A|Z ITU Journal of Faculty of Architecture 2017-1

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 1 • March 2017

Contents Y. Çağatay Seçkin • Editor Editorial

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Bülent Onur Turan, Kemal Şahin, Ümit Işıkdağ An investigation on the attitudes towards adopting the design by coding paradigm

Kerem Beygo, Mehmet Ali Yüzer Early energy simulation of urban plans and building forms Ehsan Abshirini, Daniel Koch Resilience, space syntax and spatial interfaces: The case of river cities

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13-23

25-41

Ebru Firidin Özgür, Sinem Seçer, Barış Göğüş, Tolga Sayın Use of public spaces in private space-led urbanization: The cases of Kadıköy and Ataşehir in İstanbul

43-56

Edmond Manahasa, Ahsen Özsoy Place attachment in a Tirana neighborhood: The influence of the “Rebirth of the City” project

57-70

Şebnem Ertaş, Aslı Taş Changing effect of place on frontage design in the context of cultural sustainability

71-89

Seda Erdem, Nihal Arıoğlu An analysis of the properties of recycled PET fiber-gypsum composites

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Mustafa Erkan Karagüler, Gülfem Kaya The effect of relative humidity and moisture to the durability of spruce and laminated timber

103-110

Parmonangan Manurung Daylighting and architectural concept of traditional architecture: The Tongkonan in Toraja, Indonesia

111-126

Murat Çetin Filling an urban void as a ‘public interior’ in Balıkesir; contemporary intervention into historic context through interior space

127-135

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Editorial Y. Çağatay SEÇKİN • Editor Now that 2017 has started, even the spring has arrived. It’s time to take a moment to consider how we can make this year better than the last. Time is going by so fast. I am sure I am not the only one who feels this way. So, we should enjoy the life we have, and live it.

For example, the spring is the season for love. Believe me, I am scientifically speaking. In spring, birds are singing, bees are buzzing and people are falling madly in love. If you’re a scientist though, the love sickness can be blamed on one very real thing.

“It’s dopamine,” says Helen Fischer, a neuroscientist, professor at Rutgers University and author of five books on the science of love. Fischer says dopamine is a naturally occurring chemical your brain uses to make you want things. Especially, when it comes to new love, dopamine is the main guilty.

And with enough of it swirling around your system, you’re prone to fall in love and fall hard.

“And there’s so much novelty in the spring,” said Fischer. “There is so much more color, new smells, people take their clothes off and you can see more of them. And so there is a lot of new stimuli that trigger the brain and drive up dopamine, and make you more susceptible to love.”

So, it is really a good time to be in love…with somebody, with something or with your life of every minute. No matter how old are you, do not miss this opportunity as Oktay Rıfat did: Trees were abloom / Ağaçlar çiçekteydi Türkan, still alive, to my right / Türkan’ım sağ beraberimde My heart was in love / Kalbim sevda içindeydi İstanbul was in spring / İstanbul bahar içinde…

With the energy that spring brings, let’s glance at the articles of this issue of

A|Z ITU Journal of Faculty of Architecture: Bülent Onur Turan, Kemal Şahin and Ümit Işıkdağ, shared one of their research on algorithmic thinking and parametric design abilities of the designers. They utilised two data collection tools, an attitude scale and a web based questionnaire, to understand the attitudes of the participants towards design-by-coding.

Kerem Beygo and Mehmet Ali Yüzer, introduce a method for energy performance assessment of a new development area in the planning phase, in their paper. They assessed energy performance of an urban plan designed for a development area of Milas by using several building parameters.

Ehsan Abshirini and Daniel Koch, syntactically analyze the resilience in cities by using the space syntax, in their essay. They innovatively introduce two measures; similarity and sameness. These measures are in relation with the syntactical properties of cities and compare the degree of resilience between different groups. The results show that the resilience, in the way they define it, is different in different cities depending on in which view and based on which parameters we are discussing the resilience. Additionally, they manifest morphological phenomena such as rivers have a great impact on the structure of cities and in turn on their resilience.

Ebru Firidin Özgür, Sinem Seçer, Barış Göğüş and Tolga Sayın discuss the basic characteristics of public spaces in terms of user profiles and user habits in Istanbul in two distinctive districts in Asian side: Kadıköy and Ataşehir. The findings of field research are interesting in terms of similar profiles of users, and quite different with regard to user habits in both cases.

Edmond Manahasa and Ahsen Özsoy study the environmental behaviors of Tirana dwellers in a former socialist period neighborhood which has been the subject of a project called “Rebirth of the City”. They try to expose the relationship of the dwellers and

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their place attachment to the neighborhood during the socialist and post-socialist period. Şebnem Ertaş and Aslı Taş, examine the effect of spatial changes occurred dependent on time on frontage construct in houses where non-Muslim people who were exposed to population exchange and Muslim people who were settled to the houses which were quit after population exchange in the settlement of Sille that is connected to the city of Konya.

Seda Erdem and Nihal Arıoğlu analyze the composite material which is produced by adding polyethylene terephthalate fibers that are recycled products manufactured from recycled PET bottles. Test results show that with the addition of fiber the flexural strength of gypsum has somewhat decreased but the addition of the adherence-enhancing additive has considerably increased the compressive and flexural strength.

Tuğba Gülfem Kaya and Mustafa Erkan Karagüler, in their article, present experimentally and theoretically approach to the effect of relative humidity and moisture to the durability of spruce and laminated timber during to drying and wetting exposure.

Parmonangan Manurung, in her essay, aims to find the relationship between the spatial patterns generated through Aluk Todolo belief and the quantity/quality of daylighting obtained based on light measurements and the review of the various theories on daylighting. The method used in this research is quantitative by measuring the quantity of daylight. This is

supplemented by a review of theories about Aluk Todolo belief and architecture of Tongkonan within the framework of the theories of daylighting.

The last article of this issue, written

by Murat Çetin, argues the role of interior spaces in linking the urban open space configuration. The interior space is discussed as extensions of urban spaces and urban spaces as extensions of interiors with specific reference to a case study selected in Balıkesir urban fabric. Under the light shed by these discussions, the paper questions the certainty of boundries between exterior and interior, thus between interior design and architecture.

Finally, I would like to thank all our readers for the support they provide to the Journal. We really look forward your comments, contributions, suggestions and criticisms. Please do not hesitate to share with us your feelings and especially, let us know if you have ideas or topics that we could be focusing on.

I would like to end my lines with another poet of love, Orhan Veli. I really have no idea about the reason of my romance. Maybe, it is really related with dopamine as Fischer said, maybe just the spring mist in the air, seen from my window, or the real answer is hidden in the lines of the poetry. Enjoy your reading and meet with us again in next issue on July 2017.

It is something impossible to write a poem / İmkansız şey şiir yazmak If you are in love / Aşıksan eğer And not to write / Ve yazmamak If the month is April / Aylardan nisansa…

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 1 • March 2017 • 1-11

An investigation on the attitudes towards adopting the design by coding paradigm

Bülent Onur TURAN1, Kemal ŞAHİN2, Ümit IŞIKDAĞ3 1 boturan@gmail.com • Department of Informatics, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 kemalsahin@gmail.com • Department of Informatics, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey 3 uisikdag@gmail.com • Department of Informatics, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.18209

Received: March 2016 • Final Acceptance: November 2016

Abstract The recent developments in the digital technologies have led to an increase in the parametric modelling efforts and the use of parametric patterns in design. In order to manage this new paradigm where the design is becoming more digital, the designer needs to utilize his/her analytical abilities in an effective manner as this is the only way for precise representation of concepts in the actual design itself.

The parametric design is a holistic process. A key element of this is the development of design through coding. In this context, the aim of the study was understanding the attitudes of architects and architecture students towards adoption of analytical/algorithmic methods and specifically the object oriented paradigm and design-by-coding. In the first stage a randomly selected group of volunteers were provided training in object oriented programming concepts and design-by-coding over 15 weeks (and a total of 45 hours). Later in this study two data collection tools were utilised to understand the attitudes of the participants towards design-by-coding. The first tool used was an attitude scale, while the second tool used was a web based questionnaire survey. The results indicate that the participants did not show a significant positive attitude towards design by coding. This result might have been caused by the difficulties faced during the study, as the participants were experiencing a design-by-coding exercise as the first time. In fact, it is also observed that algorithmic thinking and parametric design abilities of the designers can be enhanced by training on design-by-coding concepts.

Keywords Design, Coding, Parametric modelling, Architecture, Attitude.

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1. Introduction Design can be regarded as a process oriented problem solving activity. In this activity alternative solutions are proposed, evaluated and re-formulated through the process in order to arrive at a final design proposal. Computer Aided Design (CAD) can be defined as the use of computational tools to facilitate the design activities and to support the capabilities of the designer. CAD systems are used in every stage of the design, for instance to produce conceptual design in early stages, for the generation of design information and documentation, for the visualisation of information in order to facilitate the discussions on design with 3rd parties (such as other architects, engineers, contractors and the owner), and in later stages to produce final design, blueprints and presentations (Schmidt and Wagner, 2005).

Parametric design approaches that emerge together with the advancements in digital technologies along with the developments in rapid prototyping and 3D printing technologies, have triggered major changes in design and development of architectural shapes. These changes in design mediums articulate the changes in the design process itself. Today many designers concentrate more on parametric design, and the focus today is on the design of the process itself rather than the design of the final form.

Traditional architectural education focuses on enhancing the understanding of students through visual perception. On the other hand, parametric design which is viewed as the key paradigm shift requires that the designers have the ability of algorithmic and analytical thinking to build and interpret the relations between the objects.

This study focuses on understanding the attitudes of architects and architecture students towards adoption of analytical/algorithmic methods (and specifically the object oriented paradigm and design-by-coding). The adoption of these methods (as mentioned in Section 4) would in turn contribute to their -parametric design thinking- and enhance their design capabilities.

In traditional architecture education, design through the use of cod-

ing/programming or visual coding has not played a central role, and coding is usually learned by personal exertions.

In this study, the authors provided object oriented programming training to a randomly and voluntarily formed group of designers with the focus on enhancing their parametric thinking capabilities. The attitudes of the trainees towards the adoption of analytical/ algorithmic methods (and specifically object oriented paradigm and design-by-coding) were then analysed at the end of the training effort.

The results of the study provide key findings on whether training in analytical/algorithmic methods (and object oriented paradigm) would be beneficial to design education in an era where parametric design thinking is becoming a key design capability.

2. Coding the design The act of design has been defined by different researchers as a “Problem solving process” (Newel and Simon, 1972), “Cognitive task” (Akın, 1986), “A reflection in action” (Schon, 1987), and as “Knowledge based activity” (Coyne et al., 1990). In light of these expert views and definitions this research interprets the act of design as “a decision making process and a method for organising information towards providing a solution”. From the architectural point of view, the solution provided by the design is related to spaces, forms and the order of these.

Many researchers agree that the design (as a process and as an action) has three core stages: analysis, synthesis, and evaluation. These three stages can be defined as decomposition of the problem into several parts, and unification of these parts with a new interpretation and testing of the final product.

The interpretation of design as a cognitive task reveals other definitions of design. For example, Jones (1992) defined design process as both a “glass” and a “black box” process based on the cognitive method followed. In the “black box” process, most of the design is completed in an intuitive way which cannot be expressed with clearly defined tasks in the mind of the designer. In this approach the input and output of the process is explicit but

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what is happening inside the mind of the designer remains as a mystery. In the “glass box” process, design is accomplished through steps which can be clearly defined by the researcher. In this method the process is well defined and the details are explicit along with the input and the output.

It is already known that the design process has been defined as a series of steps (i.e. in an algorithmic way) even before the digital technologies came into practice. The algorithmic thinking, which is advocated by designers following the glass box method, later formed the basis for many computational design concepts such as Computer Aided Design (CAD), Computer Aided Architectural Design (CAAD), Digital Design, Computational Design, Parametric Design, Generative Design and Relational Design.

3. Parametric design & modelling Parameter is a numerical or other measurable factor forming one of a set that defines a system or sets the conditions of its operation (oxforddictionaries.com, 2016). In mathematics and computer science a parameter is interpreted as a symbol that denotes a quantity. In mathematics a parameter is used to define a (usually unknown) variable and its variability range, and in computer science it points to an address of a memory block where the value of a variable can be stored. Parametric design is focused on making the design by utilising parameters. As design process can be regarded as a problem solving process, it would be better to elaborate on “the interpretation of design as a problem” before moving on to the parametric design and modelling in detail.

Rittel and Webber (1973) classified the design problem in two dimensions.

The first one is a tame problem where the scope which have been focused on is clear. Examples include a mathematical problem such as solving an equation; or the task of analysing the structure of an unknown compound. The second one is a wicked problem which has no definitive formulation. Wicked problems are observed in public decision making such as deciding on the location of a freeway, or a modifica-

tion to the school curricula. The design problem can also be defined as wicked problem as it is impossible to define the problem by its all variables and parameters.

In parallel with many researchers in the field Lawson (2006) views the architectural design as a process of understanding and problem solving. In this context the solution of the design problem (i.e. the generation of the design) can be viewed as the process of choosing the best alternative from a set of options based on designer’s priorities. In architecture these priorities can be objective or subjective as the characteristic of architectural design is situated in the middle of science, art and technology. The priorities can diverge between scientifically rational or irrational alternatives for each designer.

A holistic approach is necessary for a design problem solving. In parametric design, the designer should step back from his/her “traditional designer” identity, and, rather than proposing a direct solution to the design problem, the designer needs to focus on generation of a relationship network that would in turn morph into the actual design itself. This is also mentioned

by Woodbury (2010) as; “…rather that the designer creating the design solution (by direct manipulation) as in conventional design tools, the idea is that the designer establishes the relationships by which parts connect, builds up a design using these relationships and edits the relationships by observing and selecting from the result produced”.

In this paper, the design is considered as a process which includes interpretation of the problem, determination of alternatives, and an exploration based on (evaluation of and decisions on) the alternatives. The “parameters” in this context are assumed as tangible factors that will help in defining the system which generate alternative solutions to the design problem and its limits. From this perspective the parametric design can be defined as “the process of defining and solving the design problem using a set of tangible variables.”

Parametric design enables the evaluation of numerous alternatives which would be impossible to evaluate with-

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out the use of this approach, and also facilitates the proposal of the satisfactory solution to the design problem.

The aim of the parametric design is proposing many alternative solutions to the design problem as a result of systematic thinking. In addition, small variations in the values of the variables (stored within the parameters) such as metrics, angles, colours, would have an impact on the overall project due to the algorithmic structure of the parametric design and this structure also makes the design/designer less error prone (Woodbury, 2010).

A parametric model can be regarded as a virtual representation of a solution to a design problem. This representation is composed of attributes having constant and variable values and the representation appears as a system of dependent and independent variables.

From this perspective parametric modelling can be defined as a process of generation of the geometric representation of the design (i.e. the virtual representation) based on the attributes and components which are defined with parameters.

The traditional design has advantages in the beginning as it is easy to generate an initial model in this approach. In traditional design it is not necessary to build relations that would have an impact on the overall model.

In fact, traditional approach can become problematic in later stages when a component would need to be added or removed manually to the design.

In contrast to the traditional design approach, in parametric design the designer would not focus on changes that would affect the final product, but would focus more on the processes and building relationships between components. Later the designer can; redefine these relationships, change the values of the variables and generate many alternatives. These alternatives are then evaluated in order to comeup to a final product (i.e. the final design). This approach requires a new way of systematic thinking which was not thought to be the part of the design process previously. In this approach the designer would need to take a step back and think about all relations and reflect them in the model. The initia-

tion phase of the parametric design can be thought as being of more cost when compared with traditional design, as the initiation of the parametric design requires all relations to be correctly defined in order for the parametric model to be successful. In fact, as mentioned

by Woodbury (2010), as the system is built upon the relations, in every change that would occur, the design would transform into new alternatives without disrupting the coherence of the design, and this would increase the ability of the designer in exploring different alternatives.

4. Coding Coding can be defined as a process of declaring instructions to process raw inputs and transform them into to meaningful outputs (i.e. information).

Coding also helps in building relations between the newly generated information and information that is residing within the system (Kernighan, 1999).

In this context coding can be defined as a process for providing a meaning to data. Coding languages are developed to help in making the coding process more clear and easy to understand.

The code needs to be rationalized and systematically constructed before being physically implemented in the digital world. Algorithms are used to express and implement the systematic construction of coding. As indicated

by Chabert (1999) an algorithm is the art of articulating a process as a series of steps based on a data model. Once an algorithm is constructed, it is then coded in a programming language.

Algorithms are used in defining the stages and conditions, in order to solve a problem or for completing a set of tasks in a process. Kolarevic (2015) indicated that conditions and statements defined in algorithms can be used to guide the design and generation of geometric forms. In this way, unique geometric forms can be discovered.

Large datasets can be used to generate and derive different design alternatives in algorithmic approach. Then, the decision making process would also be facilitated through the use of these alternatives. The advancements in visual programing languages allowed the rapid implementation of algorithms,

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which are developed by the designers, in program codes. Today, the rich user interface of and advanced interaction opportunities in visual programing languages, has made coding more flexible (Jonhston, 2004). Thus, it is now possible to generate design by coding through utilising user friendly coding languages and environments.

5. Attitude scales and coding in design According to Kagitcibasi (1998), social psychologists define attitude as “a tendency imputed to a person who systematically forms the thoughts, feelings and behaviour of that person with respect to a physiological entity”.

Several methods are developed to measure the attitude. One of the commonly used methods is utilising Likert scales.

Likert type scales provide ordinal data which would provide structured information, and facilitate the evaluation of attitudes. Thus, as Cohen et al. (2007) indicated they are frequently used in determining the attitude.

As mentioned by Heersink and Moskal (2010), there is no standard attitude scale for measuring the attitude of users in learning computer programming and coding. In fact, researchers in the field developed their own attitude scales to measure attitudes towards learning coding practices. For example, Wiebe et al (2003) developed a ten-item five-level Likert scale for measuring attitude of programming students in terms of self-confidence and motivation. Later, Hutchinson et al. (2008) developed their own scale to measure the attitude of students towards programming. Another scale developed by Hongwarittorrn and Krairit (2010) measured the attitude of learners in terms of 6 main topics and by using 50 items. Some developers of these scales were influenced by items in the scale developed by Fennema-Sherman (1976). An example of this can be found in Wiebe et al (2003), where authors developed their “Computer Science Attitude Scale” based on Fennema-Sherman scale. The scale of Wiebe et al (2003) consisted of 5 main topics and 57 items. The scale measures attitudes towards adopting computer science and programming concepts,

mainly focusing on the programming side. Baser (2013) has utilised the scale of Wiebe et al (2003) and proved the reliability and validity of the scale. In this paper, in order to measure the attitudes, the authors utilised the scale of Wiebe et al (2013) as in the form that is implemented in Baser (2013). The act of design in this research is interpreted as a method for organising information towards providing a solution, and also a process towards finding a solution to a problem. In this context, Algorithmic Thinking and Coding can be viewed as value adding concepts for design.

As algorithmic thinking is viewed as a pool of abilities that are connected to constructing and understanding algorithms such as: • the ability to analyse given problems • the ability to specify a problem precisely • the ability to find the basic actions that are adequate to the given problem • the ability to think about all possible special and normal cases of a problem Algorithmic thinking has a strong creative aspect: the construction of new algorithms that solve given problems (Futschek G., 2006). Understanding Coding as a method of abstraction towards developing a reasoning about a problem and its solution, would have a positive impact on enhancing the design capability of an individual. Therefore, it would have positive impact on abilities related to analysis of problems, understanding multiple dimensions of a problem and providing a solution.

6. Research context The research was focused on how training provided on object oriented programming concepts would have an impact on attitudes of learners towards design-by-coding thinking. In this study a novel research methodology is proposed and implemented. The research was completed in 2 phases. In the first phase an experimental study has been conducted together with the learners. The second phase of the research covered data collection, analysis and evaluation processes which are completed by the researchers.

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In the first phase of the research a randomly selected group of volunteers have been trained in object oriented programming concepts and in design by coding practices over 15 weeks (and a total of 45 hours). In the training sessions, firstly the theoretical aspects of parametric design have been introduced to the participants. In this phase subjects related with Fundamentals of Parametric Design, Parametric Modelling, Algorithmic Thinking, Designers’ Role, and Patterns for Parametric Design were introduced to the students and group discussions on these subjects have been conducted. Furthermore, algorithmic analyses were conducted on parametric patterns found in examples from architectural design.

In the second phase of the research both qualitative and quantitative methods are utilised. The quantitative method included an experimental study; the qualitative method included a content analysis. In the experimental study participants have been provided hands-on training in a Java based programming language called “Processing”. The language was then used by the participants for generating 2D and 3D parametric designs through design-by-coding approach. Mentor support was provided to the participants at this stage. The participants were required to generate designs using parametric patterns with the limitation of using a maximum of 3 parameters. This limitation is used as a balancing factor for preventing the variances of the attitudes from one participant to another. Three of the design outputs produced as a result of design-by-coding experiment were as follows. Figure 1 provides a result of a parametric pattern generation exercise. In this case, the generated pattern is of a recursion type. In this example, the design is generated by iterations on X and Y axis.

Figure 2 illustrates a pattern generated by using force field / attractor point approach. In this exercise the design is formed around an attractor point.

Figure 3 depicts a pattern generated by the tiling approach. In this specific exercise the pattern is formed by

Figure 1. Recursion pattern implementation.

Figure 2. Attractor point pattern implementation.

Figure 3. Tiling pattern implementation.

tiling up a generated pattern within a pre-determined geometry (in this case a square).

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6.1. Research questions The research aimed understanding the attitudes of learners towards adopting design-by-coding thinking by adoption of the object oriented programming paradigm. The research questions developed within this context are as follows: • What is the attitude of learners (who are currently studying or have studied the architecture curricula) against computer programming?

• Do the learners develop self-confidence related to their parametric modelling skills while modelling through programming? Does learning programming support self-confidence?

• Do learners find design by coding useful?

• Do learners think that they will be successful in design through programming?

• Do learners have an intention to use coding in design, and parametric design through coding- in their business practices?

• Does gender play a role in the attitude of learners?

• What would the social impact of success be if learners would adopt design-by-coding paradigm?

In addition, although some examples from the generated design outputs are provided in the previous section, it needs to be noted (as a limitation) that, this research did neither concentrate on evaluating the design outputs, nor focused on assessing the role of design knowledge on enabling better design outputs. In essence, this research is conducted with a narrower focus, i.e. to understand if the “designby-coding thinking” can be promoted through provision of training on related concepts and coding.

6.2. Sampling method The sample used is a randomly selected voluntary group of designers who are currently studying or have studied the architecture curricula. The key selection criterion for the sample was their lack of knowledge and experience regarding programming and parametric design. The participants were chosen considering that they did

not have any knowledge on computer programming and parametric design prior to the experiment. As the participants did not have knowledge on programming and parametric design, support and mentoring had to be provided during the experiment. Thus, due to i.) the nature of the experiment and ii.) the face to face mentoring provided during the study, the number of the participants has remained low (as 10), based on the limitation (and low number) of mentors (2), who participated in the experiment.

The “Processing” language was chosen as the main instrument to teach object oriented programing concepts and parametric modelling. The reason behind this choice was, its object oriented nature, the popularity of the language in generation of geometries and its ease of use. In addition, the use of “Processing” language is advised by digital design and digital arts professionals.

6.3. Data collection tools In this study two data collection tools were utilised. The first tool was an attitude scale implemented in Baser (2013). The reason behind the selection of this tool was that the reliability and validity of this scale was tested and approved previously (Baser,2013). Second tool used was a web based questionnaire survey.

7. The attitude scale The attitude scale utilised in the study is originally adopted by Baser (2013) from the attitude scale of Weibe which is mentioned in the previous section. The reason behind using the scale of Baser (2013) in this study was that the validity and reliability of that scale was tested and proved by the adopting author. In addition, this scale mainly focuses on measuring the attitudes of participants related to programming instead of measuring their attitudes towards general IT understanding which is the focus of other related scales. The scale of Baser (2013) consists of 40 items. These items were categorized in 4 different factors in parallel with research focus.

These factors were: • F1: Self Confidence and Motivation

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• F2: Value of Programming • F3: Attitude towards achieving success in parametric design through programming • F4: Social perception of -success in programmingFollowing the training on the Processing language and exercises on adopting coding-by-design concepts, the attitude scale was applied with face to face interviews. All of participants filled a form containing the attitude scale at a research meeting. The attitude scale used was similar to a 5-level Likert scale, (1) indicating the complete disagreement with a positive attitude and (5) indicating the complete agreement with a positive attitude.

8. Questionnaire survey A web based questionnaire survey is implemented following the attitude scale exercise. The questionnaire consisted of 2 open-ended questions which were focused on understanding the views of the participants related to training they were provided. A considerable amount of qualitative data (i.e. in the form of texts of 500 words per participant) were gathered. In the following stage, a content analysis, focused on understanding the views of the learners on the training content and material provided, were conducted.

9. Findings of the research The survey results were analysed using statistical methods. In the first stage tests were conducted on the survey results to check the Normality of the distribution of the result variables.

Following this, in order to analyse the attitudes of participants against programming a one sample T-test is utilised in the research. Table 1 sum-

marises the results of the T-test.

Based on the evaluation of the overall scale it is difficult to state that the participants have developed significantly positive attitudes towards programming and coding-by-design, as the results of the T-test did not reveal any significant difference. The lack of significant positive attitude might be due to discomfort and lack of self-confidence of the participants who are new to programming.

In terms of the first factor (F1: Self Confidence and Motivation), a significant difference in the ratio of Self Confidence and Motivation has not been observed. The time limitations in training hours and low number of exercises for practical implementation of coding, might have prevented the development of self-confidence (related to programming) in the participants.

More hands-on coding exercises would contribute more to the development of self confidence in the trainees. In addition, demonstration of successful cases of parametric design and -design by coding- can be key factors for increasing the confidence related to coding.

The results of the questionnaire survey support these views. For example, participant P6 mentioned that they needed more practical examples, while participant P4 indicated the ratio of practical examples provided in the training as very low against the theoretical details that were provided during the training. P4 also mentioned that the time of training that they were provided was very limited.

The second factor F2: Value of Programming, measured if the participants viewed programing/coding as a key/valuable skill for making parametric design. The results of the T-test did not reveal any significant difference

Table 1. One-sample T-test results.

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related to this factor. Participants did not seem to have realized importance of coding for parametric design.

In factors F3 and F4, the attitude of participants towards achieving success in parametric design through programming and the social perception of success in programming were measured. The results of the T-test revealed significant difference in these factors.

In addition, the views of the participants gathered by the questionnaire survey were indicating significant positive attitudes. The survey findings indicate that if the training time for design by coding can be increased and this training is supported with more practical examples, productive and creative parametric designs can be accomplished. For example, P4 indicated that in their architectural firm they also implement parametric design successfully, but found his current knowledge and experience as “not sufficient enough� related to the parametric design. On the other hand, this reveals that he is confident that he would be successful in making parametric designs once he has spent required level of time and effort on the subject. The design studio environment of the training sessions and coding exercise, where sharing of knowledge in a collaborative way is encouraged, had a positive influence on the social perception of success in programming. For example, P7 indicated that the trainers were very friendly and supportive and this had contributed to their learning experience and success in design by coding.

An independent sample t-test is used to evaluate the role of gender in attitude towards parametric design through coding. The Table-2 below summarises the T-test results.

The results presented in the table reveal that the attitude of female trainees towards design-by-coding was more significantly positive than the male trainees. This result might be influenced by high attendance rates of fe-

male trainees and their more active involvement in collaborative programming tasks.

The views of the trainees acquired from the questionnaire survey had a positive tendency both towards the training exercise and implementing parametric design in their projects.

For example, P2 and P4 mentioned that they have learned key facts related to their career in design during the training. In addition, P4 mentioned that they have developed parametric designs in their office prior to this training, and this training helped in developing core knowledge in the field of parametric design.

The negative views of the trainees were gathered around the limitation of time allocated for the training sessions and low number of practical/hands-on examples provided during the training.

P1 indicated that they needed more time for training and also need more practical examples. P5 mentioned that practical examples provided would need to have been explained in more detail.

10. Conclusions The research investigated how a training provided on object oriented programming concepts would have an impact on attitudes towards parametric design thinking. The sample used in the experiment is a randomly selected voluntary group of designers who are currently studying or have studied the architecture curricula. They were provided training in object oriented programming concepts and design by coding. The attitude of the participants was analysed based on an attitude scale and a questionnaire survey. The findings can be summarised as follows.

The results of the attitude scale demonstrated a neutral attitude as output. Thus, it is difficult to conclude that the participants have shown a significant positive attitude towards design by coding. In fact, the views mentioned

Table 2. Independent sample T-test results.

An investigation on the attitudes towards adopting the design by coding paradigm

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in the questionnaire survey were more positive. In the study it is observed that the learners are not familiar with algorithmic thinking, but it is also observed that algorithmic thinking and parametric design abilities can be enhanced by providing training on coding. The results indicate a strong positive correlation between the rate of attendance to training and positive attitude against coding. The design-by-coding exercises conducted through following object oriented programming paradigm, and visualisation of design had a positive impact on enhancing the (design) decision making abilities of students and motivating students to implement design by coding approach.

The research has shown that training will contribute to the rapid adoption of parametric design concepts by designers and thus will contribute to the implementation rate of parametric design approach. If designers and design students are encouraged to adopt object oriented concepts in all fields of design this will have a positive impact on motivation towards moving to parametric design.

The low number of participants of the research can be seen as the major barrier and limitation that has be overcome to generalize these findings back to the target population of the study (designers who are currently studying or have studied the architecture curricula). In order to improve the external validity of the research, a further study will be conducted with more mentors and higher number of participants in the near future.

The future research in the field will focus on the following subjects.

• Measuring the attribute of learners against design-by-coding following a two phase training which covers both graphical and parametric design concepts.

• Enhancing the training to cover more practical implementation and coding exercises.

• Enhancing the training using more interactive tools and environments.

• Providing training based on real life cases that are being designed and implemented in projects.

• Finding methods towards increasing the motivation of learners to-

wards implementing parametric design through coding.

• Investigating the relationship between the attitude of learners and their success rates.

• Implementing the survey by increasing the sampling size and number of mentors.

• Investigating the design outputs to verify their compliance with parametric design principles.

• Research on the factors behind the lack of positive attitude towards design-by-coding.

The adoption of new design methods such as parametric design will benefit from training on design-by-coding concepts and object oriented coding. It is also important to know the impact of how these new design concepts on creativity and productivity, and thus future research is required in these fields as well.

References Baser, M. (2013). Developing Attitude Scale Toward Computer Programming, International Journal of Social Science, Volume 6 Issue 6, p.

199-215, June 2013.

Chabert, J. L. (1999). A History of Algorithms: From the Pebble to the Microchip. Springer Verlag. ISBN 9783-540-63369-3.

Cohen, L., Manion, L., & Morrison, K. (2007). Research methods in education (6. ed). Routledge.

Coyne, R.D., Rosenman, M.A., Radford, A.D., Balachandran, M. & Gero, J.S. (1990). Knowledge–Based Design Systems, Addison Wesley Publishing Company, Massachusetts.

Fennema, E., & Sherman, J. A. (1976). Fennema-Sherman mathematics attitudesscales: Instruments designed to measure attitudes toward the learning of mathematics by females and males. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education 7(5), 324–326.

Futschek G., (2006), Algorithmic Thinking: The Key for Understanding Computer Science, Lecture Notes in Computer Science, Vol. 4226, 159–168.

Heersink, D., & Moskal, B. M. (2010). Measuring high school students’ attitudes toward computing. In Proceedings of the 41st ACM technical symposium on Computer science edu-

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cation (pp 446–450). ACM. Hongwarittorrn, N., & Krairit, D. (2010). Effects of program visualization (jeliot3) on students’ performance and attitudes towards java programming. The spring 8th Int. Conf. on Computing, Com. Tech.

Hutchinson, A., Moskal, B., Dann, W., & Cooper, S. (2008). Impact of the Alice curriculum on community college students’ attitudes and learning with respect to computer science.

American Society for Engineering Education, Pittsburgh, PA. Johnston, W.M., Hanna, J.R.P., & Millar, R.J. (2004). “Advances in dataflow programming languages”. ACM Computing Surveys 36 (1): 1–34. Retrieved 2011-02-16.

Kernighan, B. W. (1999). The Practice of Programming, Pearson Kolarevic, B. (2005). “Designing

and Manufacturing Architecture in the Digital Age”, Architectural Information Management 05, Design Process No: 3, pp.117-123.

Lawson, B. (2006). How designers think: The design process demystified.

Burlington, MA., Architectural Press.

OxfordDictionaries.Com (2016).

Oxford Dictionaries. Retrieved June 15, 2015 URL: http://www.oxforddictionaries.com Rittel, H. & Webber, M. (1973). “Dilemmas in a General Theory of Planning,” Policy Sciences 4, Elsevier Scientific Publishing, Amsterdam, 155-159.

Wiebe, E., Williams, L., Yang, K., & Miller, C. (2003). Computer science attitude survey. computer science, 14(25), 0.86.

Woodbury, R. (2010). Elements of Parametric Design, Routledge, NY.

An investigation on the attitudes towards adopting the design by coding paradigm

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Early energy simulation of urban plans and building forms

Kerem BEYGO1, Mehmet Ali YÜZER2 1 beygo@itu.edu.tr • Graduate School of Science, Engineering And Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 yuzerm@itu.edu.tr • Department of Urban Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.67689

Received: June 2016 • Final Acceptance: February 2017

Abstract Cities play a major role in more efficient use of energy sources, deployment of renewables, energy efficiency and successful implementation of climate policies.

Energy planning in cities and energy performance assessment of new settlements is a new research area that needs efforts from various disciplines. This study introduces a method for energy performance assessment of a new development area in the planning phase. Energy performance of an urban plan designed for a development area of Milas is assesssed by using several building parameters. Obtained results showed that building parameters, urban forms can cause significant energy reductions and the building parameters and urban forms that perform better can be proposed to urban planners, architects, and construction engineers. This study clearly underlines the importance of early energy performance assessment of settlements, neighborhoods and urban areas.

Keywords Energy planning, Energy simulation, Urban energy performance, Urban form.

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1. Introduction Today 50 % of earth’ s population is living in cities and this number is expected to rise to 70 % in 2050. Major economic and social drivers behind this rapid urbanization is that cities offer oppurtinities to people such as employment, education, security and social services. While cities offer such oppurtinities they demand high amount of energy to perform such activities. Nearly 2/3 of global energy consumption and 70 % of greenhouse gas emissions occur in cities.

Cities will play a major role in more efficient use of energy sources, deployment of renewables, energy efficiency and successful implementation of climate policies.

Cities in Turkey developed inadequately from perspective of different disciplines. Unresistant structures to earthquake, inadequate infrastructure, transportation, water supply, energy losses are causing degradation in life quality and economic losses in urban areas. All these factors should be considered in urban regeneration policies.

Energy saving measures that are taken into account in urban level rather than building level will be more effective and efficient.

Energy efficiency measures are not being taken into account in urban planning practice for various reasons.

Lack if interest is not one of them but lack off assessment tools and difficulties to access data are major ones.

In order to assess energy performance of a settlement, to evaluate effects of alternative plans and to make improvements in energy performance of a neighborhood, data is needed from a variety of resources and speacilists from different disciplines must use a variety of tools to perform such tasks.

Such processes must be simplified to a level that actors of planning hierarchy can evalute them without difficulty (Ianni and Sanchez de Leon, 2013).

There is a need for development of new energy models that will guide planning of energy policies in urban level. The value created by the developed models will be measured by the level of information that they can give to designers and political decision makers.

Thermophysical properties of building materials, efficiency of energy supply systems, occupant activities, build-

ing morphology and urban form are major factors that effect energy comsumption. While urban form can effect energy consumption of buildings with it’s physical properties, urban form can indirectly effect use of energy supply systems (solar systems, urban energy systems).

Energy systems in buildings can be replaced and occupant behaviours can change in shorter term while urban form can have a longer lasting effect on energy consumption in a positive and negative way. Secondly it can be deemed that energy systems and occupant behaviour do not act independently from urban form and urban form can lead better system performance and occupant behaviour. Building energy system’ s performance is related occupant behaviour but compact urban forms are not effected by occupant behaviour (Wener and Carmalt, 2006).

Neighborhood scale energy studies are limited and less developed methodologically in comparison to building scale and regional scale studies. Neighborhood scale studies are important because they take into account urban form and energy consumption interaction.

2. Parameters affecting energy efficiency 2.1. Environment (climate) Climate affects environmental and energy performance of buildings and it affects occupant’s comfort. Climate can be analysed in two broad categories: macro climate and micro climate. Macro climate defines the climatic characteristics of a region or zone. Temperature, humidity, average rainfall, wind direction and speed, solar radiation atmospheric pollution are important climate parameters. Micro climate is the surrounding climate of buildings.

Neighbouring buildings (shading, wind patterns), terrain (slopes, valleys, hills) can create different micro climates. Also buildings can have different climates on their facades. Facades facing prevailing wind direction, north and south have different micro climates.

2.2. Orientation of building Orientation of buildings directly affect the solar gains of buildings and indirectly affect heat gains and losses

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of buildings. Depending on the sun’s path successful orientation rotates the building to minimize energy loads and maximize free energy from the sun and wind. Rooms should also be located to take best advantage of the sun depending on their daily uses.

2.3. Planning of settlement area Analysing the settlement area and locating the buildings in the most suitable location is another important step.

Passive solar building design utilizes natural resources. Positioning of buildings and setback distances are critical design parameters. For a good solar passive design best site for a building is where access to daylight is minimised in summer and maximised in winter.

Depending on the prevailing wind directions site must be planned to provide protection from winter winds to reduce heating needs and site must be planned to maximise natural ventilation in summer. Topography, neighbouring buildings, vegetation have a crucial affect on solar radiation, wind direction and speed.

2.4. Building form Building form impacts energy consumption because compact forms minimise heat transfer. Cubic form minimise heat transfer but a rectangular form is better for a passive solar building. A rectangular form with longer sides facing north and south may allow for greater solar gains if north facade properly insulated. Positioning of building elements according to sun reduce heating and cooling loads of buildings. Also inner rooms must be placed to provide the better zoning configuration (Bayraktar and Yılmaz, 2007).

2.5. Building envelope The building envelope is the interface between the interior of the building and the outdoor environment, including the walls, roof, and foundation. By acting as a thermal barrier, the building envelope plays an important role in regulating interior temperatures and helps determine the amount of energy required to maintain thermal comfort. Minimizing heat transfer through the building envelope is crucial for reducing the need for space heating and cooling. In cold climates, the building envelope can reduce the

amount of energy required for heating; in hot climates, the building envelope can reduce the amount of energy required for cooling. Building envelope is an important element in design of passive solar building. Elements of envelope also affect occupant’s thermal and visual comfort (Bayraktar and Yılmaz, 2007).

2.5.1. Opaque components Walls, roof, floors, ceilings... are opaque components of a building. Increased insulation level is the most common way of reducing heat transfer in cold climates. This method can also be used to reduce overheating in warm climates. Climate characteristics should be taken into account for the insulation for a good passive solar building. After minimisation of heat transfer, heating and cooling demand met with passive techniques. Heat loss of a building is related to inner and outer temperature, area of component and U value. Color of the opaque is another parameter that affects it’s thermal behaviour. Optical parameters (reflectivity, emissivity,..) are a function of opaque element’ s surface color.

2.5.2. Fenestrations Fenestration systems transmit more than 80 % of solar radiation and they play an important role in passive solar design but in the meantime because of their high U-values they are less resistant to heat transfer. Optical characteristics (emissivity, transmittance, reflectance) of window glasses may cause overheating because they transmit short-wave radiation but they keep long wave radiation inside the building.

Location and size of fenestration systems also have big impact on energy consumption. For passive heating bigger portion of fenestration systems must be placed on southern facades.

Fenestration systems facing east and west must be minimised regarding the natural lighting requirements because they have little solar gain in winter and they result overheating in summer (Bayraktar and Yılmaz, 2007).

2.5.3. Passive control devices The use of sun control and shading devices is an important aspect of many energy-efficient building design strategies. In particular, buildings that em-

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ploy passive solar heating or daylighting often depend on well-designed sun control and shading devices. During cooling seasons, external window shading is an excellent way to prevent unwanted solar heat gain from entering a conditioned space. Shading can be provided by natural landscaping or by building elements such as awnings, overhangs, and trellises. Some shading devices can also function as reflectors, called light shelves, which bounce natural light for daylighting deep into building interiors. The design of effective shading devices will depend on the solar orientation of a particular building facade.

Another passive control system is natural ventilation supplied by openings on building envelope. Natural ventilation systems rely on pressure differences to move fresh air through buildings. Pressure differences can be caused by wind or the buoyancy effect created by temperature differences or differences in humidity. In either case, the amount of ventilation will depend critically on the size and placement of openings in the building.

3. Study area Milas Milas is a historical settlement area which still has a traditional and historical urban structure. For the study, a design for development area of Milas is used. The design for new development has references from urban character of Milas. Urban blocks of conservation area have a closed form, a mix of attached and detached buildings with 2-3 storeys. Also widenings and narrowings of streets create a sense of motion and surprise effect. Characteristics urban forms of Milas were used in the new design.

3.1. Milas climate The coastal areas of Turkey bordering the Aegean Sea and the Mediterranean Sea have a hot-summer Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry summers and mild to cool, wet winters. Milas has an average temperature of 6.4°C in January and an average temperature of 26.8°C in July. Annual average temperature for Milas is 16.3°C. 3.1.1. Microclimate Topography is a main factor that affect microclimate. Milas is surrounded with mountians from east, west,

south and north. Milas is on an alluvial plain with mounds to the east of Sodra mountain. There is slope to the north with 30 % inclination. The old city center with dense traditional urban form has an inclination between 5-15 %.

3.1.2. Heating and cooling degree days of Milas According heating and cooling degree days data of Milas heating is most needed in November, December, January, February and March. Cooling is mostly needed in June, July, August and September. Passive strategies should be planned to cover most of supply heating and cooling needs in cold and warm months.

3.2. Site selection and orientation Location and topography of city is suitable for hot and dry climates. Milas is placed on a plain and mountains to the north, south, east and west provide shelter to city. The hill to the south blocks the wind that mostly blow from south in winter and the mountain to the north acts as a barrier to the cold north winds. The wind that mostly blow from north in summer is advantegeous for passive cooling. Topography of Milas provide advantage for passive cooling and heating which give Milas a high ranking in site selection and orientation (Meşe, 2014).

3.3. Urban form Traditional settlement area of Milas has a compact urban form that prevent overheating in summer and overcooling in winter. Such an urban form also reduce heating and cooling energy needs (Meşe, 2014).

3.4. Urban form and solar envelope In hot climates row houses elongated along the east-west axis provide the best shading of the critical east and west walls. Mostly building blocks in Milas developed along the east-west direction. These attached buildings provide shading to each other thus reduce cooling loads in summer. Building blocks along north-south axis are less dense then east-west oriented building blocks and these blocks have dead ends along east-west direction that allow south facing structures. North-south oriented building blocks allow sun from south thus they provide passive heating in winter (Meşe, 2014).

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ten building forms which were chosen during design of new development area. The method in this study is in the following order: planning of new settlement, design of building forms, 3D modelling of settlement, evaluation of building parameters, access to climate data, energy simulation of new development and evaluation of simulation outputs.

The new development area has ten different building forms in it’ s design.

It is expected that these ten different forms will have different energy because of their form.

For building parameters, three values are chosen for insulation thickness – window type and infiltration rate.

For conditioning and ventilation one case is cooling and mech. vent. is on for other case only natural ventilation is available. Shading is on for one case and shading is off for the other case.

In total there are 36 combinations for all values of parameters. For all combinations energy simulation is run for total energy demand, heating demand and cooling demand.

Figure 1. Plan of Milas development area.

3.5. Street orientation In hot dry climates streets should be designed to provide maximum shading to pedestrians and buildings should have minimum solar radiation (Givoni, 1998).

Street width and orientation affect urban microclimate by blocking sun and changing wind direction. In case of contradiction, sun effects should be the primary design factor. For pedestrian comfort east-west oriented streets offer best solution (Olgyay, 1992).

4. Energy performance assessment of Milas plan 4.1. Simulation parameters and building forms In the study energy performance of the new urban development is evaluated with respect to chosen building parameters and energy performance of chosen building forms are compared. Four building parameters that affect energy loads are chosen. These are insulation thickness-window type, infiltration rate, ventilation type and shading. There are 438 buildings and

4.2. Simulation program EnergyPlus program is used for simulation of total energy, heating cooling loads of buildings.The EnergyPlus program is a collection of many program modules that work together to calculate the energy required for heating and cooling a building using a variety of systems and energy sources.

It does this by simulating the building and associated energy systems when they are exposed to different environmental and operating conditions. The core of the simulation is a model of the building that is based on fundamental heat balance principles. EnergyPlus implements detailed building physics algorithms for heat transfer—radiation, convection, and conduction—air and moisture transfer, light distribution, and water flows. EnergyPlus integrated solution manager manages the surface and air heat balance modules and acts as an interface between the heat balance and the building systems simulation manager. The surface heat balance module simulates inside and outside surface heat balance; interconnections between heat balances and boundary conditions; and conduction, convection, radiation, and mass transfer (water vapor) effects. The air mass

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Figure 2. Method of the study.

Figure 3. Building forms.

balance module deals with various mass streams, such as ventilation air, exhaust air, and infiltration. Integrated structure of EnergyPlus program produces more accurate results (Eskin, 2009). Simulation Manager, heat and mass balance simulation, building systems simulation are main components of EnergyPlus program (Aktacır et al., 2011).

4.3. Simulation results Energy simulations results for all combinations are evaluated with SPSS program. Total energy demand, heating demand and cooling demand graphs are drawn for building forms.

Building form have a greater effect on cooling energy demand. Building form 6 have highest cooling energy demand (61.98 kWh/m²) and building form 10 have the lowest cooling energy demand (50.73 kWh/m²). There is a 11.25 kWh/m² (22.17 %) difference between the minimum and maximum values. For heating energy demand

Table 1. Building parameters.

Table 2. Building forms energy demand.

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Table 3. Infiltration rate effect on building form energy demand.

Table 4. Insulation and window type effect on building form energy demand.

there is 5.19 kWh/m² (8.8 %) difference between maximum and minimum values. Building form 9 has highest heating energy demand and building form 10 has minimum heating energy demand.

Infiltration rate has a bigger impact

on heating energy demand. Average heating energy demand is 42 kWh/m² for 0.2 ach infiltration rate. Increasing infiltration rate increase heating energy demand and heating energy demand doubles as we increase infiltration rate to 1.1 ach (86.72 kWh/ m²). With increasing infiltration rate heating energy demand differences between building forms decrease. For 0.2 ach the difference between maximum and minimum heating energy demand of building forms is 14.7 %. As we increase infiltration rate to 1.1 ach this difference decreases to 5.4 %. Increase in infiltration rate has a lesser effect on average cooling energy demand (9 %).

Increasing infiltration rate slightly decreases cooling energy demand. For 0.2 ach average cooling energy demand is 59.92 kWh/m² and for 1.1 ach average cooling energy demand is 54.58 kWh/m² (9 % decrease).

Insulation and window type have a greater effect on heating energy demand. If there is no insulation and if we use single window, average heating energy demand is 107,34 kWh/m². Using 4 cm insulation and double windows decrease average heating energy demand 46,04 kW/m² (57 %). Increasing insulation from 4 cm to 8 cm and using triple windows decrease average heating energy demand to 31.69 kWh/ m² (31.17 %). Increasing insulation thickness and using more layered windows increase average cooling energy demand from 54.31 kWh/m² to 59.48 kWh/m² (9.5 %). But a further increase in insulation thickness and window layers decrease average cooling energy from 59.48 kWh/m² to 57.75 kWh/m² (2.9 %).

Shading reduces average cooling energy demand from 69.18 kWh/m² to 45.18 kWh/m² (35 %). There is an 23 % difference between in maximum and minimum cooling energy demand when there is no shading. This difference is 21 % when shading is applied.

In all forms buildings have highest energy demand in case of no insulation, single window, 1.1 infiltration rate, mechanical ventilation and no shading. Buildings have minimum energy demand with 8 cm insulation, triple window, 0.2 (ach) infiltration rate, with shading and natural ventilation.

Building form 10 has the minimum energy demand. In consecutive order building form 10, building form 2 and

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building form 3 have minimum energy demand. Building forms 5, 6, 7 and 9 have highest energy demand in consecutive order.

Average total energy demand when cooling and mechanical ventilation is available is 152.08 kWh/m². If cooling and ventilation is done by natural ventilation average total energy demand is 94.62 kWh/m². There is a 37.8 % decrease in average total energy demand.

Differences between energy demand of building forms vary with values of building parameters. In case of no insulation-single window, mechanical ventilation, energy demand of building forms have maximum difference.

If buildings have 8 cm insulation-triple window, and natural ventilation, differences between energy demand of buildings are minimum. Increase in insulation thickness and increase in window layers, reduce total energy demand and it also decrease differences in total energy demand between different building forms.

In all forms buildings have highest heating energy demand in case of no insulation, single window, 1.1 infil-

Table 5. Shading effect on building form energy demand.

tration rate, and with shading. In this case average heating energy demand differences between building forms are maximum. Buildings have minimum average heating energy demand with 8 cm insulation, triple window, 0.2 (ach) infiltration rate and with no shading. In this case average heating

Figure 4. Building parameters, building forms, average total energy demand.

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Figure 5. Building parameters, building forms, average heating energy demand.

Figure 6. Building parameters, building forms, average cooling energy demand.

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Table 6. Simulation results of all combinations.

energy demand differences between building forms are minimum. Increase of insulation thickness, usage of more layered windows, decrease of infiltration rate reduce average heating energy demand differences between building forms. Building forms 9, 5 and 6 has maximum average heating energy demand and building forms 10, 2 and 3 have minimum average heating energy demand. in consecutive order.

In all forms buildings have highest

average cooling energy demand in case of 4 cm insulation, double window, and with no shading. In this case average cooling energy demand differences between building forms are maximum.

Buildings have minimum average cooling energy demand with 0 cm insulation, single window, and with shading.

In this case average cooling energy demand differences between building forms are minimum. Infiltration rate have little effect on average cooling

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energy demand. Building forms 6, 8, 1 and 5 have maximum average cooling energy demand and building forms 10, 2 and 3 have minimum average cooling energy demand in consecutive order.

5. Conclusion In the early design phase of new settlements when decisions are being made about roads, building forms; solar gains, energy performance of buildings should be investigated. Such early assessments can provide advisory results for other disciplines that are going to take part in the design and construction of new settlements. Also energy performance evaluations in earlier phases of urban planning are likely to be more efficient than later phase interventions. Therefore incorporation of energy performance evaluations into urban planning practice is still being investigated and debated.

In this study, energy performance of a new development area which has references to traditional form of Milas is simulated with various building parameters. For every paramater value total energy demand, total heating energy demand and total cooling energy demand are calculated. Simulation results showed effects of building parameters and building forms on energy demand. Depending on values of the building parameters new development area’s maximum simulated energy demand is 28.954.533 kWh and it’ s minimum simulated energy demand is 6.117.128 kWh. For total heating energy demand maximum simulated value is 18.417.590 kWh and minimum value is 1.621.975 kWh. For total cooling energy demand maximum and minimum values are 9.498.118 kWh and 5.266.687 kWh respectively. Differences between maximum and minimum values show how much building parameters can effect affect energy performance of a newly planned settlement. Also building forms used in the design of urban plan affect energy demand considerably. For average heating energy demand there is a 8.8 % change between most energy efficient and least energy efficient building forms. For cooling energy demand this value is 22 %. For heating and cooling demand there is a 13.5 % change between most energy efficient and least

energy efficient building forms.

This study is limited to chosen building parameter values, building forms and as a future work, the study can be expanded to evaluate the impact of a broader range of parameters in urban settlements. Urban heat island effects which account urban morphology have direct effects on weather data.

Integration of urban heat island effects may generate more accurate energy simulation results, as a future study.

As a conclusion, this study is aimed to show the potential for energy savings In the planning phase of new developments. It is possible to evaluate energy performance of neighborhoods and make recommendations about values of building parameters and building forms.

References Aktacır M., Nacar M. Yeşilata B. (2011). Binalarda Enerji Verimliliği Amaçlı Yazılımlar Üzerine Kısa Bir Değerlendirme. X. Ulusal Tesisat Mühendisliği Kongresi, İzmir.

Bayraktar M., Yılmaz Z. (2007). Bina Enerji Tasarrufunda Pasif Akıllılığın Önemi VIII. Ulusal Tesisat Mühendisliği Kongresi, İzmir.

Eskin, N. (2009). Konut Dışı Binaların Yıllık Enerji İhtiyaçlarının İncelenmesi. IX. Ulusal Tesisat Mühendisliği Kongresi, İzmir.

Givoni B. (1998). Climate Considerations in Building and Urban Design: John Wiley & Sons.

Ianni M., Sanchez de Leon M. (2013). Applying Energy Performance-Based Design in Early Design Stages. Computation and Performance Proceedings of the 31st International Conference on Education and research in Computer Aided Architectural Design in Europe, Delft, The Netherlands.

Meşe B. (2014). Kentsel Tasarımda Pasif Sistemler, Milas Örneği. M.Sc. Thesis. İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, İstanbul.

Olgyay V. (1992). Design With Climate: Bioclimatic Approach to Architectural Regionalism: John Wiley & Sons.

Wener, R., Carmalt, H. (2006). Environmental psychology and sustainability in high-rise structures. Technology in Society, 28, 157–167.

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Resilience, space syntax and spatial interfaces: The case of river cities

Ehsan ABSHIRINI1, Daniel KOCH2 1 ehab@kth.se • Department of Urban Planning and Environment, School of Architecture and Built Environment, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm, Sweden 2 daniel.koch@kth.se • School of Architecture, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm, Sweden

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.65265

Received: December 2015 • Final Acceptance: December 2016

Abstract Resilience defined as the capacity of a system to manage impacts, keep its efficiency and continue its development has been scrutinized by researchers from different points of view over the past decades. Due to the prominence of resilience in urban planning, this paper intends to find out how the spatial structure of cities deals with disturbances, and if geographical phenomena such as rivers affect the resilience in cities. Using the space syntax methods syntactically analyze the resilience in cities, we innovatively introduce two measures; similarity and sameness.

These measures are in relation with the syntactical properties of cities and compare the degree of resilience between different groups. Similarity measures the degree to which each city retains the relative magnitude of its foreground network after a disturbance and sameness is the degree to which each city retains the same segments as its foreground network after a disturbance. Likewise to network resilience studies, we apply different disturbances on cities and explore the reaction of cities to disturbances in terms of size of the foreground network and which segments are parts thereof. We then compare different groups based on these measurements as a method to analyze sameness and similarity. The results show that the resilience, in the way we define it, is different in different cities depending on in which view and based on which parameters we are discussing the resilience.

Additionally morphological phenomena such as rivers have a great impact on the structure of cities and in turn on their resilience.

Keywords River-cities, Resilience, Space syntax, Spatial analysis, Disturbances.

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1. Introduction The rate of urbanization and the dynamic development of cities has been rapidly increasing over the past century, with half of the world’s population now living in cities (United Nations, 2014). As a result, urban resilience is becoming an increasingly important issue. The frequently uninhibited patterns of urban sprawl make cities and the people living there vulnerable to multiple stresses, and increase the need for sustainable planning (TERI, 2009).

A resilient city not only facilitates interaction with nature, and improves response to natural disasters; it also helps increase sustainability, mitigating some of the undesired consequences stemming from human activity (Reid and Demarin, 2013). It has also become clear that as a result of climate change and the consequent increased risk of flooding or droughts, rising sea levels, and more extreme weather conditions, geographical conditions are increasingly factors that must be considered in studies of urban resilience (Carter et al., Leichenko, 2011; Pickett, Cadenasso, and Grove, 2004).

In relation to this broad set of issues, in this paper we investigate how a single property of urban space—the morphological configuration of public space into networks—relates to a single geographical feature—the presence or absence of a river—and how this relates to questions of urban resilience.

This research is designed to increase our knowledge of a focused subset of urban resilience, “resilience in spatial morphology” (Marcus and Colding, 2014). In particular, we will study how spatial configurations, specifically as studied in space syntax research, may be more or less resilient to alterations to their systems. Further, the inclusion of rivers allows us to offer some initial findings on whether vulnerabilities can be generically linked to a city’s geographical features.

Degrees of network continuity and network fragmentation are commonly investigated and important features of network resilience in terms of robustness. In this study, we investigate different aspects of networks from the perspective of resilience. Our focus will not be on network continuity issues per se, but rather on how the configurational and systemic characteristics of networks and nodes are changed by disturbances. A novel method using sameness and similarity measures

(Koch & Miranda, 2013) was created for analyzing urban resilience through investigating the effects of disturbances on the city network. This paper focuses on developing these two concepts within the context of the spatial configuration of cities, and using them to examine whether the presence or absence of rivers has a significant impact on how cities react to disturbances. As such, this is not a comprehensive investigation of resilience, but rather an attempt to add additional perspectives on what constitutes resilience in urban settlements, as well as an understanding of the structural effect of rivers and the role of bridges in city configurations. A full investigation would include studies of complete system breaks, changes to global trip lengths, changes in specific accessibilities and distances, and many other issues.

Finally, with this research we aim to increase knowledge within the field of space syntax on aspects of systemic change, which arguably is still in need of development. In order to do this, both resilience and space syntax as they pertain to the content of this paper require further discussion, as does the translation of the concepts of sameness and similarity into the methodology that is this paper’s primary contribution. This includes testing the developed concepts on larger empirical samples.

2. Resilience While ostensibly a clearly defined term, the concept of resilience has become ambiguous due to the way it is used in different fields. It is a regular part of the vocabulary employed in fields such as ecology, engineering, social network and network theory, the material sciences, economics, and architecture, and has lately become a nearly interchangeable substitute for the term sustainability in urban planning. Concerns have recently been raised that the proliferation in its use may lead to it becoming a catch-all term, similar to what has arguably happened with “sustainability” (Rose, 2007; Grünewald and Warner, 2012; Galderisi, 2014). Reviewing how resilience is defined in different fields, therefore, is important in order to clarify the set of properties of a resilient system that will be employed in this study.

Resilience was given its contemporary definition in the field of ecology by

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Holling (1973, p. 14) as “a measure of the persistence of systems and of their ability to absorb change and disturbance and still maintain the same relationships between populations or state variables.” This definition is similar to what United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR, 2009, p. 24, p. 31) offers as “the ability of a system, community, or society exposed to hazards to resist, absorb, accommodate to, and recover from the effects of a hazard in a timely and efficient manner, including through the preservation and restoration of its essential basic structures and functions.”

Similarly, in network theory resilience is defined as the degree to which a network’s efficiency remains functional, changes or is damaged when vertices are removed in a random or targeted fashion from the system (Iyer et al., 2013). In urban planning, resilience is defined as the “capability to prepare for, respond to, and recover from significant multi-hazard threats with minimum damage to public safety and health, the economy, and national security” (Wilbanks, 2007, p. 2). A summary of the concept of resilience, then, would seem to concern the ability of a system to survive or be maintained in the face of disturbance. Holling himself, however, later noted (1996) that two dominant types of resilience definitions have emerged, which he calls ecology resilience and engineering resilience. In short, the former is characterized by a system’s ability to “bounce back” after a disturbance, and the latter by a system’s ability to continue working unaffected by a disturbance. The research in this paper addresses both of these kinds of resilience to an extent, although through the specific interpretation of each as sameness and similarity factors.

3. Space syntax and resilience In this paper we therefore aim to develop a method for measuring resilience in different cities interpreted through space syntax models, and measured from different points of view.

We seek to establish a link between the spatial properties of a city network and resilience on the one hand, and between resilience and the morphology of a city on the other hand. The usefulness of space syntax as a set of theories and tools for spatial and configurational analysis has been demonstrated not only in the interpretation of morpho-

logical space, but also in linking geometrical and syntactical measures and analysis of the city’s spatial configuration. Research that directly addresses the relationship between space syntax and resilience problems is uncommon, although a few recent cases can be found. Researchers like Hillier (1996) and Shpuza (2005, 2006, 2007, 2011, and 2013) have implicitly pointed to resilience in some of their studies, but without using the same term. In his thesis, for example, Shpuza (2006) examined the relationship between floor plate shapes and layout integration. He showed that removing unit cells in different ways from building floor plates in different shapes affects the mean depth and integration values differently. He stated that this effect depends on the position of the cell in relation to the presence of underlying regions in a floor plate shape. This, however, does not directly address resilience, and centers on small-scale spaces like floor plate shapes, rather than comparatively large-scale spaces such as street networks and cities.

Esposito and De Pinto (2015) investigated the influence of flood risk on the city of Turin and syntactically measured flood resilience. They calculated different syntactical properties, such as angular segment integration and angular segment choice values in global and local radii for the conditions before and after the flood. Conducting a principal component analysis and clustering, they compared the spatial configuration of the city both pre- and post-flood. Since they found limited changes in spatial properties, they concluded that Turin’s network retained the same functional structure before and after the flood, and could be considered resilient in the wake of the flood disaster.

Cutini and Di Pinto (2015) examined the actual effects of the Vesuvius volcano on the configuration of the self-organized urban area on its slopes to try to find out how space syntax may be involved in measuring the resilience of the city in relation to the volcano.

Introducing different syntactical parameters, including mean connectivity, synergy (correlation between radius 3 and radius n integration), and frequency index (the ratio between the highest choice value and the value for the maximum frequency of use for a given line), they posited that a system is more resilient if the first two param-

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eters mentioned above increase, while the third decreases. They concluded that the new development in the city, from this point of view, has made it more vulnerable to an eruption, and has decreased the area’s resilience.

Carpenter (2013) investigated disaster resilience in the coastal Mississippi area of the U.S. that was hit by Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Using temporal data from before and after the hurricane, Carpenter studied the effect of syntactical and built environmental measures on community resilience.

The syntactical parameters used in this research to evaluate the connectivity of streets were metric and angular reach (Peponis, Bafna and Zhang 2008), which are calculated based on distance and direction changes, respectively. Several other variables were also added to the model. Carpenter found that some specific syntactical and environmental parameters had positive influences on the city’s resilience, such as metric reach, the density of social networking organizations, historic site density, and land use mix.

Other variables, such as the presence of parks, actually had a negative impact on resilience. The paper concluded by highlighting the role of the built environment and syntactical parameters on social networks and resilience.

In another recent work that forms part of the basis for the methodology used in this paper, Koch and Miranda (2013) sought to conceptually discuss resilience in relation to space syntax theory, and offered methodological parameters for measuring resilience in buildings, which other notable earlier work has also addressed albeit for other purposes (e.g., Unlu et al, 2005).

To do so, they used existing space syntax measures, such as integration and connectivity, to suggest measures relating to sensitivity such as sameness and similarity factors, which are discussed in the next section. Through these concepts of resilience they were able to measure a building’s adaptability, as well as identify vulnerable locations inside buildings. It should be noted that Koch and Miranda use sameness and similarity as broader concepts with a range of specific individual measures, allowing a qualitative discussion, whereas we, in this paper, will be making use of specific individual measures as indicators of these concepts.

The authors mention, however, that this definition of resilience does not

uniquely relate to morphology. What they present concretely is a framework by which buildings can be understood as resilient in different ways according to their spatial configuration. Resilience is then measurable depending on the answers given to the question “resilience of what and for what?” This question almost paraphrases what Weichselgartner and Kelman (2014, p. 21) propose as the critical question for any resilience study. Koch and Miranda finally conclude that syntactic resilience specifically means the degree to which a spatial configuration formulates a similar spatial interface (e.g. Hillier and Hanson, 1984) before and after a disturbance—or as Cutini and Di Pinto (2015, p. 66:5) put it, the measures investigate “the impact of change on inhabitancy and cultural identity.” We chose this position in part because it reaches beyond the generic observation that a more distributed system is more resilient to failures, acknowledging that, for social and cultural reasons, simply increasing the distributedness of a system may be problematic.

In this paper we will further expand upon Koch and Miranda’s work in approaching resilience from the point of view of configuration as socio-spatial interface. A wide range of resilience issues—including, for example, emergency egress or access to emergency shelters (Sari and Kubat, 2011; Dou and Zhan, 2011)—can reasonably be much better understood using other models, measures, and methods.

A secondary aim of this paper is to elucidate the properties of a syntactical view of resilience by means of quantitative comparison of resilience between river cities and non-river cities. For this reason, while the main body of empirical material concerns river cities, a control sample of non-river cities has been added. The paper shows how investigation of a large sample of cities morphologically divided into two groups allows patterns corresponding to each group of cities to be uncovered. The main hypothesis of our research is that resilience is affected by the form of cities, which in turn is affected by morphological phenomena on a geographic scale. In this study the presence or absence of rivers streaming through the cities plays the role of morphology which influences resilience in river cities in comparison to non-river cities. To enhance the strength and accuracy of the results, a large sample of cities of different sizes

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from a variety of locations was chosen.

This means that the research in this paper constitutes a dual investigation of how spatial configuration, as studied in space syntax research, can be understood from a resilience perspective, on the one hand, and how an understanding of network configuration and characteristics, as developed in space syntax, can contribute to a broader understanding of the resilience of city systems on the other hand. We therefore introduce ways of measuring resilience related to syntax theory, and ways of understanding resilience based on the relationships between space and society explored in syntax research. This paper thus contributes to resilience research by investigating how concepts of resilience can be studied using the strengths of syntactic analysis, rather than looking at habitual methods of analyzing resilience, but implementing them using a syntactical model or syntactical measures.

4. How should resilience be measured?

Due to embracing a wide range of aspects and definitions over time, there is no flawless, uniform method for measuring a system’s resilience. Depending on the system observed, and the point of view from which resilience is defined, the methods and models might be different. One of the established perspectives for resilience investigation is the study of resilience in complex networks, including city networks (Holme et al., 2002). In spite of dissimilarities in technique, the basis of all methods is similar, due to the ability to graphically represent a network as a collection of nodes and edges (referring to the objects and connections, or interactions between objects in a network, respectively) (Albert et al., 2000; Latora and Marchiori, 2003; Hu and Verma, 2011; Ghedini and Riberio, 2001; Iyer et al., 2013). The method used in this paper conforms to the targeted failure and attack approach, but focuses on changes in syntactic properties, rather than on network continuity or network breaks.

While the terms resilience and robustness are used nearly interchangeably in research, in this paper we will in practice primarily investigate robustness, which is often used in research focusing on the efficiency and stability of a network. As Bankes (2010, p. 148) notes, “the resource base of methodology and software for robustness analysis

provides a solid foundation for establishing a practice of resiliency analysis.”

The difference between resilience and robustness, however, is that robustness concerns the strength and durability of a system to withstand internal and external disturbance without critical changes to the original system, while resilience refers to the flexibility and adaptability of a system to recover or bounce back from internal or external disruption and revert to the original system, or a stable state based on new requirements (Read, 2005; Folke, 2006; Haan et al., 2011). Robustness, from the point of view of this paper, forms a specific aspect of resilience clearly related to Holling’s (1996) discussion of types of resilience above.

As mentioned previously, the connection between resilience and space syntax in research is limited compared to the potential. What we expect from this integration is: first, to develop a general framework for integrating spatial configuration in terms of space syntax and the resilience of a system; and second, to use this framework to quantitatively compute syntactical resilience, and compare these measurements between cities.

To investigate resilience in different cities based on syntactical properties, the integration and choice values of the cities are extracted. These measures are the two main properties used today in space syntax research (Hillier et al., 2012, Hillier and Iida, 2005), and it has been repeatedly established (Hillier and Iida, 2005; Turner, 2007; Hillier et al., 2012) that they show positive and significant correlations to pedestrian movement flow in cities. Furthermore, we have earlier shown that choice value offers a good metric for the study of the interaction between morphology and street networks (Abshirini and Koch 2016). For the purposes of this paper integration and choice value can be explained as corresponding to closeness centrality (Bavelas, 1950) and betweenness centrality (Freeman, 1977), in graph theory and complex network analysis, respectively. Integration measures the accessibility of a network, defined as the number of turns that each segment has to make to reach all other street segments in the network (Hillier et al., 2012, Hillier and Iida, 2005), compared to a standardized growth pattern for normalization. Choice is defined as the number of shortest paths that pass through each segment of all shortest

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Figure 1. Illustration of NACH and NAIN values for a subsample of River-cities and Nonriver-cities; a) NACH for Angers (river-city), b) NACH for Modena (non-river-city), c) NAIN for Haarlem (river-city), and d) NAIN for Luton; In all figures the color range varies from light gray lines to dark gray representing the lowest and the highest values respectively.

paths between all pairs of segments in a system (Hillier, 2009; Hillier and Iida 2005). In order to keep the calculations free of excessive dispersion, as well as to be able to compare cities of different sizes, this paper uses a method introduced by Hillier et al., (2012) to normalize angular choice (NACH) and angular integration (NAIN) values (Figure 1).

Two factors must be taken into consideration for this analysis. The first is the method for applying a disturbance to the system, and the second is the method of measuring the effect of this disturbance on the system. The latter concerns the method for measuring the resilience of the city according to its syntactical properties, comparing pre- and post-disturbance states (cf.

Cutini, 2013). Two different methods were used to simulate disturbances in the street network. The first, applied exclusively in river cities, was grounded on the importance of these bodies of water to the space, and involved simply cutting bridges from the street networks. The resulting city was thereafter referred to as river-cut (Figure 2a).

The second method involved applying a targeted attack to both river cities and non-river cities, by removing the segments with the highest choice value measures from the network. This was done since, as Hillier (2009) explains conceptually, the foreground network can be understood as the portion of the network that binds the city together globally. From certain perspectives,

these segments thus perform a role that is conceptually similar to that of bridges, even if their precise function is different. While this is the conceptual interpretation of the foreground network, the way it is literally defined is as the subset of segments with the highest choice values, usually the highest 10% (cf. Hillier, 2009, Hillier, 2016). Hillier finds that to a large extent, this picks up a mostly interconnected global network of lines extending large distances through the system, while picking out a relatively small number of segments that tend to be interlinked. This is why binding the city together is suggested as a way to conceptually understand the foreground network, even though the precise definition does not require the system to be interconnected. This measure can be compared to Hillier and Hanson’s integration core measure (1984), which is the 10% of axial lines with the highest integration values. In both cases, the percentage can and has been altered (cf. Shpuza 2013), but 10% is the most commonly used figure. In both cases, it is common for—counter to the conceptual idea—the “foreground network” and “integration core” to form internally disconnected systems. Usually they appear as one larger interconnected system, and additional smaller parts that are disconnected from the larger core or foreground. This is especially true when the measures are applied to local radii.

To ensure comparability, and to further inform the research, this method was

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Figure 2. Illustration of NAIN values; a) River-cut (Haarlem), b) River-high-cut (Angers), and c) Non-river-high-cut (Luton).In all figures the color range varies from light gray lines to dark gray representing the lowest and the highest values respectively.

applied to both river and non-river cities. The number of segments cut in this way in a river city was the same as the number of segments forming bridges in that city. For a non-river city, it was equal to the number of segments cut in a river city of the same size. Size was defined based on the total number of segments forming a city’s network. In this way, two new types of cities, river-high-cut (Figure 2b) and non-riverhigh-cut (Figure 2c), were produced.

To measure the effect of disturbances on the city network, a method inspired by Koch and Miranda’s work (2013) is introduced here. The method is developed and adapted for the networks on the scale of cities instead of on the scale of buildings, and specified to allow comparison over a large number of cases. Thus, while Koch and Miranda (2013) discuss sameness as the extent to which a configuration is the

same before and after a disturbance, and similarity as whether it has a similar character before and after a disturbance, these concepts require more precision in how they are measured.

They also need to be adapted for the purposes of this paper. For Koch and Miranda, the purpose of sameness is to understand whether specific spaces retain their role in a configuration, whereas the purpose of similarity is to evaluate whether the configuration as a whole can be considered to have the same character from the point of view of spatial configuration as a social interface, regardless of whether or not the specific spaces have the same role. For similarity, this means investigating the degrees of distributedness in the system: in effect, whether the system before and after the disturbance becomes deeper or shallower, and whether the differentiation between deep and shallow changes—that is, are there more or fewer spaces in shallow or deep parts of the system. This can be characterized as analyzing how the system distributes centrality. Our overall approach thereby echoes that of Cutini (2013), in that it concerns itself with how the global network reacts to disruptions, but differs in how we specifically test and measure this. Cutini’s (2013, p. 102:5) work is based on “the assumption that resilience, roughly speaking, is a matter of diffused richness in alternative paths from any origin to any destination” and that “its value could be somehow reproduced by the level of distribution of the shortest paths.” Cutini suggests adding bridges to river cities as a means of increasing resilience, which makes our study a comparative parallel, since we remove bridges. Additionally, we investigate a larger sample compared to Cutini’s two hypothetical cases and one real disaster case. In order to operationalize these concepts for the analysis of large samples of cities, we have developed two specific parameters as indicators. For sameness, we ask the extent to which the foreground network is defined by the same segments before and after a disturbance, and for similarity, we ask whether centrality is distributed to fewer segments (becoming more structured according to the works of Hillier et al.,) or to more segments (becoming more distributed according to the works of Hillier et al.,).

These approaches to measuring the similarity and sameness factors are then analyzed using choice and inte-

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Table 1. Calculation of similarity (difference in size) for a subsample of cities; Angers is a river city and Luton is a non-river-city. Size of foreground network is number of segments with the highest 10 percent value for choice and integration property. Difference in size is calculated based on equation 1. “Original” refers to before disturbance and “bridge-cut” and “high-cut” refer to after disturbance.

gration values. To clarify this method, in Figure 3, a river-city (Angers), and a non-river-city (Luton), are shown in different states: the current city with all specifications; the city with its bridges cut (labeled river-cut city); and the city with the segments with the highest choice values cut (labeled river-highcut city). As seen in Figure 3, the highest 10% of the choice value in each circumstance is considered to be the size of foreground network.

Similarity is intended to measure change in global network character.

This concept echoes the work of Dalton and Kirsan (2005) on graph isomorphism, but is measured differently here. Table 1 illustrates the difference between the size of the foreground network before and after the disturbance.

This is calculated based on Equation 1: Δx=|(A-B)|⁄A (1) In which Δx represents the change in the size of the foreground network, and A and B represent the size of the foreground network before (referred to as “original” in Table 1) and after the disturbance (referred to as “bridgecut” and “high-cut” in Table 1), respectively. The size of the foreground network is simply equal to the number of segments forming it. It should be noted that what Equation 1 calculates is not how many times bigger or smaller the size of foreground network A is than the size of network B (this is why the absolute value is used in the equation), but rather the ratio of changes in the foreground networks before and after the disturbance.

Since the whole networks do not increase or decrease in total size, this measure can be used to understand whether the distribution of centrality becomes more focused (as in a structured system) or more dispersed (as in a distributed system). From this point of view, the structure of a city is judged to be more similar if the difference in the size of the foreground network before and after a disturbance tend towards zero .

Figure 3. Illustration of the foreground network; The highest top 10 percent of choice value (black lines) is considered as foreground network; Angers: a)river city, b) river-cut, c) river-high-cut. Luton: d) nonriver-city, and e) non-river-high-cut.

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Table 2. Calculation of sameness for a subsample of cities; Angers and Haarlem are river cities and the others are non-river cities. In each situation the number of same segments is compared to that for the original(before the disturbance).

Figure 4. Segments of foreground network changed (dark) and retain unchanged (light gray) after a disturbance; a) Angers (rivercut compared to origin for choice value), b) Haarlem (river-high-cut compared to origin for integration value), c) Modena (nonriver-high-cut compared to origin for choice value), and d) Luton (non-river-high-cut compared to origin for integration value) ; origin: city before a disturbance.

Similarity is calculated in the same way for the integration value, as well.

Sameness is the value showing the degree to which each city is able to retain and keep its functionality in the same way and in the same place as before. To calculate this measure, Koch and Miranda (2013) correlated the values of all vertices in a visibility graph analysis (VGA) of a building before and after a disturbance, with a higher correlation suggesting a higher degree of sameness. Sameness therefore reflects Cutini’s idea that a network is less resilient if a disturbance moves centrality to other nodes (2013, 102:5-102:8).

Koch and Miranda additionally discuss whether the differences between states can be found locally or globally through how the differences appear in the scatter plots. In our analysis, we focus specifically on centrality as an indicator of sameness. Therefore, the segments forming the foreground network in each city are compared before and after each disturbance to determine whether each segment that previously formed part of the foreground network is still part of this network post-disturbance.

Specifically, we use a geometrical analysis in order to compare the location of segments before and after a disturbance on the foreground networks. As illustrated in Figure 4 , segments highlighted in light gray are located in the same places in both scenarios, and are therefore categorized as same in the foreground network. Conversely, segments highlighted in dark colors are not the same—they either disappeared from or were added to a foreground network after a disturbance—and are therefore categorized as changes in the foreground network. For clarity, we wish to stress here that the analysis of sameness is not about location per se, but about identifying which segments form part of the foreground network in order to be able to analyze the ratio of segments remaining in the foreground

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Table 3. Collection of River cities and Non-river cities studied in this paper.

network; that is, how much of the foreground network is constituted by the same segments as before. In a more detailed study using axial lines as the basis for segment generation, removal of individual segments could change the geometry and location of specific remaining segments that would still represent the same spatial unit, and the question we are investigating regards the spatial units of which the segments are abstract representations. Since we make use of road center line maps to generate segments, however, this is not the case.

Thus, while the geometrical analysis is in principle a method for pinpointing which segments are the same before and after (by identifying segments with the same location), in this specific study, geometrical location and segment identity correspond. This is then used to test how many segments retain their role as part of the foreground network, and how many newly appear or disappear from the same.

The ratio between the number of same segments and total segments in the foreground network gives us the sameness measure for the city (Table 2). This value can vary between zero and one, with a lower value pointing to lower resilience in that city in terms of sameness. A higher value, conversely, suggests that the city could preserve its functionality as before, indicating a structure with higher resilience.

Sameness and similarity thus test two different morphological properties of the street network related to the overall idea of urban space as a social interface. Here, sameness answers how much of the interface remains the same,

and similarity measures the extent to which the city retains its configurational character.

4.1. The sample: Data training and area of research Collection of spatial data for the purposes of comparative research is usually a time-consuming, onerous and costly process. In this paper, a large sample of cities is used with the intention of showing sufficient diversity in size, location and morphology, while maintaining some similarities. The sample is formed by two different groups of cities: those with rivers, and those without. To create the sample, we took advantage of freely distributed and editable geographic maps called open street map (OSM) data (Haklay and Weber, 2008).

Data acquired from this source typically requires some preparation to be ready for subsequent analyses. This data is furthermore subject to the quality of the user-generated content. Because we are working with a large sample size, however, we believe that the quality and accuracy of the data after preparation is adequate. A sample of 42 river cities ranging from small (1,618 segments) to medium (86,828 segments) in size, from different European countries was collected (Table 3) and labeled river cities. To be able to examine resilience in river cities specifically, a control sample of 21 cities without rivers was gathered and labeled non-river cities. This sample was carefully compiled, taking the distribution of sizes and geographical locations into account in order to make the samples comparable (Table 3).

5. Results and discussion

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Figure 5. Dramatic increase in mean choice value of the river-cut cities in comparison to river-cities. All the rivercut cities show increased mean choice values, as demonstrated in diagram.

This section begins with statistical analysis, including correlation and anova (analysis of variance) tests.

Correlation will show if there are significant correlations between different syntactical properties in different groups of cities, and the anova test will show if there are significant differences among the mean values of different groups of cities. This ensures that the main and control samples are reasonably different from each other, as well as sufficiently similar internally to be compared to one another as groups.

After first establishing that the samples are relevant and statistically comparable, we will then proceed to investigate similarity based on the size of the foreground network, and sameness based on the methodology explained above.

Based on these analyses, potential patterns in each main group of cities will be discussed.

As background to the anova test and the correlation, the key properties of space syntax for different groups are presented in Table 4. As a general pattern, we can see that the values for each property show a reduction after the disturbance, as would be expected. The only unexpected change is in the river-cut group, which shows a dramatic increase in all properties in comparison to the other groups that is consis-

Table 4. Choice and integration values calculated for different groups.

tent throughout most of the sample.

For example, all of the river-cut cities show increased mean choice values, as demonstrated in Figure 5, whereas maximum choice increased in 75% of the cases (31/42). In terms of integration, there is an increase in mean integration in 57% (24/42) of the cases, and in maximum integration of 64% (27/42). A table showing all value changes is provided as an appendix (Appendix Table 1). This is more closely examined and analyzed in Abshirini and Koch (2016).

This may seem surprising, but it is logical given the specific kind of system information provided by the syntactic analyses. The bridges, while being important connectors in the city, are few in number, and as normalized network entities form comparatively segregated sub-systems, with a limited amount of connections to other segments. The standard deviation shows the minimum dispersion for the mean choice value (0.012), while the maximum integration value shows the maximum dispersion (0.117).

5.1 Correlation and Anova Test In order to establish the relevance of the statistics and our correlation research, an anova test was conducted on the syntactical properties of all groups to show if the mean of samples in the groups are different. The null hypothesis assumes that the samples come from populations that are not significantly differentiated by their mean values.

Since differences in the mean value are critical for the rest of the comparative analyses (Abshirini & Koch, 2016), the null hypothesis needs to be rejected.

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Table 5. ANOVA test conducted on the samples for all properties in different groups. “df ” is degree of freedom calculated based on number of groups(5) and number of all individuals(168) and F is the statistic ratio calculated by “df(between groups)/df(within groups)”. The results are rounded to 3 decimal places by SPSS.

Table 6. Correlations (R-value) between disturbed groups of cities and their originals.

Table 5 shows the results of the anova test for all properties in all different samples, including river cities, non-river cities, and all variations of these (5 groups). As illustrated in Table 5, the anova test determined significant differences between groups at the p<.001 level for the three conditions: [F(4, 163) = 5.422, p = 0.000] for mean choice value; [F(4, 163) = 8.427, p = 0.000] for maximum choice value; [F(4, 163) = 6.326, p = 0.000] for mean integration value; and [F (4, 163) = 14.585, p = 0.000] for maximum integration value. This validates the separation of the samples into two different groups for further analysis.

Following the anova test we made correlations between each pair (disturbed groups and their original groups) to see how the different disturbances in the cities affected the correlations between spatial configuration properties in these cities. The average value for each property (mean choice, maximum choice, mean integration

and maximum integration) is compared. Based on the results collected in Table 6, it is evident that the correlation between river-high-cut and river cities is the highest of all.

In contrast, the correlation between the non-river-high-cut group and its group of origin, non-river cities, is the lowest. It is also evident that the correlation between river-cut and riverhigh-cut (two different derivations of river cities based on two different types of disturbances) is relatively lower than the correlations between these groups and their group of origin (river cities). This means that bridges and foreground networks have different effects on river cities. Additionally, the mean choice values show the highest correlations for almost all pairs (the only exception is the correlation value (0.499) between non-river and non-river-highcut). Maximum choice values show the lowest correlation.

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Figure 6. Average, minimum, and maximum similarity calculated for different groups of cities; a) Choice value, b) Integration value

5.2. Similarity Based on the definition of similarity in this paper, if a city’s similarity shows a uniform change before and after the disturbance, it might suggest that the city is more stable or more resilient.

This is used as an indicator of how the spatial system operates as an “interface logic” from a socio-structural point of view—that is, the extent to which the system is arranged in a distributed or structured manner, as understood through how large portions of the system participate in forming the foreground network. From this point of view, the specific streets forming the foreground are not the issue, but rather the structural properties of the network considered as a whole.

Figures 6a and 6b demonstrate that the river-cut group shows relatively superior similarity in comparison to the other groups in terms of the choice property (except for minimum size factor). Similarity for the integration value, however, is more sporadic, and cannot be said to characterize any group. While river-high-cut shows 0.425 for the mean size factor, which is the highest of all, river-cut and nonriver-high-cut groups show 0.872 and 0.015 for the maximum and minimum size factors, respectively. This, however, generally follows the same trend as the choice value. As an interesting finding, non-river-high-cut shows the best size factor for both minimum choice (0.002) and minimum integration (0.015) values.

As a general conclusion to this section, we can state that the river cities overall showed superior similarity compared to non-river cities, although minimum similarity for the choice and integration properties is better in non-river cities than in river cities.

It can be noted here that while the magnitude of change is considered in absolute values, cutting the bridges generally had a decreasing effect on the size of the foreground network in river cities as calculated via the inte-

gration value (35.7% showed an increased value, whereas the rest showed a decreased value). Cutting the highest value segments, on the other hand, had a less consistent effect on river cities (50% increase and 50% decrease), and there was a tendency for sizes to increase in the non-river cities (76.2% increase). This becomes increasingly clear looking at the choice values, with the portion of cities with increased network sizes reaching 30.9%, 57.1% and 76.2%, respectively. It thus appears that the general reaction of non-river cities to the disturbance was to involve more segments in the foreground network as a response, whereas the picture for river cities was different, even taking into account the shrinking effect of cutting the bridges. Thus, while the change is generally smaller for river cities than for non-river cities, the response in non-river cities seems to be more predictable. This consistently increased spread of the foreground network in the latter may have implications for other aspects of resilience, or on the effects of consecutive disturbances. It also seems that as a social interface, there was a clear tendency for non-river cities to become less structured by disturbances to the foreground network, whereas a noticeable portion of the river cities became more structured—that is, dependent on fewer segments to form the global city interface structure. This suggests the existence of additional research opportunities in order to determine which morphological properties lead to an increased foreground network size, and which lead to a decreased size in response to disturbances, where the sampling of river cities and non-river cities has implications for this. Conclusive results, however, are not within the scope of the present study.

5.3. Sameness As defined in the methodology section, sameness concerns the degree to which a city retains the same segments

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forming the foreground network before and after a disturbance. Figures 7a and 7b show that the results for sameness factor do not show a significant variation from the results for similarity.

For the choice property, the river-cut group has the highest sameness value.

The river-high-cut group follows the same pattern closely, except in mean value (0.585), for which non-river cities come out ahead (0.611). It is worth noting that while this supports Cutini’s (2013) reasoning that highly central segments are important for resilience, it indicates that bridges, specifically, are not as crucial as they may seem for global network properties, even if they are crucial from other resilience points of view. It becomes important to differentiate between the bridge as an architectural object, the role played by bridges in systems, through binding cities together across rivers, and the system role of organizing centrality.

Like similarity, sameness demonstrates an irregular pattern for the integration properties, and varies from measure to measure. In Figure 7b, non-river cities show the highest sameness for the mean (0.562) and minimum values (0.179). River-high-cut keeps its place in between for each individual sameness value; this is almost identical to sameness for the choice value.

6. Conclusion Cities are susceptible to any disturbances to their structures, especially to their foreground networks. This is demonstrated by perceptible changes to the syntactical properties of their foreground networks before and after disturbances. These reactions can affect their sameness before and after a disturbance, and their similarity before and after a disturbance respectively, where the former comes close to engineering resilience and the latter, arguably, closer to ecological resilience as discussed by Holling (1996). The reactions of cities to disturbances, however, are different, due to their different structures and morphologies. The results of this paper may suggest that a river as a morphological phenomenon plays a significant role in the stability and resilience of river cities, albeit in a way that may seem counter-intuitive.

This is because the correlation values show that the river-high-cut group is more connected to its group of origin than the river-cut group, which in turn is more connected than the non-riv-

Figure 7. Average, minimum, and maximum sameness calculated for different groups of cities; a) Choice value, b) Integration value

er-high-cut group. The way river cities respond to disturbances in their foreground network (measured by their statistical mean) is more regular and more resilient than how they respond to cutting their connecting bridges, and more resilient than non-river cities in their performance as spatial syntactic structures for social interface. This both confirms and challenges Cutini’s (2013) work. Studying effects on centrality patterns before and after change is informative, but the particular use of bridges as key actors in the system is refined when it comes to understanding the global properties of the network.

Our work also statistically tests some of Cutini’s and Koch’s and Miranda’s ideas on a large sample. The regularity found in this study, however, does not by itself signify a higher generic resilience in river cities, since a generic measurement of resilience would need to take into account additional properties.

It should be noted that while we found here that the syntactic structure of public space systems seemed to be more resilient in river cities, our research did not supply enough evidence to confirm that this was due to the presence of a river. At this point, this remains an observation of an existing correlation rather than a conclusion of causation. Having noted this important distinction as to what conclusions can be drawn from the research, however, the results do indicate that as socio-spatial interfaces (cf. Hillier and Hanson 1984, Markus 1993, Koch 2013), river cities are generally more resilient than non-river cities.

This means that they have the capacity to maintain more similar interface logic after a disturbance is introduced, whereas the interface logic changes more in non-river cities. Maintained interface logic is understood here to mean that the system remains structured or distributed to a similar degree in river cities, but grows more structured or distributed in non-river cities as a result of disturbance.

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The results for sameness factor, which is the degree to which a city maintains the same foreground segments after a disturbance, are almost the same as for similarity. This means that river cities show a higher capability for maintaining a configuration in which the segments of the foreground network are the same as before the disturbance. A simpler way to state this is that it examines if the main street remains the main street, syntactically, after the disturbance is introduced.

If the role of being main streets shifts to other segments, the city may need to adapt its program over time. Maximum and minimum values can help reveal the general trend of syntactic resilience in different groups. From the perspective of this paper’s methodology, the river-cut group demonstrated the highest resilience. This goes for all values except sameness for the integration value, which suggests there are nuances elucidated by the methodology that can be investigated further in research to come. A finding of interest is that non-river cities tend to respond to disturbances by distributing the foreground network onto more segments.

Which morphological properties lead to which kind of responses needs to be further investigated, as this may have significant implications for how a society would need to respond to disturbances both immediately, and over time. At the same time, the non-riverhigh-cut group shows the lowest values for all calculations, the sole exception being the integration value for sameness. The river-high-cut group’s resilience falls somewhere in between the two other groups, with the exception of the integration value for sameness.

The main purpose of this paper, however, has been to present an initial demonstration of the potential of methodological advances for analyzing syntactic resilience, further developing the work of Koch and Miranda (2013) and adapting it to an urban scale, since, as Esposito and Pinto (2015) point out, the work of Koch and Miranda is methodologically not directly applicable to urban-scale analysis. The developed method provides important information that pertains to urban resilience, while specific implications require further research.

It must be recognized in this discussion that the measures used here do not take into account “complete network break” of the system (cf. Wang,

2015) (such as when one part of a city becomes inaccessible from another), the effects of disturbances on global or specific trip lengths, or specific programmatic connections between land uses, all of which would reasonably form part of a more complete review of a city system’s resilience. In addition, the results are not uniform within the different groups, and the focus in this paper has been on general trends regarding the effects of rivers on city resilience from a morphological system point of view. The focus on syntactical properties, however, highlights some specifically morphological resilience characteristics that are important to consider. Resilience is a multifaceted and fuzzy concept, and as complex networks, cities show complex reactions to disturbances in their structure that vary from one city to another. To compare or evaluate the resilience of different cities we acknowledge that, as has been noted repeatedly in resilience research (e.g. Galderisi, 2014; Rose, 2007), the use of a bundle of parameters is necessary. This paper proposes two such parameters as a contribution to this bundle: syntactic sameness, and syntactic similarity.

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Use of public spaces in private space-led urbanization: The cases of Kadıköy and Ataşehir in İstanbul Ebru FİRİDİN ÖZGÜR1, Sinem SEÇER2, Barış GÖĞÜŞ3, Tolga SAYIN4 1 ebru.firidin@msgsu.edu.tr • Department of City and Regional Planning, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 sinem.secer@msgsu.edu.tr • Department of City and Regional Planning, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey 3 baris.gogus@msgsu.edu.tr • Department of City and Regional Planning, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey 4 tolga.sayin@msgsu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.38258

Received: March 2016 • Final Acceptance: February 2017

Abstract Public spaces have been in interrogation in last decades. The focus of the discussions is privatization of public spaces, regarding the way of urbanization. The approaches to the publicness of public spaces developed via diverse considerations such as the ambiguous meanings of the concepts of public and private, the role of public institutions, and control on public spaces. These approaches basically depend on the experiences of advanced capitalist societies. In this research, the aim is to understand the basic characteristics of public spaces in terms of user profiles and user habits in Istanbul in two distinctive districts in Asian side. The public space literature on İstanbul suffers from the lack of the research depending on field survey. Hence, one of the areas is Kadıköy which is located in central part, and urbanized in a conventional fashion. The other one is West Ataşehir developed in the last decade, and built up as a constellation of gated communities, which is called private space-led urbanization in this research. Also, West Ataşehir is announced as a new CBD, the so called “Finance Centre of Istanbul”. The findings of field research are interesting in terms of similar profiles of users, and quite different with regard to user habits in both cases. The article has for main parts, introduction clarifies the problem, the second part summarizes the debates on public space and publicness, the third part shows the results of the field research, and the last part includes results and conclusions.

Keywords Public space, Publicness, Private space-led urbanization, Kadıköy, Ataşehir.

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1. Introduction In the last 30 years, the state has extricated itself from fundamental public responsibilities and, parallel to this, the rate and scope of neoliberal urbanization has increased. Accordingly, the scope of private investment to urban space has increased, which dramatically affected the urban landscape as whole and the uses and users of public spaces as part. Hence, the profit-driven transformation of public spaces has recently led to some critical debates on the subject from different perspectives.

Development areas in metropolises of both early and late capitalist countries are being built with shopping malls and gated communities that glorify private life. This form of urban growth, which ceases to generate publicness in urban spaces, is defined in this study as “private space-led urbanization”. Private space-led urbanization, which occurs with the “closing off ” of spaces as a consequence of private investment, has become the leading form of redevelopment via large-scale projects, not only in the development of the city towards the periphery, but in inner city areas as well.

This is a form of urbanization that promotes a privileged way of life for people from middle and upper classes who share similar cultural capital.

In this prevailing discourse, public life, which is positioned opposite the individualistic way of life, becomes equated with chaos and a hazardous urban environment. In addition to the increasing urge to live in segregated luxury sites, the common spaces used intensively by city dwellers are increasingly surrounded by security measures. This tendency to control via new technologies is also considered as part of the transformation of public spaces: Universities, hospitals, municipalities, schools, shopping malls, movie theaters, and even cafés and restaurants, the main avenues and squares of the city are under the surveillance of the discourse of security.

Within this framework of diminishing sense of publicness in urban life, the academic interest in public space studies is also growing. However, these are generally dominated by research on central public spaces in advanced

capitalist metropolises. These studies mention how there is therefore a need to increase the case studies in late capitalist countries and understand the characteristics of public spaces in peripheral areas (Van Melik et al, 2007) to have a comparative understanding.

Within this framework, this article aims to draw a closer look to understand the characteristics of a public space situated in an area developed as private space-led urbanization which has been predominant in Istanbul in recent years, and a public space that was formed by more conventional planning and urbanization processes.

It mainly focuses on the users and addresses the differences and commonalities between these two public places in terms of user profiles, purposes for use, and users’ opinions on the concept of public spaces.

2. Theoretical approaches to public space and private space-led urbanization The fundamental characteristics of the current form of urbanization (within the context of residential areas, public services, areas of investment, and employment strategies) have been changing over the last thirty years and urbanization has gradually become a process in which neoliberal urban policies play the determining role. Planning, which conventionally was a means of redistributing public resources and services, has become an instrument for meeting the needs of the private sector. The private spaceled development of cities has gradually led to the conceptualization of the metropolis as a socio-spatial plane on which divisions, segregations, and polarizations grow deeper, which in turn affect the nature of public spaces.

2.1. Private space-led urbanization and public spaces Sennett (2010) emphasizes the rise of private communities which ends up with the decline of publicness of urban life. The imagination of private life has two sides in the advertisements of real estate industry; fantasy is on the one hand and the fear is on the other (Van Melik, et al., 2007). Public spaces of the cities are projected as chaot-

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ic environments which are not sterile and even threatening, for the upper classes. On the contrary, private formations like luxury housing complexes that appeal to people from similar class and cultural positions and that involve types of socialization activities within the complex are marketed as secure islands. These advertisements do not only address to the upper classes but transcends through society (Öncü, 2013). Thereby, the image of ideal life style offers the residents a world free from fears and troubles, and gives a sense of security behind the gates and guards on the one hand, and a key of a privileged life customized for personal needs on the other.

‘Privatism in urban policies’ (MacLeod, 2011) changes the nature of urban development. Urban policies conducted by neoliberal economic policies foster the role of private sector in investments which, in turn, blurred the difference between public and private. Private sector’s leading role in determining the production of urban space urges investment flows to the city to attract more tourists, investors, and higher-end white-collar workers.

Therefore projects are developed in a private space-led manner, and this has become the general trend in the spatial restructuring of metropolises. Conventional urban development recedes to enclosed, secure and prestigious developments which changes the direct relation between public and private spaces.

This, in turn, undermines the public character of the city. This is the development of urban areas canonizing private, personalized spaces that is called here as private space-led urbanization which is, in short, a consequence of private development in resonance with the necessities of emerging middle and upper classes. Here, it is important to reflect how the literature responds to the changing relationship between public and private spaces of the cities.

2.2. Theoretical approaches to public spaces Idealized not just as places providing urban facilities where people can get some fresh air and which satisfy the need for green spaces, but also as collective spaces where different class,

status, age, and gender groups mix and express themselves, public spaces and the transformation they underwent are being discussed with growing interest in the literature on urban studies (Langstraat and Van Melik, 2013; Nemeth and Schmidt, 2011; Nemeth, 2009; Pugalis, 2009). Despite the increase in the design quality of public spaces that are renewed and made more attractive, whether by public or private initiatives, these studies question their public qualities because they lead to urban segregation (Madanipour, 1999, 2004; Atkinson, 2003; Garcia-Ramon, et. al, 2004; Berney, 2010).

The majority of the studies on public space are “topographical” (Iveson, 1997) in the sense that they idealize the physical open spaces owned by the state as “true” public spaces and criticize the contemporary urban life as failing to keep its publicness. These studies take on the notion of the public / private dichotomy. Weintraub (1997) notes that the “public” and the “private” are not unitary and invariable, but have multilayered meanings and can describe different relationships according to their contexts. Accordingly, the distinction between public and private is made around two basic criteria: visibility and collectivity (Weintraub, 1997: 5). The distinction made in terms of “visibility” maintains that what is open, accessible, and visible belongs to the public realm, while what is hidden or withdrawn belongs to the private realm. The distinction made within the framework of “collectivity” maintains that the “individual” is private, while what “affects the interests of a collectivity of individuals” is public (Weintraub, 1997: 5). According to the topographical approach, by becoming themselves “public” within public spaces, by physically “being there,” social groups gain legitimacy (Mitchell, 1995: 115). By increasing “visibility,” public space is the strongest way for social groups to show themselves to larger audiences and to be recognized as part of society. Therefore, public spaces take on importance as places that increase the visibility of equal citizenship, freedom of expression, and the rights, demands, and expressions that are considered to be democratic rights. Sennett (2010)

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treats of public spaces as an essential part of public life.

The main argument of these studies is based on the notion of privatization of the urban lands. There are discussions as to how the reproduction of public spaces through their commodification based on exchange value will aggravate the processes of social exclusion and segregation, increase unequal access to these spaces, and that this will lead to the end of public space, and even of the phenomenon of publicness and the ideal of democracy (Mitchell, 2003).

These studies have the tendency to regard ownership as the basic criteria distinguishing the public from the private space, but recent studies have contributed to the notion of privatization by extending its meaning. Kohn (2004: 4) conceptualizes the process of privatization of space not only on the basis of ownership but also its conceptual “substance” and includes in this process both the commodification of spaces and the desire to regulate and control them as well. According to this trend, which is conceptualized as ‘fear’ and ‘fantasy’ by Van Melik et al. (2007: 39), users are reminded that they are under surveillance through regulations on physical design and management and technological equipment such as cameras. Another trend is the invasion of public spaces by consumption-based private activities and places such as shops and cafés (Banerjee, 2001). With the increase in spaces of consumption, public spaces are purged of the reality of urban living, which is normally enriched by all its tensions, risks, and unexpected behaviors; while excluding a certain group of people, it becomes safer and more comfortable for another group (Van Melik et al., 2007: 40).

These tendencies are argued in the framework of the loss of public space, the privatization of public space, or the emergence of pseudo-public spaces (Madanipour, 2010; Atkinson, 2003; Mitchell, 2003, Banerjee, 2001; Loukaitou-Sideris, 1993).

Recent studies are critical of this above mentioned literature that argues that public spaces have become privatized; they indicate that rather than considering it as being good or evil, we

need to see the process experienced within the relationship between the public and the private as a new, hybrid period, and to understand the characteristics of this period through further research (De Magalheos, 2010; Akkar Ercan, 2010; Varna and Tiesdell, 2010).

According to Iveson (2007), these studies, which argue that the privatization of public spaces has led to the erosion of publicness, are problematic in two respects: The first is the observation that public spaces of the past are idealized through a debate based on narratives of loss; the second is the observation that the complex and dynamic structure of publicness is ignored.

According to Sheller and Urry (2003), rather than seeing this process as “a straightforward ‘colonization’ of the public sphere by private interests” we should treat it in a much more complex manner, as a process of “de-territorialization of publics and privates”.

This new development is a much more complex form of organization in which all roles, rights, and responsibilities, from the design of spaces to their management, are shared between the state

Figure 1. Location of sites of study in Kadıköy and Ataşehir, Source: Generated from google.earth.

Figure 2. Urban fabric containing Bahariye Avenue and Mehmet Ayvalıtaş Square in Kadıköy Source: Generated from base map.

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and other actors (De Magalhaes, 2010: 560).

Arguing that space is not static but dynamic, that it constantly changes through mutual interaction, and that the public/private distinction is becoming increasingly complex, these studies aim to understand the characteristics that give space its publicness; they call into question the meaning of publicness. They stress on the need to approach public spaces as a multi-layered and hybrid concept in order to grasp its complex organization, and propose necessary elements for a “working” public space (Benn and Gauss, 1983; Madanipour,1999; Kohn, 2004; Melik v.d., 2007; Nemeth ve Schmidth, 2011; Varna ve Tiesdell, 2010; Langstraat ve Van Melik, 2013). In one of the early examples of these studies, Ben and Gauss (1983) have proposed that we should examine the dimensions of access (both to the place itself but also to the activities), agency (the role of users in decisions in relation to place) and interest (whose benefit) to understand the publicness of a place. While Kohn (2004) puts an emphasis on the elements of ownership, access and intersubjectivity, Nemeth and Schmidth (2011) put forward ownership, management, use and users. Varna and Tiesdell (2010) develop a model of puclicness based on the characteristics of ownership, physical configuration, animation, control and civility. Although the approaches differ from each other, access, the agency of the users, and the questions of how these places are managed and used and by whom seem to be the main dimensions to assess the publicness of a public space. Hence, diversity of users, patterns of use and perception of publicness are the key criteria here to understand the nature of a public space.

This paper considers public spaces as an essential stage where people from different backgrounds become visible to each other and have a chance to connect and create collective action. Furthermore, it behaves public space as an inseparable dimension of a democratic society. It is undeniable that as the interests of local governments and private sector affiliate more, exchange value of urban lands takes over the production

of space triggering a private space-led urbanization. Yet, instead of assuming the diminishing sense of publicness, this paper aims to capture the characteristics of contemporary public spaces examining the above mentioned criteria through the methods of survey and interviews.

3. Field research: The examples of Kadıköy and Ataşehir in Istanbul In light of these evaluations, considering differences in the use of places that developed as conventional and private space-led urbanization in Istanbul come to forefront. In order to leave out the debates on privatization of public spaces in the literature, two places are studied whose design and maintenance is entirely under the responsibility of the municipality. We thus concentrated on three characteristics of public spaces that are discussed in the literature: The diversity of users that is assumed to exist in public spaces and their patterns of use; and finally, the perception of publicness.

To accomplish this, two areas were selected on Istanbul’s Anatolian side: Central Kadıköy, which we observed has lively public spaces, and the public spaces located in West Ataşehir’s center in the district of Ataşehir, which is exemplary of private space-led urbanization and has developed with the constellation of gated communities and shopping malls (Figure 1).

Bahariye Avenue and Mehmet Ayvalıtaş Square, where the avenue ends, have chosen in Kadıköy (Figure 2). Bahariye Avenue and the square are places that observed as being heavily used on weekdays, during the weekend, and at different times of the day.

The fact that Bahariye Avenue is a mixed-use avenue, offering the different and various uses in its surroundings (movie houses, theaters, cultural centers, food and drink venues, and shops on the street level) attract people to this area (Figure 3, 4). Furthermore it is easily accessible and public transportation is readily available.

In West Ataşehir, Ataşehir Avenue, which appears to be lively, and the Cumhuriyet Square and Park adjacent to it have chosen to study (Figure 5, 6, 7). The places are located in the centre

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of West Ataşehir. While this area forms one of the main avenues connecting West Ataşehir to its surroundings, it is also flanked by food and drink venues.

It is not an area that is easily accessible by public transportation. The area is very close to proposed new financial centre of Istanbul, which will possibly necessitate more public uses in the future.

Three methods were used in the fieldwork. The first consisted of surveys conducted with everyday users in both sites at different times of the day and week. The survey aimed to measure two main characteristics, the first being the profiles of users, which were identified essentially according to age, level of education, occupation, and place of residence and work. The second was to measure purpose and diversity of use. To accomplish this it came to forefront to obtain the community’s views on the purpose and reason for use of the places under study, features they liked or disliked, how they accessed and reached these places, what needs they satisfied, users or features that disturbed them, their views on security, and finally their general views on public spaces.

170 questionnaires in Kadıköy and 130 in Ataşehir were conducted between September 9 – October 18, 2013 at various times between 11:00 in the morning and 20:45 in the evening.

Since there were not much users in our research site in Ataşehir and most of them declined to answer, only a limited number of questionnaires could be conducted in Ataşehir. But a large portion of those using the Park and Square consisted of those who utilize this space instead of passing through Ataşehir Avenue; and, as can be seen in the results of the survey, the function of “passing through” is one of the functions identified for the latter.

The second step in the fieldwork was to conduct semi-structured interviews with people reached using the snowball sampling method, in order to comprehend the meaning of their surroundings for the ones living close to these fields in terms of their free time habits and to be able to touch on issues that could not be identified in the survey. In both sites, people were selected from

Figure 3. Bahariye Street.

Figure 4. Mehmet Ayvalıtaş Square.

Figure 5. Cumhuriyet Park.

Figure 6. Ataşehir Avenue and cafes.

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working population, who had been living there for a relatively long period of time in proportion to the area’s past.

During the interviews, they were asked questions about their habits related to spending their free time, views about their neighborhoods, and patterns of using public space. 5 people were interviewed in Ataşehir in April 2014 and 4 people in Kadıköy in June 2014.

The third step in the field research was to conduct interviews with the Kadıköy and Ataşehir municipalities.

The Kadıköy Municipality referred us to the Directorate of Planning and Projects and on February 26, 2014, we conducted an interview with the then Director of Planning and Projects and an employee. At the Ataşehir Municipality we were referred to the Director of Parks and Gardens and on March 19,

Figure 7. Urban fabric containing of Cumhuriyet Square and park in Ataşehir. Source: Generated from base map.

Table 1. Main indicators of social structure.

2014, we conducted an interview with the project officer of the site of study.

During both interviews the officials were asked questions about the municipality and directorates’ vision on and approach to public spaces, their criteria for project planning, and the targeted user segments.

4.1. Research findings 4.1.1. Profile and diversity of users Though Kadıköy attracts people from different places and for different purposes due to its central functions, the functions offered by Bahariye Avenue are of a kind that mostly attracts younger people, whereas areas that have the characteristics of a park, such as Ataşehir, attract users from a broader age range. In terms of the level of education, in both sites the percentage of those with higher education is well above Turkey and Istanbul’s average (Turkey’s average being 13%).

From this perspective, we can say that segments who do not have access to higher education have a low representation in these spaces. In terms of employment, no significant difference emerged between users of the spaces in Kadıköy and Ataşehir. The segment of the working population whose absence was most notable was the managerial class. Because the survey was mostly conducted during daylight hours, the percentage of the non-working segment (retirees, housewives, students) was high in both sites. Yet, analyzing the range within the working population (taking out the non working population), it can be estimated that upper-middle and upper classes who occupy managerial positions are not present in these spaces. Respondents described themselves mostly as middle class (Table 1). According to these results, there appears to be no major difference between users of the two sites in terms of social status and the class to which they feel they belong.

During the interviews, residents of Kadıköy and West Ataşehir were asked whether they used these spaces or not.

While Kadıköy residents generally stated that they did, Ataşehir residents indicated that they didn’t use the park and the square for various reasons.

Survey participants were also direct-

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ed questions measuring their thoughts on the role and characteristics of the ideal public spaces. They shared the view that everybody could use these spaces. On the survey scale, “everybody” was accepted as all socioeconomic segments and all age groups, and it was generally accepted that in these spaces everybody had the right to express themselves and their ideas, the right to exercise their constitutional rights, and that these spaces should be open to everybody.

4.1.2. Purpose and reason for use While in Kadıköy the most prominent purposes for preferring Bahariye Street and the square were stated as meeting with friends and food and drink, in Ataşehir the main purpose of use was stated as watching around.

The reason for use that ranked first in Kadıköy was that it is pleasant and well maintained; in Ataşehir that it is close to home/work. In Kadıköy users listed characteristics they disliked as follows: The site is noisy and crowded, there is not enough place to sit, and it is not well maintained. They listed the improvements they desired as follows: reduction of traffic, design and maintenance, and tree planting. In Ataşehir, disliked characteristics were listed as follows: The site is noisy, nothing to do/ it is boring, and it is desolate. Improvements they desired were as follows: tree planting, new areas of use, and reduction of traffic intensity (Table 2).

The fact that there is nothing to do in the place and that therefore it is boring and desolate was described as another drawback of Ataşehir. In this context, although they are criticized as a form of privatization (Banerjee, 2001), adding other functions (such as shopping, food and drink, or cultural functions) to spaces increases the rate of their use. It can be said that while the axes in Kadıköy happens to be an arena for socialization, the one in Ataşehir lays as a temporary place not utilized fully. In this respect, despite being small, Mehmet Ayvalıtaş Square emerges as a place that is used more often and in different ways. Based on our observations, apart from being used simply as an area for sitting and relaxing, it is also used as a temporary play area for chil-

dren despite there being no special arrangement, and, from time to time, as an open-air cinema or a meeting area, gathering place, and forum. While in the daytime it is used mostly by people above middle age, it is used by younger people especially in the evening hours and on weekends.

Among reasons for use by Ataşehir users, proximity emerges as an important factor. Means of transportation in Kadıköy differ from Ataşehir due to Table 2. Purpose of use, reason for use, and user assessments.

Table 3. Means of accessing the spaces, frequency of use, time spent there, and preferences for spending leisure time

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the former’s central location and functions. While in Ataşehir walking and private vehicles are the most prominent means of transportation, in Kadıköy the most prominent means are walking and public transportation. Frequency of use emerges as the greatest difference for both sites. The percentage of those who use spaces in Kadıköy daily is significantly higher than in Ataşehir.

In terms of time spent there, we observed that users in Kadıköy utilized these spaces for longer hours while the time spent in Ataşehir was very limited. Furthermore, users of the two sites also differed in terms of the places where they spend leisure time. While shopping malls are a strong option for people in Ataşehir, the park and square closest to them is their least preferred place, whereas in Kadıköy we see the exact opposite picture (Table 3).

However, the reviewers from Ataşehir mentioned that they prefer to go places which have strong identity such as Bağdat Street, Bosphorus, Kadıköy and Taksim when they have free time.

When evaluating the space’s frequency of use and preferences for spending leisure time, together with place and relationships with neighbors, we observed that the form of urbanization and its functions are determining factors. The interviews also revealed two other important results pertaining to the diversity of users and relationships established with place. The first is that the urban fabric and functions offered by Kadıköy create a more favorable environment in terms of establishing relationships among residents.

In terms of encountering people and striking up acquaintances in public spaces, as well as building relationships with neighbors, the mixed-use character of Kadıköy, the fabric of its streets, and its neighborly environment offer a more fruitful urban life: Individuals are both more open to building relationships with neighbors and making acquaintances with local shop owners.

The fact that all it takes to go shopping is to go out on the street, prompts people to use the streets. By contrast, when the character of Ataşehir, which was shaped through introverted, private space-led residential and shopping spaces, merged with the cultural

and class preferences of the population living here, establishing relationships, even with neighbors, emerges mostly as a matter of personal choice. The comments of Ataşehir residents about their neighbors are quite obvious: “We don’t know our neighbors. I don’t even know if I have a neighbor or not.” (Ali Rıza, 44) “Of course we don’t know. Sometimes you see them at the pool but you don’t say hi even if you cross paths because you don’t normally have conversations with them. Because generally people here don’t even greet each other on the elevator” (Serhat, 44) “There are a couple or three in our building. Wives have coffee together or go to the gym and all. We do come across each other.” (Yavuz Selim, 44) Determining factors that emerge in building relationships with neighbors and making acquaintances are variables such as age (being young or above middle age, having children of similar ages), employment (knowing each other from work or being housewives), and personal preferences (perceiving renters as temporary and not seeing them as neighbors, using shared spaces individualistically).

By contrast, the relationship of Kadıköy residents with place is stronger: “I like to shop at local places like the neighborhood grocery store, small supermarket, and street market. I don’t enjoy going to shopping malls much, I only go if there’s something that I want to buy on sale. It gives me a sense of belonging and I really like that. I mean, having a friend at every corner. (...) If I ever found myself on the street, there are many homes I could go to, so I really like it here. When I come to the neighborhood it feels like I’ve come home.” (Handan, 47) “Kadıköy is still a good neighborhood. It hasn’t degenerated much, both structure and content-wise. Well, actually it’s rapidly degenerating. But there is the fact that it’s close to everywhere.

It still gives you the feeling that you’re living in a small town. It’s not very isolated, at least from its surroundings.

When you walk in the street you can run into many people you know, you can greet many shopkeepers and ask

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how they’re doing. These things are still around today.” (Ilhan, 57) In terms of patterns of use of public spaces, the most undesirable practices for both sites are patterns of use that are considered to be disruptive or dangerous for those around, such as drinking alcoholic beverages and skateboarding, while both sites put thinner-sniffers and beggars at the top of the list of undesirable populations. These segments of the population generally emerge as segments who are marginalized and regarded as being outside the norm. It is important to note that in Kadıköy, where there is a higher concentration of thinner-sniffers and beggars, the Municipality suggests recourse to private security arrangements to keep these groups out of public spaces (interview with Kadıköy Municipality). In this respect, the populations regarded as “undesirables” by the municipality and by residents coincide; driving these groups out of public spaces and resorting to security measures to do this are seen as a solution. This shows us how the concepts of urbanism, citizenship, and public order can take a position opposite to equality and freedom of access. Therefore, as stated by Kohn (2004) and Mitchell (2003), the regulation of public spaces to address the needs and tastes of certain users and certain uses can lead to the exclusion of some segments of society. Such being the case, even though keeping unaccepted/undesired uses and users out of these places through the discourse of security may confer legitimacy upon policy makers in the eyes of the public, contradictory situations will erode this legitimacy. For example, for an area which users mostly described as being safe, municipalities are saying that security needs to be increased through the additional involvement of private security companies. Thus, users perceive security as a problem even though they state that they do not experience any problems related to security (Table 4).

With the public sector downsizing, public security is handed over to the private sector, which raises questions about what may happen in the future.

This issue needs to be explored in greater depth and in all its dimensions.

Table 4. Perception of security.

4.1.3. The dimensions of management and participation Another dimension that addresses public spaces is the management.

Ownership and maintenance responsibilities belong to the public. Entrance and exit are not controlled and there are no restrictive design elements such as fences. There are no private or publicly employed security staff and they are open to everyone. With these qualities they meet the definition of public space in the literature. In terms of the management of these spaces and the roles of users or the public, both municipalities have similar approaches.

Both have adopted a discourse against the privatization of public spaces and stated that they gave importance to and took into consideration the views of users and residents and that their priority objective in planning and designing public spaces was that all segments of the population would be able to use them. They also stressed that they especially aimed to conduct work that would facilitate their use by disadvantaged groups such as disabled people, the elderly, and children. Despite these, the results of the survey conducted with users indicate that they see the disabled as being the only social segment who cannot utilize these spaces.

On the subject of participation, we observed that the conditions for participation have not yet reached a certain level of maturity. The Kadıköy Municipality stated that apart from surveys, they conduct participatory meetings with residents and shop owners. Furthermore, they collaborate with non-governmental organizations. It is a fact that active participation is not defined in the planning system in Turkey. Though it is possible to reach users through numerous channels and there are many different levels and forms of participation, we cannot speak of a participatory process other than promoting projects, conducting polls,

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holding meetings, and answering petitions. Nevertheless, in the interviews with officials, they expressed that the people show their reactions openly and that these are taken into consideration by the municipalities.

In the context of participation and governance, rather than sustained communication between residents and administrations, there is a form of relationship that is based on positive or negative reactions according to whether or not the people like or dislike municipal implementations. In Ataşehir, it is observed that residents of gated communities do not associate the municipality with public spaces; on the contrary, they only associate the municipality with infrastructure (sewerage and roads). And this is a consequence of the fact that for residents, common spaces within gated communities stand in for public spaces and the management of the gated community stands in for the municipality. Furthermore, while on the one hand, officials of the Ataşehir Municipality speak of creating public spaces and parks that are open to everyone and can be used by all segments of the population, on the other hand, they state that West Ataşehir is more prestigious than the rest of the district, and that they want to transform the open areas in this part into more prestigious places. However, they believe that in neighborhoods inhabited by the poorer segments it would be sufficient to build ordinary parks. In this context, we can say that the municipality’s concern is to design according to the class status of its residents.

Users in both Ataşehir and Kadıköy who are aware of the importance of the public character of public spaces stated that these spaces should be publicly managed. In this respect, we can say that there is awareness against the privatization of public spaces.

4. Conclusion This study reveals that the use of public spaces has direct relationship with the form of urbanization and changing living preferences of citizens that form social classes. On the conceptual level, the basic role and functions of public spaces in the city can be considered

on two layers. The first is the dimension that constitutes an important part of the everyday lives of individuals; that is, in addition to the recreational function that public spaces provide city dwellers (resting, watching around, meeting with friends, and relaxation), their function of enabling us to be together with and getting to know people who are different from us. This was one of the most prominent functions noted by both the survey participants and the individuals we interviewed. The functions of eating and drinking, strolling, and shopping –which are other gathering and leisure activities related to the above functions–, emerged as main purposes for the use of public space.

The second function of public spaces emerges within the context of democratic rights; indeed, in the constitution of the public sphere, the only means that directly ensures the visibility of the people are public spaces, which are places where assembly and demonstration rights are exercised. In this respect, the survey participants and interviewees, as well as the officials interviewed at the municipalities stated that public spaces should be seen as areas that ensure the exercise of democratic rights within the context of the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals. Yet, it is perceived that local governments treat public spaces as the property of the state but not the public. This tendency conceptualized as the “property rights” approach

by Kohn (2004) is also a step towards the privatization of public spaces. At the same time, a predominating opinion expressed in the survey results is that these spaces are seen as spaces that “belong to everyone” –as they are described in the literature–, and that they should remain so. Considered in terms of these two functions, the research conducted in two different areas of Istanbul, shows us that individuals have similar attitudes in assessing public spaces. It can be concluded that the perceived quality of public spaces is in favor of full publicness. Yet concentrating on the practice, this study opens up some questions about the publicness of these places.

In this respect, the marked difference between users in Ataşehir and

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in Kadıköy is that while Kadıköy residents generally have a tendency to use public spaces that are accessible within the immediate surroundings, in Ataşehir, residents especially of gated communities, prefer places that are identified with Istanbul’s urban identity (the Bosphorus shores, the city center, or historical areas). This result might be an expected one since the strong identity of Kadıköy on the one hand, and lack of identity of public spaces in West Ataşehir on the other since they are located in between gated communities where the connection between public and private spaces are unidentifiable.

Accordingly, white collar workers living in gated communities prefer to use secure and prestigious places that meet their expectations. Apart from this, users of the public spaces in Ataşehir are mostly people who live in the vicinity and come to these places for a short time. Therefore, it can be regarded that residents of Ataşehir, especially those of gated communities, are people who do not withdraw from public spaces per se, but rather use places that suit their expectations and preferences.

However, most of the users of the both places mostly access the parks by walking, which show that accessibility is an important factor for the use of public spaces.

In terms of diversity of users, the public spaces under study do not match the description of the ideal public space in the literature. The examples of Kadıköy and Ataşehir demonstrate that neither of these places, are public spaces where “everybody” can be together, yet users view them as places where everyone can go. Contrary to the vivid image and its potential, it is surprising that Kadıköy is less diverse than it would be expected. Though we cannot speak of exclusion in this respect, we can say that the identities, functions, and design features of these places cause them to be preferred by certain segments. Accordingly, the growing white collar population in Ataşehir may necessitate a new socializing space in the future.

Furthermore, the preferences of individuals, ranging from exercising to shopping and spending leisure time, are also shaped according to the op-

portunities available around them.

Kadıköy residents expressed that they find many opportunities, including socialization within Kadıköy, and even add that they do not leave Kadıköy unless necessary. Within this framework, while shopping malls do not emerge as an option for Kadıköy residents, for Ataşehir residents, shopping malls are the second option for spending leisure time, home being the first. In this respect, we can say that private space-led urbanization is not limited to gated communities and directs residents toward privately-owned, secure spaces.

We observed that an urban environment like Kadıköy –which was conceived in a mixed-use way, is at walking distance, and where private and public spaces have a direct relationship–, is important in terms of the sense of belonging, of neighborhood life, and of establishing relationships with acquaintances and neighbors. Kadıköy residents are eager to strike up acquaintances with people living in their neighborhood and with shop owners, and feel pleased about this. By contrast, in Ataşehir, despite the fact that there is a private management body within the gated communities, their residents state that they do not attend meetings and that they have delegated duties to the management of the gated community. Private space-led organization of the city attracts people searching for pleasant, fancy and secure places to live and socialize.

Due to the fact that the city has developed without identity, shopping malls have become an option instead of public spaces that are in the vicinity of ¬residences. In this context, it seems like the primary threat to public spaces in Istanbul is the private space-led urbanization, which discourages the flourishing of neighborhood relations and regular use of local public spaces. Yet, these questions also deserve a deeper investigation on the publicness of urban life.

This study reveals that the use of public spaces has direct relationship with the form of urbanization and changing living preferences of citizens that form social classes. In terms of the users of the public spaces, it opens up a question regarding the manage-

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rial class. It seems like it is essential to assess and interpret their habits in the city, whether they retrieve from the public spaces or not. Likewise, lower classes almost do not appear in both cases. Even though West Ataşehir seems like an upper class district, there are lower-middle and lower class neighborhoods also. This opens up the question of social segregation in terms of the habits of different classes regarding the use of public space. Although the case areas are both open to public and not privatized, these ordinary spaces of the city show that there is not a social mix covering all segments of the society.

Acknowledgements The Research Project (no: 2013/11) that this article based on was supported by MSGSU Scientific Research Projects Fund between April 2013-September 2014. The authors also would like to thank to the anonymous reviewers for their contribution and constructive criticism.

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ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 1 • March 2017 • 57-70

Place attachment in a Tirana neighborhood: The influence of the “Rebirth of the City” project

Edmond MANAHASA1, Ahsen ÖZSOY2 1 emanahasa@epoka.edu.al • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Engineering, Epoka University, Tirana, Albania 2 ozsoya@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.31932

Received: June 2016 • Final Acceptance: February 2017

Abstract This paper studies the environmental behavior of Tirana dwellers in a former socialist period neighborhood which has been the subject of a project called the “Rebirth of the City”. This project was an undertaking of the municipality of Tirana, the capital city of Albania, and had as its goals to stabilize the urban chaos and clean the informal constructions by treating the neighborhoods with colorful artwork. The neighborhoods within this research are treated as a concept formed by housing blocks and public spaces. The aim of the research is to understand the relationship of the dwellers and their place attachment to the neighborhood during the socialist and post-socialist period. This study will be conducted through the method of observation and questionnaire. At the end of the study, it is expected to find out how the “Rebirth of the City” project impacted the dwellers’ relationship with their neighborhood. In particular, whether or not this renovation project influenced dwellers’ place attachment will be examined. The role of place attachment as a concept in this relation will be also brought into consideration.

Keywords Place attachment, Tirana neighborhood, Renovation project, “Rebirth of the City”.

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1. Introduction After the 90s almost all ex-socialist countries faced the process of transition from a socialist to a capitalist governmental system. Albania was the last country in Europe to experience regime change. The period after the collapse of the socialist regime brought big challenges into the lives of all Albanians. In a place where private property was minimalized to the extreme, the desire of people for new buildings and the weakness of the government led to people to build informally and invade public property. The chaotic situation flourished for approximately eight years until the year 2000 when the Mayor of the Tirana Municipality, Edi Rama, undertook an initiative to cleanse the city from illegal construction. In order to minimize the unaesthetic effect of the semi-informal aspects of the buildings, he started the project dubbed “Rebirth of the City”.

The aim of this study is to measure the influence of the above-mentioned renovation project in the relationship between the dwellers’ thoughts, attitudes and their attachment to neighborhood. In this context, place attachment is used as a tool to achieve this goal. Place attachment has been defined as a concept by Low and Altman (1992), and its basic definition includes an emotional relationship to certain environmental settings. The model developed by Scannell and Gifford (2010) defined place as physical environment, and linked people to emotion, and attachment to social connection. The attachment is seen at different scales of places such as the home, neighborhood, city, region, country and even continent. This study is focused on the scale of attachment to neighborhood. Previous researchers have used place attachment to the neighborhood to measure a feeling of pride (Twigger-Ross & Uzzell, 1996), a sense of wellbeing (Harris et al., 1995), and the attitude of dwellers in revitalization projects (Brown et al., 2003). This paper will focus on the effects of this project on the environmental behavior of citizens who are inhabitants of the residential neighborhood between Asim Vokshi and Petro Marko Streets (Figure 1a and Figure 1b) and attachment

to neighborhood will be considered in order to evaluate the physical dimension of it after the implementation of a similar project. Since in a local context there is no work conducted in this field, the research and its results might contribute for further urban development projects.

After giving some brief historical information about Tirana, the construction of housing and public spaces during the socialist and post-socialist period will be considered and the “Rebirth of the City” project will be explained. In order to reveal the environmental behavior of the dwellers,

Figure 1a. Image from housing block between Asim Vokshi and Petro Marko Streets.

Figure 1b. Its position shown by a red dot on the city map.

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Figure 2. Brasinian Boulevard and traditional town (Albanian Vintage Images).

Figure 3. City center in socialist period and major landmarks from http://www.gazetatema.net/web/2016/01/11/fotottirana-dje-dhe-sot-si-ka-qene-kryeqyteti-shqiptar/ accessed in 01/02/2016.

Figure 4. Dramatic urban development in postsocialist city center from http://www.noa.al/mob/index. php?type=artikull&id=104072.html accessed in 02/02/2016.

the observation technique and questionnaires have been used. The questionnaire was applied to 30 dwellers with the aim of finding out the relation

between them and their neighborhood. The post-socialist context of a neighborhood will be examined, and a comparison between the two periods will be elicited by inquiring about the attachment of dwellers to the socialist period and the one to the post-socialist period.

In conclusion, the effects of the implementation of the “Rebirth of the City” project in the above-mentioned neighborhood from the physical dimension of place attachment, and an evaluation of both public space and dwelling units of the neighborhood will be discussed.

2. Historical background of Tirana as the capital of Albania The urban planning and development of Tirana started when King Zog’s government invited Italian architect Armando Brasini in 1925 to develop a plan. The project included the expansion of the city on its southern side with a wide boulevard. Although his vision was not implemented, it served as a base for Florestano de Fausto’s plan for the city center in 1926 and Gherardo Bosio’s plan “Imperial Boulevard” in the 1940s, accommodating ministry buildings on its flanking sides.

As Albania ended up largely devastated after WWII, the Communist regime following in 1948 would launch a strategy of industrialization based on the Soviet model, according to which it would also increase its influence over the working class. The Communist regime controlled Albania based on a centralized economy system and similarly the artistic and architectural life of the country were strictly controlled by the central Politburo. In this period, three urban plans were developed (in 1957, 1965 and 1976) to accommodate socialist period landmarks (Bleta, 2010).

The post-socialist period can be considered as the most dramatic from an urban development point of view. The transition from a centralized economy to a liberal one was associated with a loss of competitiveness of the many state companies that would lead to a migration of population from eastern to western Albania or to western countries. Due to a lack of capacity and the

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inefficiency of urban management at the central and local level, the informal settlements “flourished” from 1992 to 2000. While the informal settlements invasion of public spaces in the city center, in the peripheral zone, agricultural fields were occupied by newcomers for housing needs. In the year 2000, the election of Edi Rama as the Mayor of Tirana would begin a new phase in the undertaking of an operation to remove the informal settlements, thus cleansing major public spaces from this invasion. His second largest intervention was entitled the “Rebirth of the City”, and it would include the painting of certain socialist period apartment blocks with colorful designs on their facades.

Figure 5a. Residential settlement “1Maji” representative of the 50s housing strategy (from Alketa Misja).

3. Housing and public space in Tirana’s neighborhood The construction of housing blocks and public spaces within their historical context will be explained in two sections: the construction of neighborhoods during the socialist period, and the developments in the post-socialist period after the 90s.

3.1. Socialist period housing and public space in Tirana’s neighborhoods Although the application of the socialist political system varied across different countries, two major features were common to all countries from a spatial production point of view. Firstly, the quick urban development after the damage left by WWII and secondly, the removal of the disparity between the rural and urban zones (Tsenkova & Nedovic-Budic, 2006).

The housing strategies in Albania during the socialist period can be divided into three periods: the 1950s, the 1960s and the 1970s (Aliaj, 2003b). The construction of housing was a part of an urban planning strategy whose aim was to form an egalitarian society. In this context, the housing stock will be studied as a part of this strategy.

As a result of World War II, Albania experienced enormous damage and approximately 62,000 houses, or one quarter of the total housing stock, was destroyed (Hall, 1994, p.359). So in the 1950s the government started to pro-

Figure 5b. The construction of the western residential area of Tirana in the socialist period (originally published in Ylli ReviewAugust 1961, from http://shqipfoto.livejournal.com/

Figure 5c. The construction of housing blocks through the voluntary work of a “socialist woman” in the 70s Tirana (from Julie Abitz).

vide housing by removing the old urban zones and building new apartment blocks which were 3 to 4 floors high, but their architectural quality was very

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low (Aliaj, 2003b, p.57). The apartment blocks became the main form of accommodation.

During the 60s, the Stalinist and Maoist anti-urbanization strategy was idealized in order to decrease the differences between: i. the different social classes; ii. the urban and rural areas; and iii. the different regions. The so-called “Cultural Revolution”, implemented between years 1967-1969, aimed to create a new “Socialist Man”, who was one who puts the collective interest of his people over his personal interest and uses his sacrifices to build a socialist society (Prifti, 1978, p.149).

Although between the years 194579, approximately 300,000 urban apartments were built throughout Albania, there was still a need for more housing due to the increasing population. Aliaj (2003), an Albanian scholar, mentions that beyond the voluntary work constructions, new apartment blocks were constructed by prefabrication for up to 5-6 floors in the main cities like Tirana and Durres. According to him, these buildings were constructed of brick and the foundations by local stone. The facades of the buildings were made of similar materials.

The public space in the socialist period in Tirana can be divided into two typologies: the first one which includes entities at the city level like major squares, major streets and sidewalks and major parks (“lulishte” in Albanian); and the second one which includes green areas and playgrounds in between the apartment blocks that can be defined more at the level of the neighborhood.

3.2. The post socialist period urban development and neighborhoods in Tirana The post-socialist period housing in Tirana was seriously influenced by the socio-economic-political context that Albania passed through. The need for housing was fulfilled at the expense of public space (Abitz, 2006). Data including the post-socialist period after the 90s show a continuous reduction of public space. The process of the reduction of urban public space was guided on by the framework of “partial urban plans” (example of Albania) or ad hoc

plans, which awarded privileges to developers through unforeseen amendments to the existing regulatory plans (Hirt, 2014).

Socialist-planned Tirana was ready prey to illegal invasion of public land for housing, especially on the periphery of Tirana, and for commercial interests in the city center. The selection of the new Mayor Edi Rama was a significant political event in “cleansing” the city from informal construction, while on the other side it was in this period that high-rise buildings would become the new representation of the post-socialist period.

The inconsistencies between buildings and the urban irregularity in general, led the Municipality of Tirana in the year 2000 to undertake a project called “The Rebirth of City” which included the colorful painting of the facades of a considerable number of apartments inside the zone called the Middle Ring. Then the Mayor of the city Edi Rama, himself a painter and former professor at the Academy of Fine Arts, undertook this initiative to make the city more “attractive and playful-looking” (Pojani, 2010). The project was implemented between the years 2000 through 2008. The conceptualization of the facade designs was made by Anri Sala, an Albanian artist educated in Paris, and together with Hans Ulrich Obrist, they adopted the facade project as a curatorial endeavor by inviting artists such as Olafur Eliasson, Liam Gillick and Dominique Gonzalez-Foerster to contribute and turn residential blocks “into unique works of art” (Tate Modern Seminar, 2009).This time Tirana city gained a colorful, cheerful identity, which was, however, far from the attitude of being a capital city (Figures 5, 6). In order to study the influence of these urban developments, this research was based on the theoretical framework on the concept of place attachment.

4. Place attachment and neighborhood As was mentioned earlier, the theoretical framework of this study is based on the concept of place attachment. Place attachment is described as a concept which deals with the relation

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Figure 6. Illegal construction in the city center between 1993-1999 (left) and (right). The Middle Ring of Tirana (from Besnik Aliaj).

Figure 7. Colors are used to stabilize the informal additions, without requiring harmony between the apartments (from Tirana Municipality Digital Archive).

Figure 8. The situation of buildings before the “Rebirth of the City” with semi-informal additions and after the “colorful” intervention (from Tirana Municipality Digital Archive).

of people to place. According to Low and Altman (1992), the word ‘attachment’ emphasizes affect and the word ‘place’ focuses on the environmental setting to which people are emotionally attached. In this definition we find the three substantial elements that as it is understood compose place attachment: place-physical environment, people-emotion, attachment-social connection. The same three substantial elements were defined into a tripartite model by Scannell and Gifford (2010).

Levicka (2011) examined the findings on place attachment by re-evaluating the concept based on Scannell and Gifford’s tripartite model. She revealed that the use of place within the tripar-

tite model could be grouped by taking in consideration two aspects: i. its typology, and ii. its scale. Furthermore according to typology places could be grouped into closed and open. While “closed” place reflects the vista of conservative society, “open” place refers to and is related to the effects of globalization on space. The other influential aspect in attachment is the scale of place.

As matter of fact, attachment can occur at different scales including home, neighborhood, city, country and even continent.

Since the scope of this study covers the neighborhood scale, attachment on this level is treated in a more specific way. Neighborhoods are places

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bigger than home and smaller than cities and do not feature (Levicka, 2011) clearly defined borders. Scholars have used different definitions regarding them. Brown & Perkins (1992) state that neighborhoods are featured by dynamic and intense social communication, while Galster (2011) talks about homogenous features of neighborhoods that may contain varying elements such as: uniformity related to building typology, demographic composition, environmental aspects, social and emotional dimensions in relation to the quarter. Although there are no clear borders to neighborhoods, they are the place scale which has been used for research more than any other with more than 75% of the working residential place attachment (Lewicka, 2011).

The similarity between the concept of community and the concept of neighborhood attachment and it being an intermediate level between home and city are seen as major reasons for the neighborhood being the most-investigated scale of place.

According to Hidalgo & Hernandez (2001), one of the main reasons could be residential satisfaction, which would include both the physical and the social dimensions of a neighborhood. Similarly, Riger and Lavrakas (1982) found that there exist two forms of neighborhood attachment: “rootedness” which would express the physical attachment and “bonding” which would express the social attachment. Taylor et al.

(1985) used the terms “rootedness and involvement” for the physical dimension and “local bonds” for the social dimension. A study conducted by Hidalgo & Hernandez (2001) has shown that place attachment to the neighborhood is weaker in comparison to house or city regarding both physical and social attachment.

Attachment to neighborhood has been treated by a very wide range of studies. It has been used to measure the feeling of pride of living in a certain settlement (Twigger-Ross & Uzzell, 1996) or sense of well-being (Harris et al., 1995). It is also used as a tool for understanding the attitudes of dwellers in revitalization projects. Brown et al.

(2003) found in a study conducted in Harlem that it was the housing owners

(especially old women) who showed high attachment to their neighborhood even though their physical situation was not good. In fact, ownership is also related to the idea that owners usually have a longer duration and consider the dwelling as an expenditure. This also implies place attachment. Mesch & Manor (1998) found that good relations with neighbors influence place attachment to a neighborhood. Brown et al. (2003) suggested that elements that are related to the physical environment like parks or sidewalks that are used in neighborhood activities and social interaction increase place attachment.

Perkins & Long (2002) found that collective efficacy was a key element in attachment to neighborhood. The connection to fear of crime in certain neighborhoods has been reflected in lower attachment to the neighborhood (Mesch & Manor, 1998). In certain ethnic or low-income neighborhoods, even though the rate of crime was high, the fact that they were isolated from other parts of society had resulted in a high level of attachment (Fried, 2000).

In the present study of a neighborhood in the city of Tirana that was part of a large renovation project, attachment is treated to explore the sense of community in relation to the physical dimension of the settlement. Issues of feeling and well-being in connection to physical and aesthetic aspects are studied to find out the influence of the above-mentioned project on their attachment.

5. Case study The neighborhood selected for the case study, located between Asim Vokshi and Petro Marko Streets, was a socialist period settlement and was included within the “Rebirth of the City”. The neighborhood was built during the1960sand 1970s for the employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs within the so-called Middle Ring north-western corner very close to Zogu i Zi Square (until the end of socialist period it was the north-western border of the city).

The neighborhood consists of four apartment blocks, which generate a U-shape and contain a considerable park, and three perpendicular apart-

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ment blocks, which have two green areas in between. While the green space of the U-shaped portion is preserved completely and is allocated for the public with functions such as a playground, a football/basketball field, or other recreational space. During the post-socialist period, a coffee shop has been constructed in one of the green areas between the perpendicular blocks in the post-socialist period. Coffee shops in Albania are ubiquitous, and can be considered an important part of public space.

The methodology used in this study included techniques of observation and questionnaire surveys which were conducted with the dwellers of this neighborhood. The observation was made in the public green areas, common social spaces and cafes between the apartment blocks in the neighborhood. Furthermore it included data collection through conversation. The study was conducted in May 2014 during three different times of a day including morning, midday and afternoon, and it was spread over the space of a week. Observations of the situation and activities were documented through photographing, and the use of public space was catalogued in a list. The questionnaire was organized into three parts: the first part included general information on an inhabitant’s profile; the second part included questions on the settlement’s characteristics which, beyond depicting the actual post-socialist situation of the neighborhood, asked for a possible comparison between the pre- and post-socialist built environment; and the third part asked the inhabitants to evaluate the “Rebirth of the City” project and its impact on the neighborhood. Thus the questionnaire aimed to reveal not only the evaluation of neighborhood in both socialist and post-socialist periods, but also the attachment of the dwellers in respect to these periods, with special emphasis on the effects of the “Rebirth of the City” project.

activities were documented by taking photographs and recording the use of public space. As a result, it was found that in the morning and before midday, the public spaces between the apartment blocks were used by retired men (102), who come together fulfilling their need to socialize and play dominoes. In this interval of time there were also grandmothers (80) with their young grandchildren or babysitters with small children. The children (115) used the public space in general in the afternoons, because in the mornings they would be at school. The children played football in the field and expressed orally that this was the most important space for them. The families in general used the public space after 17 o’clock. Their use consisted of drinking coffee in the coffee shops and taking care of their children (from 5 coffee shops observed, resulted around 350 people). In fact the ground floors of the apartments in the buildings have been transformed into coffee shops in the best cases, while in the worst case; in one space there was a coffee shop which had been built in the center of what used to be a green area. The weekends are times in which the public spaces are used to their full potential.

In this case, the playground, the football field, green spaces and coffee shops are the spaces in focus.

5.1. The observation and findings The observation aimed to study the use of public green areas ofa housing neighborhood at different times of the day. Observations of the situation and

5.2. The questionnaire and findings The questionnaire survey was conducted with the inhabitants living in the neighborhood in their public green areas, common social spaces and cafes,

Figure 9. The apartment blocks (in black hatch) and the public space (in green hatch) included in the study (from Tirana Municipality Archive).

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members and 1 participant had family with 6 members.

Regarding the property aspect of inhabitants (dwelling ownership), 19 people were owners of their dwellings and 11 were renters. As for the education, 16 had a secondary education, 9 had a high school education and 5 were university graduates.

Figure 10. Images from inner courtyards of housing blocks between Asim Vokshi and Petro Marko Streets

and it was realized in the form of an interview.

5.2.1. User profile There were 30 participants in the questionnaire survey, of whom 12 were female and 18 were male. 15 were inhabitants before the 1990s and 15 of them. Participants’ professions were different. Of note is that 4 of them were drivers, 4 of them were salesmen and 4 housewives. There were also 5 retired persons, 3 workers, 3 unemployed, 2 teachers, 1 civil servant, 1 pharmacist, 1 chef, 1 cleaner and 1 electrician.

The ages of the inhabitants who were the subjects of this research: 3 were between 21 and 30 years old, 7 were between 31 and 40, 5 were between41 and 50, 7 were between 51 and 60, 2 were between 61 and 70, and6 were 71 and 80 years old.

As for the family size, 8 participants had families of 2 members, 4 participants with 3 members, 7 participants with 4 members, 10participants with 5

5.2.2. Settlement characteristics The main aim of this part of the questionnaire was to get residents ‘evaluation on the physical aspects of their neighborhood before the 90s.

Duration in the neighborhood: At first, the dwellers were asked about the duration of their stay in the neighborhood. The results showed that12 participants had lived there for more than 30 years, 6 participants between 21-30 years, 6 participants between 1120 years, and 6 participants had lived there between6-10 years.

Physical conditions of their dwellings/quarter before the 90s: When questioned about the situation their dwellings/quarter was in before the 90s, 1/3 of the interviewed (10 people) thought that the quality of the dwellings was poor before the 1990s and 3 people said they were very bad. 4 people replied they were average, 3 people replied they were satisfactory, only 2 people replied they were very good and 8 people did not answer.

Positive and negative aspects of the neighborhood: This question included articulation of both positive and negative aspects, but the dwellers tended to respond to only one aspect. Notably, 20 dwellers mentioned negative aspects including 8 people who mentioned drug use, 8 people who mentioned noise pollution and 4 people who

Table 1. User profile information.

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pointed out the problems in hygiene.

On the other side, 10 dwellers mentioned only positive aspects, including 8 who pointed out the existence of green areas and 2 who mentioned availability of car parking.

Adjectives to define the neighborhood: This was a multiple-choice question and included certain pairs of adjectives that the dwellers could select to define their neighborhood. The dwellers could select more than one adjective. The adjectives used were: interesting-ordinary, pleasant-unpleasant, attractive-unattractive, good-bad, and comfortable-uncomfortable. The evaluation of the inhabitants was predominantly positive and results showed that 14 people defined their living quarter as good, 6 people responded comfortable, 6 people found it pleasant, 5 people found it unpleasant and 4 people interesting.

Special aspects of the neighborhood: The purpose of this question was to learn from dwellers the special aspects of their living quarter. The results showed 12 participants mentioned as a special aspect the spaciousness, 6 of them referred to cafes, 4 people found vitality as special, 4 people considered the playground and the last 4 responses pointed out quietness.

Evaluation of green areas within the neighborhood: This question was related to the green areas that compose the main public space of this neighborhood. The results show that 20 dwellers view these spaces positively, 15 people evaluated green spaces as satisfactory and 5 people as very good. On the other hand, 7 people viewed the green spaces negatively, 6 people considered the green spaces “poor” and 1 dweller replied the spaces were very bad. The remaining 3 dwellers gave the green areas an average rating.

Evaluation of informal additions in housing blocks: The housing blocks contained informal additions. It is important to understand the opinions of the dwellers. The informal additions were minor constructions such as the enclosure of a balcony to transform it into a room or adding new rooms onto the terrace. Most of the dwellers (19 people) considered the informal additions to be positive, 15 people to be sat-

isfactory and 4 people considered them to be very good. The number of people considering the additions as negative was 7 and it was mentioned as poor (6 people) and very bad (1 people). A considerable number of dwellers (9 people) said the informal additions were average.

The built environment elements before the 90s neighborhood that dwellers missed: This question tended to inquire about the elements that were found in the socialist period but do not exist anymore. The results showed that 10 people missed safety, 10 people quietness, 5 people employment, 4 people parks and 1 person replied hygiene.

Those dwellers that replied about the employment rather than the built environment elements had referred to social aspects of neighborhood life.

5.2.3. Evaluation of the “Rebirth of the City’’ project The third and final part of the questionnaire aimed to understand the impact of the “Rebirth of the City” project which mostly treated the facade of housing blocks.

Evaluation of apartment/quarter/ environment in the actual colorful state: This question aimed to determine the influence of the colorful state overall.

The dwellers predominantly (20 people) considered positively the colorful state of the neighborhood (including16 people replying satisfactory and 4 people replying very good). The number of dwellers who considered the painted state negative was 7, and it was deemed as very bad by 4 people and poor by 3 people.

Attachment to the neighborhood previous to the 1990s or the current colorful situation: This is one of the key questions of the research because it will be used to interpret the other results. The results showed that 14 people are attached to the existing situation, 12 people to the one before the 90s and 4 people did not answer. Some of the people interviewed, and especially those that possessed informal additions, feared their demolition, and they hesitated to reply to certain questions that would include any conflict of interest.

Evaluation on the use of colors: This question intended to identify the opin-

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ion of dwellers on the usage of colors.

The results showed mostly negative reactions, with18 people responding negatively (including 14 people replying poor and 4 people replying very bad). The dwellers who deemed the colors to be positive were 6, including 5 people who responded that they were satisfactory and 1 person considering the colors as very good. Meanwhile, here were 6 dwellers who considered the usage of colors to be average.

Evaluation on pictorial attitudes (designs): The dwellers were asked whether the pictorial attitudes were the right ones. This question, rather than asking about the colors used, intended to inquire about the opinion of the design of the facades. The results show that 10 people thought the pictorial attitudes were the right ones, 8 people thought otherwise. There were 6 dwellers who responded that the designs were appropriate for some of the apartment blocks and 5 people expressed they had no opinion.

Is the colorful situation of the apartment blocks considered permanent, a transitional state to be modified or destined to be destroyed in order to be reconstructed? This question aimed to elicit the opinion of dwellers on the du-

ration of the colorful state. The majority of27 dwellers replied that the colorful facades were temporary (including 17 people who thought that apartments would not remain colorful, and 10 people who thought that they would be reconstructed altogether), while only3 people said that they would remain colorful permanently.

Was the “Rebirth of the City” project a holistic solution to the problematic of the dwellings and quarter? This question intended to inquire as to whether the above-mentioned project solved all the problems of the neighborhood, including the common space and the housing blocks. Unanimously, all dwellers answered that it did not solve all the problems of the neighborhood.

Renovation based on architectural values before the 90s: This question asked dwellers whether the architectural values before the 90s should have been considered or not. Most of the dwellers (18 people) replied that the renovation should have been done conserving the architectural values of the 90s, and 12 people said there was no need to consider those values.

Identification of city with colorful character: Due to the fact that the “Rebirth of the City” project was im-

Figure 11. Miscellaneous chart of questionnaire.

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plemented beyond the neighborhood scale up to the urban level, this question aimed to measure the impact of the project on the scale of the whole city and its identification with colors.

On the whole, the results showed that 26 dwellers responded that the city should be identified with all its urban components, while 3 people replied that it should be identified with its colorful character and 1 person thought the city should not be thusly identified.

To live in another place after the colorful painting of the facades of apartments: The dwellers were asked this question in order to understand the negative impact of the implementation of this project in relation to their neighborhood. The results showed a balanced situation, there were 12 people who said that yes they could, 12 people say not and 6 people who gave no answer. However it is important to say that those who had the idea to live elsewhere (even though it was asked in the question after the one about colorful painting) might be related also to other reasons such as: economical, higher living standards etc.

The findings of the questionnaire show that the dwellers considered the physical conditions of their neighborhood before the 90s as poor. Although they stressed mostly negative aspects of the neighborhood, controversially they used positive adjectives to define it. Spaciousness was seen as the most special aspect of their neighborhood and people in the majority considered their green areas as positive. The dwellers evaluated their informal additions as positive and they mostly missed from before the 90s safety and quietness. The “Rebirth of the City” project was mostly considered as positive and the number of inhabitants attached to the colorful state was slightly higher to those attached to the old one, but they did not like the colors and the designs used. Furthermore, this project was considered a temporary solution and did not solve the real problems of the neighborhood. Instead people replied that the project should have considered the architectural values of before the 90s, and the city of Tirana cannot be identified with a colorful state, but with all its urban components.

Thus it can be said based on observation, the public spaces of the neighborhood were used by the retired men, grandmothers and babysitters in the morning. The children used them in the afternoon and the families used them in their time after work. The public spaces were used at the maximum in the weekend. The questionnaire found out that the dwellers evaluated the “Rebirth of the City” project as a positive initiative, being slightly more attached to the colorful situation, although they did not like the colors used, considering the man impermanent solution.

6. Concluding remarks The change in the political regime in Albania from a socialist system to a liberal (capitalist) one, led to substantial shifts in the built environment of its capital city, Tirana. The need for more residential space and the low governmental authority prepared the way for semiformal additions and illegal construction in Tirana. The entrepreneurship initiated by the mayor of Tirana, Edi Rama, in order to stabilize the situation, the “Rebirth of the City”, was focused mostly in the Middle Ring zone housing neighborhoods. It was applied by a superficial pictorial approach considering only apartment block facades, and as a result the architectural output had very different results from the original one. The residential buildings built during the period of the socialist regime were transformed from a harmonious stock of apartments, all in a functionalist modern style, to a colorful, non-harmonious collection devoid of any relation to proper volumetric proportions.

The theory of place attachment is used as a main framework for this study in order to measure the effects of the renovation project and the environmental behavior of the dwellers after its implementation. Although places show variety based on their typology and their scale, Levicka (2011) revealed that the similarity of the concepts of neighborhood and community and its intermediate size between house and city were the main factors which made it the scale most focused

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on by researchers. The attachment to the physical dimension of a neighborhood is defined as “rootedness”

by Riger & Lavrakas (1982) or “rootedness and involvement” by Taylor (1985). Furthermore, place attachment was used before by Brown et al. (2003) to analyze the attitudes of inhabitants in revitalization projects. This study goes beyond the attitudes of dwellers.

It aims to probe the attachment to the physical dimension of a neighborhood, which includes public spaces and housing blocks, comparing their situation before the 90s and after the implementation of a renovation project.

On the whole, the dwellers considered the situation of their neighborhood before the 90s as mostly poor.

Describing the positive and negative aspects of their quarter, the majority of them answered negatively referring to problems such as drugs, noise and dirtiness, while a minority pointed out positive aspects such as green areas and the availability of parking. On the other hand, when they were asked to select defined adjectives for their neighborhood, they predominantly chose positive adjectives including good, comfortable and pleasant, and a minority used negative adjectives including unpleasant and average estimations such as interesting. Physical features related to the courtyards such as spatiality, cafes, a playground and quietness were reflected as the special features of the neighborhood. The green areas were widely valued by residents, as they have remained the primary public space of the neighborhood. The dwellers mostly considered the informal additions as positive. The dwellers missed the safety and quietness of the socialist period with the influx of newcomers and loud coffee bars in the post-socialist period.

Based on the results of the questionnaire survey, it can be said that the “Rebirth of the City” considered only the exterior facades of the neighborhood by painting them artistically and colorfully, and as a result, it can be said that it did not achieve a holistic solution.

The inhabitants in the neighborhood consider public space to be the inner courtyard and the inner facades of the

neighborhood, rather than the exterior facades - spaces largely left out of the renovation project the “Rebirth of the City”. The actual situation of the neighborhood after the colorful painting of the facades was mostly considered positive by the dwellers, probably due to the poor situation that they had been in prior to this intervention; however, most of the dwellers considered the usage of the colors as inappropriate.

In the same way, less than half of the interviewed dwellers considered the artistic approach used as appropriate.

Predominantly, the dwellers considered the colorful situation a temporary one with which, according to them, the neighborhood/city should not be identified, but instead through all of its components. Most of the dwellers expressed the fact that the architectural values from before the 90s should have been considered in this renovation project. The most interesting result is the balance (slightly in favor of the new colorful state) between people who are attached to the new colorful situation and those who are attached to the facades as they were before the 90s.

As a result, it can be said that the “Rebirth of the City” project was a superficial project as it treated only the outer facades in the residential neighborhood between Asim Vokshi and Qemal Stafa Streets. It did not provide a holistic solution considering the whole built environment. It did not begin to touch the real problems of the neighborhood, which included the indoor spaces of housing blocks and especially the courtyards as the most important public spaces. It did, however, have a substantial impact on the attachment of the dwellers to their neighborhood.

This considerable value of attachment to the colorful situation of their neighborhood can be interpreted as their support of new investments in improving their built environment’s quality, even though the project treated in this research was at best a partial intervention. Place attachment in this research can be considered as an important tool in understanding the need for more holistic renovation projects.

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Acknowledgement The questionnaires used in this research were partially conducted within the student works given in Architectural Design IV, Epoka University in the 2013-2014 academic year.

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Aliaj, B. (2003). Tirana: The challenge of urban development, SEDA, Albania.

Aliaj, B. (2003b). Albania - A short history of housing and urban development during 1945-1990, ENHR Conference, 26-28 May, Tirana, Albania.

Bleta, I. (2010). Influences of political regime shifts on the urban scene of a capital city case study: Tirana, (Unpublished Master’s Thesis). METU, Ankara, Turkey.

Brown, B. B., & Perkins, D. D. (1992). Disruptions in place attachment. In I. Altman & S. Low (Eds.), Place attachment (279-304). New York: Plenum Press.

Brown, B. B., Perkins, D. D. & Brown, G. (2003). Place attachment in a revitalizing neighborhood: Individual and block levels of analysis. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 23, 259271.

Fried, M. (2000). Continuities and discontinuities of place, Journal of Environmental Psychology, 20 (3), 193205.

Galster, G. (2001). On the nature of neighborhood, Urban Studies, 38 (12), 2111-2124.

Hall, D. 1990. Housing policy in Albania. In J. A. A. Sillince (Eds.), Housing Policies in Eastern Europe and Soviet Union (pp 359-392). London, UK: Routledge.

Harris, P. B., Werner, C. M., Brown, B. B., & Ingebritsen, D. (1995). Relocation and privacy regulation: A cross-cultural analysis. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 15, 311-320.

Hidalgo, M. C., & Hernandez, B. (2001). Place attachment: conceptual and empirical questions. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 21, 273-281.

Hirt, S. (2014). The Post-Public City: Experiences From Post-Socialist Europe, Globalizing Architecture / Flows And Disruptions, 102nd ACSA Annual Meeting.

Lewicka, M. (2011), Place attachment: How far have we come in the last 40 years? Journal of Environmental Psychology, 31, 207-230.

Altman, I. & Low, S. (1992). Human Behavior and Environments: Place Attachment: A Conceptual Inquiry. V. 12, Place Attachment, (1-12) Plenum Press, New York.

Mesch, G. S., & Manor, O. (1998).

Social ties, environmental perception and local attachment. Environment and Behavior, 30, 504-519.

Pojani, D. (2010). Tirana - City Profile. Cities, 27(6), 483-495.

Prifti, P. (1978). Socialist Albania since 1944, MIT Press.

Riger, S., & Lavrakas, P. J. (1981).

Community ties: Patterns of attachment and social interaction in urban neighborhoods. American Journal of Community Psychology, 9, 55-66.

Scannell, L., & Gifford, R. (2010a).

Defining place attachment: A tripartite organizing framework. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 30, 1-10.

Taylor, R. B., Gottfredson, S. D., & Brower, S. (1985). Attachment to place: Discriminant validity, and impacts of disorder and diversity. American Journal of Community Psychology, 13, 525542.

The Architecture Foundation (2009, December 18) Architecture + Art Seminar: Edi Rama and Anri Sala, [Video file] Retrieved from http://vimeo. com/8254763 Tirana Municipality Digital Archive.

2008. retrieved from www.tirana.gov.al in 28/05/2012) Tsenkova, S., & Nedovic-Budic, Z. (2006). The Urban Mosaic of Post-socialist Europe: Space, Institutions and Policy, Ch. 6, 113-130.

Ylli Review. 1961. retrieved from http://shqipfoto.livejournal.com/ in 25/12/2012 https://veprogjelber.wordpress. com/2013/06/06/disa-prej-hapesirave-te-gjelberta-ne-tirane/

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 1 • March 2017 • E. Manahasa, A. Özsoy

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 1 • March 2017 • 71-89

Changing effect of place on frontage design in the context of cultural sustainability

Şebnem ERTAŞ1, Aslı TAŞ2 1 sebnemarc@hotmail.com • Department of Interior Architecture, Karadeniz Technical University, Trabzon, Turkey 2 aslitas26@hotmail.com • Department of Architecture, Karadeniz Technical University, Trabzon, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.09797

Received: January 2016 • Final Acceptance: February 2017

Abstract The most important component that forms the values, lifestyle, beliefs, traditions, in short, the whole of the material and spiritual values of a society is culture.

Culture is the whole of the things that the human learned, applied and maintained as long as they exist. Culture shows change and sustainability as a result of differentiation of factors which compose the culture. The architecture that is one of the important components that reflect the culture is also affected by this change process. The characteristic features of existing cultural identity in architecture are observed in houses where the daily life is maintained. The functional changes occurred in houses are reflected physically and they mostly affect the frontage construct as well. Thus, the character of the street where the houses are located is also changed.

In this context, in study, there was aimed to examine the effect of spatial changes occurred dependent on time on frontage construct in houses where non-Muslim people who were exposed to population exchange and Muslim people who were settled to the houses which were quit after population exchange in the settlement of Sille that is connected to the city of Konya.

The effect of time-dependent spatial change of 10 (ten) tiered genuine houses in Haci Ali Aga Street that is the important house settlement in Sille on frontage shaping was examined through the graphics created and physical changes (frontage character) were revealed via functional changes (spatial).

Keywords Cultural sustainability, House, Frontage design, Change in interior places.

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1. Introduction Culture constitutes the values, traditions, architectural structures, written and verbal works, in short, the lifestyle of the society (Gözütok, 2008).

According to English anthropologist Tylor (1871), the culture is; a complex whole consist of knowledge, belief, art and traditions learned and obtained by human species as a member of a society and all abilities, skills, and habits obtained by the human as a member of human society. Culture changes with the new ideas and inventions human developed against the new demands and problems. The concept of time is the most important component in this changing process (Murdock, 1949).

Although the culture is strong enough in order not to change easily under natural conditions, the cultures show change over the time by complying with the natural environment. The architecture that is one of the important components reflecting the culture is also affected by this changing process.

As a result of the fact that the concept of culture that is created by the lifestyle, family structure and religious beliefs of human is effective in determining the living standards, it plays an important role also while the architecture takes shape. The most obvious results of these interventions made to the living spaces of human are emerging in housing zones. The housing zones show continuity while having changes in their forms and functions as a result of community, social, economic and technological developments while the cultures change because of changing natural conditions throughout the history. Thus, the characteristic features of cultural identity existing in architecture are mostly observed in houses where daily life is lived.

As long as the cultures change throughout the history, the housing spaces; show continuity while they live changes about their forms and functions as a result of social, economic and technological developments. Existing is, in fact, the epitome of change and qualifies the house as an organism and this organism is in need of changing independently of the form in order to survive. This situation is necessary for the continuity of it and the society in

need of it. It should develop the conceptual infrastructure it has in this continuity by assimilating, isolate from the unnecessary things and it should adapt itself to changing society structure, life, meaning and needs (Dener, 1994).

In a society, there are occurring compulsory social socio-cultural changes as war, earthquake, exchange as well as time-dependent natural changes.

These changes occurred are affecting also the formation of houses (Taş and Ertaş, 2015). It turns into architectural mass by shaping with house, interior structure and construction elements.

Thus, the changes occurring on these mostly effects also frontage structure.

It is possible to have information about the history and culture of a settlement at the first look by using the frontages of the buildings. Thus, the frontages are some of the most important instruments in order to understand the culture of a settlement.

In this context, in the study, the settlement of Konya/Sille where Muslim and non-Muslim people lived together and that is a different settlement with its culture, traditions and customs, lifestyle and the geographical structure was discussed. It was determined the changing society in Sille over the time changed the current house structures depending on their needs in functional aspects. Thus, the spatial change experienced in houses depending upon the function change caused physical changes about the frontage layout. This change lived because of cultural sustainability was examined in Hacı Ali Aga Street that is at the entrance of Sille and that is consisting of the genuine structure housing. The fact that it is inevitable for the culture to show change in continuity and physical changes (frontage character) determined over the functional (spatial) changes of 10 (ten) houses ranging around a Street which is reflecting the commercial life, socio-cultural structure and architectural character of the region and that is thought to be organized for tourism were revealed on graphics 2. Cultural continuity/change The culture is the whole of material and moral values of a society. Culture is a fact that is directly in contact

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with the people and a fact that shapes the life of the people and holds them together. The culture of a society consists of some social institutions and organizations as the culture, language, religion, ethics, law, tradition, behavior and pleasures, customs, art, economic, philosophical and scientific training.

The culture and art assets created by different factors over time constitute the society’s cultural heritage, as well as they, provide the social development (Akgül, 2004; Erişen, 2010). The facts as; beliefs, customs, behavior, lifestyle, standards of judgment, actions, and thoughts forming the social life that we can sort as the factors that create the culture is decisive in the process of shaping the human environment from primitive man to modern man (Özdemir, 2011).

Many factors forming the culture as language, religion, traditions, customs, behavior, and lifestyle show continuity from generation to generation in time. The continuity is not a fact that modificates itself. There could only be mentioned about the continuity of an asset, a mean or a system, because, “the continuity is the quality of the continuous one” and it means that the versatile conditions that are qualifying system are ongoing in a given system integrity (Toydemir, 1989). The change about the cultures is also lived in this continuity state.

The culture is changing due to different reasons when it is being transmitted from generation to generation.

In this regard, Moore (1963) specified that; it is not possible to consider the change apart from the concept of time and “the change” is frequent and continuous for any society and culture. The culture varies in time by being adapted to the environment and it adapts to the shape of people’s lives. This situation causes having the change in places and the continuity is provided in time.

Güvenç (2011) specified that there is only one rule of the life and cultures that did not change since creation is the change and continuity. He specified that individuals and communities, tribes, states lived and went out of existence and besides that, the continuity of cultures and civilizations was protected by changing and also besides

that only the idea could be defended that the fact of continuity can only be realized through the way or process of change.

Culture and cultural sustainability are interdependent concepts. Cultural sustainability exits while the requirements of created cultural expressions, lifestyle, and habits are added to the life of society (Çahantimur, 2007). However, continuity makes the change inevitable. Although culture and change seems incompatible facts at first look, these facts at the same time are holding with each other because, although it is late, the traditions assimilate the change and become the traditions of tomorrow (İzbul, 2004).

The cultural sustainability in architectural design should be expressed as the transmission of experience and knowledge to the future collected by the individuals and therefore the communities where the individuals are in.

The common cultural heritage created by the societies describe the formation of cities and urban spaces. In this context, socio-cultural, economic and spatial layers are composed in urban layout and the sustainability plays an important role in developing the ideological structure and integrity of society by protecting the relationship between these layers through architectural design (Öktem, 2013).

Culture changes, but this change takes place through adaptation. Although the natural conditions are not strong enough to change the culture, the cultures adapt the natural environment in time. As the social conditions and needs change, satisfaction level provided by traditional solution methods decreases and changes. The new methods and ways, in order to solve the problems and needs occurred against the changing conditions, are created. The culture changes with the new ideas and inventions that are developed by the people against new needs and problems (The Timeturk, 2015). Changing is a basic attribute of human communities because; there is no society that does not change above ground. However, the speed, direction, kind of change varies from community to community. The speed of change in societies where the traditional features

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are intensive is slower than the modern societies (The Timeturk, 2015).

Turhan (1972) divides the changes on culture into two parts as free culture change and compulsory culture change in terms of change types. According to him, the free culture change means the changes in the structure of a social group or society as a result of the fact that the community adopts a certain part of different culture without being under any internal or external pressure while the society has relations with another society or another social group that has a foreign culture. Also, the compulsory culture change is the change in the structure of society created as a result of the facts that one of two social groups or societies that have different cultures make pressure on the other one in order to make them accept all or some part of their own culture or the directors of a society try to impose all or some of the cultures of a foreign society to their own society coercively (Anıl, 2011).

If it is thought that there is only one rule of the fact of culture that did not change is change and continuity, the inherited new generation helps the culture to be rich with the innovations and changes they created. In this process, some new components can be added to current culture and some components can also be removed.

3. The effect of cultural sustainability on spatial changes of houses The house; is the most basic, most exclusive and smallest building type that is directly affected by the changing values and that is suitable for cross-cultural comparison. The houses cater for many purposes because, the house is a cultural fact and highly affected by cultural values of the society where it belongs to. Since the early ages, the house became a place where many physical activities are included for people as well as being only the harboring place (Rapoport, 2004).

Turgut (2003) explains the interaction of cultural change with the house as follows. “The housing place during culture-place interaction process has the time-dependent characteristics that reflect the dynamic and changing relationship between human and en-

vironment. The cultural components that have dynamic structure change in time by the acculturation effects and the behavioral and spatial features also change accordingly” (Çakmak, 2011). Thus, the identity and character of a culture are examined firstly; the values of it are gained and a type of house which responses cultural and physical needs emerge accordingly.

Another point to be paid attention in the house designing is considering the typical characteristics of the culture of the region where the house is designed because; these characteristics also affect the shaping of houses. The spatial change; focus on a purpose that tries to reveal whether experienced places support the human activities or not, whether quality place environments are provided or not for meeting the needs and that is useful for making the inhabitability sustainable (Aydın and Yaldız, 2010).

The formation of housing is taking shape with spatial and structural (material) change processes because of the fact that it cannot fulfill the performance features depending on changes of cultural factors over the time. As Rapoport specified, changing of human and social, cultural, economic and physical factors around the people cause massic and formal changes in houses. These changes create the spatial change processes in houses.

Besides that, there are some structural changes in houses depending on both aging and repairing (Şengün, 2007).

Structural changing processes emerged as a result of changing the structural elements and materials which got old in time and cannot shirk its duty with new ones in order to ensure the comfort conditions of today (Üçer, 2011). All these changing processes in the study; reveal the effect of cultural change/continuity over the format in two ways as physical and functional.

The physical changes are; the new place organizations carried out inside or outside the building as a result of the changes on the needs of users, deteriorations/aging on the system of the building occurred because of the external factors, installation of new functions to the building or removing some functions of it. The effective thing

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about this change type is the failure to provide the comfort that can response the new requirements that forms the building structure and generally reveals as a result of materials used and technological changes (Altınok, 2007).

Also, the functional change is; a change that generally emerges before the physical changing. The social, technological and economic characteristics mentioned in society change, become different in time, thus, the change or addition for the function which can be described as relevance in terms of usage and operation becomes inevitable (Altınok, 2007). The functions of places could also change as a result of these changes. The formation of functional change could be dependent upon many reasons. The user and his/her wants could take the place on the top among these reasons and plan scheme, the quality of circulation components, color, size, shape features of the materials which are especially used in wet volumes also become effective (Altınok, 2007). The change on the function depended on the intended use without changing the form of the place in time as a result of economic reasons or differentiation of users can become inevitable, and the structure can show continuity with new functions in different forms.

4. Methodology Sille is a different settlement with its culture, traditions and customs, beliefs, lifestyle and geographical structure where Muslim, non-Muslim public live together. The Lausanne agreement made in 1923 became a turning point also for the history of Sille. The Greek public was subjected to forced migration with population exchange in Sille where Turkish and Greek people lived together before the proclamation of the republic has the population about 18.000.

Turkish immigrants have been quartered in the houses which were left by the Greek people exchanged (Tapur, 2013). As a result of changing public profile, culture, belief and family structure also changed. It can be seen that these changes affected the houses as well.

Sille is a developed settlement before

the proclamation of the republic. However, the treaty of Lausanne has been made in 1923 is a turning point for the history of Sille. The Greek people live in Sille were subjected to forced migration with the population exchange realized in 1923 and they were sent abroad (Tapur, 2013). Thus, the population of Sille where the big part of the population was formed by Greek people has decreased greatly. The locals who were mostly Muslims lived in settlement until 1980 could not have developed themselves enough about agriculture, trade, and crafts and began to decline in terms of socio-economic conditions.

The locals began to migrate to big cities. As a result of this, the population reduced and the changes were lived in spaces according to the lifestyle because of the fact that the Muslims began to live in houses.

After 1980, the population continuously lived in Sille diminished more and the houses were used as the summer house and most of the houses remained neglected. The restoration projects of important monuments with street rehabilitations on the basis of frontage as a result of increasing tourism potential in recent years. There was not only lived the changes on the level of frontage during the street rehabilitations and there was observed that the changes were lived also about interior constructs.

While the development of Sille in history is examined, it is seen that 3 periods determining the residential character were revealed in the study.

These are listed below.

1. Seljuk and Ottoman periods coming after the first periods of Christianity and Republic period before 1923 Lausanne agreement, 2. The period between “after the exchange in1923 “and “the period while the locals migrated from the settlement in 1980”, 3. The period after 1980.

The cultural change lived in these periods affected the social, cultural and economic structure and caused the change about the living spaces. The houses where the daily life goes on are also the living spaces where this change is observed. In the study, the functional changes were examined through the

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Figure 1. The location and general view of Sille (The Map, 2016), (The Suffagah, 2016).

Figure 2. Sille in 1905 (Kuşçu, 2006; Aklanoğlu, 2009), (The Ektem, 2016).

today’s current usage situation in order to reveal the changing structure form and components over the time in the houses. Thus, Hacı Ali Aga Street was discussed through the 10 houses which still include original houses structure.

5. Case study 5.1. General information about Sille Sille that is 8 km far away from the center and located in the north-west of Konya city is a settlement whose past goes back a long way and which played host for many empires as Greek, Byzantine, Seljuks and Ottomans (Erdem et al., 2010)(Figure 1).

The Sille settlement that was taken into the consideration as an important commercial center in history and established onto the silk road and spice route; offers a rich appearance in terms of historical and cultural values with its mosques, churches, streets, fountains and traditional houses with flat roof in cubic architectural style that integrate with sloping topography (Aklanoğlu, 2009)(Figure 2).

It is possible to see the examples of traditional architecture restructuring of Anatolia in Sille. Sille that has the collective settlement feature as settlement type is lying in the east-west direction towards the north of valley in step-shaped (Tapur, 2013).

It is understood from old pictures and documents that; a crowd population lived in the past on the tissue

which has the cubic architectural style that is unique to the region on the slopes and with the flat roof, sloping and integrating with sloping topography (Erdem et al., 2010)(Figure 3).

The housing; has been formed gradually in the shape of neighborhoods and streets, terraces in conformity with the land by rising upwards starting from the two shores of the river because of geographical position (Aklanoğlu, 2009). The position of the structures forms the city’s residential fabric with a sense of perspective because of the shape of the land. None of the housing prevents the sun and landscape of each other, that’s why the tissue in Sille is settling in harmony with nature (Kurak Açıcı, 2014). Most of the houses in the settlement have the same character. Also, some houses have a garden at front or backside in harmony with the land.

The traditional Sille houses which have a cubic external format generally have flat roofs and the houses with the roof are the minute amount. Sille Stone is used as building material from quarries, usually near the buildings of the region. Stone, construction technique, depending on the structure form adds it can be argued that the diffence (Sonmez, 2014). The houses have been designed in small scale and the functionality was prioritized according to the lifestyle. The numbers of floors in houses are affected directly by the

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Figure 3. Cubic exterior remodeling view of Sille (The Meramderem, 2016), (Ertaş, 2016).

Figure 4. The two-storey Sille houses (Ertaş, 2016).

Figure 5. General view of the Sille houses (Ertaş, 2016).

position of the structure in the sloping terrain and the relation of housing with the street. The entering to the Sille housing that is generally two-storey is sometimes from the single door and sometimes from two doors and this situation is determined by the topography of the land (Aklanoğlu, 2009) (Figure 4).

The upper floor; which composed the main floor of housing in Sille reflects the features of Typology of Turkish house plan. Mostly the plan type with inner hall; and in some samples, outer hall or L-Shaped hall seems (Karpuz, 2000).

The houses have been fictionalized from the living and service areas. The living areas are composed of the room, hall, hanay and service areas are com-

posed of kitchen, stairs, burn-house, stony place, bievi-büevi, lumber room, bathroom (bathing cubicle) and toilet (Taş, 2015).

In terms of frontage character, Sille houses generally reflect the frontage features of traditional Turkish Anatolian House (Erdem et al., 2010). Hall space is an important factor in the plan schemes of houses that affect the frontage. Hall generally takes place in the middle of the plan and the frontage could be symmetrical accordingly (Şahin, 2010). The overhanging parts generally have been as the outer extension of hall or balcony in houses formed according to the slope of the land (Figure 5).

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5.2. The houses in Hacı Ali Aga Street Today in Sille; there are two important streets named “Hükümet” that starts at Konya-Sille highway that is on the east of settlement plan and maintains until the west side of settlement and the other one named “Baraj” that is on the south side. Further, “Karataş” Street on the North side and “Hacı Ali Ağa” Street seems on the Picture in the middle are the streets where the settlement is intensive (Tapur, 2013).

Hacı Ali Aga Street takes place at the entrance of Sille on the main axis in terms of its location. Street is located in the center of historical settlement and there are a lot of cultural assets around it. The Street has the value of a rich cultural heritage with the structures that have either house features or commercial features (Figure 6). Hacı Ali Aga Street that has the cultural, historical and touristic source values is in the area that was taken into consideration as the protected area in 2001 and it consists of mostly 2nd Degree proprietary structures that maintain their original condition. The latest frontal improvements have been made for most of the structures by Seljuk Municipality in 2015.

In the study; 10 structures which are maintaining the original condition and reflecting the commercial life, socio-cultural structure and architectural character of the region and which have been built for the purpose of houses in Hacı Ali Aga Street are discussed (Figure 7).

5.3. Creating the functional changes tables The effect of time-dependent spatial change of 10 (ten) tiered genuine houses in Hacı Ali Aga Street that is the important house settlement in Sille were revealed via functional changes.

The functional change was approached in terms of adding the spaces or changing the spaces. The spaces added or changed depending on the functions caused the change in the structure form and this situation also meant the change on the frontage and general character of the street. Thus, the functional changes graphics were created in order to reveal this change on structure form. Graphics have

Figure 6. The general view of Hacı Ali Aga Street.

Figure 7. The designated houses in Hacı Ali Aga Street.

been evaluated through the changes occurred in elapsed time until works completed in 2015.

Functional change tables have been factionalized to reveal the 3 (three) periods determined depending on the culture change occurred in the residential area. The time concept in functional changes was explained by coloring method. The changing functions of spaces in these periods have not been encoloured before 1923 and the period between the years of 1923-1980 was shown with blue color and the period after 1980 was shown as the yellow color. On the other hand, the fronts were renewed with the restoration project in 2015 and the spaces changed correspondingly were processed after 1980.

Besides, the functional changes were approached in two groups as add-

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Figure 8. 1 and 2 housing.

ed spaces and the spaces which were changed. The spaces added in the first group were determined, but in the second group, the spaces changed because of removal or degradation was examined. In order to ease the comprehensibleness of the changes in tables, the spaces added through the plan section were shown with numbers and changing spaces were shown with letters.

The changes in the functioning of the houses have been examined as a result of their intervention. Some insights have been made under the heading of added, corrupted, and removed functions. Depending on these determinations, the adding, removals/ degradations, and renewed parts were revealed by examining the survey reports of massive changes occurred in three periods and through physical site visits.

According to this; In the house number 1; the planning

scheme changed by the additions, removals made on the ground floor and first floor and deteriorations occurred in time. This caused the change in the form of structure. In the house number 2; The room which was added to the building as a result of the interaction with the next house and its form are some of the biggest changes occurred between the years of 1923-1980 that affected the building. The additions made caused changes on the planning scheme of building (Building Survey Report, 2011)(Figure 8).

In the house number 3; the planning scheme changed by the additions made in interior place. This caused the change in the form of structure. In the house number 4; the planning scheme changed with the adding made in the interior space. However, this did not cause any change in the form of the building (Figure 9).

In the house number 5; the area

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Figure 9. 3 and 4 housing.

which had the function of Blind Street before 1923 was added to the building by closing the top of it at the later period. The planning scheme of the building was changed by making an addition. Also, in the period after 1980, there is not seen any physical change.

In the house number 6; the change was observed which was done by making two additions to the building between the years of 1923-1980 and after 1980.

The planning scheme changed by the additions made in interior place (Building Survey Report, 2011) (Figure 10).

In the house number 7; there was observed that the place which had the overhanging part at the south side was removed by narrowing it and the balcony came forward accordingly. The planning scheme changed with the additions done in interior place. In the house number 8; the deteriorations occurred on the upper floor caused the changes in the form of structure. There was observed that the place which was

next to the building was removed. The planning scheme changed with the additions inside the interior place (Building Survey Report, 2011) (Figure 11).

In the house number 9; the backside built after 1980 was destroyed and it was used as the garden. This situation changed the rear frontage by changing the rear structure form. In the house number 10; there was seen a change in the form of the building as a result of removing overhanging part between the years of 1923-1980. After 1980, balconies were removed and added to the room. Thus, the planning scheme changed as a result of adding made in interior space. This situation also affected the form of structure and changed the frontage accordingly (Building Survey Report, 2011) (Figure 12).

As a result of functional changes, The graph of time-dependent functional changes in 10 houses on the following schematic is tabulated together in plan and section plan (Figure 13).

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Figure 10. 5 and 6 housing.

6. Results and discussion While analyzing the tables, spatial change processes have been discussed in terms of the time concept expressing the periods of before 1923, between the years of 1923-1980 and after 1980 which are revealing the change. In order to see all changes occurred, physical and functional alteration analyses over todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s use were carried out through specified periods and they were generally examined over the frontages which were renewed upon the massive changes because of decomposition or removal or adding the structural elements and street rehabilitation projects. According to this, there have been various changes in all of these 10 houses, but the massive changes, in other words, functional changes that change the frontage character were identified.

General view of HacÄą Ali Aga Street in terms of South and West frontages and the facades of northward buildings (Figure 14).

The houses numbered 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10 were changed again during street rehabilitation and the project was not applied on houses numbered 4, 5, 6. The old elements were removed depending on the changes until 2015 on windows, doors that are at frontages and the renewal was carried out. In some part of them, the changes were done in interior space and on the character of frontages by making the adding. Inside the period from pre-1923 period until the period after 1980; red color meant adding, the blue color meant removals and yellow color meant the renewals according to rehabilitation projects and the changes on frontages are illustrated below (Figures 15, 16).

There have been a lot of changes because of adding and deterioration or removal of construction elements in nine houses as a result of the functional changes within the process. The functional changes affected the structure form and also affected the physical

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Figure 11. 7 and 8 housing.

character accordingly. Excluding these facts, as a result of street rehabilitation carried out in 2015, the renewals were done for the form of structure and frontages (Table 1).

The change on the structure form for revealing the physical changes in the structure was evaluated with below the physical change table depending on the plan and frontage construct.

The structural elements added to the table were shown with red color and the structural elements removed from the table were shown with blue color (Figure 17).

The changes occurred on frontage construct of ten houses determined according to this situation can be summarized as follows.

• In the house number 1; there was made some changes on the form of building with the removals on the thick wall at the first floor between the years of 1923-1980. As a result of deteriorations of some walls and upholstery lo-

cated on the upper floor, the additions of walls, doors and windows were added to plan scheme. The frontage was changed as a result of removing the walls, upholstery, ceilings, roofs and doors because of the interaction with the next building and adding the balcony in the later period while there was not any balcony in genuine usage.

• In the house number 2; As a result of adding the new mass to the building after the Muslim people settled the house, the additions of walls, upholstery, ceilings, roofs, windows and doors were added to the building. At the same time, the planning scheme changed by adding wall, door, window and balcony in interior places over the time and this situation reflected the frontage accordingly.

• In the house number 3; the additions of wall and door were made for the building. Due to the building built next to the house, the windows at the east frontage were closed and turned

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Figure 12. 9 and 10 housing.

into the cabinet. Also, the balcony of the building was closed. However, the form of building did not change. Due to the change of function in the building after 1980, there was a change on the frontage by the addition of roof on balcony.

• In the house number 4; the additions of wall, door, and window were made to the building only in interior places. There was not made any change on frontage. The form of building also did not change.

• In the house number 5; the additional structure built on the blind alley attached to the building between the years of 1923-1980 was formed by the addition of wall, upholstery, ceiling, roof, door and windows. The frontage layout of additional structure built and building changed exactly.

• In the house number 6; there seem new building masses added in time and the additions of wall, upholstery, ceiling, roof, window, door and stairs.

The additional structures changed the frontage characteristic of the building.

• In the house number 7; there seems, the walls, ceiling and roof at the frontage were removed after 1980 and the new wall was added downward.

Between the years of 1923-1980, the additions of the door, window and wall were done for interior places and plan scheme was changed accordingly. The frontage layout was changed by the removals and balcony addition in building.

• In the house number 8; there seems the exterior wall on the upper floor at the balcony side was removed as a result of deterioration and there was built a new wall downward. As a result of this, the ceiling and roof were removed. The flight of stairs was begun to be used as a place by adding wall and door for it.

These changes showed themselves on the second floor at frontage.

• In the house number 9; there have been changes in the planning scheme

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Figure 13. The graph of time-dependent functional changes in houses.

Figure 14. Hacı Ali Aga Street, the frontage locations of genuine ten (10) houses.

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Figure 15. The south frontage.

Figure 16. The northward frontage and west frontage.

Table 1. The general evaluation of frontage changes.

with added wall, door, and window.

Also, the balcony item was added to the room. This also caused the change on frontage layout â&#x20AC;˘ In the house number 10, the balcony was added after the removal of the wall in overhanging part on the upper floor and the front was changed by adding the balcony elements to the room. The planning scheme was changed by adding the Wall and door in interior space.

7. Conclusions The cultural changes taking place depending on the time bring the spatial change processes together. These also front us as functional changes. The indoor construct changes through additions, removals, and deteriorations in places. Sometimes, this is also not un-

derstood in the form of structure and also sometimes, it causes the change.

This change in the form of the structure causes the change in the character of frontage and it changes the tissue of street and even the characteristics of settlement area.

The frontages of the building are very important in terms of reflecting the history and culture of settlement.

Thus, the change in cultural continuity is inevitable; however, the tissue and environment of the building should be taken into consideration in places as Sille that have historical values.

Sille that is an important center in history where different cultures lived together was chosen as working area and 10 tiered houses that are in HacÄą Ali Aga Street that is one of the important arteries where Muslims and

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Figure 17. The graph of physical changes in houses.

non-Muslims lived together was discussed.

In the scope of the study, the functional changes on houses created as a result of cultural change occurred in different periods were revealed. It was determined that these changes caused important changes in structure form.

All these changes changed also the frontage character and made an impact on the general tissue of Street accordingly.

Below general results could be revealed in terms of chosen houses.

• While the genuine plan schemes of the subjects examined and today’s place setup are compared, it was determined that there were additions, removals, and deteriorations on places

and construction elements.

• There was made a function addition for trading on the houses overlooking the main street in time.

• The social changes occurred in time inside the process as cultural change, change on family structure; increase on the number of family members in time affected also the residential use situation of the chosen houses. Both the physical and functional changes affected also the structure form and there were seen additions and removals for the building.

Some samples could be given for this situation as; adding the blind street to the building, adding the hanay rooms to the building for the married people.

• It is possible to say that, generally, walls, additions for the doors, plan

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schemes were changed for all subjects in time and the houses were made suitable for the using conditions of today.

• Bath, toilet, room and depot were mostly added to the houses. It could be thought that changing life conditions and increasing the numbers of family members caused these additions.

• There are some places in the buildings which reflect the characteristics of Muslim and non-Muslim people. These places changed as long as the people became different. The intended use of some places changed as a result of the leaving of non-Muslim people from Sille. For example, the coffer house which was used by the non-Muslim people for making wine was removed.

There was determined that these places were transformed into the rooms where the syrup is made, barns for the animals or the rooms used for storage.

The following suggestions could be made as a result of this study.

• The changes made within indoors should be formed by considering its effects on the frontages that are the external skin of the building.

• The spatial continuity could be provided with the changes on the buildings that are made at the end of the adaptation process as a result of cultural change.

• The changes made in order to provide the genuine appearance of buildings could be done by using genuine materials.

• The precautions could be taken by the authorities in order to prevent the changes in terms of interior places and frontages of the buildings which have the character of a historical museum with the traces of different cultures inside without considering cultural values of them.

• Determining the effect of cultural change over architectural design could be useful for providing the cultural continuity of the region.

• The changes occurred on the frontages of the buildings should be determined because of the fact that they change the view of street and tissue of city accordingly.

Acknowledgements This study was prepared by Miss Aslı TAŞ (2015) grounding on master thesis of which topic was “Spatial Continuity of Cultural Change in a Residential Area: Sille/Hacı Ali Aga Street”, in counseling of Dr. Şebnem ERTAŞ.

This research was supported by TUBITAK. (The scientific and technological research and council of Turkey with the grant number: 114K599) Thank you to the entire team working in the Project at TUBITAK. References Akgül, O., (2004). Turizm: İlkeler ve Yönetim, Yüksel, A. and Hancer, M. (Editors), Culture Tourism, Turhan Publication, Ankara, 209-226.

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An analysis of the properties of recycled PET fiber-gypsum composites

Seda ERDEM1, Nihal ARIOĞLU2 1 erdemsed@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 nihalarioglu@beykent.edu.tr • Department of Architecture and Engineering, Faculty of Architecture and Engineering, Beykent University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.70288

Received: April 2016 • Final Acceptance: February 2017

Abstract The production of composites materials has gained importance due to the increasing and more complex needs of today. Materials used for composites, where the aim is to produce products that have better properties compared to the components forming the main body, can be composed of products obtained from raw materials or recycled products. By adding PET fibers, which are among recycled products, into the composites, the use of limited raw material resources and the harm to the environment during the processes during the lifecycle of the product is minimized. Additionally, gypsum, which is used as matrix in the composite, is easily obtainable, has adequate raw material resources, is easily given form, produces a clean-flat surface, has sufficient tensile and compressive strength and is a good humidity equalizer and sound regulator. However, gypsum has a low impact strength and toughness value. As it is necessary to increase its impact resistance, some research is carried out to this end. In this study, composite material is produced by adding polyethylene terephthalate fibers that are recycled products manufactured from recycled PET bottles and which have not been tried before and PVA based adherence-enhancing additive into the gypsum matrix to improve the properties of gypsum. Test results show that with the addition of fiber the flexural strength of gypsum has somewhat decreased but the addition of the adherence-enhancing additive has considerably increased the compressive and flexural strength. As expected from fiber reinforced composites, the impact and toughness values of the material has considerably increased. The positive effect of the adherence additive between the gypsum matrix and the fiber is clearly visible in the micro analysis carried out.

Keywords Composites, Gypsum, Recycled PET fibers.

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1. Introduction The energy used in the production, usage and elimination phases of new materials is quite high. Besides, raw material resources found in nature is quite limited. Additionally, the processes present in the lifecycle of the material create soil, water and air pollution and the environment is damaged. The efforts to avoid these damages, eliminate them and minimize the usage of resources increase the importance of recycling.

Recycling lowers the resources required during the production process, preserves the energy required during production and transportation and reduces the damage to the environment caused by the lifecycle of the products (Lei et al., 2009). Recycling is important because of both ecological and economic reasons.

The price of materials obtained through recycling methods are relatively cheaper than materials produced out of raw materials (Parres et al., 2009).

Today, polymers, which are one of the most widely used materials, remain in nature without decaying for many years. As their waste causes pollution, it is necessary to recycle them. The production of PET bottles made of polyethylene terephthalate is increasing every year in relation to the welfare level and consumption. While in 2012 the manufacture of PET bottles in Turkey was 3,8 billion liters, it is believed to be approximately 4.1 billion liters in 2013 (http://www.suder.org.tr). The yearly consumption of PET in the world is approximately 13 million tons (Ahmad et al., 2008). Although the consumption of the PET bottles is high, waste PET bottles can now be recycled with chemical and mechanical methods and recycled material obtained from waste PET bottles are reused in the textile, information and construction sectors.

On the other hand, gypsum is one of the traditional building materials with a wide range of use; it is used for centuries for functions such as acoustic insulation and separating wall elements.

Although gypsum is a material that is easily obtainable, is cheap, has sufficient mechanical resistance strength as well as humidity equalizer and

brittle behavior properties, its impact strength is low.

The main aim of this study is to improve the brittleness and the impact strength of the gypsum composite material that may be used in buildings and to recycle rPET fibers and to research the possibilities of producing new composite materials from these fibers and gypsum. The study is experimental and the mechanical and physical properties of the composites developed are determined by SEM analysis which are advanced technical analysis.

Thus, it is believed that for the gypsum composites, a contribution is made to increasing its performance as a building material and by using rPET fibers a contribution is made to the improvement of economic and ecologic conditions.

2. Experimental 2.1. Materials and technical testing Physical and mechanical tests of composites were made at the Materials Laboratory of the Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University.

Molding plaster preferred for building interiors and made of β-calcium sulfate hemihydrate (β-CaSO4.1/2 H2O) was used in the tests. Recycled polyethylene terephthalate fibers were used as reinforcement phase in the composite. During the production phase of the preparatory work carried out with the staple fibers created as the end-product by the company that procured fiber, it was observed that rPET fibers were not dispersed homogeneously in the gypsum paste. This time, products that did not undergo finishing in the production process, that were moist and uncut with diameters of 3,3 and 6,6 dtex were obtained from the supplier. A homogeneous dispersion was achieved in the studies that were made with this product whose qualifications were defined.

In the main experiments, critical fiber length of these fibers in the composite was calculated and the fibers were cut in the laboratory into 10 mm lengths in accordance with this calculation.

During the sample production, it was determined that the setting duration of gypsum was inadequate for the preparation and molding of the samples. Due to this, citric acid (C6H8O7)

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was added to the mixture at the ratio of 0,025% of the weight of the gypsum to delay the setting of the gypsum. Additionally, PVA based adherence-enhancing additive was added to the mixture at the ratio of 5% of the weight to increase the adherence between the gypsum matrix and the rPET fibers.

During the sample production, when the rPET fibers were first added to gypsum powder and then water was added, the fibers were not dispersed homogeneously. This time gypsum paste and rPET fibers were first mixed with the help of a mixer. However, during the process of mixing, the fibers stuck to the mixer and lumps were formed and it was observed that they, again, were not dispersed homogeneously.

As it was emphasized in the literature (Arıoğlu et al., 2008) that the fibers had a structure prone to forming lumps in a dry mixture, this time the fibers were left in water before the mixing process and thus it was ensured that they were dispersed homogeneously in water.

Rest of the materials (gypsum powder, polymer additive and citric acid as a retarder) were added to the mixture and they were mixed manually and a homogeneous mixture was obtained.

The ratio of the fibers in the mixtures were determined as 0.05%, 0.075%, 0.1%, 0.15%, 0.2%, 0.25%, 05% and 1%. Samples with more than 1% fiber volume (2% and 5%) were also prepared but production was stopped as the dispersions were not homogeneous in these samples.

Samples were first prepared with the ratio of water/gypsum for the gypsum matrix as 50/100, 55/100, 60/100, 65/100 and 70/100. The water/gypsum

ratio of the mixture prepared for the gypsum-fiber composites was determined as 0,65 as this made the casting easier during the application.

Standard samples were produced with a dimension of 40 x 40 x 160mm and were left to dry in a 40oC drying-oven for 7 days. For experiments made to determine the modulus of elasticity and toughness values, the samples prepared were Φ75 mm x 150 mm. For determining the impact strength test 10 x 10 x 160 mm samples were produced (Fig. 1 a-b). The homogeneous dispersion of the rPET fibers in the gypsum matrix can be seen clearly in the photographs.

(a)

(b)

2.2. SEM Analysis SEM analysis were made to analyze the micro structures of the rPET fibers used as reinforcement phases with the gypsum matrix in the composites. Thus, a clearer information will be obtained about the interaction, adherence and the behavior of the fibers between gypsum and fiber. SEM analyses were made in the ITU Nano/ Micro Electromechanical Systems Laboratory and Material Laboratory of the Trento University in Italy. The mechanical tests were conducted with Seidner Form+Test Compression Testing Machine with bending press (10 kN) and compression press (200 kN). The impact strength tests were investigated on a CEAST 2000, by the Charpy method, on notched specimen. TS EN 13279-1, TS EN 13279-2 standards were used in all tests. The surfaces of ruptures were gold-sputtered for microscopy observations by means of a Field Emission Scanning Electron Microscope (FE-

Figure 1. rPET fiber-gypsum composite samples.

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SEM, Supra 40, Zeiss) for microstructural analysis.

3. Results and discussion 3.1. Mechanical properties of gypsum-rPET fibers composites Mechanical resistance strength of fiber-reinforced composites changes in relation to the adherence between the matrix and the phase. The fibers are bound together and are held aligned in the important stressed directions by matrix. Through the matrix, the principal load bearing elements are fibers, and these loads are transferred to the fibers by the matrix. The efficiency of this transfer is related to the quality of the bond between the fiber and the matrix. The adherence between the surface of the fibers and the matrix must be strong and the matrix must be able to transform the shear stress to the fibers (Özkul, 2016). Accordingly, critical fiber length gains importance for the composites reinforced with staple fibers. In situations where fibers shorter than the critical fiber length are used, the fibers do not have a strengthening effect in the composite. Additionally, if the adherence between the fiber and the matrix is weak, the fibers get out of the matrix and are separated. The critical fiber length of the rPET fiber that will be used for tests is calculated by the Kelly-Tyson correlation given in Formula 1 (Erdem, 2013).

Here, lcrit represents critical fiber length, σ the tensile strength of the fiber, d the diameter of the fiber and τ the shear stress. The critical fiber length has been calculated as 10 mm according to this.

(1) Another approach in determining the critical fiber length was used and gypsum composites reinforced with rPET fibers were produced with the

same volume ratio (1%) and with different lengths (10, 20, 30 and 40mm).

Adherence-enhancing additives were not added into these samples. Table 1 includes weight per unit of volume and flexural strengths of these composites.

As seen in Table 1, the weight per unit of volume of the reference gypsum is measured as 1,16 gr/cm3. It is observed that the weight per unit of volume value of the gypsum composites decreases due to the addition of fibers. Additionally, the flexural strengths of the composites decrease as the fiber length increases. Eve, et al. (2002) analyzed the properties of gypsum composites reinforced with different lengths of polyamide fibers and determined that as fiber lengths increase, the fibers were not dispersed homogeneously in the matrix and thus the flexural strengths of the samples decrease. The reason for this decrease was explained by the increase in the capillary structure of the composites (Eve et al., 2002). Similar results were achieved in this study as well. With the addition of the rPET fiber, the capillary structure of the composite increased, as the fiber length increased, the fibers were not dispersed homogenously. It was determined that the sample prepared with the 10mm fiber had the highest flexural strength. Results of experimental studies also prove that the critical 10 mm fiber length determined by calculations is the right decision.

Figure 2 shows the weight per unit of volume graph of samples. The weight per unit of volume of the reference gypsum without fiber is 1,12 gr/ cm3. It is seen that as the fiber ratio increases, the values of samples with 3,3 dtex do not change. There is an insignificant increase to 1,13 gr/cm3’e in the values of the samples with %0,75, %0,1, %0,15, %0,2 and % 0,5 fiber in volume.

The reason for this situation is believed to be the increasing capillary structure

Table 1. Flexural strength values of gypsum composites reinforced with fibers of different lengths.

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Figure 2. Graph showing weight per unit of volume of composites.

Figure 3. Graph showing compressive strength of composites.

due to the increase in the fiber volume ratio. It was determined that sample values of 3,3 dtex fiber composites and reference gypsum sample without fiber were the same, 1,12 gr/cm3 between the ratios 0,05% and 0,2%. As per volume, between the ratios %0,25 and %1, the weight per unit of volume of samples containing 6,6 dtex fiber decreased a little and was determined as 1,11 gr/

cm3. Table 2 shows test results belonging to composites containing 10mm long 3,3 and 6i6 dtex rPET fibers and reinforced with PVA based adherence enhancing additives.

The compressive strength of the reference gypsum without fiber is 3,1 N/ mm2. Although there is a decrease in the compressive strengths of the composites due to the increase in the fiber volume ratio, it is determined that these values are higher than those of the reference gypsum without fiber.

With the addition of the fiber, the compressive strength of the gypsum has increased almost 62% (See Fig. 3).

The sample with the highest value has 0,075% fiber by volume. It is believed that the fibers counterbalance the horizontal tensile stress and prevent the shear stress and horizontal swellings formed in the composites. Therefore, it can be said that the mechanical resistance of the composites has increased.

Siddique et al. (2008), in a citation from Soroushian et al. (2003), stated that the compressive strengths of concrete composites reinforced with recycled polymer fibers increased a small amount (Siddique et al., 2008).

Figure 4 shows the test results of the three-point bending method carried out on the composites with a dimension of 40x40x160 mm. The effect of fiber addition is seen clearly in case of flexion. Additionally, fibrous charac-

Table 2. Properties of rPET fiber-gypsum composites.

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teristics such as the type, form, slenderness ratio and volume ratio of the fiber play an important role in toughness (Ersoy, 2001). In this study, the flexural strength values of all composites have increased with the addition of the fiber.

The highest flexural strength value is 4,47 N/mm2 and this was determined in the 0,05% fiber by volume composites with 6,6 dtex fiber. Nevertheless, as the fiber proportion increased, the flexural strength of composites decreased a little. Similarly, Eve et al. (2002), in their study analyzing the gypsum composites with polyamide fibers, expressed that the flexural strength of composites decreased with the increase in fiber by volume ratio and that samples including polyamide fiber between 0% and 1% by volume have the highest value (Eve et al., 2002).

When Table 1 and Table 2 are analyzed, the positive effect off adherence-enhancing additives on the flexural strengths of fiber reinforced composites are clearly seen. In Table 1, it is seen that in comparison with the reference gypsum without fiber, there is an insignificant increase in the flexural strength values of the composites with fibers with no adherence-enhancing additives. However, in Table 2 it is seen that with the addition of the adherence enhancing additives there is a 42% improvement in the flexural strength values. It is determined that the adherence-enhancing additive surrounds the fibers and improves the adherence between fiber and gypsum that is weak and decreases the porosity of the matrix.

In fiber-reinforced composites, not only the volume ratio, but also the diameter of the fiber influences the mechanical endurance of the composites.

As the length/diameter ratio of the fibers increase the amount of weight transferred to the fibers by the matrix also increases. When sufficient interface bond is provided for the composites produced by small diameter fibers, higher strength is achieved than the composites reinforced with large diameter fibers (Şahin, 2006). It is determined here as well that the toughness of samples with 3,3 dtex fibers are higher than the others.

Charpy impact test results involving

Figure 4. Flexural strength of composites graph.

Figure 5. Charpy impact value of composites graph.

Figure 6. composites.

Modulus

of

elasticity

of

Figure 7. Toughness of composites.

10x10x160 mm composites are shown as graphics in Figure 5. As expected, as the fiber volume ratio increases, the impact resistance values of composites also increase. Impact value is improved almost twice and the highest impact value belongs to the composites

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with the highest amount of fiber (1%).

The fact that the gypsum composite has a higher impact resistance in comparison to reference gypsum without fiber can be explained with the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Gordon-Cookâ&#x20AC;? theory. The impact power is directed towards the direction of the fiber when approaching the fiber. A large part of the deformation power is transformed into tensile strength and friction. Because of this, shear stress is created between the fiber and the matrix and this situation continues until the adherence between the fiber and the matrix is weakened (Ersoy, 2001).

The use of adherence enhancing additives in this study strengthens this situation and consequently decreases considerably the brittleness of the gypsum.

It is seen in Figure 6 that the modulus of elasticity values of the composites increase as the amount of fiber increases. It is determined that composites with 1% of fiber volume have the highest modulus of elasticity values. Pursuant to the static modulus of elasticity correlation, although tensile strengths of composites with different fiber volume proportions do not change significantly, deformation decreases because of the increase in fiber and hence causes an increase in the modulus of elasticity. Figure 7 shows the toughness values of the composites.

As the amount of fiber increases, there is an increase in the toughness values also increase, like the modulus of elasticity. This increase is an expected result in all fiber-reinforced composites.

The impact strength of the gypsum samples is increased with rPET fibers.

The toughness value of the reference gypsum sample without fiber was increased 7 times following the addition of fibers. When the toughness values of the composites with the lowest fiber ratio (0,05% of volume) and the composite with the highest fiber ration (1% of volume) are compared, there is approximately a 62% improvement.

Fibers prevent the micro cracks from developing into macro cracks in the composites under stress and thus prevent sudden fractures in composites because of compression and impact.

Toughness value results calculated by the stress deformation graph support the results of the Charpy impact test.

Like all other composites with brittle matrix and ductile fibers, the power holding characteristic of the material increases toughness under pressure (Ersoy, 2001). Similarly, Parres (2009) stated that under impact the brittleness of gypsum reinforced with polyamide fibers obtained from wasted tires decreases with the addition of fibers (Parres et al., 2009).

Still, it is stated that no matter how strictly the production conditions are controlled, composites are generally among materials with highest failure rate (Aran, 1990). It is known that the amount of these failures change in relation to production methods. For example, manually produced composites have the highest rate of failure. Additionally, in fiber reinforced composites, failure occurs due to following reasons: the average fiber volume ratio being small, misplacement or breaking of the fiber, presence of fibers not dispersed homogenously and dense parts in the matrix, delamination, errors due to setting of the material, resin cracks formed during cooling at the end of the production and errors due to the presence of areas with fibers undampened by the matrix (Aran, 1990). Likewise, it is stated that these failures lower the strength of the composite materials and the drop gets bigger by the increase of strain.

In this study, many unfavorable situations in line with the above-mentioned views have been encountered. The gypsum paste was first mixed with a mixer but it was observed that the fibers stuck to the mixer and formed balls and did not disperse homogeneously. Therefore, the method of manual production was preferred to mix the gypsum paste and the mixing of fibers into the gypsum paste. However, the above-mentioned failures occurred in the gypsum composite and accordingly, there were drops in the mechanical strengths of the composite samples.

3.2. Morphology of gypsumrecycled PET fiber composites The micro analysis of gypsum composites and the dispersion of fibers in the matrix was carried out by scanning electron microscope (SEM). When the reference gypsum without fiber in Fig-

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(a) (b) Figure 7. SEM photographs of reference gypsum samples without fiber magnified (a) 2.00 KX, (b) 5.00 KX times.

(a) (b) Figure 8. SEM photographs magnified 500 X times of gypsum composites reinforced with 6,6 dtex rPET fibers and without adherence-enhancing additives.

(a) (b) Figure 9. SEM photographs magnified 1.00 KX times of gypsum composites reinforced with 3,3 dtex rPET fibers and with adherence-enhancing additives.

ure 7a-b is analyzed, small needle-like crystals inside the gypsum is seen.

These crystals have a complex layout and a random orientation. When the microstructure of the gypsum was analyzed in other studies small needle-like crystals were similarly observed (See Eve et al. 2007).

Figure 8 shows the SEM images of gypsum composites containing only fiber and without adherence-enhanc-

ing additives. In these photographs the crystalline microstructure of the fiber, rPET fibers, dehydrate crystals adhered to the fibers and details of the bond between the fiber and the gypsum are seen.

In the preliminary tests, moisture-free fibers were used in the gypsum paste but as they did not disperse homogeneously, uncut and unfinished rPET fibers were procured from the

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(a)

(b)

Figure 10. SEM photographs magnified 1.00 KX times of gypsum composites reinforced with 6,6 dtex rPET fibers and with adherence-enhancing additives.

company. These moist fibers were cut according to the critical fiber length and were used in the composite. However, the use of moist fibers created a problem. During the sample production process, following the drying of composites in the drying-oven, the fibers lost some of the water they contained and because of the decrease in volume the fibers shrunk and voids were formed around them. Although the dehydrate crystals adhered to the fibers show some amount of adherence between the gypsum matrix and the fibers, the presence of voids around the fibers indicate the weakness of the adherence between the fiber and the gypsum matrix (See Figure 8a-b). In other words, it is believed that adequate adherence between the gypsum matrix and the fibers was not achieved because of these voids. Similar results were found in literature research (Eve et al., 2007).

In Figures 9 and 10 the dispersion of the rPET fibers inside the gypsum composites that contain adherence-enhancing additive. The voids seen around the fibers in Figure 8 are not seen in these composites because of the added adherence-enhancing additives.

Rubio-Avalos et al. (2005) have stated that by the addition of styrene-butadiene latex additives into the gypsum, the capillary voids in the gypsum matrix are filled and this additive coats the surfaces of the gypsum crystals, and forms a polymer film layer, in other words a polymer mesh layer inside the matrix. Thus, under strain, the spread of micro cracks in the composites is prevented and the flexural strength of the composites is increased (Ru-

bio-Avalos et al., 2005). Here as well, it can be said that, following the addition of the adherence enhancing additive, a polymer film layer was created inside the gypsum matrix similarly and the adherence enhancer surrounded the fibers and increased the adherence between the gypsum and the fibers.

Following this improvement, the mechanical strength of the composites has increased.

4. Conclusion Studies made to decrease the use of raw material resources to produce building materials and the energy used for the production-consumption processes, to minimize the direct or indirect harm given to the environment, gain more importance every day. In this study, fiber from wasted PET bottles was added into the gypsum matrix and a composite material was designed and produced in lab scale. Thus, the aim was to achieve both economic and ecologic benefits and to improve properties of gypsum such as the low impact strength-toughness value. In the tests carried out, first rPET fibers in different lengths were added into the gypsum matrix and the flexural strength values of these composites were determined and compared. Their strength values were observed to be lower than the gypsum without fiber. In tests made for a homogenous mixture and to determine the fiber length, it was observed that as the fiber length increased, the fibers were not dispersed homogenously in the composite and accordingly their strength values dropped. It was decided that the best way to prevent fibers forming lumps in the mixture was to

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leave the fibers in water before the mixing process and ensure their homogenous dispersion. As a result of these tests, critical fiber length was determined to be 10 mm. When it was determined that the adherence between the fiber and the gypsum was not adequate, adherence enhancing additives were added to the composite. In the micro analysis, when the additive was added it was observed that the adherence enhancer surrounded the fibers, increased the bond between the fibers and the gypsum and improved adherence. In other words, it was observed that voids that decreased the adherence and the strength were not created around the fibers. In measurement performed under these conditions, a significant increase in the mechanical strengths of the composites was determined. Thus, an improvement of 60% in the compressive strength and 40% in the flexural strength of the composites were achieved. It is also believed that in flexural strength, the fibers met horizontal tensile stress and prevented the shear stress and horizontal swelling formed in the composites. The best performance was achieved with composites containing 0,1% fiber by volume. The use of fiber and adherence enhancer together improved more than expected the toughness and impact resistance values of gypsum. The toughness value increased almost 7 times while the impact resistance value increased twice. The modulus of elasticity also increased significantly. These results are believed to be guiding for studies made to solve problems developing due to the use of wasted fiber in the composites. It is believed that the compressive strengths of composites may be improved by the production of composites with the fibers placed orderly in a single direction instead of a random dispersion. When the fibers are dispersed angularly, when force is applied perpendicularly to direction of the fiber, the fibers act like voids in the composites and some amount of decrease is seen in the strength of the composites (Arıoğlu et al., 2008).

However, when force is applied perpendicular to the fibers, the reaction of the fibers will change. Therefore, laying down the fibers biaxial and uni-

formly in the composites must also be researched.

Acknowledgements The authors gratefully acknowledge Prof. Dr. Erol Gürdal, Prof. Dr. Claudio Migliaresi, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Levent Trabzon, Dr. Serkan Yatağan, Dr. Dario Zeni, İbrahim Öztürk, Prof. Dr. Ergin Arıoğlu, Zehra Kundak, Mümin Balaban and for their helpful participation and also appreciate the hospitality of the Department of Materials and Industrial Technologies at the University of Trento, Italy.

References Ahmad, I., Mosadeghzad, Z., Daik, R. and Ramli, A. (2008). The effect of alkali treatment and filler size on the properties of sawdust/UPR composites based on recycled PET wastes, Journal of Applied Sciences, 109, 3651–3658.

Aran, A. (1990). Elyaf Takviyeli Karma Malzemeler, [Fiber Reinforced Composites], İstanbul: İstanbul Technical University Rectorship Offset Shop, Turkey.

Arıoğlu, E., Yüksel, A., Yılmaz, A.,O. (2008) Püskürtme Beton, Bilgi Föyleri-Çözümlü Problemler, [Shotcrete, Data Sheets- Problems with Solutions], Chamber of Mining Engineers of Turkey Publishing No:142, İstanbul.

Ersoy, H. Y. (2001). Kompozit Malzeme, [Composite Materials], İstanbul: Literatür Publishing.

Eve, S., Gomina, M., Hamel, J. & Orange, G. (2002). Microstructural and mechanical behaviour of polyamide fibre-reinforced plaster composites, Journal of the European Ceramic Society, 22, 2269-2275.

Eve, S., Gomina, M., Ozouf, J. C. & Orange, G. (2007). Microstructure of latex-filled plaster composites, Journal of the European Ceramic Society, 27, 1395-1398.

Lei, Y., Wu, Q., Clemons, C. and Guo, W. (2009). Phase structure and properties of poly(ethylene terephthalate) / high-density polyethylene based on recycled materials, Journal of Applied Polymer Science, 113, 1710–1719. Özkul, H., (2016). Composite Materials Lecture Notes, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey.

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Erdem, S. (2013).

Geri dönüştürülmüş PET lifi-alçı kompozitlerin özelliklerinin belirlenmesi, [An analysis of the properties of the recycled PET fiber-gypsum composites], (Ph.D. Thesis), Istanbul Technical University, Turkey.

Parres, F., Crespo-Amorós, J. E. and Nadal-Gisbert, A. (2009). Mechanical properties analysis of plaster reinforced with fiber and microfiber obtained from shredded tires, Construction and Building Materials, 23, 3182-3188.

Rubio-Avalos, J. C., Manzano-Ramírez, A., Luna-Bárcenas, J. G.,

Pérez-Robles, J. F., Alonso-Guzmán, E. M., Contreras-García, M. E. & González-Hernández, J. (2005). Flexural behaviour and microstructure of a gypsum-SBR composite material, Materials Letters, 59, 230–233.

Siddique, R., Khatib, J. and Kaur, I. (2008). Use of recycled plastic in concrete: a review, Waste Management, 28, 1835-1852.

SUDER (http://www.suder.org.tr) Şahin, Y. (2006). Kompozit Malzemelere Giriş, [Introduction to Composite Materials], Ankara: Seçkin Publishing.

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The effect of relative humidity and moisture to the durability of spruce and laminated timber

Mustafa Erkan KARAGÜLER1, Gülfem KAYA2 1 karagulerm@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 gulfemkaya@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.18480

Received: March 2016 • Final Acceptance: February 2017

Abstract Wood is a hygroscopic material. Material properties are affected by the hygroscopicity of wood; for example, the strength value decreases with increasing moisture content of wood. Wood in the living tree generally has a moisture content (MC) of 30% or greater. The cell wall is fully saturated. After the tree is felled, the green wood is exposed to atmospheric conditions. It loses water until it comes to an adequately low moisture content to be at equilibrium with the surrounding atmosphere. This is called equilibrium moisture content (EMC) which is approximately proportional to the relative atmospheric humidity (RH). Also, EMC varies with the kind and distribution of cell-wall constituents, different wood species, affected by temperature, between heartwood and sapwood, extractives, previous exposure history and mechanical stress. The EMC decreases with decreasing relative humidity, also, increases with the increasing relative humidity of the surrounding air at a constant temperature. The important point that the EMC at a given relative humidity is not constant. It is increased or decreased to reach equilibrium depends on the level of moisture in the timber. The paper presents experimentally and theoretically approach to the effect of relative humidity and moisture to the durability of massive spruce and spruce laminated timber during to drying and wetting exposure.

Keywords Moisture, Laminated timber, Durability, Massive spruce, Strength, Compression, Bending.

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1. Introduction The most important factor affecting the equilibrium moisture content of wood is the relative humidity or relative vapor pressure (h) to which the wood is exposed.

The strength of timber depends on its moisture content and the duration of load. Moisture gradients lead to cause local swelling or shrinkage, that changes the stress distribution and has an impact on load bearing capacity.

Moisture presents in wood with adsorbed by the cell walls or fills within the cell cavities after the cell walls are saturated. The first type is called bound water and the second free water. Adsorbed water softens the cellulose/lignin material of the cell water.

Therefore, it reduces all strength and stiffness properties; that weakens the wood (Stalnaker and Harris, 1989).

In practical, it can be said that all strength properties decrease as MC increases, but the fiber saturation point (FSP) in increased. FSP is the moisture content at which the cell wall material is completely saturated, but the cell cavities are mostly empty. If wood dried at the manufactory to the usual moisture content, then it tends to use in a very dry location, such as the interior of a heated building. The material gives up moisture to the atmosphere, and then maybe it will shrinking and perhaps warping. On the other hand, if the wood is used in a very moist place, such as in a bathroom or over a swimming pool, it will absorb moisture from the atmosphere, swelling and perhaps again warping. This moisture movement is a slow process, so that if atmospheric conditions fluctuate, the moisture content tend to reach average value. An important point that the timber elements be dried to a moisture content approximately equal to the EMC of its surroundings, intended use.

If green wood is thoroughly dried, swelling and shrinkage are slight in the longitudinal direction, varying from 0.1% to 0.2%. However, they are considerably more in the radial direction 4%to 4,5% and highest of all tangentially 7,5%-8,5%. The position of the annual rings is usually not known in advance. Thus, in estimating the dimension change, the designer should

assume the rings to be nearly parallel to the dimension in question; that is, the larger dimension change (tangential) should be anticipated.

Vanya (2012) summarize the reasons for cracking in glulam beams; change in air humidity, hindered shrinking and bulking mainly at connections, cycling changing in climatic conditions, incorrect gluing, low-quality adhesive, end grain lamellas without surface protection, outrunning grain, different moisture content in lamellas, different thickness of the lamellas, perpendicular normal stresses, other kinds of technological problems.

According to Vanya (2012), small cracks are not rare in glulam beams.

These cracks are the result of the changes in humidity. Absorption of water depends on the grain direction like its other physical properties because of its orthogonal anisotropic structure. In the grain direction, the absorbed volume of water is higher than transverse direction. Swelling occurs by the absorbed water that builds between the fibers, loss of water causes shrinking for the same reason. When air humidity changes too quickly, swelling and shrinking cannot follow this process, and that time internal stress occur, the developing internal stresses cause deformations and cracking in the wood.

Cyclic climatic changes decrease the strength of the wood.

If the moisture content of the glulam beam is homogeneous, there are no inner stresses. This appearance is extraordinary in the value of the moisture content. There is no homogeneity in the moisture content of the lamellas in new built glued laminated timber construction, at least not at a particular time. Lamellas’ moisture content will be equal to humidity, but this takes time, and during this equalization process, the superposition of the inner and external stresses can cause damage.

Angst and Malo (2012) emphasized that climate variations affected timber structures by causing moisture induced stresses. These stresses may lead to injury in wood members. In their experimental study, moisture induced stresses that arise perpendicular to the grain of glulam specimens during exposure to one-dimensional drying and

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wetting. Timber structures are affected by climate variants of the environment, as moisture gradients are induced, and, therefore, internal stresses arise.

According to Angst and Malo’s (2012) experimental study, the difference between local stress and average stress depends on the geometrical configuration of the glulam laminates.

The varying relative humidity (RH) induced stresses perpendicular to grain in timber members.

Another experimental study from Gereke and Niemz (2009) show that the change of the wood moisture content is accompanied by a volume change of the material. The swelling and shrinkage change considerably between the directions perpendicular and parallel to the grain. A change in humidity causes an irregular moisture distribution that anticipates to spatial variation of the swelling/shrinkage.

The results showed that the important of local stresses. Local stresses are seriously larger than average stresses.

The results showed that moisture induced stress leads to small cracks in the cross section even without external load. These cracks could reduce the load bearing capacity of the member.

The cracks will start in the central part of the timber in the case of wetting exposure, and this is not visible from the outside of the element.

Based on compression tests in Frese, and others (2012) study numerically reproduced, the influence of the density, the moisture content and the knot area ratio on the compressive strength was investigated. The knot area ratio of the used sawn timber reduces marginally to the strength value.

Fragiacomo and others (2011) focused on a study of internal stresses perpendicular to grain induced in timber by variations of moisture content that are caused by exposure to different climates. The fact that, tension perpen-

dicular to the grain is the most common failure mode.

2. Materials and methods Tension perpendicular to grain is the most common and critical failure mode in timber construction. RH gradients in climatic conditions, affect timber structures with causing internal stresses. An experimental approach has been conducted in order to examine the effect of the relative humidity and the wetting and drying exposure to the timber samples at a constant temperature. The scope of the present work is to submit enough experimental study for releasing characteristic strength values for laminated timber and structural timber in the mechanical properties.

2.1. Specimens Laminated sample which is made of spruce with nine lamellas, four lamellas, and massive spruce samples were prepared. The specimens were between 12±2% moisture content, and they were conditioned to equilibrium at 23Cº and 60% relative humidity. All specimens have been weighed and measured. In glulam specimens, annual rings orientation has been disregarded. The type of glue is Melamine Urea Formaldehyde (MUF) in laminated timber. The samples have been grouped into three types as shown in figure1.

• Type A: 40mmx40mmx160mm:18 specimens each with 9 lamellas: Each spruce lamellas were approximately 18mm thickness, 12±2% moisture content.

• Type B: 40mmx40mmx160mm: 18 specimens each with 4 lamellas: Each spruce lamellas were approximately 40mm thickness, 12±2% moisture content.

• Type L: 40mmx40mmx160mm:18 specimens of spruce: massive, 12±2% moisture content.

Figure 1. A series with 9 spruce lamellas - B series 4 spruce lamellas - L series massive spruce.

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2.2. Methods Nine lamellas laminated timber, four lamellas laminated timber and massive spruce samples, each with the size of 40x40x160mm, has been prepared and marked. According to figure 2, total 54 specimens have been put in the climatic chamber with an RH of 90% and 23ºC temperature in wetting exposure.

The same amount of specimens with the same specifications have put in the climatic chamber with an RH of 40% and 23 ºC temperature in drying exposure. The samples located in climatic chamber properly that shown in figure 3.

2.3. Tests According to table 1 bending tests perpendicular to grain and compression tests which were perpendicular to grain and parallel to grain have been performed to the trial group of specimens after 7,14,28,35 and 42 days of wetting and drying respectively.

As seen in figure 5, because of the tension perpendicular to grain failure, the cracks occurred and run distinctly in the direction of the applied force.

According to EN 1193, compression strength perpendicular to grain (σc,90) defines for experimental study. The specimens often show tension perpendicular to grain failure before the compression strength value is reached.

Force applied perpendicular to grain as shown in figure 6. While the wood became more dense as it was compressed, that action caused slight displacement of the supported member.

Thus, limits were placed on allowable loading in bearing perpendicular to the grain.

3. Results In this study glulam and massive spruce specimens were exposed to wetting and drying climate changes. All test results have been recorded and strength–time graphics have been drawn for each set of specimens in each climate conditions. No serious failures have been observed in the specimen with a moisture content 12 ±2%. On the other hand, brittle failure has been observed in the specimens with knots under the axial loads, mild grained specimens and laminated timber spec-

Figure 2. Climatic chamber.

Figure 3. The samples were put in the climatic chamber.

imens with improperly glued lamellas.

Strength in static bending is an important mechanical property because in most structures wood is subjected to loads which cause it to bend. The strength of timber in bending is usually expressed by the modulus of rupture.

According to the strength values both for compression and bending tests, some of the samples gave so high or so small strength values. At that time, it can be said that most important factor for the structural glulam elements was

Figure 4. Test program.

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Figure 5. Bending tests.

Figure 6. Compression perpendicular to grain.

Figure 7. Improperly glued lamella.

Figure 8. Knot under the axial load.

identified to be the annual ring pattern or the geometrical pith location of the lamellas within a cross section.

On the other hand, as seen in figure 7, the cracks have been observed easily from the improperly glued lamella in perpendicular to grain bending test.

The strength of wood may be considerably reduced by knots, depending on their kind, size, and location and on the type of loading. The following table 1 presents a comparison of bending strength in laminated timber with nine lamellas which include knot and without a knot. Sample A-12 includes knot and decreases the bending value approximately 50%. Knot often causes damage and reduces the strength value of the material.

The different values were recorded for the samples in the same properties.

There are so many probabilities for these results. It has been observed, that in softwoods like spruce, tangential compression strength is higher than radial, whereas the situation is opposite in hardwoods. The annual ring orientation in a laminated timber samples has a significant influence on the strength value of the elements. Constitute positions of the piths in the walls reduces strength of the laminated timber.

Wetting exposure didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t affect the strength value of the specimens significantly which are approximately in the same moisture content 12Âą2% that shown in Table 2.

But it can be easily said that the sample with 4 lamellas had higher strength values than 9 lamellas samples, but the spruce massive samples had the highest value for section of the same size.

According to table 3, the strength values of compression perpendicular to grain in wetting exposure, was similar for both test groups. On the other hand, compression tests parallel to grain the results showed that the glulam samples were similar, but massive

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spruce samples had higher strength values that were relevant to the section size of the samples as seen in table 4.

In structural applications, the height of the laminated timber beam element is increased depending on the opening to be used according to calculations.

In table 5, in drying exposure, the results showed that massive spruce samples had the highest strength values according to specific cross section.

For the glulam samples, the specimens with 4 lamellas had a higher bending strength value than the specimens with 9 lamellas.

There was no serious difference between the glulam specimens in compression perpendicular to grain values as seen in table 6. But in contrast, 4 lamellas glulam test specimens had slightly higher strength value in compression tests parallel to grain in table 7.

Before the compression strength value is reached, tension perpendicular to grain failure often occurs in glulam but for structural massive timber such failure mode is not seen.

A strength test of wood in compression perpendicular to grain showed that the massive spruce sample with more summer woods had a higher compression value as shown in figure 9 and in table 8.

4. Conclusions • The bending strength of the 4 lamellas specimens is higher than those of the 9 lamellas specimens with the same section. In this particular section, the massive spruce samples have the highest values. This is pointed out that the cross section size of the lamellas is necessary for the glulam elements.

• As Angst (2012) stated perpendicular to grain is the weakest point of the timber and tension perpendicular to the grain is the most common failure mode as seen in the test results.

• Based on the results, it has been observed that the samples with more summer woods have a higher strength value. Summer wood is stronger than spring wood because it contains more cellulose.

• As a result of the tests for wetting

Table 1. The effect of knot on the strength value of the sample under the axial load.

Table 2. Bending tests results in wetting exposure.

Table 3. Compression perpendicular to the grain tests results in wetting exposure.

Table 4. Compression tests parallel to the grain in wetting exposure.

and drying exposure, it can be asserted that the effect of moisture gives vulnerability to the samples.

• Before the compression strength value is reached, tension perpendicular to grain failure often occurs in glulam but for structural massive timber such failure mode is not

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Table 5. Bending tests in drying exposure.

Table 6. Compression tests perpendicular to grain in drying exposure.

Table 7. Compression tests parallel to grain in drying exposure.

Table 8. Comparison strength value with the fewer summer woods sample (La-22) with, the more summer woods sample (La-23).

Figure 9. The spruce sample which has more summer woods has a higher compression value.

seen.

• The existence of the knots decreases the strength value of the timber.

Knots also affects the machining, drying and gluing properties of the wood. This means knots cause weakness in timber. Especially knots on the load axis cause a remarkable decrease in the strength value of the timber. Maybe it is impossible to avoid from the knots in the samples, but it is necessary to start as early as possible in order to reduce the diameter of the central knot core.

• As a consequence of wetting and drying exposure effect, the dissociation becomes more visible where the glue could not be applied properly. It can be said that the gluing line in glulams is an important part of the structural glulam elements.

References Aicher, S., Langer, G. L. (2005). Effect of Lamination Anisotropy and Lay up in Glued Laminated Timber.

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Angst, V. (2012). Moisture Induced Stresses in Glulam; Effect of Cross Section Geometry and Screw Reinforcement. Norwegian University of Science and Technology Faculty of Engineering Science and Technology Department of Structural Engineering. Norway.

Angst, V., Malo, K. A. (2010). Moisture Induced Stresses Perpendicular to the Grain Glulam: Review and Evaluation of the Relative Importance of Models and Parameters. Department of Structural Engineering, NTNU Norwegian University of Science and Technology. Holzforschung, 64(5), 609-617.

Angst, V., Malo, K. A. (2012). The Effect of Climate Variations on Glulam –An Experimental Study. European Journal of Wood and Wood Products,70(5), 603-613.

Astrup, T., Clorius, C. O., Damkilde, L., Hoyfmeyer, P. (2006). Size effect of Glulam Beams in Tension Perpendicular to Grain. Wood Science Technology, 41, 361-372.

Breyer, D. E., Fridley, K. J., Cobeen, K. E., Pollock, D. G. (2005). Design of Wood Structures, ASS/LRFD. United States of America: McGraw-Hill.

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Daylighting and architectural concept of traditional architecture: The Tongkonan in Toraja, Indonesia Parmonangan MANURUNG monang@staff.ukdw.ac.id • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Universitas Kristen Duta Wacana, Yogyakarta, Indonesia

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.65487

Received: May 2016 • Final Acceptance: March 2017

Abstract Indonesia has more than three hundred tribes distributed in various islands.

Since each tribe is divided into several traditions, this means Indonesia has hundreds of traditional architecture. One of the traditional architecture which has a unique design and a representation of Austronesian style is a traditional house Tongkonan. Tongkonan, built by the ancestors of the Toraja people, is based on their belief which called Aluk Todolo. This belief arranges the orientation of Tongkonan, sun has a great influence in the arrangement of exterior and interior space in Tongkonan.

The aim of this study is to find the relationship between the spatial patterns generated through Aluk Todolo belief and the quantity/quality of daylighting obtained based on light measurements and the review of the various theories on daylighting. The method used in this research is quantitative by measuring the quantity of daylight. This is supplemented by a review of theories about Aluk Todolo belief and architecture of Tongkonan within the framework of the theories of daylighting.

The results of the research show that although designed by ancestral belief, the architectural design of Tongkonan has already met the rules of daylighting design. The quantity of daylight inside Tongkonan has accommodated the needs of functions and activities. Design of Tongkonan’s roof has an important role in optimizing daylight and reducing solar heat and ultraviolet. In conclusion, traditional architecture designed based on Aluk Todolo belief has provided good quality and quantity daylight and can support the functions and activities of the building.

Keywords Traditional architecture, Tongkonan, Ancestral beliefs, Daylighting, Orientation.

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1. Introduction Indonesia is a country with hundreds of tribes and has a variety of cultures. Such cultural richness makes Indonesia has a variety of traditional architecture inherited from generation to generation. Ronald (2002:5) says Indonesia has more than three hundred tribes which can be further divided into several customs. Each custom has its own house so that Indonesia has hundreds of diverse customary houses. Meanwhile, Scefold, et al. (2004:4) argue that it is not difficult to choose architecture in Indonesia as a research object because most of the houses in the archipelago are interesting and important objects, not only the traditional houses but also the transformation of the modern houses. Furthermore, Scefold, Nas and Domenig (2004:4) say many ethnic groups in Indonesia have a wide variety of traditional houses and settlements with their specific history.

Figure 1 shows a map of Indonesia and the geographical location of the Tana Toraja Regency. Tana Toraja is located in South Sulawesi Province which is geographically located on the Sulawesi Island. Built for generations by the Toraja in South Sulawesi, Tongkonan house is a traditional house which is very important in Indonesia because it represents the history and development of architecture in Indonesia. According Wuisman (2009: 26), traditional and vernacular architecture in Indonesia is considered as a very important constituent element in highly diverse and complex architectural heritage. Furthermore, Wuisman (2009:2733) says that building which is the most important and most often built and included in the vernacular architectural tradition in Indonesia is house.

Buildings constructed by communities in the interior are considered to show greater similarity in various Austronesian buildings than houses of communities living in lowland or coast, and the houses built by the Toraja people in South Sulawesi and the Batak people in North Sumatra are closest representation to the diversity of vernacular architecture of their ancestors.

Rudofsky (1965:1) describes vernacular architecture as “architecture without architects”, arguing that the

vernacular architecture does not follow fashion cycle. This shows that the vernacular architecture is oriented to local needs by utilizing potentials of nature and existing context, so that it is not influenced by flourishing trend, style or fashion. The architecture of Tongkonan in Toraja is built based on belief and faith of the Toraja people oriented to the direction of the wind because north-south axis and east-west axis are very important in their belief, as Koentjaraningrat (2004) states that every form of manifestation of cultural object reflect perspective, thought, belief and social system. This shows that the traditional house of the Toraja people as a work of architecture built without architects is a manifestation and reflection of their perspective, thought, belief and social system, and not a work oriented to the development of particular architectural style or fashion.

Before the 15th century, the Toraja region was called Tondok Lempongan Bulan or Tana Matarik Allo which means a country which has an integral unit of belief and culture as the full moon (bulan) and the sun (allo), as stated by Tangdilintin and Syafei (1977:13). This shows that light (moon and sun) is an important element in the belief of Aluk Todolo embraced by the ancestors of the Toraja people. Said (2004:33) explains that in the belief of Aluk Todolo the traditional house of Toraja (Tongkonan) is regarded as microcosm and is a part of macrocosm (universe), and Puang Matua (God) is associated with allo (sun).

It is clear from the aforementioned explanation that the house of Toraja people, Tongkonan, is an important architecture because it represents the belief and culture of ancestor and is an important part in the Austronesian architecture. The belief held influences settlement arrangement and design of

Figure 1. Map of Indonesia. (Source www.visittoraja.com)

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Tongkonan traditional house because of the importance of the orientation to the axis of north-south and east-west, as the appreciation and respect for the Creator (Puang Matua), which is associated with the sun.

Based on the aforementioned background, the study was conducted at Tongkonan house because it is a traditional architecture that is important in the development of architecture in Indonesia and has a concept of design oriented to the belief and culture of the Toraja people. The belief and faith, which are oriented to Puang Matua associated with the sun (allo) affect the planning of exterior, architecture and interior of the building. This study is aimed at obtaining the correlation between the spatial pattern resulted from the belief of Toraja people and the quantity and quality of daylight obtained based on the measurements in the field and the review of various theories of daylighting.

1.1. Research methods This research employed quantitative method done by directly measuring the quantity of daylighting in the Tongkonan house and studying theories of Tongkonan and daylighting. According to Gordon (2014:74), in order to determine the quantity of light entering the building, we need to know the size and position of windows as well as data concerning the average daylight at a certain location and orientation. The Commission of the European Communities Directorate-General XII for Science, Research and Development (1993) explains that measuring light in the room can use two very important tools, namely Illuminance meter and Luminance meter, both of which use sensitive light detectors that convert light hitting the detector into the lumen. Phillips (2004:219) states that Illuminance is light that falls on a surface, while Luminance is light reflected by a surface. Illumination level is the amount or quantity of light falling on a surface in units of lumen per square meter (or Lux). Light meter, according to Bradshaw (2006:279) and Virdi (2012), can be used to measure the illumination level.

The quantity of daylight was direct-

ly measure at the site by using the light meter at 27 spots in the three rooms in the Tongkonan house, which are front room (tangdo), middle room (sali) and back room (sumbung). The measurements were taken directly at the site in order to obtain more accurate results because the topography of the site is exceptional and is in the mountain.

Each room was divided into 9 point of observation in order to see the distribution of light and the difference in the quantity of light existing in these rooms. In order to complete the data, in addition to using a light meter, measurements were also done using computer simulations. According to Hopper (2007: 41), computer simulation can be used to determine the position of the sun and shade locations. Measurements were made using computer software DIALux Evo 6.2. DIALux Evo 6.2 is a computer software that has the ability to measure and analyze the natural lighting of light into the building.

According to Livingston (2014:169); Tregenza and Wilson (2011:63); Virdi (2012:257), and Lechner (2015:141) the position of the sun changes every day and throughout the year and its highest angle occurs on June 21 in the summer and the lowest angle occurs on December 21 in the winter. Although Indonesia has only two seasons, i.e. dry season and rainy season, and lies along the equator which causes the circulation of the sun is relatively stable throughout the year, but June is the dry season and has a greater quantity of solar light. The measurements were taken since June 21. But, on June 21 and June 22 the sky was dull and cloudy, so that the measurements started again on June23.

In addition to taking measurements, literature study was done on the theories of Tongkonan traditional house, particularly on the belief of the Toraja people that affects design, orientation, arrangement of interior, as well as the implementation of the traditional ceremonies. The study on the theory of daylighting was done to find the correlation between the belief of Toraja people and the theories of the quality and quantity of daylighting and the factors that influence them.

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1.2. Difficulty of research There were several obstacles related to the stages of object observation selection and measurement processes for the study, such difficulties were partly because: Not all Tongkonan could be entered, some were considered sacred or had been emptied; Measurement could not been taken full day; Tongkonan could only be entered for short period of time. Meanwhile, the research had to be conducted throughout the day from morning until evening; and The sky was often dull or cloudy, so that some measurements were considered invalid and should be repeated in the next day.

1.3. Research object After encountering some obstacles above, a representative observation unit was finally obtained. A Tongkonan located in Lembang (village) Turunan, Sangalla’ Subdistrict, Tana Toraja Regency (as shown in Figure 2), is the biggest Tongkonan in the village. Owned by a royal family, this Tongkonan is important in Lembang Turunan and is the first Tongkonan built by the first generation that came down from the mountain. Lembang Turunan is one of the Lembangs in Sangalla Subdistrict as a result of the proliferation of Lembang Bulian Massa’bu. Lembang Turunan is located on the mountain and at an altitude of ± 800 masl (meters above sea level).

Being studied, the Tongkonan plan has dimensions of 8.70m long and 3.60m wide. The front and the back room have the same dimensions, 2.60mx3.60m, while the middle room has the dimensions of 3.50x3.60m.

On the north, south and west sides there are small windows for ventilation and daylighting with dimensions of 30x80cm. Meanwhile, on the east side there is a door with dimensions adapted to the functional needs, namely 60x170cm.

2. Theoretical review of Tongkonan 2.1. Belief and settlement of Toraja people Toraja is a native tribe that inhabits Tana Toraja Regency and Toraja Utara

Regency of South Sulawesi, Indonesia and is located at 20and 30 South Latitude and 1190and 1200 East Longitude.

According Tangdilintin and Syafei (1977:13), the name Toraja was given by the Sidenreng people, to (meaning people) and riaja (meaning north up); and also given by Bugis people in Luwu from the word to (people) and rajang (west) because they are in the west area of Luwu.

The ancestors of the Toraja people embraced the belief of Aluk Todolo, and until now most of the Toraja people still embrace this belief. According Tangdilintin and Syafei (1977:22); and Said (2004:27-29), the belief of Aluk Todolo believes the three elements of power, namely: Puang Matua (the Creator); Deata-deata (Gods), consisting of Deata Tangngana Langi (God in Heaven), Deata Kapadanganna (God on Earth), and Deata Tangngana Padang (God of the inner part of the earth; and Tomembali Puang(spirit of ancestors) in charge of controlling and blessing humans and their descendants. Meanwhile, Kis-Jovak, NooyPalm, Schefold, & Schulz-Dornburg (1988:36) and Said (2004:33) say that Puang Matua maintain the balance

Figure 2. Location of district Sangalla. (Source www.visittoraja. com)

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Figure 3. Ke’te’ Kesu, a traditional village of Toraja people built hundreds years ago.

Figure 4. Rock tombs a place where the body of deceased is placed.

of the day and night and is associated with the ‘sun’ (allo) and is not dependent on anything.

The belief of the Toraja people, Aluk Todolo, affects the development of art and culture, including architectural works. This is in line with Koentjaraningrat (2004:7) that a physical aspect of a religion as a cultural element is building (or a place to worship). Kis-Jovak, et al. (1988:74) states that the traditional architecture of Toraja can be divided into in five categories based on their function, namely: dwelling house; rice barn; house of rice field guard; livestock sheds, and tomb. Dwelling house and rice barn are a unity that is always present simultaneously, while the tomb is one of the important elements in the belief of the Toraja people. In addition

to functioning as a dwelling, the dwelling house of the Toraja people also serves as a place to hold traditional ceremonies. Wuisman (2009:36) says that the Toraja people who live in the mountainous regions have a tradition which is very close to the vernacular architecture of the Austronesia, which can be seen from the shape and features of Tongkonan functioning for family gathering and rituals.

The smallest territory of the Toraja community is tondok (village), which is usually divided into several districts.

The style of the settlement changed when the Netherlands arrived. In the 19th century, most of the settlements were located on hilltops and some were built on the cliffs for survival. Access to the location of settlements is very difficult with stairs and tunnels made by punching holes in the rock (Kis-Jovak, et al., 1988: 20-23). Some of these settlements still survive until present day, and show that the structure system and the materials used can last for hundreds of years. Adams (2006: 30) says that Ke’te ‘Kesu is one of the oldest traditional village areas and the most visited and built adjacent to the cliffs of burial site. Figure 3 shows the settlements of the Toraja people in Ke’te ‘Kesu which with the back faces a hill and with the front faces the rice fields.

Funeral and tomb are very important in the Toraja society which is influenced by the belief of Aluk Todolo. Although most of the Toraja people have embraced Christianity, Catholicism and Islam, to date the funeral is still held as a tradition. According to Said (2004: 39), the funeral is called Rambu Solo’ or Aluk Rampe Matampu and held in the west of Tongkonan by offering pigs and buffaloes to the spirits of the dead. While Tangdilintin (1977:25) says that the function of the ceremony Signs Solo is as a preparation for the souls of the dead to the next life; as the social status of the deceased; as an opportunity repay those who died; and as the basis for allocation of heritage.

The belief of Toraja people affects burial procedures of Toraja people who died. According Handini (2006:554) the Toraja people are very good in utilizing natural resources around them to meet their needs, including funeral

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activities. In the past when jackfruit wood was widely available, they made wooden coffin (erong). Then, when the jackfruit wood became scarce, they used stone cave as an ideal burial place because, according to their belief, the deceased should be placed in a high (sacred) place. In addition to using stone cave as a burial place, the Toraja people also use cliff or rock hill which is first hollowed as tombs of Toraja people who died. Figure 4 shows one of the rock hill used as a tomb in Toraja.

The wall of rock hill is hollowed with the size of a coffin, and then the coffin containing the deceased is inserted into the hole.

The use of caves and rock cannot be separated from the traditions and culture of Toraja and their expertise to process rock, as Handini (2006:549) says that Tana Toraja has long been known as an area in which megalithic tradition still survive until today; the types of megalith like menhir , rock chamber, and stone mortar are still used and utilized. The expertise of Toraja people to process the rock can be seen from the neatness and precision of the hole in which the coffin is placed as shown in Figure 4. The hole in the hard rock is made longitudinally to the inner part and in accordance with the size of the coffin that will be inserted. Such architecture, according to Rudofsky (1969:22) is called “architecture by substraction”.

The dwelling and tomb of the Toraja people are architectural works which represent the belief of Aluk Todolo and still survive to this day. Handini (2006: 556) argues that although most of the indigenous people of Toraja have abandoned the belief of Aluk Todolo, the megalithic tradition still survives because the concept of worship and honor to the spirits of ancestors has become an integral part in the life of the Toraja people.

2.2. Architecture of Tongkonan The smallest unit of Torajan social organization is the single-family household or banua (house). The member of banua trace their descent bilaterally to the male and female sides of the family, back to the ancestral house (Tongkonan) constructed by the commonly

acknowledged founder of the family branch (Bigalke, 2005:10). Meanwhile, according to Said (2004:50-52), Banua is a term to describe house in general, while the house which has custom function is called Tongkonan.

Tongkonan is a traditional house of the Toraja people who live in Tana Toraja Regency and Toraja Utara Regency of South Sulawesi Province, Indonesia. According to the Kis-Jovak, et al.

(1988: 8), “The houses represents much more than just a roof over the head, its three functions, house as home, house as microcosm and house as social symbol.” For the Toraja people, the house has very important role and function in their lives, the house functions as a place to stay and a representation of the macrocosm.

The word Tongkonan comes from the word tongkon, which means sitting.

Definition of ‘sitting’ is to sit in the community and to deliberate (Kis-Jovak., et al., 1988: 34; and Said, 2004: 54). Tongkonan also serves as an administrative center and the residence of the king, so that the role of Tongkonan for the Toraja people is very important.

The existence of Tongkonan cannot be separated from the belief of the Toraja people, Aluk Todolo, in terms of building orientation, shape, distribution of interior space, as well as the system of building structures and ornaments used. In regard to the building orientation, Tongkonan always faces north and is opposite the rice barn.

The orientation is greatly affected by the belief of Aluk Todolo, which believes that the Creator, God Almighty dwells in the North. This belief affects the distribution of space in the building, as stated by Kis-Jovak, et al. (1988: 37) that on the ground-plan, the house can be divided into north and south, east and west. Meanwhile, Said (2004:32) says that the northern part of Tongkonan is called Ulanna lino, which means front, top, respected part and is regarded as a sacred place, a place where Puang Matua dwells. Meanwhile, the southern part is called pollo ‘na lino, which means ‘tail of the world’, dirty place. The spirits of those who have died are believed to make a voyage to a place called Puya, located to the southern part, guarded by Pong Lalondong.

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Figure 5. Tongkonan House presents three worlds. (Source: KisJovak, et al., 1988)

Figure 6. A comparison of five houses. (Source: Kis-Jovak, et al., 1988)

Figure 7. Ground plan of a Tongkonan. (Source: Kis-Jovak, et al., 1988)

The belief held by the Toraja people affects the distribution of vertical hierarchy of the building as shown in Figure 5. As the microcosm and representation of the macrocosm and, vertically Tongkonan is divided into three parts, upper, middle and lower. According Kis-Jovak., et al., 1988:34; and Said, 2004:54, the roof space (Figure 5:a) describe the upper world which is considered sacred, a space on the top floor is considered as the middle world where people live (Figure 5:b), while the space under the floor is described as the lower world where evil spirits dwell (Figure 5:c), upper part (Figure 5:d) a roof that can be opened for particular ritual purposes.

According to Kis-Jovak, et al.

(1988:74-103) in the course of time, Tongkonan has five types of shape and size that are influenced by size, shape and social status of the owner. These five types are:

• Blockhouse structure – low type with one level (Figure 6 – front) • Blockhouse structure – high type with several level (Figure 6 – number two on the front) • Archaic type on polygonal piles (Figure 6 – number three on the front) • Intermediate type on polygonal piles (Figure 6 – number four on the front) • Modern type on square piles (Figure 6 – rear) Blockhouse structure is the oldest Tongkonan (Tangdilintin, 1978:3-7).

Some types of building with Archaic type on polygonal piles aged 350 years can still be found in Toraja. This shows the strength of the structure and the material used. Meanwhile, Intermediate type on polygonal piles is believed about 150 years old, and Modern type on square piles is a new type built by the Toraja people. Although Tongkonan has some variation of shape, size and system structure, the spatial composition of Tongkonan is relatively similar, namely tangdo, sali and sumbung.

Figure 7 shows the distribution plan oriented north-south and east (Figure 7:1) west (Figure 7:2). The house is divided into three parts, tangdo, sali, and sumbung, with the building orientation to the north. Several variants of the house have two sumbungs, but with similar spatial pattern and hierarchy.

Tangdo is the very front of the house, and serves as the entrance connecting the basement through a staircase (Figure 7:3) which penetrates the floor. In another variant of Tongkonan house, the staircase is placed on the west side of the house, while sali is divided into two parts, the eastern side functions as the kitchen (Figure 7:4) and the west side is used as a place to put the corpse (Figure 7:5) before being buried and brought through the door on the west side (Figure 7:7), while sumbung serves as a bedroom (Figure 7:6) in the southern part (Kis-Jovak, et al., 1988:37).

According to Said (2004:33) the east is associated with the place where the sun raises, rampe mata allo, connoted as ‘life’, and considered to represent happiness, light, joy, and the source of life. Meanwhile, the west is where the sun sets, rampe matampu, and refers to

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‘death’ and represents elements of darkness, grief, and other things that bring grief. The space of the southern part is called sumbung, serving as a bedroom with a sleeping position with the head pointing the north direction.

The concept and understanding of the belief of Aluk Todolo in the azimuth also affect the locations of ceremonies in outdoor area. Thanksgiving ceremony, Rambu Tuka, is held on the eastern side Tongkonan when the sun rises. On the contrary, funerals, Rambu Solo, is held on the west side of Tongkonan.

Meanwhile, the ritual of worshipping and glorifying Puang Matua is held on the north side or in front of Tongkonan (Said, 2004:37-38). On the north side Tongkonan, between Tongkonan and rice barn, there is an open space used as a place for the traditional ceremonies as shown in Figure 8.

The roof shape of Tongkonan and rice barn that soar high creates a space with a very firm boundary between these two buildings. This space is used for offering and thanksgiving ceremony to Puang Matua who dwells in the north.

3. Theory of daylighting ‘Daylighting’ is a term that refers to the use of solar light and sky-reflected light to light up the interior of the building (Livingston 2014: 167; and Gordon, 2014:73). The history of the use of openings and daylight began together with the history of architecture. The use of openings began to simply allow light and air as well as hot and cold, then developed to produce magnificent interior in cathedrals and churches of Baroque and other buildings (Phillips 2004:3). This suggests that traditional and vernacular buildings built hundreds of years ago had

Figure 8. Layout of structure and open space.

considered daylight in their designs in order to meet the needs of the lighting in the interior of the building.

In the utilization of daylight as the light source of the interior of the building, the building orientation plays an important role as Phillips (2004:6-11) suggests that orientation comes from understanding of the relationship with the exterior. The building orientation should be considered since the beginning of design process when architects plan the position of the building on the site so as to optimize daylight and sunlight entering the interior. The building orientation as well as the interior function and interior layout should be considered since the beginning of the design process in order to be able to optimize daylighting.

According to Livingston (2014:170) the north side is a part of the building that receives the most consistent light, easily controls light distribution, and reduces the risk of heat coming from the sun directly; south side provides a diverse variety of light throughout the day and throughout the year; the east side in the morning will receive direct sunlight, direct light can be reduced by using overhang; while the west side receives direct light in the afternoon.

The utilization of daylight should be adapted to the function of rooms

Figure 9. 27 measurement spots in interior space of Tongkonan.

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in the building because each room has different needs of daylight. Phillips (2004:10) states that kitchen and bedroom will be very well if placed on the east side because it will get morning sun, while the other rooms often used in the afternoon or night are placed on the south or east side. This statement is very important in the design of buildings, especially dwelling house so that every room in the building can accommodate their functions well.

Meanwhile, according to Posudin (2014), there are three tools that can be used to measure solar radiation, namely: radiometer (used to measure flux radiant or electromagnetic radiation energy); photometer or light meter (used

Figure 10. Result of daylight measurement at 9 am.

Figure 11. Result of daylight measurement at 12 pm.

Figure 12. Result of daylight measurement at 3 pm.

to measure light received by human eye by measuring the quantity of the luminous flux/lumen, luminous intensity/candela and illuminance/lux); and photon meter or quantum meter. Furthermore, Posudin (2014) and Phillips (2004: 219) say that the illuminance is light that falls on a surface per unit area and is measured in lux. According to Phillips (2004: 219) Illumination level is the amount or quantity of light falling on a surface in units of lumen per square meter (or Lux). According to Bradshaw (2006: 279) and Virdi (2012: 257) light meter can be used to measure the illumination level.

4. Results of light intensity measurements 4.1. Field measurement using light meter The quantity of light is measured in three interiors at 27 spots (each room has 9 points of observation) as shown in Figure 9. The measurements were taken at three different periods of time on the same day, i.e. at 9:00 pm, 12:00 pm and 03:00 pm. The research was conducted only for measuring the quantity of sunlight entering through openings that exist on the entire building enclosure.

The results of light measurement in interior space of Tongkonan are showed below: • Measurement at 9.00 am.

(Figure 10) • Measurement at 12.00 pm.

(Figure 11) • Measurement at 3.00 pm.

(Figure 12) The results of by using light meter as shown in Figure 10, 11 and 12 show that the greater quantity of light is found in the north side, or the front part (tangdo), while the smaller quantity of light is in the back room, the south side (sumbung). The biggest quantity of light occurs at 12:00 pm in the front room; this is influenced by the building orientation facing the north, the position of the sun at its peak, as well as the position of the window on the wall so that light can enter optimally. Meanwhile, the east side receives greater light at 09.00 am (morning), and on the contrary, the west side receives greater light intensity at 03:00 pm (afternoon);

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this is strongly influenced by the angle of incidence of light. Furthermore, the most southern area, located at the back part (sumbung) that serves as a bedroom has a small light intensity in the morning, noon and afternoon.

4.2. Computer simulation To reinforce the analytical results, the measurement of light intensity is also carried out using a computer softwate (DIALux Evo 6.2). Measurements were conducted on four different days which were on March 21, June 21, September 21 and December 21. This was done in accordance sun positions as mentioned by Hopper (2007: 41-42) that on March 21 and September 21, has a equal value of time between day and night. Meanwhile, on June 21, a time where the sun shines is longer and midday shade has less time. Instead, on December 21 is the time where the sun shines shortest and the shadows at the noon are longest daylight. Measurements were taken at 09:00 am, 12:00 pm and 3:00 pm. The measurement results (Table 1, Table 2, and Table 3) shows that the light from the north are more stable than the light from another directions. Light coming from the north side has a highest light intensity on June 21, while the light from the south has brightest light on December 21. Meanwhile, light from the east has the highest intensity in the morning, while light from the west has the highest intensity in the afternoon; both have the highest intensity on June 21.

5. Discussion 5.1. The architecture In the belief Torajanese, Tongkonan house is a representation of microcosm and macrocosm, it affects the orientation, shape and arrangement of interior space. There is a robust link between the architecture of Tongkonan with the belief of Torajanese. According to the Kis-Jovak., et al., 1988: 34; and Said, 2004: 54, the building is divided into three parts, top / roof (holy), center / space in the house (human living space) and lower / under (evil spirits dwell). This belief resulted in houses on stilts with roofs that are lifted up.

Roof of the building is a representation of something sacred; it is shown

by soaring roof shape. Roof-oriented north and south, and the building is oriented to the north side which is the dwelling place of God. In proportion, the roof of the building dominates the overall shape; this is done because the roof is associated with the upper world, a sacred place.

5.2. Orientation The orientation of the building is a very important thing to be considered in the process of architectural design.

This has been done since the days of our ancestors when designing their homes. According to Lechner (2015:3), traditional buildings wherever it was built, is normally will consider the climate in the design process. Tongkonan house is one of unique traditional architecture in Indonesia. The orientation of the building designed by the trust of the Toraja people who believe that the north is a sacred place (Said, 2004: 32). Toraja people have the belief that God (the creator) dwells in the north (Kis-Jovak, et.al., 1988: 37).

Therefore, the whole house of Tongkonan, either single house type or the village type, is always oriented to the north. In addition to affecting the orientation of the building, the belief of Toraja people (Aluk Todolo) also affects the orientation of the interior space of the building. The arrangement of the interior space is strongly influenced by the position of the building to the direction of sunlight. Toraja people believe that the east side is the beginning of life as the sun rises on this side, on the other hand, the west regarded as death as the sun sets on this side.

5.2.1. Sunlight and orientation of Tongkonan Baker & Steemers (2002:72) said that the orientation of the building would influence the natural light both in quality and quantity into the building.

Natural light coming from the north is the most constant and cooler light than the light from the other directions.

The results of field measurements and computer simulation indicated that the light coming from the north side is more constant compare to the light coming from other directions. From this discussion it can be concluded that

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the orientation Tongkonan house is strongly influenced by the direction of sunlight (allo) because the sun is associated as God (Puang Matua) the Creator. The sunlight coming from the east is the unstable light because the sun will set in the west, while the sunlight coming from the north is very stable and constant. The belief of Toraja people associate sun as God and they believe that God dwells in the north. This then affects the orientation of Toraja house so that it always faces north.

5.2.2. Heating and Cooling Indonesia is a country located in the hot-humid climate; this indicates that the temperature in Indonesia is quite hot. According to Bainbridge & Haggard (2011: v-vi), orientation of buildings can reduce energy needs of the building heating and cooling significantly, this condition occurs in most climatic conditions. Building design should consider the heating in winter and cooling in summer. Indonesia is located below the equator so that the country does not have summer and winter, and only has two seasons, dry and rainy season. Tana Toraja is wet tropical regions, the average temperature ranges between 15 ° C - 28 ° C with humidity between 82-86%, the average rainfall is 1500 mm / yr to over 3500 mm / year (http://www.tanatorajakab. go.id/id/content/klimatologi). These data show that the temperature in Tana Toraja is cooler compare to temperature in other regions in Indonesia, this is due to Tana Toraja is located in a mountainous area.

In addition to these data, the Toraja peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s belief did not mention that the orientation of the building was designed by considering solar heating and cooling. By contrast, in the belief Toraja people, it was mentioned that the orientation of the building was designed based on the direction of sunlight, as the sun is associated as the God. It means, in the concept of heating, cooling and lighting, solar heating and cooling has no influence in determining the orientation of the building.

5.3. Interior space Tongkonan interior space arrangement is influenced by the direction of

sunlight appropriate to the belief of Toraja people. All of Tongkonan house facing the north, the dwelling place of the Creator that is associated with the sun, while the south is believed to be the tail of the world, a dirty place. Sunrise (east part) connoted as a life, otherwise the west where the sun sinking considered as death (Said, 2004: 32-33).

The philosophy of the direction of the sun affects the division of the interior space as Tangdo, Sali and Sumbung.

5.3.1. Tangdo Tangdo is a room at the very front or at the north, has windows on the north side, and has function as a space to accommodate thanks giving ritual.

Tongkonan house is oriented to the north because it is based on the belief that Aluk Todolo, God the creator of the universe (Puang Matua), that is associated as the sun, dwells in the north.

Said (2004:32) states that the northern part of Tongkonan is called Ulanna lino, which means front, top, part respected and regarded as a sacred place, a place where Puang Matua dwells. The question is, if Puang Matua is associated with the sun (allo) as Said (2004: 33) and Kis-Jovak, et al., (1988:36), why does Tongkonan house face the north, and Puang Matua is considered to dwell in the north, while the sun rises in the east and sets in the west? The results of measurement of quantity of light indicate that rooms in the north (tangdo) has higher quantity of light than Sali room which receives light from the east and west as well as sumbung room that receives light from the south. This is supported by the statement Livingston (2014:170) and Baker & Steemers (2002:72) stating that the north side is a part of the building that receives the most consistent light. Therefore, it can be concluded that Tongkonan is oriented to the north because the north side provides light with high intensity and consistent from morning to evening, as the belief of Aluk Todolo that associate Puang Matua with the sun. This is supported by the shape of the roof of Tongkonan that creates a clear access from sunlight entering the structure through north windows. Meanwhile, the east side, direction of the rising sun, gives light with high intensity only

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Figure 13(a). Roof design optimizes daylight from north side.

Figure 13(b). Window on north side as a daylight access.

from morning until noon only.

The roof shape of Tongkonan soaring high on the north side plays an important role in optimizing the entry of sunlight throughout the day. The roof shape (Figure 13) does not block access of the sunlight to the building, and does not result in a shadow area which reduces the quantity of sunlight.

Although the light entering the building is not blocked by the roof, the light coming from the north is indirect light (Livingston, 2014: 168) so that the radiation coming into the building can be reduced.

morning and the results of measurement indicate that the quantity of light in the morning coming through the openings on the east side strongly supports the activities of cooking in the kitchen. The placement of the kitchen on the east side is in accordance with the statement of Phillips (2004: 10) about daylighting that the kitchen will be very good if placed on the east side because it will receives morning sun.

Baker & Steemers (2002: 25) said that a kitchen needs bright conditions as integrity of character. Furthermore, according to Roberts (2006: 16-17), daylighting will make a kitchen more enjoyable for spending time inside, and east-facing windows are usually considered for a kitchen because the morning light is able to create a cheerful atmosphere. This statement is in accordance with the belief of Toraja people (as Said, 2004: 33) that the light of morning sun is a representation of life, happiness and joy. It is also supported by the results of field measurements that indicate the early morning light of the east have a very good quantity.

Sali room on the west side is used to put the corpse before burial. According to the belief of Aluk Todolo, humans do not really die until the funeral ritual held (Said, 2004: 39). The sun sets in the west side and a shift from daytime to the night occurs at sunset. The belief of Aluk Todolo as stated by Said (2004:33) describes the place where the

5.3.2. Sali Sali is a middle room at house of Tongkonan and is divided into two sides, east and west. The east side serves as the kitchen and the west side is used as a place to put the corpse before burial (Kis-Jovak, et al., 1988:37). The results of measurement show that the east side receives greater light at 09.00 am (morning), and on the contrary, the west side receives greater light intensity at 03:00 pm (afternoon).

Sali room on the east side of the room serves as a kitchen (dapo). The placement of the kitchen on the east side is influenced by the direction of the rising sun. Sunrise associated as a source of life, so the kitchen is also a source of life (food as a source of life) was placed on the east side. Activities in the kitchen are usually done in the

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Figure 14. Window on west side of Tongkonan house.

sun sets as rampe matampu, and refers to â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;deathâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and represents the elements of darkness, grief, and other things that bring grief, so that the corpse is located on the west side of the sali room before burial. Figure 14 shows an opening located on west side of Tongkonan as light access of daylight to Sali room.

5.3.3. Sumbung Toraja people believe that the south side is a dirty place, the graves placed on the south side Tongkonan. This belief is the same as the beliefs of ancient Egyptian society (as mentioned by Kittler, Kocifaj, and Darula, 2012), who worshiped the sun as a mightiest god, most of the graves and pyramids facing south side.

Sumbung is a room located in the southern part of Tongkonan and serves as a bedroom. According to Phillips

Figure 15. Sun angles from east and west sides.

(2004:10), a room which is frequently used in the afternoon or evening is placed on the south or east. Most of the Toraja people worked as farmers and spent more time in the fields, so the bedroom was more frequently used in the afternoon and evening. Robert (2006:17) mentioned that the light coming from the north will not cause glare or over-heating while the light from the south can be shaded using additional elements. The graves is usually located in the hilly area and is located in the south (behind) Tongkonan so hills and vegetation element is able to shade Tongkonan. This means Tongkonan not require additional elements to shade the south side of the window.

In addition, the bedroom is often used at night when the sun goes down.

5.4. Roof shape of Tongkonan Tongkonan hyperbolic-shaped roof soaring curved structure supported by columns called tulak somba. Roof oriented north-south, the north is believed to be the dwelling place of the God Almighty (Puang Matua) and the south is regarded as a dirty place, the grave is located on the south side of the Tongkonan house (Sumalyo, 2001; and Said, 2004: 32). Hyperbolic shape of the roof allows light from the north and south illuminates interior of building optimally throughout the day.

Rice barn (alang) on the north side has smaller dimensions compare to the house, and on the other hand, rice barn has a distance of more than eight meters from the house Tongkonan so it does not shade the sunlight into the building through the openings on the north side. The sunlight coming from the east and west sides are direct sunlight containing radiation and ultraviolet light (Figure 15). The roof design of Tongkonan on the north-south side receiving indirect sunlight is different from the east-west side that receives direct sunlight. On the side of the northsouth, the roof soars high and does not block the access of sunlight into the building (Figure 16). Meanwhile, on the east-west side which receives direct sunlight and contain radiation and ultraviolet light, the access of light is blocked by roof, so that the radiation can be reduced (Figure 15).

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Tongkonan studied is a single house type, in this type there are no other houses that shaded the Tongkonan; therefore it would create good opportunity for daylighting of the house.

The sunlight can get into the building as well. Meanwhile, in the village type, there is an open space between Tongkonan (on the east side and west side) and between Tongkonan and rice barn (on the north side) that serves as a ceremonial space and created a wider distance between one the Tongkonan with another. This distance will also create a good opportunity for natural light as well as on the type of single house.

5.5. The optimal solar orientation Based on the literature study, the results of field measurements and analysis, the most appropriate orientation to get optimal sunlight is north-facing.

The north side is able to provide a stable and constant light. Thus, the orientation of the house Tongkonan very appropriate because it can provide optimum light and it is accordance with their beliefs that associate the Lord as the sun.

The kitchen as a space that accommodates morning activities and needs an enjoyable and cheerful space, laid on the east side because according to the results of a literature study, field measurements and the analysis results, the morning light from the east was able to create a cheerful atmosphere and lively, this is in accordance with the Toraja people’s belief that the morning sun is the source of life.

Furthermore, the west side serves as a place to put the bodies before burial, in accordance with the position of the sun sets in the west side and an intermediate transition afternoon to evening. While the south side is an area that is considered dirty and functioned as a bedroom because it is only used at night, this is in accordance with the theory about the layout of the sleeping area associated with daylighting.

Figure 16. Diagram of sun angles from north and south sides.

indicates conformity with the principles of daylighting design. According to Aluk Todolo, Puang Matua (god) is associated as the sun and considered residing in the north, this belief has influence to house orientation which is all houses should be oriented to the north. The measurement and computer simulation results show that the quality of daylight in a room on the north side was very good, while the theories of daylighting also argued that the sunlight from the north side is the most stable light all days and years. Results of research on space in Tongkonan also show conformity between function, zoning, and activities accommodated inside Tongkonan with the quantity and the needs of daylight; this means all of activities inside Tongkonan can take place properly.

The results showed that although designed oriented ancestral belief of Table 1. Results of computer simulation in Tangdo room.

6. Conclusion From the results of this research concluded that the Tongkonan House designed and built hundreds of years ago which is oriented to the ancestral belief of Toraja people, Aluk Todolo, ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 1 • March 2017 • P. Manurung

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Table 2. Results of computer simulation in Sali room.

Table 3. Results of computer simulation in Sumbung room.

Toraja people, all interior space of Tongkonan are able to fulfill the principles of daylighting. The orientation of the building, its slender shape, roof design and zoning are able to optimize the quantity and quality of daylight inside the building and meet the functional requirements of the house. These results also indicate that the vernacular architecture which was built based on traditional culture and ancestral belief is able to optimize the potential of nature to accommodate building comfort and function, including the optimization of daylight.

References Adams, K.M. (2006). Art as politics: Re-crafting identities, tourism, and power in Tana Toraja, Indonesia. Honolulu: University of Hawai’I Press.

Bainbridge, D. A., & Haggard, K. (2011). Passive solar architecture: Heating, Cooling, Ventilation, Daylighting and More Using Natural Flows. USA: Chelsea Green Publishing Company.

Baker, N., & Steemers. K. (2002).

Daylight Design of Buildings. London: James & James (Science Publishers) Ltd. Bigalke, T.W. (2005). Tana Toraja: A social history of an Indonesia people.

Singapore: Singapore University Press.

Bradshaw, V. (2006). The building environment: Active and passive control systems (3rd ed.). New Jersey: John Wiley & Son, Inc. Commission of the European Communities Directorate-General XII For Science, Research and Development.

(1993). Daylighting in architecture: A European reference book. New York: Earthscan.

Gordon, G. (2014). Interior lighting for designers (5th ed). New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Handini, R. (2006). Stone chamber burial (Leang Pa’): A living megalithic tradition in Tana Toraja, South Sulawesi. In T. Simanjuntak, M. Hisyam, T.S.Nastiti (Eds.). “Archaeology: Indonesian perspective, R.P. Soejono’s Festschrift, (pp.549-556). Jakarta: LIPI Press.

Hopper, L. J. (2007). Landscape architectural graphic standards: Student edition. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Mangunwijaya, Y.B. (2000). Pengantar Fisika Bangunan. Jakarta: Penerbit Djambatan.

Kis-Jovak, J.I., Nooy-Palm, H., Schefold, R., & Schulz-Dornburg, U. (1988).

Banua Toraja: Changing pattern in architecture and symbolism among the Sa’dan Toraja, Sulawesi, Indonesia.

Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute.

Kittler, R., Kocifaj, M., & Darula, S. (2012). Daylight Science and Daylighting Technology. New York: Springer.

Koentjaraningrat. (2004). Bunga rampai kebudayaan mentalitas dan pembangunan. Jakarta: Gramedia.

Lechner, N. (2015). Heating, Cooling, Lighting: Sustainable design methods for architects.New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Livingston, J. (2014). Designing with light: The art, science, and practice of architectural lighting design. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Manurung, P. (2007). Visual perception in architectural lighting design, Proceedings of the International Conference, Universitas Islam Indonesia, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

Official Website of The Government of Tana Toraja Regency. (http://www. tanatorajakab.go.id/id/content/klimatologi) Phillips, D. (2004). Daylighting: Natural light in architecture. Burlington: Architectural Press.

Posudin, Y. (2014). Methods of measuring environmental parameters. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Roberts, J. (2006). Good green kitchens: The ultimate for creating a beautiful, healthy, eco-friendly kitchen. Utah: Gibbs Smith Publisher.

Ronald, A. (2002). Teknologi dan arsitekur. In Ronald, A. (Ed.). Kekayaan dan kelenturan arsitektur, (pp.1-12).

Surakarta: Muhammadiyah University Press.

Rudofsky, B. (1964). Architecture without architect: A short introduction to non-pedigreed architecture. New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc. Said, A. A. (2004). Simbolisme unsur visual rumah tradisional Toraja dan perubahan aplikasinya pada desain modern. Yogyakarta: Ombak.

Scefold, R., Nas, P.J.M., & Domenig.

(2004). Indonesian houses: Tradition and transformation in vernacular architecture. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

Steffy, G. (2002). Architectural lighting design. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Inc. Sumalyo, Y. (2001). Kosmologi dalam arsitektur Toraja. Jurnal Dimensi Teknik Arsitektur, Vol.29, No.1, Juli 2001:64-74.

Tangdilintin, L.T. & Syafei, M. (1977). Toraja: An introduction to a unique culture. Tana Toraja: Lepongan Bulan Foundation.

Tangdilintin, L.T. (1978). Tongkonan (rumah adat toraja) dengan struktur, seni dan konstruksinya. Tana Toraja: Yayasan Lepongan Bulan.

Toraja: Discover the sacred highlands (http://www.visittoraja.com/toraja-map/).

Tregenza, P., & Wilson, M. (2011).

Daylighting: Architecture and lighting design. New York: Routledge.

Virdi, S. (2012). Construction science and materials. West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell.

Wuisman, J.J.J.M. (2009). Masa lalu dan masa kini: Posisi dan peran tradisi-tradisi vernakular Indonesia dan langgam bangunan masa lalu dan masa kini. In P.J.M. Nas (Ed.). Masa lalu dalam masa kini arsitektur di Indonesia (pp.25-47). Jakarta: PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

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Filling an urban void as a ‘public interior’ in Balıkesir; contemporary intervention into historic context through interior space Murat ÇETİN murat.cetin0001@gmail.com • Department of Interior Architecture and Environmental Design, Faculty of Architecture, Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.19870

Received: July 2016 • Final Acceptance: March 2017

Abstract The paper argues the role of interior spaces in linking with the urban open space configuration. The interior space is discussed as extensions of urban spaces and urban spaces as extensions of interiors with specific reference to a case study selected in Balıkesir urban fabric. Under the light shed by these discussions, the paper questions the certainty of boundries between exterior and interior, thus between interior design and architecture. While the first axis of discussion focuses on the duality between interior and exterior, the second axis of discussion concentrates on the insertion of new and contemporary architectural and spatial features into an existing and historic context. The Museum and Library of Photography project in Balıkesir, which is selected as case study, is based on a VOID connecting what exists with what disappeared long ago in a totally new combination. Consequently, paper shows that architectural identity of the existing (and sometimes disappeared) heritage is reproduced via injection of this new hybrid (interior-exterior) into the very heart of the existing urban fabric. The hybrid design of the VOID intends to resolve the tensions between the contrasting features of restoration and intervention merely by understanding the conditions and fundementals of the process of historical layering in the town.

Keywords Interior design, Urban interior, Interior space, Traditional architecture, Architectural intervention.

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1. The context for insertion of an urban interior The paper tackles the issue of intervention into urban voids along two main axes. It, firstly, discusses the role of architectural intervention as a means of providing the continuity between exterior and interior spaces. In contrast to the perception of the isolated nature of interior space and the sharp distinction between interior and exterior, it tackles the architectural design of interior spaces as the rooms of the city. In this regard, the paper questions how interior space can become an urban room with reference to a specific as well as unique case study in Balıkesir. In addition to the first axis of discussion this paper, the issue of the ‘intervention into urban voids’ is also argued as a problem of adding new architecture to the old (or rather historical) context. Indeed, this process of constant addition and natural transformation is an age-old notion of how buildings and cities have evolved.

Thus, historic context provides a natural host for constant intervention of spaces towards an accumulation of urban rooms creating an integrated city as can be seen in Nolli’s well-known plan for Rome.

Currently, architectural design and conservation are not polarised as it was almost two decades ago. Similarly, professionals in the field of architectural conservation are not as hesitant as they once were in bringing together the new forms and techniques with the remains of traditional heritage. The synthesis of the new with the old have gone through a series of phases in its own process of evolution. Following diverse and complex approaches to the issue of integrating historical with modern in an architectural intervention, both architectural theory and practice seem to have reached a much more simplified, mature and dignified state in this matter. At this final phase, the dichotomy seems to have been clarified with the disposal of its redundant components.

It seems to be distilled into its very essence; an ‘interior space’. This is a space which can be associated with the metaphor of time-tunnel. It is an accumulation of the layers of history, a palimpsest. Here, the metamorphosis is not

Figure 1. Drawings of the reconstruction and restoration project.

only documented but also interpreted for further ramifications towards farther transformations. Indeed, today, architectural conservators no longer need to ‘avoid’ integrating traditional with modern as long as they are connected by means of a ‘void’. This void is not merely a space joining two different components, but rather an abstract concept which contains various levels of interaction between traditional with modern in a single entity. This abstract concept will be elucidated in concrete terms with particular reference to the first Photography Museum & Library Building in Turkey (Figure 1).

It can be claimed that any architectural hybrid, proposed within a metamorphosis, would consist of conserved and added features (Byard, 1998). Hence, a design, which attempt to integrate the traditional with the modern components of this hybrid, should tackle the conserved features as the underlying grammatical structure onto which the added features are judiciously and critically integrated (Çetin, 1999). Thus, the VOID appears not only as a musical “ l’espace ” but also as a translator which transfers or interprets the traditional language onto the contemporary text as much as it does interior space onto an exterior space.

A new paradigm for regenerating the heritage, which can be called as “modern reads (or rewrites) the traditional” based on such a linguistic analogy, is advocated through the construction of the first Museum of Photography of Turkey in Balıkesir. The paper will discuss; not only the design concept in relation to this new paradigm for integrating traditional with modern, but also the architectural features of the emerged hybrid as well as the planning and construction process in which the hybrid is evolved.

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Thus, architecture could be conceived as a graft not only between interior and exterior spaces but also between new and old, rather than being conceived as a physical structure that divides and seperates exteriors from interiors. Instead, design of interiors are essential elements of architecture whereby they are considered as the core units in shaping of the urban environment as a whole. Various spatial typologies all over the world, such as hayat (a special type of sofa) in traditional Turkish civic architecture, engawa in Japanese architecture, provide a continuity between interior and exterior. Therefore, any architectural intervention is at the same time an attempt to reconfigure the network of interior spaces within the city context. By the same token, all interior design initiatives accommodate direct consequences in regard to the relationship between exterior spaces.

In this framework, Rem Koolhaas’ intervention to the Fondaco dei Tedeschi in Venice presents an important example for reusing a historical building and creating a new public (interior/ exterior) space in the city. The Fondaco typifies an historical palimpsest of modern substance along with its preservation spanning several centuries of construction techniques. OMA’s renovation scheme is based on a series of strategic interventions and vertical circulation elements that support the new building program and a sequence of public spaces and paths. Koolhas’s proposal opens the courtyard piazza to pedestrians, keeping its historical role as a covered urban ‘campo’ despite it is an interior space.

In the light shed by aforementioned argument on interior-exterior ambiguity, the following case study will epitomize the role of a relatively small spatial arrangement both within the shell of the building in which it is embodied and also outside this shell in communication with the nearby extrior setting.

2. Traditional & modern reconciled through a new medium; a space that is both interior and exterior…

Balıkesir town center presents a relatively traditional fabric with its housing units most of which are missing

due to various natural and man-made factors fires etc. Thus, it exhibits a potential for various urban infill projects (Cetin, 2003). The building takes place in a traditional urban context where a grid plan is implemented into the existing organic tissue of the town. The area is composed of two storey houses.

Some of these houses are in bad condition but the remainig ones are listed as architectural heritage. The particular void that is chosen as a case study area for this article is a building lot that had been empty for a long time next to a derelict yet traditional building. One of the local associations (BASAF-Balıkesir Art Photographers’ Association) demanded the building from the city governer on the condition that it is restored and turned into a photography museum for the city. Thus, this specific urban void gained a potential to be converted into a public space. During the restoration and renovation the empty lot (which is defined as the void in this study) is also donated to BASAF and then the project brief and the design were revized to tackle the problem of filling this void as a public space.

Design concept of the case, here, can briefly be summarised as a space connecting conserved and added features of the architectural transformation.

However, as mentioned above, this space (void) performs as a translator.

Here, the traditional morphology, its forms, tectonics and their relationships, logic, conditions as well as meanings are deciphered and then recoded in a new format containing; new technologies, materials, forms, and meanings.

What is essential in such a translation is that this void should pay homage to the former linguistic code or morphological grammar in the overall composition, that is to say, the synthesised end-product which is the transformed building itself.

Here, the traditional grammar is exalted through not only the neutral and humble reinterpretation of a genuine architectural vocabulary, but also the culmination of space as the major integrating component of the overall composition. Therefore, space becomes a device to interpret the underlying grammatical structure as the basis of the new composition.

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In fact, any architectural intervention can be considered as a linguistic activity that is expressed in a formal a grammar and vocabulary. The point, here, is that the outcoming new narrative should be rewritten on a common language. The architectural context should provide a medium in which not only the new narratives, but also what they are based on, that is to say, former stories, their texts, grammar and vocabulary can also be read. Such a void is intended as an instrument to achieve a culturally sustainable transformation.

The sources and principles of such a formal transformation can be searched within the vernacular typology of the local architecture. Following a comprehensive research through the local documents, typical features of the façade typology in Balıkesir could be obtained. The façade of the existing building was documented and restoration drawings were prepared. The reconstruction project was also prepared for the adjoining site (on which a traditional house once existed) on the basis of remaining photographs (Figure 2) and typological knowledge for the façades in the surrounding context.

Moreover, if the reinterpretation of Plannimetric Typology with reference to Photography Museum & Library, is analysed, one is faced with a difficulty that there is not any document left to guide us about the spatial organisation of the former house. Therefore, plan typology of the nearby environment had been the major source of inspiration for the intended intervention. Spatial configuration is developed from the central sofa plan typology. Since the sofa was the main distributing space within the

Figure 2. Remaining photographs displaying the historical façade of the building once existed on the neighbouring lot.

house, the new void was taken as the major space connecting all sub-spaces in different levels of the building with the exterior space (Figure 3). Furthermore, configuration of exterior space in relation to the regulating VOID within the building is of prime importance since the exterior symbolises the future while the façade and plannimetry is associated with the past. Moreover, sofa is a special typology of space which is

Figure 3. Plan organisation developed from the central sofa typology.

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Figure 4. Spatial configuration inspired from the working mechanism of a camera.

Figure 5. The Gallery Void performs as a joint uniting old with new both physically and metaphorically.

totally introverted and isolated from the exterior. It connects all other rooms (interior spaces) right in the middle of the building scheme. However, by deliberately re-interpreting and judiciously distorting the archetype of sofa here, the main space (proposed sofa) is connected with the exterior (Figure 3) and the façade facing exterior is made totally transparent (Figure 7) through the use of double-storey high glass surface which also is extended to the roof.

In this way, the interior space becomes an extension of urban space and vice versa. Hence, the exterior patio in the back of the building (backyard) becomes a corridor which connects two buildings that are architecturally tackled as one. In sum, all formerly-known definitions of interior - exterior division are turned inside out through this architectural intervention by referring to the typological precedents as mentined above.

In that sense, the metaphorical use of photography in this spatial configuration constitutes the main theme of the overall architectural intervention. The traditional and the modern features

are integrated through the building content. In other words, the concept of photography became the starting point for designing how new will be added into the old. The working principle of a “camera” is taken not only as a metaphor but also as the major criteria for organising the new urban interior space (once an urban void). As known, beams of light reflected from the image are flown through a prism, that is to say the object lenses of the camera.

Here, the light-beams are deflected and converted in order to project the image onto the chemical surface of the film so that the chemical reaction of the light with the film could fix the view of the object. Similarly, the design of the building takes the core interior space (void) of the building as the lenses of a camera, which process the light coming from the exterior courtyard through the two-storey-high glass opening and project this light onto the layer associated with the past, that is the historical (reconstructed) façade (Figure 4).

Hence, the light of the future is intended to be superimposed onto the traditional building component (Figure 5).

Thus, an unused urban void becomes a new urban/public interior room which connects not only front street to backyard but also the new library to the old museum.

To sum up, the restoration and reconstruction project for Photography Museum & Library attempts to address the issues of regeneration and metamorphosis by a judicious architectural intervention into the neglected architectural heritage through insertion of an ‘urban interior room’ into the existing ‘urban void’. As mentioned at the very beginning, the project is based on a VOID connecting what exists with what disappeared long ago in a totally new combination. Hence, the reconcilliation of the “modern” with the “traditional” as well as “exterior” with “interior”, whereby characteristics of the existing heritage is re-abstracted, is intended in order to overcome the dichotomy of “modern versus traditional”. The proposed architectural hybrid consists of conserved and added features. Conserved features are; the remaining building (which is suggested as the museum part) and the façade

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of the reconstructed library building.

The added features, on the other hand, include; a new building behind the reconstructed façade, a new central (interior/exterior) space and a common backyard, that is revitalised as the exterior space for outdoor activities related to the local association of photography (BASAF) (Figure 6). The design tackles the conserved features as the underlying grammatical structure onto which the added features are specifically and critically integrated.

3. The “void” as a spatial medium & its tectonic identity The proposed intervention to reclaim this derelict urban void via a new set of interior spaces necessitated a critical interpretation of the program components in the building brief. As shortly introduced above, the building brief was composed of two major components; namely the museum and the library that are both dedicated to the field of photography. The physical context was also comprised of two parts; The first was the neglected 19th century building with a wooden skeleton frame structure and mix infill. This building has also a front façade made of cut stone. The second component of the context was an empty building lot which once accomodated a building with wooden structure and wooden front façade. Since, the empty lot was maintaining its legal status as a (heritage) listed building, the intervention should be based on the reconstruction of the building. Thus, the building program was distributed respectively, that is to say, existing building was planned to be restorated as the museum while the contemporary addition with a reconstructed front façade was planned to be the Library. Although the building is primarily a reconstruction, it was totally tackled as a new design problem apart from its front façade which was rebuilt as it originally was.

As mentioned above, sofa is used as the major element of the spatial configuration. Reading halls and book shelves are organised around this central void.

The periphery of this void designed as a transparent surface so as to integrate this void with the backyard lying just behind the void itself. At the

Figure 6. Backyard connecting the museum and library.

bottom of this void, a water feature is also introduced not only to accentuate the centrality, but also to recall minor tastes of the traditional atmosphere in a contemporary setting (Figure 7).

This small building complex consists of not only a building designed for temporary and permanent exhibitions, but also a library with its reading hall and multi-purpose reception area, as well as seminar rooms, administration rooms, technical areas etc. These two buildings (a reconstructed building and a restorated building) are united around a backyard allowing exterior activities. This backyard was also supported with an arcaded café. In sum, the design of this couple of buildings is mainly based on the configuration of a primary VOID in order to connect what currently exists with what disappeared long ago in a totally new combination. The transparency of this space is not only extended towards the backyard but also towards the sky (Figure 8) to further accentuate the experience of being outside while the user is actually inside. Thus, the main space, in other words, the void becomes the lens of a camera which projects the light coming from the courtyard onto the historical surface, in other words, the reconstructed facade, between which guests, in other word, the photographers move creating new layers of art connecting not only tradition with modern, but also interior with exterior.

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Figure 7. View of the central (urban interior) space from the entrance showing the inverted relationship between interior and exterior .

Figure 8. The central voidthe top of which is also transparent to enhance the feeling of being outside within an interior space.

4. Process of constructing a void as a new room in the city The mission of spatially reclaiming a void in the tissue of the city due to a once-demolished edifice through insertion of a new building, is tackled as an intervention of transparent and laterally integrated set of interiors rather than through a replacement of a lost building with a new, isolated and purely solid object. The Museum & Library of Photography also became the nucleus of a local movement of urban renewal in Balıkesir through the planning and design process behind the restoration and reconstruction project, as well as the involvement of local non-governmental organisations. The process has started with the allocation of special funds to local administrations by the central government for restoration of local historical heritage. The bureaucrats of the municipality determined a set of buildings and contacted the local university. They were advised to tackle the issue at a broader scale and develop a regeneration model for a street or a district with the coordination of a larger section of the local society including local NGOs and various other parties.

Although this initiative was met with a great enthusiasm, the local authorities were unable to organise such a larger scale project. After a year of negotia-

tions, a totally different and small initiative emerged and applied to local authorities to take one of the dilapidated buildings in Balıkesir on the condition of restorating it. The initiative was started by the local Association of Photography (BASAF). Finally, they managed to take the permission to restorate and use a 19th century building which was once used as a dormitory. The building was used for various purposes which led to its dilapidation and its fast deterioration. It represents the characteristics of the vernacular architecture.

The association, which did not have any financial source at all, develped various contacts and activities to attract the people and institution, who are interested in photography, in order to find finance for the restoration of the building. Several businessman and institutions made donations to contribute to the construction. Moreover, at the final stages of the project they started a campaign to finance the construction. Along this route, the mayor, who owned the next building lot, decided to donate the lot on the condition that the building (once existed there) would be reconstructed. Then the project was expanded to design a building complex including a museum and a library and workshop. Afterwards, the project was promoted in various sections of the

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press and media. After the first phase of the project and the construction of the additional building was completed, it provided great publicity within the city. It also made an important impact in the nearby environment. The front of the building which was a small parking lot was converted to a tiny square, in which various public cultural activities, such as exhibitions and concerts, are organised (Figure 9). Thus, the new building (or the new interior spatial configuration) acted as a filter between the open urban spaces both in the front and the back of the new building couple (library and museum). Forthermore, few more historical buildings were also restorated on the same street.

Thus, the very first suggestion was realised on its own with the initiatives of the local NGOs. Hence, the current socio-economic activity of the town was meeting with the (once neglected) historical heritage of the town. Socio-cultural and economic dimensions of the intervention into the historical setting seem to manifest themselves in the configuration of spatial program around the central void. Therefore, one can assert that a void is essential in integration various dimensions of traditional with modern as well as those of interior and exterior spaces.

5. Discussion The paper discusses the role of interior spaces in constructing the urban environment. It further raises the issue of space as the major regulating force in the conservation of and intervention into historical contexts ranging from a single space to larger scales. It also contributes to the literature by unveiling the theoretical background of a small scale application in a small town of Western Asia. It might be assumed that any architectural hybrid (interior/ exterior, historical/contemporary), injected into an ongoing metamorphosis, would consist of conserved and added features. Museum and Library of Photography in Balıkesir, as a design which attempt to integrate the traditional with the modern components of this hybrid, tackles the conserved features as the underlying grammatical structure onto which the added features are judiciously and critically integrated. Thus,

Figure 9. Frontyard of the building was converted to a public square.

the VOID appears also as a translator which transfers or interprets the traditional language onto the contemporary text. Therefore, the building elucidated above (as an epitom of interior-exterior reversion) represents a new paradigm for regenerating the heritage, which can be called as “modern reads (or rewrites) the traditional” based on such a linguistic analogy. Consequently, architectural identity of the existing (and sometimes disappeared) heritage is reproduced via injection of this new hybrid into the very heart of the existing urban fabric. The design of the VOID intends to resolve the tensions between the contrasting features of restoration and intervention merely by understanding the conditions and fundementals of the process of historical layering in the town.

The above-studied case is a typical manifestation of how a deliberate attempt to twist the cannons of architectural typology in regard to the rigid definition of exterior-interior disinction would regenerate a spatial continium (as in the case of Rome as depicted by Nolli’s plan) whereby the boundries between interior and exterior are evaporated. Consequently, the analyitical re-reading of the daily experience of interior-exterior unity within the photography museum and the library complex in Balıkesir shows how judicious articulation of interior architecture accommodates a potential to transform the boundries of a professional discipline (such as architecture) by filling an urban void via an interior space, and thus, turning a semi-urban space into an enclosed yet expanded public interior room.

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Filling an urban void as a ‘public interior’ in Balıkesir; contemporary intervention into historic context through interior space

Contributors Ehsan ABSHIRINI Ehsan Abshirini is a PhD student in GIS at KTH, School of Architecture and Built Environment. Current research focuses on urban resilience, urban accessibility and diversity in the context of space syntax, GIS and spatial analysis, developing methodologies to better support such issues in urban planning.

Nihal ARIOĞLU Nihal Arıoğlu was retired from Architecture Faculty at ITÜ in 2016. She is working in Beykent University as a regular lecturer and as an adjunct professor at Medipol University. She has been working in research topics of “Assessment of construction, election of materials and systems in construction, technics of developments in innovative materials and systems, characterization in materials, recycling”. She has five books and many publications. She has students complete 39 master thesis and 6 doctoral thesis.

Kerem BEYGO Kerem Beygo is Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning in ITU, Turkey. He received his Bachelor’s degree in Civil Engineering and Master’s degree in Management Engineering from ITU. He worked as a constructor and licensed real estate appraiser. He is interested in green buildings, energy efficieny in urban regeneration, sustainable developments in cities and regions.

Murat ÇETİN Murat Çetin received his B.Arch and M.Arch degrees from Middle East Technical University, Department of Architecture. He completed his PhD at the University of Sheffield in United kingdom. He worked in various institutions such as Balıkesir University, Yeditepe University, King Fahd University. Currently, he teaches at the Kadir Has University.

Seda ERDEM Seda Erdem was born in 1980. She was graduated from Istanbul Tech-

nical University Architecture Faculty in 2005. She completed her master in 2008 and doctoral thesis in 2013 at ITU. She has been working as a research assistant since 2011 at ITU, Department of Architecture. Şebnem ERTAŞ She completed her bachelor’s (2003) and master’s (2006) degrees and earned her Ph.D. (2012) at the Karadeniz Technical University, Trabzon. She is currently employed as assistant professor in the Department of Interior Architecture. She won Dining Room Furniture Design, National Furniture Design Competition 2005 3rd Prize, 2006 Mention prize, Turkey.

Ebru FİRİDİN ÖZGÜR Phd, Assoc. Prof. at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Department of City and Regional Planning. Her areas of interest are urban design theory, urban morphology, history of human settlements, public spaces and publicness of the cities, and contemporary housing development.

Y. Barış GÖĞÜŞ Res. Asst. at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Department of City and Regional Planning. His areas of interest are Participatory Urban Design, Public space and publicness of urban space, social production of space, actor-network theory, relational methods in urban studies. Ümit IŞIKDAĞ Currently an Associate Prof. at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Umit Isikdag holds a BSc in the field of Civil Engineering, an MSc. / PhD in the field of Construction Informatics. His research interests include BIM, 3D GIS, Internet of Things, RESTful Architectures, BIM 2.0, and Spatial Web Services.

Mustafa Erkan KARAGÜLER Graduated from Istanbul Technical University in 1977, Mustafa Karaguler completed his master of science degree in Building Materials from the same university in 1979. He started to work in ITU Faculty of Architecture at Building Science Chair. After receiving his Phd title he continued his studies

in Northwestern University two years long. Receiving title as Assistant Profesor in 1991 and Associate Professor in 1992, Karaguler continues to give lectures in Architecture Department in ITU. Tuğba Gülfem KAYA Graduated from the Istanbul Technical University Architecture Department in 2002, Gulfem Kaya completed her master of science degree from ITU Faculty of Architecture at Environmental Control and Construction Technologies Program in 2006. She worked on several projects related with her expertise and now continues in Phd studies since 2011 at ITU Architecture Department Construction Sciences Program.

Daniel KOCH Daniel Koch (PhD) is a researcher at KTH School of Architecture and Architect at Patchwork Architecture Laboratory. Recent research investigates spatial configuration and socio-cultural structuring, design and diagramming, and processes of subjectification. He is editor of the journal of Space Syntax and Vice Director of SRE Architecture in the Making.

Edmond MANAHASA Completed his bachelor and MSc (in History of Architecture) degree in Istanbul Technical University where he is actually a PhD Candidate (in Architectural Design). His field of interest has been European Architecture (Medieval and Modern), Ottoman Architecture in Albania, Theory of Architecture and Criticism, Architectural Identity and City Identity.

Parmonangan MANURUNG Parmonangan Manurung was born in Palangkaraya-Indonesia. He did his undergraduate work at Universitas Kristen Duta Wacana and received his master degree from Gadjah Mada University, Indonesia. He is interested in architectural design, lighting and inclusive design. He has published some books and articles based on his research and design experiences.

Ahsen ÖZSOY Prof. Dr. Ahsen Özsoy studied archi-

tecture at ITU. Teaches architectural design, housing research-methodologies, psychology and architecture.

Studies on housing quality; environment-behaviour research; architectural education, earthquake, gender and children issues. She has designed educational and residential projects, received national architectural awards.

Administratively, served as Director of Institute of Social Sciences and Vice Rector of ITU. Tolga SAYIN Phd, Assist. Prof. at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Department of Architecture. His areas of interest are transdisciplinary research in architecture, architectural theory and criticism, architectural design education, relationship between architecture and city, public spaces and publicness of the cities.

Sinem SEÇER Ph.D. Candidate, Research Assistant at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Department of City and Regional Planning. She completed her undergraduate studies at the Political Science and Public Administration Department, METU, then earned an MA degree from University of Michigan, Department of Urban Planning. Her areas of interest are urban sociology, public space, labour geography.

Kemal ŞAHİN He is working in the Department of Informatics at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University since 2010. He is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Informatics at Istanbul University. He conducts scientific studies on educational technologies, technology education and data visualization. He is experienced in mobile / web application development.

Aslı TAŞ Aslı Taş is a Research Assistant of Interior Architecture in Faculty of Fine Arts at Marmara University. She earned both her bachelor and master’s degree from Karadeniz Technical University.

She is attending her Ph. D. at Marmara University. Her main research topics include the history and theory of inte-

rior architecture.

Bülent Onur TURAN He graduated from Yildiz Technical University in 1999, completed his master’s and Ph.D. degrees in the field of Architecture. He works as an academic at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University since 2010. His research interests include, design methods, architectural education, digital design and fabrication and design informatics.

Mehmet Ali YÜZER Mehmet Ali Yüzer is Ass. Professor in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning in ITU, Turkey. He received his Master’s and Doctoral degree from the ITU. He is interested in industrial location, quantitative methods in planning, urban planning and design theory and practices. He developed LUCAM Model that consists of Simulation and Modeling of Urban Growth and Transformation.