usai, kebahagiaan akan datang; Berakit-rakit ke hulu, berenang-renang ke tepian), ‘가난이 병보다 무섭다’(Kemiskinan lebih menakutkan daripada penyakit; kemiskinan mendorong orang untuk melakukan kejahatan atau mengalami kesusahan), ‘하늘은 스스로 돕는 자를 돕는다’(Niat/tekad menjalani berakhir dengan untung, usaha diri sendiri sangat penting untuk mencapai keberhasilan suatu pekerjaan. Artinya Tuhan akan memberikan keberhasilan terhadap orang yang berusaha dengan tangannya sendiri), ‘개같이 벌어서 정승 같이 쓰랬다’(Bersungguh-sungguh saat mencari uang dan menggunakannya dengan benar dan berharga), ‘열 번 찍어 안 넘어가는 나무 없다’(Tidak akan ada hal yang mustahil jika kita terus berusaha). Semua peribahasa ini menunjukan kepercayaan orang Korea bahwa mereka bisa mengubah nasib mereka asalkan mereka sungguh-sungguh berniat, bertekad dan berusaha. Selama 3 tahun saat saya bekerja sama dengan orang Indonesia, saya mulai lebih mengerti dan memahami perbedaan ini dalam proses mengerjakan tugas. Orang Korea kadang-kadang tidak nyaman kalau mereka disuruh dengan terlalu detail karena mereka berpikir bahwa mereka tidak dipercayai dan dianggap tidak mampu. Maka orang Korea lebih berinisiatif dalam mengerjakan tugas dan mereka lebih suka membuktikan kemampuan mereka kepada atasan dengan mengerjakan tugasnya dengan sebaik mungkin. Sedangkan orang Indonesia cenderung lebih suka menunggu sampai disuruh dan mereka sangat berhati-hati dalam hal sekecil apa pun. Maka mereka terkadang bingung harus berbuat apa kalau tidak disuruh dengan detail.

BERHATI-HATI DAN MUSYAWARAH Walaupun di Korea ada peribahasa ‘돌다리도 두들겨 보고 건너라’(Harus memastikan dengan baik sebelum dilakukan meskipun telah diketahui dengan baik supaya tidak ada kesalahan), namun biasanya orang Korea suka melakukan sesuatu dengan cepat-cepat dan percaya bahwa semuanya ada tempo waktunya. ‘사또 떠난 뒤에 나팔 분다’(Setelah raja lewat, tiup sangkakala; Sehabis berkelahi teringat silat), ‘소 잃고 외양간 고친다’(Bagai membuat pintu kandang setelah sapi dicuri; tidak ada gunanya berusaha untuk membetulkan setelah peristiwa telah terjadi), ‘쇠뿔은 단 김에 빼라’(Pukullah besi ketika masih panas; Jemurlah saat hari panas). Semua Peribahasa ini menitikberatkan untuk melakukan sesuatu tepat pada waktunya. Di Korea memiliki empat musim yang sangat berbeda, yaitu musim semi, musim panas, musim gugur (musim panen) dan musim salju (atau musim dingin).

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Oleh karena itu kalau petani terlambat menabur benih atau menanam padi waktu musim semi, dia tidak akan memanen hasil penanaman pada musim panen. Kalau begitu, dia tidak akan bisa bertahan hidup pada musim salju karena musim salju di Korea dingin sekali dan panjang. Maka sejak dahulu orang Korea sering mengatakan bahwa semuanya tempo waktunya. Sedangkan di Indonesia musimnya cuma ada dua saja, yaitu musim hujan dan musim kemarau, apalagi selalu berlimpah-limpah buah-buahan dan produk pertanian yang dihasilkan setiap musim secara bergantian. Oleh karena itu, orang Indonesia lebih mementingkan sikap hati-hati dan prinsip “musyawarah”. “Alon-alon waton klakon”, artinya biar lambat asal selamat, juga menyatakan sikap orang Indonesia yang mengutamakan keamanan. “Karena nila setitik rusak susu sebelanga.” Ungkapan ini mengajarkan kita untuk lebih hati-hati, lebih teliti, dan lebih detail dalam melihat sesuatu sehingga tidak ada satu kesalahan kecil yang akan merusak semuanya. Terkadang kita sering mengalami satu kesalahan kecil namun berdampak sangat luas bahkan hingga dapat merusak keseluruhan. Khususnya karena orang Indonesia sangat menghargai hubungan dengan orang lain, maka mereka selalu berusaha “Menang tanpa ngasorake” (artinya menang tanpa merendahkan atau mempermalukan). Di mata saya, orang Indonesia sangat suka mengadakan rapat, durasi rapat juga sangat panjang supaya bisa mendengar pendapat semua peserta. Tetapi prinsip musyawarah sangat penting bagi orang Indonesia. Musyawarah adalah suatu upaya bersama dengan sikap rendah hati untuk memecahkan persoalan atau mencari jalan keluar guna mengambil keputusan bersama dalam penyelesaian atau pemecahan masalah yang menyangkut urusan keduniawian. Kalau dibandingkan dengan orang Korea yang lebih menyukai cara voting untuk memutuskan sesuatu secara bersama-sama karena lebih praktis, menghemat waktu dan lebih simpel daripada musyawarah yang berbelit-belit. Akan tetapi bagi orang Indonesia, musyawarah cenderung dipilih oleh sebagian besar masyarakat karena bermusyawarah berarti bukan hanya berkomunikasi, tapi juga berhubungan dengan orang lain. Maka Musyawarah sering dilakukan oleh orang Indonesia dalam kehidupan sehari-hari juga. Sebagai contoh kecil di saat mereka ingin makan bersama teman-temannya, mereka pasti bermusyawarah untuk menentukan makanan apa dan di mana akan makan. Bagi orang Indonesia, menjalin hubungan baik dengan sesama manusia lebih penting daripada memutuskan sesuatu secara efisien dan dengan cepat. Nilai-nilai yang kita amati di atas tidak bisa terpisah satu sama lain. Gotong-royong, tenggang rasa dan rendah hati, kerukunan dan kejiwaan-kerohanian, menyesuaikan diri, bermusyawarah berinteraksi bersama dalam kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Akan tetapi di Korea, kecepatan, kerajinan, kemajuan, melampaui batas, mengubah nasib dengan usaha diri sendiri dan efesiensi diutamakan, maka semua aspek yang menghalangi kesuksesan akan disingkirkan secara otomatis. Melalui hal ini bisa katakan bahwa Korea bisa menjadi negara yang cukup maju, tetapi tidak bisa disangkal bahwa efek samping juga muncul sebagai konsekuensinya.

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KESIMPULAN: PERIBAHASA SEBAGAI WAHANA MEMAHAMI DAN MELESTARIKAN BUDAYA Merupakan hal yang susah untuk saling mengerti tanpa ada pengertian yang baik tentang kebudayaan masing-masing negara. Akhir-akhir ini karena perkembangan transportasi, membuat perbedaan budaya semakin berkurang. Akan tetapi karena masih ada perbedaan geografi dan iklim, dan juga ada perbedaan ekonomi dan historis di antara sebuah negara yang satu dengan yang lain, maka akan membutuhkan waktu yang sangat lama untuk menghilangkan perbedaan di antara kebudayaan tiap negara. Jadi intinya adalah komunikasi antar budaya merupakan sebuah bentuk pengertian yg tinggi tentang perbedaan, ketika saling mengerti perbedaan budaya, kita bisa menjalin hubungan baik dengan yang lain, secara pribadi maupun secara diplomasi. Peribahasa menjadi wahana penting yang menjadikan budaya sebagai perekat bangsa dan dunia. Kearifan yang terdapat dalam peribahasa dapat menjadi pembelajaran lintas etnis, suku, geografis dan nasionalis untuk saling memahami satu sama lain dalam payung kemanusiaan. Seperti kita telah amati di atas, peribahasa tidak hanya menyangkut soal lingusitik, di dalamnya ada nilai-nilai budaya yang mempengaruhi kehidupan bermasyarakat. Maka dengan mempelajari peribahasa kita jadi mengerti budaya dan prinsip hidup dengan lebih dalam. Indonesia - Korea dekat secara relatif tetapi juga berbeda oleh karena faktor geografis dan historis yang sangat berbeda antara kedua negara. Namun, pertukaran budaya dapat diperluas dengan pendidikan peribahasa dan pepatah di antara kedua negara masing-masing. Akan tetapi makna dari peribahasa seringkali kurang dipahami oleh sebagian besar orang khususnya generasi mudah di era modern ini. Banyak orang menganggap pemakaian peribahasa adalah hal-hal yang kuno, ndeso dan ketinggalan jaman. Maka sebagian besar orang merasa prihatin karena peribahasa sebagai warisan kekayaan bangsa telah diabaikan, dilupakan, ditiadakan dan nyaris tidak gunakan lagi baik oleh masyarakat lokal hingga tingkat nasional. Pahdahal, meskipun peribahasa lahir dalam konteks lokal, tapi isi dan makna yang dikandungnya bermuatan nilai-nilai universal dan kemanusiaan, jika ditelaah lagi, peribahasa warisan leluhur di atas akan berlaku terus sepanjang hidup dan abadi. Warisan budaya pemikiran ini bahkan dapat menambah wawasan kebijaksanaan serta mengajarkan hidup kita agar senantiasa â&#x20AC;&#x153;Eling lan waspodoâ&#x20AC;?. Dengan bersilaturahmi dengan nenek moyang bangsa yang masih hidup melalui peribahasa, kita dapat mempelajari dan meneladani lehulur bangsa yang telah mewariskan negara ini lengkap dengan nilai-nilai adat dan budayanya yang beraneka ragam. Oleh karena itu, melestarikan peribahasa merupakan salah satu sikap yang penting dalam melestarikan kebudayaan tradisi. Pendekatan yang dilakukan dengan saling memahami prinsip hidup kedua negara secara kultural ini menjadi salah satu pondasi Tri Sakti yang diformulasikan oleh Soekarno sebagai â&#x20AC;&#x153;berkarakter dalam budaya.â&#x20AC;?

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Sekilas mengenai INAKOS

1. VISI INAKOS (International Association of Korean Studies in Indonesia) â&#x20AC;&#x153;Menjadi Lembaga Asosiasi International tentang penelitian, kerja sama antaranggota, dan membina kemitraan antarlembaga terkait di Indonesia serta menjadi lembaga yang unggul, berwawasan kebangsaan, dan peduli pada kepentingan generasi muda.â&#x20AC;?

2. MISI 1. Menghasilkan anggota INAKOS yang mempunyai pengetahuan dan wawasan studi Korea yang luas untuk memperkaya wawasan bangsa Indonesia tentang budaya negara lain. 2. Mengembangkan penelitian studi Korea yang didasarkan pada pendekatan interdisipliner untuk mendorong kemajuan pendidikan dan ilmu pengetahuan. 3. Membangun jaringan kerja sama dalam bidang studi Korea antaranggota yang relevan dengan pengembangan penelitian dan pengetahuan studi Korea. 4. Membina kemitraan antarlembaga dalam bidang studi Korea baik di dalam maupun luar negeri yang bermanfaat bagi pengembangan pengetahuan, penelitian, dan pengabdian masyarakat. 5. Melakukan kajian dan mempublikasikan hasil-hasil karya yang berkaitan dengan studi Korea. 6. Menyelenggarakan seminar, lokakarya, dan pertemuan-pertemuan yang berkaitan dengan Indonesia â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Korea.

SEJARAH INAKOS Pada bulan Oktober 2008 Prof. Dr Yang Seung Yoon dan Dr. Nur Aini Setiawati di Seoul, Korea Selatan memiliki gagasan untuk membuat Asosiasi Alumnus dari universitasuniversitas di Korea Selatan. Hal ini berkaitan dengan semakin banyaknya mahasiswa Indonesia yang telah menyelesaikan studi di Korea. Sebagai tindak lanjut gagasan tersebut, maka untuk mewujudkannya terjadilan pertemuan di Cafe Galeria Yogyakarta pada tanggal 22 Februari 2009. Pertemuan tersebut diawali dengan pembicaraan antara Prof. Yang dan Dr. Nur Aini Setiawati untuk mengkonkritkan gagasan itu.

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Atas dorongan Prof. Yang Seung-Yoon, pada tanggal 6 April 2009 para alumnus dari universitas di Korea Selatan terutama para pengajar di UGM yaitu, Dr. Nur Aini Setiawati, Dr. Novi siti Kussuji Indrawati, Dr. Mukhtasar Syamsudin, Dr. Ustadi, Dr. Panjono, Dr. Yuda Febrianto, Suray Agung Nugroho, M.A., Amin Basuki, M.A., dan Ratih Anwar Pratiwi, M.Si mengadakan rapat di kantor Pusat Studi Korea UGM. Mereka mengadakan rapat untuk mewujudkan gagasan pendirian asosiasi alumnus dari universitas di Korea Selatan dan membuat draft awal Anggaran Dasar serta Anggaran Rumah Tangga asosiasi yang akan dibentuk. Asosiasi ini memiliki tujuan umum untuk memajukan kajian Korea-Indonesia, membina kemitraan dan meningkatkan kerja sama antaranggota. Sedangkan tujuan khusus asosiasi ini adalah meningkatkan pendidikan bagi generasi muda. Akhirnya pada rapat yang diadakan tiga kali dalam jangka waktu satu bulan, pada bulan April 2009 telah berhasil disetujui nama asosiasi yaitu “International Association of Korean Studies in Indonesia” dengan singkatan INAKOS. Pada hari Kamis 7 Mei 2009, diadakanlah pertemuan pertama dalam acara “INAKOS Forum” yang dihadiri kurang lebih 100 orang yang disaksikan oleh 1. The Ambassador of the Republic of Korea to Indonesia, His Excellency Mr. Kim Ho Young; 2. Direktur P.T. Solar Park Indonesia, Mr. Park See Woo; 3. Dekan Fakultas Ilmu Budaya UGM, Dr. Ida Rochani Adi; 4. Pengusaha-pengusaha Korea; dan para perwakilan pengajar dan pelajar SMU se- Indonesia serta pengajar dan pelajar Korea yang tertarik dengan studi Korea. Pada acara tersebut dideklarasikanlah berdirinya “INAKOS” secara resmi dan sekaligus terpilihlah presiden INAKOS yang pertama, yaitu Prof. Dr. Mochtar Mas’oed. Upacara pendeklarasian itu dipimpin oleh Dr. Muhammad Mukhtasar Syamsuddin, Dekan Fakultas Filsafat, Universitas Gadjah Mada. Selanjutnya, pada acara yang sama juga telah diresmikan kantor sementara “INAKOS” oleh Bapak Rektor UGM, Prof. Ir. Soedjarwadi, M.Eng, Ph.D, dengan meminjam ruangan di kantor Pusat Studi Korea UGM, yaitu di Bulaksumur B 9 Yogyakarta. Mengingat pentingnya keberadaan INAKOS, para pionir INAKOS ini pun mengadakan pertemuan kembali pada hari Selasa, 19 Mei 2009 untuk memilih pengurus dan dalam rapat itu diputuskan pengurus INAKOS yang terdiri dari:

*Hingga tahun 2014 Penasehat

: 1. H.E. Mr. Kim Young-sun (Duta Besar Republik Korea untuk Indonesia) 2. H.E. Mr. Nicholas Tandi Dammen (Duta Besar Republik Indonesia untuk Korea) 3. Prof. Ir. Soedjarwadi, M.Eng, Ph.D (Rektor Universitas Gadjah Mada)

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4. Prof. Dr. Gumilar R. Somantri (Rektor Universitas Indonesia) 5. Prof. Dr. Yang Seung Yoon (Profesor, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies) Presiden

: Prof. Dr. Mohtar Masâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;oed

Wakil Presiden

: Dr. Tulus Warsito (Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta)

Sekretaris

: Dr. Nur Aini Setiawati

Asisten Sekretaris

: Suray Agung Nugroho, M.A

Koordinator Urusan Internasional : Dr. Ibnu Wahyudi (Universitas Indonesia) Koordinator Pendidikan

: Dr. Novi Siti Kussuji Indrastuti

Koordinator Penerbitan

: r. Muhammad Mukhtasar Syamsuddin

Koordinator Penelitian

: Dr. Ustadi

Koordinator Pengembangan

: Dr. Panjono

Koordinator Umum

: Dr. Yudha Heru Fibianto

*Mulai tahun 2014, sususan kepengurusan telah berubah menjadi: Komite Penasehat: H.E. Mr. Cho Taiyoung (Duta Besar Republik Korea untuk Indonesia) H.E. Mr. John A. Prasetia (Duta Besar Republik Indonesia untuk Korea) Prof. Dr. Yang Seung-Yoon (Profesor, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies) Prof. Dr. Mohtar Masâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;oed (Profesor, Hubungan Internasional, UGM) Presiden

: Dr. Muhammad Mukhtasar Syamsuddin (Universitas Gadjah Mada)

Wakil Presiden

: Dr. Tulus Warsito (Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta)

Sekretaris

: Dr. Nur Aini Setiawati

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Asisten Sekretaris

: Suray Agung Nugroho

Koordinator Urusan Internasional : Dr. Ibnu Wahyudi Koordinator Pendidikan

: Dr. Novi Siti Kussuji Indrastuti

Koordinator Penerbitan

: Dr. Tri Mastoyo, M.Hum.

Koordinator Penelitian

: Dr. Ustadi

Koordinator Pengembangan

: Dr. Panjono

Koordinator Umum

: Dr. Yudha Heru Fibianto

*Mulai Tahun 2018 susunan kepengurusan telah berubah menjadi Komite Penasehat: H.E. Mr. Kim Chang-Beom (Duta Besar Republik Korea untuk Indonesia) H.E. Mr. Umar Hadi (Duta Besar Republik Indonesia untuk Korea) Prof. Dr. Yang Seung-Yoon (Profesor, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies) Prof. Dr. Mohtar Masâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;oed (Profesor, Hubungan Internasional, UGM) Presiden

: Dr. Muhammad Mukhtasar Syamsuddin (Universitas Gadjah Mada)

Wakil Presiden

: Dr. Tulus Warsito (Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta)

Sekretaris

: Dr. Nur Aini Setiawati

Asisten Sekretaris

: Dr. Suray Agung Nugroho

Koordinator Urusan Internasional : Dr. Ibnu Wahyudi Koordinator Pendidikan

: Dr. Novi Siti Kussuji Indrastuti

Koordinator Penerbitan

: Dr. Tri Mastoyo, M.Hum.

Koordinator Penelitian

: Dr. Ustadi

Koordinator Pengembangan

: Dr. Panjono

Koordinator Umum

: Dr. Yudha Heru Fibianto

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AGGARAN DASAR DAN ANGGARAN RUMAH TANGGA International Association of Korean Studies in Indonesia (INAKOS) Bab 1 Tujuan Pasal 1 Tujuan Asosiasi ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dan mempresentasikan hasil-hasil kajian Indonesia-Korea, meningkatkan kerja sama antaranggota, dan membina kemitraan antarlembaga yang terkait. Pasal 2 Kegiatan Asosiasi ini melakukan kegiatan-kegiatan berikut untuk mencapai tujuan yang tersebut pada pasal 1. 1. Melakukan kajian dan mempublikasikan hasil-hasilnya. 2. Menyelenggarakan seminar, workshop, lokakarya, dan pertemuan-pertemuan yang berkaitan dengan Indonesia-Korea. 3. Membangun jejaring antarlembaga, baik di dalam maupun luar negeri. Bab 2 Nama dan Alamat Pasal 3 Nama Asosiasi ini bernama International Association of Korean Studies in Indonesia (INAKOS) atau Perhimpunan Internasional untuk Studi Korea di Indonesia. Pasal 4 Alamat Asosiasi ini beralamat di Pusat Pengkajian Korea, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

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Korean Studies in Indonesia Bab 3 Anggota

Pasal 5 Anggota Anggota asosiasi ini terdiri atas anggota (biasa) dan anggota luar biasa. Anggota adalah (1) alumni perguruan tinggi dan lembaga pendidikan; (2) pengajar; (3) peneliti; (4) dan pemerhati Korea. Anggota luar biasa adalah seseorang yang diminta secara khusus oleh asosiasi. Pasal 6 Persyaratan Anggota Syarat keanggotaan asosiasi ini adalah dengan mengisi dan menyerahkan formulir pendaftaran dan membayar biaya keanggotaan dalam jumlah tertentu yang harus dibayarkan setiap enam (6) bulan sekali. Pasal 7 Kewajiban dan Hak Anggota (1) Kewajiban anggota asosiasi adalah membayar biaya keanggotaan dan menjaga nama baik asosiasi. (2) Anggota biasa mempunyai hak menyampaikan pendapat dan memutuskan. (3) Anggota luar biasa berhak untuk menyampaikan pendapat untuk kemajuan asosiasi; memperoleh hasil-hasil penerbitan dari asosiasi; dan memberi kontribusi untuk perkembangan asosiasi. Pasal 8 Status keanggotaan Status keanggotaan akan hilang jika anggota tersebut mengundurkan diri atau tidak memenuhi kewajibannya. Pasal 9 Kepengurusan Struktur organisasi kepengurusan asosiasi ini terdiri atas: 1. ketua, 2. wakil ketua, 3. sekretaris, 4. bendahara, dan

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beberapa koordinator bidang.

Pasal 10 Pemilihan Pengurus Pemilihan pengurus dalam asosiasi ini sebagai berikut. 1. Ketua dipilih melalui rapat umum khusus. 2. Perangkat dalam struktur organisasi yang lain dipilih oleh ketua yang telah dipilih dalam rapat umum khusus. Pasal 11 Jabatan Pengurus 1. Semua pengurus, termasuk ketua dan wakil ketua bertugas selama 2 tahun. 2. Apabila ketua tidak dapat menjalankan tugasnya sampai akhir jabatan, maka diadakan rapat umum khusus untuk memilih ketua yang baru. Pasal 12 Tugas Ketua/Wakil Ketua 1. Ketua bertugas mewakili asosiasi dan mengelola seluruh tugas dalam asosiasi. 2. Wakil ketua bertugas membantu ketua asosiasi. Pasal 13 Tugas Sekretaris Sekretaris asosiasi bertugas melaksanakan tugas-tugas administrasi dan kesekretariatan. Pasal 14 Tugas Bendahara Bendahara melaksanakan tugas sebagai berikut. 1. Mengelola keuangan dan aktiva asosiasi. 2. Memeriksa pertanggungjawaban keuangan asosiasi. Bab 4 Rapat Umum Pasal 15 Tugas Koordinator Bidang Koordinator Bidang bertugas melaksanakan dan mengembangkan kegiatan di bidangnya masing-masing.

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Pasal 16 Fungsi Rapat Umum Rapat umum berfungsi: 1. meminta laporan pertanggungjawaban ketua lama; 2. memilih ketua baru; dan 3. mengubah peraturan. Pasal 17 Pelaksanaan Rapat Umum 1. Rapat Umum terdiri atas Rapat Umum dan Rapat Umum Khusus. Rapat Umum diadakan dua tahun sekali, sedangkan Rapat Umum Khusus diadakan sesuai dengan kebutuhan. 2. Rapat Umum dipimpin oleh ketua sidang terpilih. Pasal 18 Kuorum Rapat Umum 1. Rapat Umum dapat dimulai jika dihadiri oleh 50% (kuorum) dari jumlah seluruh anggota. Apabila setelah penundaan satu jam kuorum belum terpenuhi, rapat dianggap sah sesuai dengan jumlah peserta yang hadir. 2. Keputusan Rapat Umum dianggap sah jika disetujui oleh minimum 50% suara (kuorum) dari jumlah seluruh anggota yang hadir. 3. Suara anggota yang tidak dapat hadir dalam Rapat Umum bisa diwakilkan kepada anggota lain melalui surat resmi yang ditujukan kepada pimpinan rapat. Pasal 19 Alternatif Bentuk Rapat Dalam hal-hal tertentu rapat dapat dilaksanakan melalui rapat secara tertulis atau melalui media lain. Bab 5 Keuangan dan Kekayaan Pasal 20 Keuangan dan Kekayaan Sumber keuangan dan kekayaan asosiasi ini berasal dari: 1. biaya pendaftaran dan iuran rutin anggota; 2. sumbangan dari donatur;

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137

biaya penelitian yang bersumber dari institusi lain; dan pemasukan dari kegiatan bisnis dan kegiatan lainnya. Bab 6 Pembubaran

Pasal 21 Pembubaran Asosiasi Pembubaran asosiasi ini dapat dilakukan melalui Rapat Umum setelah mendapat persetujuan lebih dari 2/3 anggota. Pasal 22 Pengembalian Aktiva Asosiasi Apabila terjadi pembubaran asosiasi, sisa aktiva akan disumbangkan kepada negara atau institusi yang serupa.

1. 2.

Bab 7 Peraturan Tambahan Permasalahan yang tidak dibahas dalam peraturan ini akan diatur kemudian. Peraturan ini akan mulai diberlakukan sejak tanggal ditetapkan.

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Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. I, No. 1) September 2009 1.

Qodarian Pramukanto (Lecturer, Department of Landscape Architecture, Institut Pertanian Bogor-IPB) Paper: The Geomancy Order of Seoul City Suray Agung Nugroho (Lecturer, Korean Department, UGM) Paper: Hallyu â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Korean Waveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;: A Reflection to Develop Korean Studies in Indonesia Yang Seung-Yoon (Professor, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul) Paper: A Study on Korea-Indonesia Relation through Education among Young Generations Novi Siti Kussuji Indrastuti (Lecturer, Korean Department UGM) Paper: Traditional Beliefs in Indonesia and Korea As Seen in Folktales: A Pragmatic Analysis Nur Aini Setiawati (Lecturer, Department of History, UGM) Paper: History of Korea-Indonesia Education and Future Prospects Purnawan Basundoro (Lecturer, Department of History, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya) Paper: Between Eupseong Hanyang (Seoul) and Beteng Keraton (Yogyakarta): A Historical Comparison Ratih Pratiwi Anwar & Mukhibbin (Lecturer, Korean Department, UGM/Researcher, PSEKP, UGM) Paper: Enhancing Economic Ties between Indonesia and Korea through International Trade Puji Lestari & Reflinur (SNU, Indonesian Center for Agricultural Biotechnology Reseacher); Soon-wook Kwon (Korea National Open University); Tae-ho Ham, Backki Kim, Ho-hoon Lee, Mi-ok Woo, Hee-jong Koh (School of Plant Sciences, SNU); Young-chan Cho (National Institute of Crop Sciences, Suwon) Paper: Developing Molecular Markers and Their Genotypic Test to Evaluate the Eating Quality of Japonica Rice (Oryza Sativa L.)

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11.

12.

13.

14.

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Muhammad Mukhtasar Syamsuddin (Dean, Faculty of Philosophy, UGM) Paper: Merleau-Pontyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Solutions to Mind-Body and Their Philosophical Implications towards Togyeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Thinking Concept on Self Assessment Novi Siti Kussuji Indrastuti (Lecturer, Korean Department, UGM) Paper: Korean and Indonesian Mask Dance Dramas in The Dimension of Literature and Performance Art: Cross-cultural Semiotic Study Nur Aini Setiawati (Lecturer, Department of History, UGM) Paper: A Comparative Study on the State Policy and Its Impacts on Rural Development between South Korea and Indonesia: A Historical Perspective 1961-1998 Panjono (Lecturer, Department of Animal Husbandry) Paper: The Characteristic Quality of Hanwoo Meat (Korean Cattle) in Regards to Different Sex Conditions, Raising Altitudes, and Slaughter Season Ustadi (Lecturer, Department of Fisheries, UGM) Paper: Characteristics of the Protease Inhibitors Purified from Fish Eggs Yuda Heru Fibrianto (Lecturer, Department of Veterinary Studies, UGM) Paper: In Vitro Oocyte Maturation and Intergeneric Somatic Cell Cloning in Dogs

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Korean Studies in Indonesia

Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. I, No. 2) April 2010 1.

Amin Basuki (Lecturer, English Department, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, UGM) Paper: Education in Korea Anton Minardi (Lecturer & Researcher, Department of International Relation, Pasundan University & IDEAS) Paper: The Revival of South Korea in the Post Crisis Economy and Its Contributions to Indonesia Mappa Nasrun (Lecturer, Hasanuddin University, Makassar-South Sulawesi) Paper: Indonesia-Korea: Promoting an International Education Partnership Nur Aini Setiawati (Lecturer, Department of History, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, UGM) Paper: Korea: Why (there has to be) Ideological War? Roustine (Lecturer, Korean Department, UI) Paper: The Korean Armies (Gunsok) during Japanese Colonization in Ambarawa, Indonesia Tulus Warsito (Lecturer, Dept. of International Relation, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta) Paper: Korea, Why Should It Be South and North? Tunjung Linggarwati (Lecturer, Dept. of International Relation, Jendral Soedirman University, Purwokerto) Paper: Increasing Indonesia-Korea Cooperation through Investment at the Local Level: The Case Study on the Role of Korean Industries in Purbalingga Regency, Central Java Upik Sarijati (Researcher, Lembaga Ilmu dan Pengetahuan Indonesia â&#x20AC;&#x201C; LIPI) Paper: The Roles of Migrant Workers Advocacy in Solving the Migrant Workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Problems in Korea

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Yang Seung-Yoon (Professor, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul) Paper: Why Korea: The Newest Examples 10. Yulius Purwadi Hermawan (Lecturer, Dept. of International Relation, Universitas Katolik Parahyangan, Bandung) Paper: Clientelism and Democratic Consolidation in Improving the Welfare in South Korea 9.

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Korean Studies in Indonesia

Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. II, No. 1) April 2011 1.

Tulus Warsito (Univeristas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta) Paper: Peran Negara dalam Perkembangan Industri di Korea Selatan Luqman Hakim (Universitas Brawijaya, Malang) Paper: The Implementation of Public Health Care Policy in South Korea Yang Seung-Yoon (Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Korea) Paper: Pendidikan Perguruan Tinggi di Korea: Permasalahan dan Tantangan di Masa Depan Nur Aini (Univeristas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta) Paper: Pembangunan, Saemaul Undong dan Globalisasi di Korea dalam Proses Perkembangan Sejarah Arief Akhyat (Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta) Paper: Politik Jender di Korea Menjelang Abad XX Anton Minardi (Universitas Pasundan, Bandung) Paper: Islam dan Toleransi di Korea Selatan H. Sutarman (Universitas Pasundan, Bandung) Paper: The Role of Human Capital on Logistics in Indonesia Amir Husni (Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta) Paper: Produk Alami untuk Kesehatan dan Kosmetik dari Indonesia dan Korea Prihantoro (Universitas Diponegoro, Semarang) Paper: Kata Penggolong Manusia dalam Bahasa Korea dengan Beberapa Perbandingan terhadap Bahasa Indonesia

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10. Suray Agung Nugroho (Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta) Paper: Apresiasi K-Pop di Kalangan Mahasiswa Yogyakarta: Studi Kasus Korean Pop Festival UKDW 2010

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Korean Studies in Indonesia

Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. II, No. 2) April 2015 1. Penggunaan Computer Assisted Language Learning Application Berbasis Kearifan Lokal Korea untuk Pembelajar Tingkat Awal Bahasa Korea Prihantoro (Universitas Diponegoro) 2. Mengenal Budaya Korea Melalui Sapaan Hwang Who Young (Ehwa Womans University, Korea & Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia) 3. Arah Kajian Kesusastraan Korea di Indonesia: Sebuah Tinjauan Awal Eva Latifah (Universitas Indonesia) 4. Pengajaran Bahasa Korea di Indonesia: Peluang dan Tantangan Rurani Adinda (Universitas Indonesia) 5. Mengembalikan Kejayaan Bangsa Indonesia: Sebuah Upaya untuk Membangkitkan Rasa Nasionalisme Bangsa Annisa Budiutami Soeraadiwidjaja (Park Chung Hee School of Policy and Saemaul Undong - Yeungnam University) 6. Kembali Menjadi Indonesia Adie Dwiyanto Nurlukman (Universitas Padjajaran & Park Chung Hee School of Policy and Saemaul Undong Yeungnam University) 7. Mentalitas Rakyat dan Peran Pemerintah dalam Pengembangan SDM Andy Tirta (Yeungnam University) 8. Roles of Gender in the Making of Modern Korean Society: Feminist Scholarship Perspective Suray Agung Nugroho (Universitas Gadjah Mada)

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Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. III, No. 1) April 2016 1. Perkembangan Kerjasama Pembangunan Bilateral antara Indonesia dan Korea Selatan Ratih Pratiwi Anwar, S.E., M.Si. Peneliti, Center for Asia and Pacific Studies (CAPS), Universitas Gadjah Mada 2. Understanding Social Welfare in South Korea Muhammad Iqbal & Cresti Eka Fitriana Department of Social Welfare, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia Department of International Development Studies, Graduate School International and Area Studies (GSIAS), Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul, South Korea 3. Model Pendidikan Demokrasi di Sekolah Korea (Studi Kasus di Tongyeong-Si, Gyeonggi-Do) Hastangka Kandidat Doktor Ilmu Filsafat, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Sejahtra Research Fellow 2012 4. On the Socioliguistic Aspects of Pronoun â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Translation in Korean and Indonesian DVD Subtitles Prihantoro Universitas Diponegoro 5. Interferensi Fonologis Bahasa Ibu terhadap Pelafalan Vokal Tunggal Bahasa Korea Achmad Rio Dessiar & Hwang Who Young Program Studi Bahasa Korea, Universitas Gadjah Mada Visiting Lecturer, Korea Foundation 6. The State Policy on Saemaul Undong Dr. Nuraini Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Gadjah Mada 7. Enhancing Strategic Partnership: Indonesia-Korea Relations in the 21st Century Dr. Park Jae Bong Hankuk University of Foreign Studies

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Research Notes 1. Negosiasi Identitas Para Pekerja Migran/Mahasiswa Indonesia di Universitas Terbuka Indonesia di Korea Suray Agung Nugroho (PhD Candidate) Korean Studies Department, Graduate School of International and Area Studies (GSIAS), Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 2. Gotong Royong di Kampung Ungaran, Jawa Tengah Chang, Young-Min 3. Dokumen-dokumen Lama Saemaul Undong sebagai Warisan Budaya Tulisan Sedunia oleh UNESCO Yang SeungYoon 4. Daya Dukung Lingkungan Hidup dalam Upaya Peningkatan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Secara Berkelanjutan (Studi Kasus : Kabupaten Konawe Utara, Sulawesi Tenggara) Sitti Wirdhana Ahmad Universitas Halu Oleo, Sulawesi Tenggara

Vol. IV No. 1 November 2018

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Daftar Judul Paper dalam Jurnal INAKOS (Vol. III, No. 2) April 2017 1. Productive in Later Life: Understanding Active Ageing in South Korea and Indonesia Muhammad Iqbal & Cresti Eka Fitriana Department of Social Welfare, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia A Graduate of International Development Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul, South Korea 2. Prototipe Wajah Ideal di Korea Selatan: Pendekatan Linguistik Antropologis Supriadianto Lecturer, Korean Department, Vocational School, Universitas Gadjah Mada 3. Tenaga Kerja Indonesia Sektor Perikanan di Kapal Berbendera Korea Selatan Ratih Pratiwi Anwar Researcher, Center for Asia Pacific Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada 4. Nilai-Nilai Moral dalam Cerita Rakyat Indonesia dan Korea: Kajian PragmatikKomparatif Novi Siti Kussuji Indrastuti Lecturer, Indonesian Literature Department, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada 5. Faktor-Faktor Penentu Keputusan Drop Out Mahasiswa Universitas Terbuka Indonesia di Korea Aris Budianto Student, Indonesia Open University in Korea 6. Perkembangan dan Perubahan Sejarah Korea dan Indonesia: Studi Komparatif Sejak Zaman Kerajaan hingga Periode Kontemporer Nur Aini Setiawati Lecturer, History Department, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada 7. Peranan Asing dalam Industrialisasi di Korea Selatan Anisa Syifa Amalia Student, Korean Studies Program, Graduate School of International Studies, Seoul National University, Seoul

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