Itujfa 2017 2

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July 2017

ISSN 2564-7474

Vol 14 No 2

Vol 14 No 2

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July 2017

Published three issues in one year by Istanbul Technical University as a refereed journal.

Editorial

Publishing Editor

Editorial Board

Editorial Secretariat

Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel Gül Koçlar Oral Tüzin Baycan

Aygül Ağır Nilgün Ergun Yegan Kahya İlknur Kolay Sinan Mert Şener Hayriye Eşbah Tuncay Gülname Turan Alper Ünlü Zerrin Yılmaz

Y. Çağatay Seçkin

Melike Ersoy Koray Gelmez Arzu Türk

Representatives

Sadık C. Artunç • Mississippi, USA

Advisory Board

Ömer Akın • School of Architecture, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, USA Michael Batty • School of Architecture, Faculty of the Built Environment, Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, University College London, London, UK Sina Berköz • Department of Architecture and Interior Design , College of Engineering, University of Bahrain, Isa Town, Bahrain Sibel Bozdoğan • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Art and Design, Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey Richard Buchanan • Department of Design & Innovation, Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Erich Buhmann • Department of Landscape Architecture, Faculty of Agriculture, Ecotrophology and Landscape Development, Anhalt University, Bernburg, Germany Conall O’Cathain • School of Architecture, Queen’s University of Belfast, Belfast, N. Ireland Jay Chatterjee • Seasongood Foundation, Urban Design Review Board City of Cincinnati, Contemporary Arts Center Cincinnati, Cinnati, Ohio, USA Max Conrad • Department of Landscape Architecture, College of Art and Design, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, USA Gülen Çağdaş • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey Gülden Erkut • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey Zafer Ertürk • Department of Interior Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Feyziye Schools Foundation Işık University, Istanbul, Turkey John Gero • Department of Computer Science, College of Computing and Informatics, The University of North Carolina at Charlotte, North Carolina, USA Luigi Fusco Girard • Department of Architecture, University of Naples Federico II, Naples, Italy Joachim B. Kieferle • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Civil Engineering, Rheinmain University, Wiesbaden, Germany Roderick John Lawrence • Department of Geography & Environment, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Environmental Sciences, University of Geneva, Switzerland Ardeshir Mahdavi • Department of Building Physics and Building Ecology, Institute of Architectural Sciences, Vienna University of Technology, Vienna, Austria Ezio Manzini • Chair of Design for Social Innovation,Department of Industrial Design, Polytechnic University of Milan, Milan, Italy Robert W. Marans • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Michigan, Michigan, USA Mehmet Ocakçı • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey Rivka Oxman • Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning, Technion Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa Israel Süha Özkan • Faculty of Architecture and Design, Özyeğin University, Istanbul, Turkey Andrew D. Seidel • School of Environmental Planning, University of Northern British Columbia, Prince George, British Columbia, Canada Hasan Şener • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Kultur University, Istanbul, Turkey Handan Türkoğlu • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey Zerrin Yılmaz • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

Typesetting

Gürkay Aydoğmuş Ceylan Beşevli Koray Gelmez

Web

Melike Ersoy

Abstracted and Indexed in

Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals Design and Applied Art Index (DAAI) Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ) Genamics JournalSeek International Construction Database (ICONDA) Scopus SJR Scimago ULAKBİM ISSN 2564-7474

Print

Cenkler Matbaa, Istanbul Turkey, July 2017

Cover Design Koray Gelmez

Logo Design Koray Gelmez

Contact

İTÜ A|Z Yayın Sekreterliği, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Mimarlık Fakültesi Taşkışla, Taksim, 34437 İstanbul Türkiye fax: 90 212 251 4895 e-mail: az@itu.edu.tr web: www.az.itu.edu.tr

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017

Contents Y. Çağatay Seçkin • Editor Editorial

I

Dossier: Urban Transformation Nevnihal Erdoğan Dossier Editorial

1-3

Keynote: Future vision of urban design in central

Tokyo-transformation of Minato City Keimi Harada 5-8 Emel Karakaya Policy-oriented urban planning in 1930s in Turkey: İzmit Urban Plan Evren Akaltun Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s Beş Şehir: An aesthetic approach to urban transformation

9-20

21-30

Kerem Yavuz Arslanlı, Vedia Dökmeci, Hakan Kolcu The effect of the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi on land values and the transformation of urban land use

31-41

Tansel Erbil Planning dilemmas in deindustrialization process in İstanbul

43-56

Nevnihal Erdoğan, Hikmet Temel Akarsu, Büşra Özaydın Çat From dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli

57-67

Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel Architecture of the city in the post-urban transformation

69-79

Damla Atik, Nevnihal Erdoğan A model suggestion for determining physical and socio-cultural changes of traditional settlements in Turkey

81-93

Ersan Koç, Hürkan Topuz Analysis of architectural design processes in the interaction cycle of property, real property, and urban transformation: The example of Kocaeli 95-104

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017

Theory Can Boyacıoğlu, Gülçin Pulat Gökmen, Nezih Ayıran Anthropocene idea in modern avant-garde architecture: A retrospective discussion on Wright and Fuller

105-117

Gözde Gali Taşçı, Ayşe Zerrin Yılmaz, Cristina Becchio, Stefano Paolo Corgnati An advanced envelope retrofit option to increase solar gain and ventilation through façade for reducing energy demand of residence buildings 119-130 H. Serdar Kaya, Vedia Dökmeci Development of urban hierarchies at the country and regional levels in Turkey

131-149

I

Editorial Y. Çağatay SEÇKİN • Editor Once upon a time, a little boy worked at his desk in the bluish bedroom of his childhood home in Istanbul. The boy’s homework assignment was to write one of his dreams.

He started to think what he is going to tell. He could tell the girl he is in love with. The first goal scored against Bordeaux in midweek, by Fenerbahçe’s legend striker Selçuk Yula was also like a dream. On the other hand, was it possible to tell his lifelong dream, to become the owner of a Porsche Carrera 911?

All of them deserved to tell as a dream. However, he decided to tell the boy who got to be architect. It is the most current research topic for him, especially after the last movie he watched that weekend with his grandma. It was Michelangelo Antonioni’s The Passenger. Maria Schneider was a young student of architecture and the boy still remembers the scenes that Schneider and Nicholson moving around Gaudi’s buildings in Barcelona.

Decades later, his dream come true, the boy got many degrees on architec-

ture and design, and is offered to write the editorial at A|Z ITU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture, which has for nearly 15 years told both dreams and realities of architecture and design.

Before starting this editorial, I remembered the night in my childhood bedroom and decided to share just that moment with the readers of the Journal. I wish my grandma, who passed away this year, were alive and I was able to translate these lines to her, who knew entire story and my other dreams about life.

Hereby, I would like to thank all our readers for the support they provide to the Journal, one more time. If we have been telling both dreams and realities of architecture and design for a long while, it all happens by your help. We really look forward your comments, contributions, suggestions and criticisms. Please do not hesitate to share with us your feelings and especially, let us know if you have ideas or topics that we could be focusing on. There are 12 articles coming from the researcher of different universities and research institutes, in this issue. Enjoy your reading and meet with us again in next issue on November 2017.

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Dossier Editorial: Urban Transformations Nevnihal ERDOĞAN The theme of this file is the conference held by Kocaeli University three years ago and constitutes selected and transformed articles. UPAD 2014 (1st International Urban Planning-Architecture-Design Congress) was organized by Kocaeli University Faculty of Architecture and Design in Kocaeli, 8-11 May 2014. The main theme of the Congress - Urban Transformation: Economic, Social and Physical Orientation - has become the current Urban Planning-Architecture-Design agenda in the World, Turkey, and Kocaeli.

The general objectives of the Congress are: • Bringing together scientific information regarding the international academic environment, Kocaeli city stakeholders, ideas and experiences in urban planning, architecture and design issues in Turkey and abroad academic environments., • Taking into account the different types of issues on Turkey and / or Kocaeli, to create academic knowledge base for the use of the institutions and public institutions operating in Kocaeli University-Faculty of Architecture and Design and Kocaeli, • To create areas and mediums in the fields of Urban Planning, Architecture and Design, which will increase the contribution of Kocaeli University to produce scientific information and build up a regular event scope..

Universities, municipalities, industrial, commercial establishments, construction-architecture firms and non-governmental organizations, which are city stakeholders in UPAD 2014, came together to produce and discuss solutions to urban problems in the academic platform of Kocaeli University related to urban transformation. In addition, examples of urban transformation practices in the World and Turkey were discussed in order to have an idea about the approaches in the world and to share experiences.

Experiences to be achieved within the framework of international examples were one of the main objectives of the congress to produce site-specific solutions.

UPAD2014 was organized around opening/framework speeches, transformation vision forum, roundtable meeting, panels and parallel sessions.

SymbioCity/Sweden, which has been developing sustainable urban development models in different regions of the world within the Swedish Development Agency shared experiences and delivered models within this conference in a special roundtable meeting organized with public administration and private sector representatives and academics in the Kocaeli Metropolitan Area. 132 papers (24 international participation) were presented at the Congress (36 invited declaration, 96 parallel session presentations and 14 invited speakers).

Conference was sponsored by; Kocaeli University, Kocaeli Metropolitan Municipality, Kocaeli Metropolitan Municipality-Kent Housing, Nuh Cement, Izmit Municipality, Kavanlar Construction, Pekdemir Construction, Haldiz Group, Çolakoğlu Metallurgy, Diler Demirçelik, DASK (Natural Disaster Insurance Institution), Başiskele Municipality, Kocaeli Chamber of Industry, Kocaeli Chamber of Commerce and Welborn Luxury Hotel. The theme of the congress was addressed in its entirety with its economic, social and cultural dimensions, without reducing the transformational problems to the transformation of the physical space.

The conference focused on the following topics; • Transportation and Infrastructure • Industry • Tourism and the City • Development of Service Sector • Revitalization of Historical Sites • Disaster Planning, Urban Risk, Resilient Cities • Urban and Architectural Aesthetics • Migration, Social Dynamics The participants included full-paper presenters, organization committee members, scientific committee members from various universities from different cities and countries, architects-planners from private firms,

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distinguished invited keynote speakers, researchers from various research centers, and doctoral students from national and international universities.

Opening Keynote speakers were; Prof.Dr. Richard Peiser from Harvard-Graduate School of Design, Prof.

Dr. İlhan Tekeli from Middle East Technical University / Department of City and Regional Planning. Transformation Vision Forum covered a total of 18 international and nationally invited speakers within three distinct panel sessions to build a broader perspective.

In addition total 13 international and invited speakers discussed their ideas ( 8 experts in “Panel for Economic and Political Dimensions of Urban Transformation” and 5 experts in the “Panel for Socio-Spatial Dimensions of Urban Transformation”). Matz Jarnhammar from Sweden gave the presentation, “Swedish Development Agency Sustainable Planning Model: Symposium on Philosophy, Structure, and Approach of SYMBIOCITY Approach”, and discussed how it could be implemented. The conference was completed with the general evaluation session and the “Technical Trip to the Urban Transformation Survey” (Izmit and its surroundings).

K.Harada argues that qualities of Minato City in the center of Tokyo, the port city, the old and the new coming together, the international society, the multifunction, the strong economy build up a strong city brand. Minato has passed through five phases in the last 150 years; The first transformation was the Meiji period (modernization) in 1868, the second was the end of the second world war in 1945, the third was Tokyo Olympic games in 1964, the fourth was 2000 globalization, and the fifth was the second Tokyo Olympics.

Harada examines these phases in terms of urban planning and development.

Especially in 2020, with the Olympics in Tokyo, the city of Tokyo will be transformed into a world city that will further develop..

E. Karakaya examined the Kocaeli city plan in the context of Turkey’s political structure and urban planning approaches In the 1930sFirst, she discusses the relation between urbanism approaches that are common in 19th

century and 20th century Europe with Turkish city planning practice. Then the general features of the Urban Planning of the Early Republican period reveal the problems and the different revolutions. The article discusses the importance of Kocaeli city plan in this period around planning and design principles by comparing the similarities and differences of these plans with European urbanism models.

E. Akaltun discusses the urban transformation in Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s literary work “Beş Şehir (Five Cities)” in terms of aesthetic approach.

The theme of A.H. Tanpınar’s work is the desire for newness with the sadness of what has been lost in our lives.

These so-called lost cities evaluated in the masterpiece are Erzurum, Bursa, Istanbul, Konya, Ankara. Akaltun demonstrating a thematic approach to the concept of urban transformation, using the theory of modernization by considering the themes of demolition and reconstruction, lost and new,and transformation and conservation. The author argues that Tanpinar writings are an integral component in the contextualizing and framing of the concept of urban transformation of the concept of aesthetics by reading thematically about the contemporary urban strategy.

K. Arslanlı, V. Dökmeci and İ.H. Kolcu examined the transformation of the land values and functions around the pedestrianization of the İstiklal Promenade in Beyoğlu. It is one of the most successful projects in the world in terms of the high pedestrian flow in Beyoğlu.

Especially after 1986, the promenade has been revitalized by replacing warehouses and manufacturing with spaces/places s of tourism, culture, arts and entertainment. By means of regression analysis, factors investigating the increase in land values were investigated and the results showed that the effect of distance from Taksim is negative. The article is a valuable guide for city planners, decision makers and investors.

T. Erbil addresses the challenges in transforming industrial areas in Istanbul. They first examine the last three master plans affecting the development of the Metropolitan area of Istanbul, the diminishing of industrial zones of the

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city as a whole and the development of the service sector. In particular, problems with the planning of the transformation period in the areas expected to be transformed into the services sector in the industry are being revealed with the Istanbul Province Environment Settlement Plan approved in 2009.

N. Erdoğan, H. T. Akarsu, and B. Ö. Çat discussed the ideas of intellectual architecture and utopia, the master plans and projects to be developed in the face of the 2049 dystopic future scenario for the Gulf region of Kocaeli province. The main theme of Kocaeli University Faculty of Architecture and Design, Spring Term 2012-2013 Architectural Design Studio is the study of “utopia” within the scope of the study subject and intellectual framework.

The footsteps of the thinkers who opened up new ways of life by establishing utopias in the studio process were evaluated in the article. The students were evaluated through various intellectual phases and produced different architectural design projects in which the imagination of a new world was examined.

Y. Dülgeroğlu Yüksel’s article is based on the debate about urban architecture when the urban transformation in Istanbul is completed at the end of the first quarter of the 21st century. The debate is mainly based on residential architecture, which is the predominant zone of the urban structure by attracting attention to urban and architectural difficulties that arise together with

urban transformation. In particular, the paper underlined problems arising from transformation practices like “the loss of architectural value of the buildings that emerged with the reconstruction in the urban reconstruction areas”, and “the breakdown of the socio-cultural traditions of residents in the residential areas” within the role architect’s approach to solving design problems.

D. Atik and N. Erdoğan question the socio-cultural and physical transformation in traditional settlements in their article. A model in the case of Edirne-Kaleiçi traditional residential area is developed to compare design parameters in traditional housing areas with design parameters in contemporary housing areas..

E. Koç ve H.Topuz in their article discussed and analyzed legal framework for real-estate principles processes by which users of architectural space and legal public agencies shift their principles in terms of urban transformation. The article covered cases of parcel based investigations on Divided Co-ownership Act, and architectural design projects and processes.

With the articles collected for this special dossier entitled “Urban Transformation: Economic, Social and Physical Orientation”, I am hoping to share knowledge, ideas and experiences in the disciplines of Urban Planning, Architecture and Design, and to share them in academic and practice environments.

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Keynote: Future vision of urban design in central Tokyotransformation of Minato City Keimi HARADA1

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.95826

1. Chronology of urban design of Tokyo The chronology of Urban Design of Tokyo is divided into 5 stages from late 19th century up to 2020, the year of the second Tokyo Olympics. The first stage was before the Meiji Revolution in 1868, the second stage was from 1868 to 1945, the end of the World War Two, the third stage was 1945 to 1964, the year of the first Tokyo Olympics, the fourth stage was 1964 to 2000. The fifth stage is from 2000 to 2020, the year of the second Tokyo Olympics.

Minato City has a strong brand name. The reason is that in the late 19th century before modernization, 80% of land use of Minato was feudal clan’s residences. After the Meiji Revolution in 1868, those lands were converted to embassies and government buildings. Large capital investment has been made in Minato City so far many redevelopment projects are going on and changing its urban form.

keimi@sec-architects. com • International Academy of Architecture, Bulgaria • Graduate School of Public Policy, Meiji University, Tokyo Former Mayor, Minato City, Tokyo 1

2. The first stage: before the Meiji Revolution in 1868 In the first stage, before the Meiji Revolution in 1868, the feudal government had strict land use control and building control in the city. The location of feudal clans’ residences was based on the closeness with the Shogun, the highest Lord. Building materials, width and height were decided by the government so that, in 19th century, Tokyo was one of the beautiful cities in the world in its way. Schlieman, who excavated the Trojan horse, wrote in his diary when he visited Tokyo, “Tokyo is a beautiful city.” Unfortunately, today we have to discuss how to improve ugly Tokyo City.

3. The second stage from 1868 to 1945 The second stage, after the Meiji Revolution of 1868, the National Government established the future vision such as modernization and westernization, so that the government hired young foreign architects to design many important public buildings in a western style, and let them teach western style architecture to Japanese young students.

Then Minato city became an engine.

Only 5 years after the Revolution of 1868, the government constructed the railway between Minato City and Yokohama City. The first train station was built in Minato City in 1872, the first gas light was lit in the same year and a newspaper was published in Minato City. The original station site has become the urban core in Minato City, thanks to assets of the19th century.

Hired foreign architects and their apprentices designed many important public buildings in a western style, such as Tokyo Prefectural Government, the Tokyo Station, etc.

Besides the private sector hired F. L. Wright (US) for the Imperial Hotel in 1923.

There was not master plan for all of Tokyo at that time. In 1920, a medical doctor Shinpei Goto became Mayor of Tokyo and made the first master plan covering street, park plans and land use. The plan required US$ 8million to realize, astonishing amount of money, six times as much as the annual budget of Tokyo City government, which was US$ 1.3million. The Mayor was criticized as “big mouth”.

1923 is remembered as the founding day of the nation in Turkey. However in the same 1923, many efforts of westernization were burned to ashes by the Tokyo great earthquake. More than 100 thousands people were killed by fire.

The Mayor of Tokyo, Shinpei Goto, immediately made restoration plan, based on a 1920 master plan. Its vision was “Safe City”. The budget required US$ 13million the same as the annual budget of the national government. Because of financial reasons, Mayor Goto could realize only a fraction of his idea.

But its philosophy and ideas are still alive and even effective today. In 1945, Tokyo was destroyed again in the air raids.

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4. The third stage from 1945 to 1964 The third stage was from 1945, the end of World War II, to 1964, the year of the first Tokyo Olympics. The vision of Tokyo then was urban reform for the Olympics and economic developments. A restoration plan was made following Goto’ s Plan for great earthquake restoration.

Some parts of urban redevelopments were realized based on the master plan especially to support the Tokyo Olympics, widening the streets for the marathon course, constructing highways and so forth. The Tokyo Olympics was utilized as an excuse to realize the war damages restoration plan that is a copy of the restoration plan of the Great Earthquake of 1923. Tokyo Olympics was not enough to realize all of Goto’s master plan of 1923 due to a lack of the budget.

5. The fourth stage from 1964 to 2000 The fourth stage was from 1964 to 2000. The vision then was globalization.

After the Tokyo Olympics of 1964, the construction of the public infrastructure had been done slowly. Globalization was in progress which required global quality offices, residences and related facilities. Having many embassies in its region, several important redevelopment projects were going to supply the needs of globalization in Minato City. After the economic developments during the third stage, private sector became able to make its own master plan.

6. The fifth stage from 2000 to 2020 The fifth stage is from 2000 to 2020, the year of the second Tokyo Olympics.

The vision is a World City and also for the Olympic game. The Tokyo Metropolitan Government made the master plan for 2020. That master plan again carries the philosophy of 1923 restoration plan. Under the TMG plan for 2020, the Minato City Government has its own master plan. All the projects are to be developed by the private sector.

The Roppongi Hills Redevelopment 2003 is the largest private redevelopment project: the site of which is 12 ha with 700,000 total floor area designed

by KPF (US). Previous land use was highly dense full of old wooden houses without a proper road network.

Figure 1. Minato scene around 1860 (Archives, Tokyo Prefecture Government).

Figure 2. Shinbashi Station, the first railway station in 1872, by a British architect.

Figure 3. Imperial Hotel in 1923 designed

by F.L. Wright (Archives, Tokyo Prefecture Government).

Figure 4. The Great Kanto (Tokyo) Earthquake in 1923 (Archives, Tokyo Prefecture Government).

In the case of Shiodome District Redevelopment 2003, the previous site was the first train station 1872, and its previous land use was a railyard. Some private sectors hired several distinguished foreign architects such as Kevin Roche, US,for the office building invested by

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Figure 5. Restoration Plan after the Great Earthquake. Vision: Safer City (Archives, Tokyo Prefecture Government).

Figure 6. Air raids disaster in 1945 (Archives, Tokyo Prefecture Government).

Figure 7. Olympic Stadium by Kenzo Tange, 1964 (Archives, Tokyo Prefecture Government).

Figure 8. Major Trunk Road for the Tokyo Olympic in 1964 (Archives, Tokyo Prefecture Government).

the Singaporean fund, Richards Rogers, UK, for the TV station, Jean Nouvel from France for the largest advertising company. It looks like the same situations as the Meiji Renovation of 1868.

Hired young foreign architects designed many important public buildings in the Meiji Period. Today, in this case, well known old, distinguished, established architects are hired for private buildings.

Another large development project is the Shinagawa station redevelopment 2003 where the terminal station of the linear motor train with its maximum speed of 500 km/h will be constructed by 2025.

Loop 2 in Minato City was finally completed in 2014, after 60 years since it was originally planned in the war damage restoration plan. An excuse “Infrastructure improvement for Tokyo Olympics” is very persuasive to persuade citizens to agree to sell the land for the street construction.

Neighboring land will be the Olympic Villages for the athletes, those units will be reused for private housing. New Olympic Stadium designed

by Zaha Hadid UK., but the design was not accepted due to the over the budget.

7. Vision of each period In conclusion, vision of each period is summarized as follows: 1. Meiji Period till 1945 WWII: vision was modernization and westernization by foreign architects. The vision was made by the public sector. Minato City was the engine of the modernization. 80% of its land use was feudal clans’ residences converted embassies and important public buildings, which created a strong brand of Minato City.

The great disaster restoration plan of 1923 has been effective in even today’s master plan.

2. 1945 till 1964 Tokyo Olympics: vision was Economic Development using the master plan of 1923. As an excuse for the Tokyo Olympics, a minimum part of infrastructure was realized. The vision and its implementation were led by the public sector.

3. 1964 till 2000: vision was global-

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ization. Private sectors made own master plan to be realized by themselves hiring foreign architects.

4. 2000 till 2020 Tokyo Olympics: vision is World City. Master plan of 1923 is still effective. By using 2020 Tokyo Olympics as an excuse, the planned infrastructure will surely be constructed.

The public sector is taking a leadership environment-conscious redevelopments, hiring foreign architects.

The present Tokyo master plan follows the one made in 1920, 100 years ago, by Mayor Goto. At that time, the original master plan was realized only partly because of financial reasons. The first Tokyo Olympics in 1964 was used as an excuse to accelerate realization of the master plan. Once again, the second Tokyo Olympics in 2020 will be

used as an excuse to realize the master plan.

References Minato City. (2014). Facts, Minato City Planning 2014. Minato City, Tokyo Tokyo Metropolitan Government (2013). Urban Development in Tokyo 2013. Tokyo Metropolitan Government Tokyo 400th Celebration Anniversary Committee. (2003). Edo (Tokyo) Sketches. Tokyo 400th Celebration Anniversary Committee. ISBN 4-90227200-8 Minoru Mori. (2009). Hills, Challenging City: Asahi Shimbun. ISBN 978-4-02-273300-9

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • 9-20

Policy-oriented urban planning in 1930s in Turkey: İzmit Urban Plan

Emel KARAKAYA emellkarakaya@gmail.com • Department of City and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Muğla Sıtkı Koçman University, Muğla, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.91886

Received: December 2016 • Final Acceptance: June 2017

Abstract Following the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, urbanism became one of main issues in the agenda of the State. Between 1923 and 1940, 117 cities and towns in Anatolia and Rumelia were planned. After planning cities demolished during the War of Independence, in pursuit of Great Depression in 1929, Etatism and Populism principles became basis for policy-oriented development of urban space.

This study aims at examining İzmit Urban Plan in 1935 (by Hermann Jansen) in the context of urban planning approaches and 1930s’ political structure of the Republic of Turkey. In this perspective, this article is divided into three main parts.

In the first part, I discuss 19th Century and 20th Century prevailing approaches of Urbanism in Europe and their relevance in Turkey’s Urban Planning Practice. In the second part, I manifest general structure, issues, and different periods of Early Republican Urban Planning in Turkey. In the third part, I discuss importance of İzmit Urban Plan in this period as a model in addition to analyzing basic design and planning principles of the Plan. Further, I scrutinize similarities and differences of the Plan with European urbanism models.

Keywords 19th and 20th century urbanism, Early Republican Era Urban Planning, İzmit Urban Plan in 1935, Policy-oriented urban planning.

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1. Introduction This article intends to discuss İzmit 1935 Urban Plan, which was prepared

by Hermann Jansen, and to reveal the correlation of plan with contemporary urbanism approaches of the era in 1930s’ political structure in the Republic of Turkey. To do so, I have conducted archival studies, examined primary and secondary sources and original documents to reveal discourses of urbanists and politicians. I have also drawn from original documents of 1935 İzmit urban plan.

I divided study into three main parts. In the first part, I am discussing specifications, spatial statements, solutions and principles of late 19th and early 20th century urbanism movements. Later in the second part, I am concentrating on the conditions that the Republic of Turkey were experiencing with an emphasis on policy making and policy orientation for spatial arrangements. In this respect, I am making a debate on the milieu that İzmit 1935 urban plan was prepared. In the last part, I put arguments on İzmit urban plan in the context of its design and planning principles and policy-orientation processes that became effective on this plan.

Because, late 19th century and the early 20th century was the era to bring genesis of urbanism as a new area of science, principles emerged through urbanism were accepted as ultimate solutions for such problems. In relation to the problems caused by industrialization induced emergence of new urban problems, urbanism as a scientific area was gaining its legitimacy. However, differing from their European counterparts, cities in Anatolia and Rumelia experienced industrialization process mostly in the following periods of the proclamation of the Republic. Therefore, problems emerged due industrialization, which was seen as an agent of progress and development, had a different character than the problems of European cities. The problems of cities in the Republic of Turkey were depending on development and regulation of deficiencies. Newly established state had needed a frame for spatial arrangements and removing deficiencies in cities “to form an anti-thesis

in the clarity to the classical Ottoman towns” (Saban-Ökesli, 2009, p. 45). For this reason, newly emerging science, urbanism was also accepted in the Republic of Turkey as the primary agent for the success of the Republic (Bilsel, 1996).

The proclamation of the Republic of Turkey remarked the beginning of a new era for Anatolia and Rumelia. For the construction of the Republic, reforms on a new institutional, social and cultural environment were obligatory (Karakaya, 2012c). Therefore, reformation of urban space was at the core of policy implementation for progress and transformation. According to Tekeli (2005: 7), Nation-Building process of Turkey has four spatial elements of Nation-Building project as follows; 1. Ankara’s declaration as capital city 2. Railway Programme to provide unity of internal market 3. Industrialization Programme 4. People’s Houses (Halkevleri) However, modernism movement in Turkey, which is triggered in the late Ottoman Period and found its final form in the Early Republican Turkey, has a multi-layered structure. The aim of this multi-layered structure diverges at a range of societal and intellectual transformation through economic development. These layers have characteristics of being philosophic in terms of its planning and rationalist dimension; institutional with its Nation-State based structure; economic with its massive production pattern and; societal with its fiction of modern citizens and modern life (Çalışkan, 2003). The foundation of institutional structure depended primarily on the establishment of economic, societal and philosophic structures in which urbanism had the key apparatus to accomplish (Karakaya, 2012a). In this respect, the Nation Building project, as a socio-spatial process, has two additional spatial elements as (Karakaya, 2010); 1. Selection of agriculture, trade and industry focal (in relevance with industrialization programme and railway network) 2. Planning programme and urbanism.

In this context, Nation-Building process encompassed 117 cities and towns ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • E. Karakaya

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that were planned in collaboration with railway programme and industrial programme (Keskinok & Karakaya, 2010) between 1923 and 1940.

When the era between 1923 and 1940 is examined, there are two periods of policy-making and (their) spatial arrangements. Term between 1923 and 1929 was the period of urgent measurements for economy to repair deficiencies such as infrastructure. The era after 1930 till 1940s was industrialization term and planned period. İzmit, which is a city located in the eastern border of İstanbul, was one of the cities planned between 1930-1940 period.

2. Late 19th century and early 20th century urbanism Sutcliffe (1980: 2) asserts that; “Most of the machinery product of planning in today’s world has emerged since 1914”. In this view, the expressions and concepts like urbanism, town planning, city planning, urban planning or Stadtebau, Stadteplanung, urbanisme, urbanistica and so on are derived from the studies between 1890 and 1914 (Sutcliffe, 1980).

Problems of urbanization generated in the industrial society have since the beginning been alike; haphazard growth, pollution, housing, transportation, congestion and sanitary problems, and have always existed but with increasing magnitude (Günay, 1988: 24). As a reaction to these problems, Françoise Choay (1969) classifies the models developed for creating new urban forms under the headings of “Progressist” and “Culturalist” approaches.

It is obvious that both progressist and culturalist models had influenced planning practices in Turkey in the early Republican period (Günay, 1988).

On the other hand, Tekeli (1980) narrows the models and approaches that had been effective in the 1930s planning experience of the Republic.

In this view, there are five main movements emerged at that era namely; City Beautiful Movement of the USA, Camillo Sitte’s Picturesque Approach, the Garden City of Ebenezer Howard, Amsterdam planning of Berlage and Cité Industriel of Tony Garnier. In addition to this approach, when we examine 117

urban plans that been made between 1923 and 1940 (Keskinok & Karakaya, 2010), establishment of industrial cities, industrial towns and constitution of growth poles remark that Soviet urbanism had made some influences (Karakaya, 2012b). Nazilli Printwork Industry as a factory model town had been established in accordance with the report prepared by a Soviet Commission in 1933 (Doğan, 2009; Karakaya, 2012b). In this article, we require turning our attention to Hermann Jansen -the planner of İzmit-, his planning principles and background.

Hermann Jansen, as an urbanist and architect, continued his education and his career in a milieu that had been suffering due problems caused by industrial revolution. Discussions for cities were underlining results of industrialization and dehumanization of cities (Saban-Ökesli, 2009). Idea of an urban fabric that is sensitive and together with natural, historical and cultural entities was gaining more importance (Karakaya, 2010). Two academic debates under these conditions, Camillo Sitte’s Sittesque (or Picturesque) approach and Garden City movement would affect Hermann Jansen. Through his education and professional life, he emphasized organic character of urban fabric. Contrary to Haussmann’s straight lines and wide boulevards’ (Tankut, 1993), he contended irregularity in urban pattern and aesthetic purposes (Karakaya, 2011).

In this respect, to respond my question that to what extent and in which ways these movements affected the planning practice in the Early Republican Period in Turkey, I need to examine two approaches; Camillo Sitte’s Picturesque Approach and the Garden City of Ebenezer.

2.1. Picturesque approach Camillo Sitte, at the Technical University of Aachen, advocated a “picturesque” approach in the late 19th century. When his book of Der Städtebau nach seinen künstlerischen Grundsätzen (City Planning According to Artistic Principles) was published in Vienne in 1889, there was a debate among German urban planning. It was not until the early twentieth cen-

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tury that the term Stadterweiterung (town extention) was fully displaced by Stadtebau (town planning), the term popularized by Camillo Sitte and Josef Stübben (Breitling, 1980: 32). It was realized that operations in cities were more than town extension; the term “town planning” was being used. Thus, town planning was arising as a scientific area.

As we group the models of pre-industrial society and newly industrialized society as “Culturalist and Progressist”. Camillo Sitte was one of the most popular representatives of Culturalist Model. According to Günay (1988: 26), “The Culturalist model seeks for both the urban structure and architecture of pre-industrial society. The second-generation representatives of the Culturalist model do not reject the industrial society but try to adapt its space understanding to that of the pre-industrial city. The most famous is Camillo Sitte (1843-1903) who after dissecting the Classical, Medieval and Baroque urban structures finds some fundamental elements in these pre-industrial forms”.

The arguments of Sitte were as follows; • The beauty of city would be realized in the turn to the middle age cities and feudal cities • Organic development rather than the monotony of 19th century would create artistic soul • Linear lines and boulevards like Haussmann’s would be objected • The urban squares would pertain pedestrians • Traffic circulation would be determined by topographic elements • Instead of big open parks, there would be gardens for apartments and housing districts as courtyards of neighborhood units The proposals and principles of Sitte were pointing the formation of neighborhood units and “street life” for society. It was the first time that “pedestrianization principle” was declared.

His approach was a return to methods of the medieval town as a way of “humanizing the city”.

Figure 1. Garden City, six magnificent boulevards traversing the city from center (Source: http://www.library.cornell.edu/Reps/ DOCS/howard.htm, 01.07.2010).

2.2. Garden City When the book of “City Planning According to Artistic Principles” of Camillo Sitte was published in Austria in 1889, Ebenezer Howard launched “Garden Cities of To-morrow” in England. So as to understand the “Garden City”, it is important to know that Ebenezer Howard must have had contacts with the movements of “nationalization of land” and “nationalization of labor”. At the end, he would be seeking a negotiation for individualism and socialism (Tekeli, 1980).

In Howard’s views, the old cities had done their work and had to be located by new cities if the aim was higher level of civilization. Although his approach was calling for the creation of new planned town surrounded by a permanent agricultural belt, integrated planning model of Ebenezer Howard had a housing based model. As Tarn (1980) asserted, Garden City model of Howard was reacting to the minimum standards of by-law legislation and quality of environment to create a sense of community and planning structure that would be alike utopian industrial villages.

In this proposal, solution was pointing the problems of cities in terms of a new life between urban and rural style.

The model had the supremacy of both.

Town and country must be married, and out of this joyous union will spring a new hope, a new life, a new civilization (Howard, 1898).

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The main proposal of Garden City was indeed the rejection of big cities.

For Howard, the growth of cities had to be controlled solution was in small cities with 32.000 populations and a network of these small cities. The model of Garden City was a circular scheme center of which included a theatre, a municipality, a park, a cinema and some other social facilities. Therefore, downtown was established as a cultural center. There were six magnificent boulevards traversing the city from the center to circumference. These were dividing the city into six equal parts (Figure 1).

3. Role of urbanism in nation-building process If we investigate Early Republican Period (1923-1940), it is deficit that there are two main periods of both planning and political thinking.

The First Period (1923-1929) in the Early Republican era may be conceptualized as the term for urgent measurements and economic development.

This period was also an attempt for creating national capital, which would later be left due 1929 economic depression. Under these conditions, securing an independent National Economy was the key theme to achieve the establishment of the Republic.

As the establishment of an independent economy was in the center of ideals of the Republic, First İzmir Economy Congress was convened in February 4 1923 (İnan, 1989a), while the negotiations of Lausanne Peace Treaty were given a break.

In other words, the period between 1923 and 1929 was a term to rehabilitate the ruins left from long lasting wars and to create a new Nation. In this context, the development of the national economy had great importance. To develop agriculture and commerce, there were a number of regulations held. To overcome problems caused by insufficiencies of infrastructure, sources, work force and economic conditions, the era can be identified as policy-development and urgent measurements period. Another importance of the term, which is the issue of this study, is the introduction of urban planning and urbanism to the Na-

tion- Building process and to national development programme. To reach the political ideal, planning principles were introduced. Even two of the most critical planning practices, for Ankara and İzmir, were accomplished at that period. Furthermore, Ankara plan was seen and declared as the symbol and the avant-garde of urban planning in the young Republic of Turkey.

The second period, 1930-1940, had a different character than the previous period. 1929 economic depression caused critical economic changes and forced the Republic of Turkey government to change its political attitude towards etatism. According to Keskinok (2010) World Recession in 1929 provided a base for the statist and populist policies in the 1930s. Although 1921 Constitution accepted Turkey as a “People’s State” (Boratav, 1998) and İzmir Economy Congress 1923 revealed a representative attitude towards farmers and labors (İnan, 1989a), these two principles had gained reality in economic life and in urban planning after 1930s. In terms of urban planning experiences, this term was planned period of economy, industry, urban and rural space and transportation. In this respect, İzmit city was planned as an industrial city in its region.

As the scene for a number of national economic developments, investments, foundations and programmes, 1930s were era of planning. In 1930, an industrialization program encompassing whole space of the Nation was designated in Congress of Industry.

Following, State Industry Office was established in 1932. The First Industrial Plan 1933 and the Second Industrial Plan 1936 were prepared. The First Industrial Plan had been applied substantially. As one of the most important applications of this plan, Sümerbank project was introduced in 1933.

The First Industrial Development Plan (1933) and the Second Industrial Development Plan (1936) were reflecting the regional development, planned progress and improvement of Anatolia.

“By means of statist policies it became possible to implement an equitable and fair development model both at regional and urban scales within the national boundaries” (Keskinok, 2010: 178). In

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Figure 2. Railroad network, planned cities and the industrial development between 1923 and 1940 (Source: Keskinok, 2010).

this context, economic development had integrated with production units, transportation system and urban planning as it is obvious in Figure 2.

State industrial investments such as Etibank (mining and electric power stations), Sümerbank (cotton-production), Turkish Iron and Steel industries and so on were established along railway network while the railway network, ports and harbors were integrated with Law numbered 2521. In addition to industrial and infrastructure integration, urban planning programme was relating to industrial programme and agricultural program that the integration of urban planning issues, industrial programme and transportation program in 1930s had found its place in the creation of regional foci and growth poles (Karakaya, 2012b).

In this term, most of cities in the Republic of Turkey were planned and urban plans were applied to create new centers of production, new urban life, new urban elite and new social life in Anatolia and Rumelia. Some of existing urban centers were transformed to trade and industry foci while some of existing towns were created as agricultural or industrial foci (Yenen, 1939).

Therefore, policy applications of the Republican cadre were introduced to urban planning in two planning typologies.

Trade and Industry Foci: After the application of Ankara plan and along and after decisions and applications of the Industrial plans, a number of cities were planned in Anatolia. These cities were designated as industrial centers or as trade centers located in the

transportation nodes and enclosed to agricultural or industrial production nodes. In this perspective, Hermann Jansen, the urbanist who gained the respect and confidence after Ankara planning experience, planned a number of cities with collaboration of local government officials in Anatolia. Within these cities, İzmit was planned to be industrial production center, industrial node and a port city as an as an alternative production node to the primacy of İstanbul in Marmara region. As another example, Hermann Jansen planned three important cities, Adana, Mersin and Gaziantep, in Çukurova region (south-southeastern region), where cotton production was significant and Mersin was the port city to trade this production. Zonguldak region was another industrial focus planned in northern Anatolia.

Industrial and Agricultural Foci: Parallel to transportation network development and industrial nodes’ development, numerous towns were planned as agricultural or industrial centers in Anatolia in 1930s. In the south-southeastern Anatolia, Tarsus and Ceyhan were planned as industrial towns for the agricultural production of their fertile hinterland. In northern Anatolia, Karabük, Üzülmez and Safranbolu were planned as industrial towns for production of national reserves located in their region. In the western part, Nazilli became one of the factory towns as an example of industrial colonization in Anatolian towns (Asiliskender, 2009; Karakaya, 2010).

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Figure 3. Map of İzmit city in 1935 (Source: Öz, 1936b).

agricultural foci while the western foci towns were numerous such as Bayındır and Dikili. In the eastern Anatolia, Tatvan was an agricultural foci and transport node on Van Lake.

4. İzmit plan of Jansen In the context of 1930s urban planning acts to create regional foci and growth poles, İzmit city was one of cities planned to be an industrial focal point and entrance from İstanbul to Anatolia. Right after Ankara Mayors Congress, Mayor of İzmit, Kemal Öz (1936a: 30), was declaring that “Great order and signs of Atatürk about reconstruction and wealth of cities, towns and villages followed the Ankara Mayors Congress, which should be recorded as a historical incident”. Following, Roads and Buildings Law numbered 2290 enacted. This law would bring the obligation of having a Master Plan for all municipalities with a population over 5000 in 1933 and bring obligation to prepare or consign a planner or a firm to prepare an urban plan in following five years period. İzmit was one of the cities that had priority to gain government fund as Öz (1936a) asserted that consignment of İzmit Plan to Hermann Jansen had been mutual decision of İzmit Municipal Council and the Ministry of Interior and we had an agreement on inadequacy of Municipal budget for this task. Highly likely, Hermann Jansen’s success in Ankara urban plan competition in 1927 and the application of the plan, which was

identified as the mold to shape dough of Anatolia by intellectual Falih Rıfkı Atay in 1933 (Kezer, 2015), made Jansen popular as an urbanist and made Ankara plan popular as an urban model. Jansen planned seven cities and towns including İzmit during 1930s in Turkey (Karakaya, 2010).

After his examinations of the city, Jansen implied that it has great importance for İzmit to give up being an industrial city to preserve its historical, natural and aesthetic value (Avdan, 2009). However, the initiative developed with the collaboration between Mayor and the Ministry of Interior would define and characterise the vision of Jansen’s İzmit plan.

In 1930s, İzmit was a city with 18.156 total population, suffering from housing supply, lacking sanitation; but, had a great view and had great potentials that Hermann Jansen would appreciate (Öz, 1936a) as; “The situation of the area between rail line and the seaside is terrible.

Houses in this site are lacking sanitation. Moreover, in this part there are ruins. It is crucial to intervene to these parts of the city. This site has a nice vista and it will not be difficult to make intervention to this part of the city” (Figure 3).

After his observations, Jansen was deciding on reconstruction of city as the first stage of the plan and an urgent problem between railway line and Ankara-İzmir highway (Figure 4).

In the first stage of İzmit plan, the

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view of İzmit was taken to the center and the area between railway and coastal line was designed as a promenade. At the center of the idea socialization spaces, historical values, coastal use and administrative uses were emphasized. There were two main reasons for designing the area as the first stage, the first of which was defined by Jansen (1936) as that “the old town” (existing city) should be preserved and the new city would not be established on the old one (Figure 5).

Other reason was lying under the vision of the collaboration of Republican officials and Mayor Kemal Öz that the city would be a major industrial city in its region (Öz, 1936a). Thence, an industrial district at the west of first stage planning area was allocated. In the proposals of the plan, social agents of the state such as Halkevleri (Community Centers), the urban square and some urban elements such as vista tower, concert square; city hotel, public buildings, and so on were developed and located in the new city (Figure 6).

The coastal area was allocated for social activities and recreational facilities.

The mosque of Mimar Sinan, which was in an idle situation, was repaired and underlined with the greenery and open space surrounding it. Moreover, there were two beaches preserved and reorganized at the western part of the coastal line. A new pier was lying through the south at the edge of square in front of View Tower (Figure 7).

Main proposals of the second stage of plan were for industrial area and Workers’ District at the western part of the city. After, the mayor of İzmit, Kemal Öz, personally sent a report for the housing demand of İzmit to Jansen (Öz, 1936a), the idea of Kozluk Garden City and industrial area were combined and Kozluk was designed as a workers’ district (Öz, 1936b). Industrial zone was located between railway and Ankara- İstanbul Highway and was distinguished from city by a green zone including sports areas and parks. In the north of the industrial areas, there was “Kozluk Garden City” as Workers’ District. The site of this housing area was a fireplace and was bought by the municipality for designing new housing district (Öz, 1936b) (Figure 8).

“Kozluk Garden City” was designated

Figure 4. View of the area between Marmara Sea and railway in İzmit in 1935 (Source: Öz, 1936a).

Figure 5. First stage of Jansen’s İzmit Plan (Source: Jansen, 1936).

Figure 6. Jansen’s Proposal for the area between Marmara Sea and railway in İzmit, the Proposal of Jansen (Source: Jansen, 1936).

with two new streets that are connecting the neighborhood to newly proposed schools and view path and passing through the proposed urban park. One of the other importance of this housing area was being a social housing project.

The Municipality founded a model for the housing project. There was an installment plan along four years for land cost payment and the construction of buildings had to be completed along this time (Figure 9). İzmit plan report (Jansen, 1936) emphasizes five issues. The first of these is rehabilitation and enlargement of Ankara-İstanbul highway. Second issue is removal of shipyard from city center to ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • E. Karakaya

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Figure 7. Halkevi and Promenade, Customs at the west, New Municipality Building at the east at the south and Fethiye Mosque at the north (Source: Jansen, 1936).

Figure 8. Kozluk Garden City (Source: Öz, 1936b).

western part. Third issue is the emphasis on socialization places and public buildings at the coastal site; Halkevi (People’s House)with convention hall, view tower and square; dance floors within city restaurant; rose garden, terrace decks, and so on were creating a promenade. Moreover, Jansen was proposing a new urban square in front of Yeni Cuma Mosque (work of Mimar Sinan) which is opening to the sea as another terrace, a coffee house and two hotels. Pedestrianization of both existing urban fabric and proposed areas was also underline. Furthermore, it is obvious in the proposed plan that the green belt is continuing along railway and is aimed to work as an integrating element for coastal design area and housing units, which are distinguished by railroad.

Consequently, İzmit plan is composed of four main zones. The first of these is housing areas. Second zone is Green Zone, the third zone is the Industrial one and the last zone is Coastal Zone. In the first zone, the strategies developed for interventions are distinguishing in existing city and in newly developing city. As Öz cited (1936a), Jansen would establish a new city in the site between the Marmara Sea and the railroad. Proposed housing area as a part of the first zone, Kozlu Garden City is supposed to be a model for housing areas of İzmit. The second zone, Green Zone is much more extensive than other zones. Green Zone, in İzmit plan was used as both separating and articulating elements between different zones and along public buildings and recreational areas in the shoreline, along and around “the garden city”, together with sports areas and children’s playgrounds. In the third zone, there is

Figure 9. İzmit Urban Plan of Hermann Jansen and zones in the proposal (Source: Architecture Museum of Berlin, 2010).

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industrial area designed together with housing units in the northern part of the zone. Industrial zone was distinguished from the city by sports areas and was connected to the city through railroad and highway lines. The Coastal Zone, which is the last zone, there are two main characteristics. The first is designing coastal area for public uses, recreational uses and as a socialization area. The second characteristic is allocation of the coastal side for public buildings such as İzmit Halkevi and buildings for establishing an administrative center such as governorship and municipality. Additionally, Jansen designed a promenade that was including socializing spaces and vista points exhibiting different views of the city. I claim that coastal zone design of Jansen was a manifestation for displaying natural and historical beauty of the city, which is picturesque, against the industrial city vision attributed to the plan.

5. Conclusion Urbanism in the Early Republican Period in Turkey had a hybrid character that was formed by the engagement of historical accumulation, political ideal and European urbanism (Karakaya, 2011). In this study, I have discussed the engagement of political ideal and Jansen’s planning and urbanism principles for İzmit plan. As one of the primary examples of 1930s period planning and its collaboration with etatism and populism principles, İzmit urban plan was a characteristic combination of decision taking mechanisms of the Republican cadre in urban space and Hermann Jansen’s planning attitude. As it is discussed, the scheme of Jansen plan has similarities with Picturesque Approach, Garden City of Howard that are as follows; 1. The plan had some features of picturesque approach of Sitte. In the plan, “organic development” was proposed rather than monotony. The plan was designed in human scale; there were not huge boulevards and over-scaled urban squares. Rather, the implied characteristic was to protect the “town characteristic” of the old city (Jansen, 1936). In the urban squares, which is located and designed in the shoreline

of the city, “pedestrianization” was the principal and “street life” was emphasized.

2. Garden city was a reaction to the low standards of housing and an expression for the quality of environment. There are traces of this approach not only in Kozlu District but also in different parts of the spatial organization proposed by plan. In Jansen’s plans, proposed housing areas are all in the typology of Siedlung approach.

The practice of Garden Cities provided combination of a public atmosphere and an aesthetically stimulating environment (Bollerey and Hartmann, 1980). This conceptualization can be observed in the pedestrian shoreline and the activity pattern constructed along this line. There are buildings that would prepare the activity pattern of a new social and cultural life in the shore line. There were public buildings, concert areas, Halkevi, and so on as it was proposed in the downtown of garden city of Howard. Similar to the public uses proposed in Howard’s scheme, the center of city was formed by urban elements such as theatre, municipality, park and cinema.

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Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s Beş Şehir: An aesthetic approach to urban transformation

Evren AKALTUN evrenakaltun@gmail.com • The Department of Cultural Studies and Comparative Literature, College of Arts and Sciences, Stony Brook University, New York, USA

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.52824

Received: December 2016 • Final Acceptance: June 2017

Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the themes of preserving the architectural heritage, cultural contextualization, and the methods of reconstruction in Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s prose work, Beş Şehir (1946). This study approaches the term, urban transformation thematically, using the theories of modernity and modernization in evaluating the themes of demolition and reconstruction, loss and novelty, transformation and preservation. By keeping Tanpınar’s essays as reference point, I argue that Tanpınar provides an insight into complexity of the modernization practices in Turkey, which should inform our discussion of current urban strategies.

Keywords Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, Beş Şehir, Modernity, Tradition, Henri Bergson.

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In 2014, The Istanbul Tanpınar Literature Festival hosted Argentinian author Alberto Manguel, who took a literary tour for the “Five Cities in the Footsteps of Tanpınar” event, tracing Tanpınar’s footsteps across five Turkish cities (İstanbul, Ankara, Bursa, Erzurum and Konya); all of which are subjects in Tanpınar’s 1946 collection of essays Beş Şehir. This project was important in the sense that it created a form of dialogue between two cultures, by bringing together two authors from different geographies and displaying their unique observations of these five cities. The project also highlighted the lasting importance and contemporaneity, after many years of publishing, of Beş Şehir’s prose writing for today’s literary world. The question is then, what makes this work important and wellread for readers not only in Turkey but also abroad.

The main theme of Beş Şehir (2011) is the “sadness we feel after things disappear from our lives and the strong desire to seek novelty” (p. 9), says Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar in his foreword to the second publishing of Beş Şehir. It may be this feeling of loss that is familiar to most contemporary readers in so many diverse contexts. The experience of various forms of loss constantly takes place in so many lives around the world: the cultural heritage of cities is demolished relentlessly for the sake of political interests, historical neighborhoods are converted to pave the way to the artificial urbanization, and through this urbanization the bond between a living habitat and culture has gradually been impaired.

However, the feeling of loss is only one aspect of this rich text. Alongside making loss an object for his aesthetic endeavor, Tanpınar’s Beş Şehir also emphasizes the necessity of preservation, recollection and continuity in matters of architecture and cultural heritage.

In fact, Tanpınar sees these notions as vital to the modernization process of Turkey. Even though Tanpınar problematized these issues in the middle of the last century, Turkey continues dealing with the same modernization issues of Tanpınar’s era in the year 2016. In that vein, Tanpınar’s Beş Şehir provides an insight for the contempo-

rary reader, allowing a view of modernization as compatible with these above-mentioned notions, which were regarded by some intellectuals as signs of conservatism only. Tanpınar’s work demonstrates the possibility of both cherishing and engaging with the past, appreciating its cultural heritage while still striving to be modern.1 Nevertheless, Tanpınar also acknowledges that modernization process is also inherently about loss, fragmentation, and alienation. Therein lays Tanpınar’s paradox: as he attempts to recreate a sense of continuity and wholeness, and mend the broken chain between the past and the present created by modernization itself, he is also aware that the losses pertained to modernity cannot be stopped nor recuperated any more. This article traces this paradox in Tanpınar’s collection of essays, Beș Şehir, hoping to manifest how this discussion can be useful in re-thinking urban transformations that have been taking place in the Turkish urban scene for over a century now. In order to do this, it is imperative to understand how Tanpınar conceives modernity and modernization, and how his conception can inspire us to re-think urban planning strategies, architecture and transformation in the present.

Tanpınar did not come up with his own theory of modernity, but as a well-informed intellectual about Western literature and arts, he complicated and worked on the theories and ideas offered by the great literary modernists; such as Baudelaire, Valéry, Proust, Bergson, and Freud, most of whom he saw as mentors. Therefore, instead of giving a thorough definition of the concept of modernity, he wrote on the outcome and the effects of modernity, and tried to situate his writing within a socio-historical trajectory of the effect that modernization brings about.

Matei Calinescu’s (1987) definition of the bourgeois idea of modernity in his Five Faces of Modernity, can help us better understand one aspect of Tanpınar’s conception of modernity: as a natural product of scientific and technological progress of the historical transition Turkey had been going through since late 19th Century. CaliITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • E. Akaltun

The translation belongs to Erdağ Göknar. For the discussion of the themes such as, the persistence of the past, the divided selves, and continuity and synthesis in Tanpınar’s novel, Sahnenin Dışındakiler, see Göknar’s article: “Ottoman Past and Turkish Future: Ambivalence in A. H. Tanpinar’s Those outside the Scene” (pp. 647661).

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nescu outlines the key values of the bourgeois idea of modernity; which during the first half of the nineteenth century in the history of Western civilization were said to be centered on “[t] he doctrine of progress, the confidence in the beneficial possibilities of science and technology, the concern with time […] the cult of reason (p. 41).

According to Karl Marx, the doctrine of progress was already inherent in the bourgeoisie’s own impulses and needs. He argues that the same feature would bring about the end of bourgeoisie itself: Besim Dellaloğlu (2012), in his Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar: Modernleşmenin Zihniyet Dünyası states that we usually have the wrong impression when we think that conservatism is a form of backwardness.

He argues that Tanpınar was not a conservative, but progressive, and that hegemonic mindsets are liable to view him as such (pp.115-119).

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3 This famous passage is from Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, “The Communist Manifesto.”

I have used Marshall Berman’s translation in All That is Solid Melts into Air.

As a parliament member during the years 194346, and as an active supporter of the newly found Republic’s revolutionary agenda, Tanpınar has always been loyal to Atatürk, and his reforms, and to Ismet Inonu, Atatürk’s successor.

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The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them all the relations of society…Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social relations, everlasting uncertainty and agitation, distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones (quoted from Berman, 1988, p. 21).2

In other words, the bourgeoisie is acting against itself in the process of its modernization; in that the doctrine of progress invokes all types of uncertainty and agitation and disturbance.

Even though Tanpınar was aware that Turkey had never developed the Western type of bourgeoisie, he was still a supporter of an urban modernity that would function according to the doctrine of progress and scientific reason.3 Envisioning that the new regime needed an industrialization and a scientific agenda for its future, he therefore offered industrial development plans, city planning solutions, and discussed how the country under the new regime could progress in light of Western science and reason, especially now that the new country increasingly turned its political face to the West.

However, Tanpınar’s writing on these subjects is also critical with the discernment of a “new wave of barbarism,”4 disguised as “progressive modernity”. Accordingly, not only does he draw attention to the disproportionate progress in the world that ended with two subsequent world wars, but he also pointed to another form of barbarism: the ruthless renewal projects and reforms at home that did not take heed to the preservation of Ottoman and

Seljukian culture, all for the sake of adopting the “New”.

An example of a ruthless renewal project would be the case of İbrahim Paşa Palace, which was brought to public attention by Tanpınar in a newspaper column of November 6, 1947.

The case is about the renovation of the historical palace, but the reader is led to understand that the “renovation” actually means annihilation of the palace. One of the rare examples of civil architecture dating from 16th Century, the renovation disregards this historical import of the building for the sake of constructing a courthouse instead.

Tanpınar reacts to this plan by articulating the importance and meaning of this historical building for the nation.

His defense of the palace also reveals the core of his ideas on architecture, modernization and urban transformation. First, he argues that architecture and urban design are the vital elements in conceptualizing a national identity.

He states that each historical building is a “protector of national life, and once we lose these buildings the community will lose its sense of continuity” (Tanpınar, 2000, p.198).

The notion of continuity is important in Tanpınar’s lexicon, and how it connects generations of the past and future, enabling the society to imagine a national identity across various shifts and changes to the cultural and political landscape of Turkey. Tanpınar argues that if we are to talk about a modern Turkish civilization, then it has to be found first in the accumulated culture, preserved architecture and heritage of the Turkish city. What endures as a result of this accumulation is carried out by the elements that make up the fabric of culture and aesthetics. İbrahim Paşa Palace then can only be an example of successful urban transformation when it is re-introduced and made part of city life in a preserved form.

Beş Şehir should also be read under this light: highlighting the importance of preservation and recollection, it revitalizes lost or unpreserved works of architecture, historical buildings and habitats, vanished from collective memory. Monumental trees are included into the objects of cultural heritage as well. Tanpınar mourns for

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the disappearance of century-old trees, and makes a correlation between a tree and a monument, both of which are left to deterioration:

The death of a tree is like the loss of a great work of architecture. Sadly and inevitably, for a century or even more we have become used to the loss of both. One after another, before our very eyes, masterpieces crumble into a heap of dust and ashes like a heap of salt that has fallen into the water; all over Istanbul, in every quarter there are columns toppled, roofs collapsed, old religious colleges full of rubbish, and charming little neighborhood mosques and fountains in ruins. It would take little effort to restore them, but they deteriorate a bit more every day. They lie prone on the ground like the dead in an epidemic whom the living have not the strength to remove. The day that we realize true creativity begins with preserving what already exists will make us happy (Tanpınar, 2000, p.162).5

It should be noted that even though Tanpınar emphasizes preservation of the past heritage, he is not nostalgic about it. He does not aim to preserve “all” about the past, nor does he yearn to return to the past. In fact, as a modernist writer, or as a writer who desires to produce modernist texts, he is aware that modernism is foremost related to the idea of representing the present.

His understanding of the temporal present rests on a continuum, though not a seamless continuity of the past into the present. The continuity necessitates constant recreation and transformation of the previous life forms, which Tanpınar reflects in the pithy and chiasmatic statement, “To continue through change and to change through continuity” (Tanpınar, 1962, p.14). Therefore, when Tanpınar states in Beş Şehir that “Our biggest issue is this; where and how we are going to connect to the past; we are all offspring of consciousness and identity crisis” (Tanpınar 2011, p. 214), we should understand that in Tanpınar’s past-present-future nexus, the past is necessarily brought into the present. However, the past is not preserved as it was: it needs to be revised, re-introduced, and only living elements about the past should persist as living components of the present. Thus the present should be a dynamic site, where the past, the pres-

ent and the future intermingle.

In this “presentness” Tanpınar hopes to find the “unique self ” or what belongs to “our own.” “The past does exist. We have to settle and come to terms with it in order to live a genuine life” (Tanpınar, 2011, p.10), Tanpınar states in his foreword to Beș Şehir, and he underlines that Beş Şehir is meant to be a dialogue born out of this need. The cultural heritage, historical buildings and neighborhoods are meant to be living components of the present then; preserving them engages us in a dialogue with our past, but for the most part, it gives meaning to our present.

The question of how the present, that is, the socio-cultural, historical, economic and political scene of the country should be constructed occupied all the early intellectuals of Turkey, and as such, constructing a modern Turkey was the primary agenda after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. As a young student Tanpınar was inevitably influenced by the sweeping ideas generated by these intellectuals during the revolutionary Turkish setting of the early 1930s, especially by a group of intellectuals, who called themselves “Bergsoncular” (Bergsonists) (Irem, 2004, p. 80). Gathered around the journal Dergah (1921-4), Turkish Bergsonists adopted the French philosopher Henri Bergson’s theory of creative evolutionism as a nationalist argument. They transformed Bergson’s key terms such as tension, creation and spontaneity in a context of creating a spontaneous modern society that they identified with the Turkish society, which has experienced “flows of change” in its transition from a traditional religious formation to a modern secular one (Irem, 2004, p. 89).

Henri Bergson came to be influential among the Turkish intelligentsia around the same years he became popular in Europe. Besim Dellaloğlu (2012) explores the cause of this particular influence on the Turkish intelligentsia and claims that the theories of the French philosopher might have become popular amongst Turkish intelligentsia, because his oeuvre provided them with the theoretical perspective to claim modernity while enabling them to preserve their memories and ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • E. Akaltun

Calinescu (1987) uses this expression for Baudelaire, who according to Calinescu was against progressive modernity, since in Baudelaire’s view it was threatening the foundations of human creativeness (Five Faces of Modernity, p. 58).

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identities after the radical break with the Ottoman Empire and with the advancement of modernity (p. 89). Bergsonian time-consciousness expressed through his interpretation of duration (la durée), the prolongation of the past into the present, apparently allowed these intellectuals to move freely between the past and the present, and appeased the pains of the rupture of modernity in this transitional period.

Bergson’s notion of duration allows the linking of current and past experiences in such a fashion that the two reflect upon each other: “the present experience is rendered comprehensible by comparison with a previous experience, and the past is renewed and altered by its contact with the present” (Gillies 1996, p. 114). Based on this formula, Turkish Bergsonists realized that modernity does not necessarily mean forgetting the past, but rather that tradition and memories can still be preserved even under the destructive force of modernization.

Bergson’s notion of duration was introduced in Bergson’s doctoral thesis Time and Free Will: An Essay on the Immediate Data of Consciousness, written in 1889, and elaborated further in his successive works. In this book, Bergson defines the pure duration as “the form which the succession of our conscious states assumes when our ego lets itself live, when it refrains from separating its present state from its former states”(Bergson, 2002, p.60). Thus, one needs to think of her consciousness in a flow and let her mind live in a continuum, so that both the past and the present states form into an organic whole. According to Bergson, successive stages of emotions such as desire, joy, sorrow, pity, to state a few, correspond to qualitative changes in the whole of our psychic states, and they are not divisible and measurable.

As it is clear from the above definition, Bergson’s theory of duration in Time and Free Will is grounded on psychological experience, and the perception of duration is subjective. According to this description, living things are without consciousness and the material world remains out of the duration (Yucefer 2006, p.27). In Bergson’s understanding, to think of time as it is in

itself, one must “ask consciousness to isolate itself from the external world, and, by a vigorous effort of abstraction, to become itself again” (Bergson, 2002, p.55). Thus, the duration belongs not to the external world, but to the conscious mind. According to Merleau-Ponty, this finding was a great novelty back in 1889 since it displays the concept of duration as it presents itself as an understanding of time in relation to, and as, “the self ” (Merleu-Ponty 1964, p.

183). This suggests that Bergson’s articulation of duration is an articulation of the self as a becoming subject enduring in time.

As such, in his successive book, Matter and Memory, Bergson traces this ontological approach to develop his first definition of duration, which renders the cosmos and the material world as part of the duration. Bergson elaborates on the connection between the temporal present and bodily existence in cosmos by emphasizing that what one understands of the present consists of the consciousness one has of her body (Bergson, 2002, p. 127). The body extends in space, experiences sensations, performs movements and becomes therefore the “centre of action” and the “actual state of my becoming, that part of my duration which is in process of growth” (Bergson, 2002, p.

128). This can be read as an attempt to differentiate between time and space in a human’s perception of her own existence in relation to the flowing mass of the material world, which is in a continuous becoming. Within the given cosmos, a person’s state of “becoming” suggests a continuing process of “what is being made;” hence “the movement must be linked with the sensation, must prolong it in action” (Bergson, 2002, p. 127).

Bergson concludes that one’s consciousness of the present is “already memory” since the person perceives her immediate past in every present moment. Therefore, the person becomes a component of universal becoming; a part of her representation is “ever being born again, the part always present, or rather that which, at each moment, is just past” ((Bergson, 2002, p. 131). The body, being an image that persists amongst other images, con-

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stitutes at every moment, “a section of the universal becoming,” and therefore becomes a connecting link (Bergson, 2002, p. 131-2).

The faculty to become a connecting link in an expanded present may help one to imagine the society in a continuum as a form of duration. The society itself moving in a continuous expanse of time would not be a pure image of duration, as many other elements have a role in shaping the society. However, Bergson’s emphasis on the importance of dependency for an organism, on what happened before its creative evolution is compatible with Tanpınar’s visualization of the present in the modernizing Turkey in a constant recreation informed by its past experience.

Bergson stresses in his Creative Evolution that it is not sufficient for the organism to find its present moment in the moment immediately before, but rather “all the past of the organism must be added to that moment, its heredity – in fact, the whole of a very long history” (Bergson 1983, p.182).

Tanpınar’s formulation of culture and society in an expanded present necessitates duration, but the ultimate purpose of this process should be to build new life forms, which suggests, in line with Bergson’s creative evolution, continuous cessation of some aspects and construction of new ones.

Tanpınar’s notion of the “new life” must have been inspired by the spectrum of ideas the “presentist” philosopher Bergson articulated, and the former generation of Turkish Bergsonists transmitted. The mentor figure in Tanpınar’s 1949 novel Huzur, İhsan, who represents Bergon’s views in the novel, emphasizes the spontaneity of this “new life,” which is about to be created. He contends that once “we establish a new life particular to us and befitting our own idiom,” it will take its own form: “Life is ours; we’ll give it the form that we desire. And as it assumes its form, it’ll sing its song” (Tanpınar, 2008, p.106). The gist is that the “unique self ” (bize ait) finds its source in what endured out of “the real heritage” of the past and projected into the present and the future in the form of new creations.

This new form of life points to “a third source: the reality of the nation,” which does not involve the Turkish culture and tradition only, but is a symbiosis of the East and the West and yet distinct from each. Tanpınar writes: We can consider the East or the West only as two separate sources. Both exist for us, and quite extensively; that is to say, they are part of our reality. However, their presence alone can’t be of any value, and remaining [separate] that way, they are an invitation to create a vast and comprehensive synthesis, a life meant for us and particular to us. For the encounter and fusion to be fruitful, it must give birth to this life, to this synthesis. And this is possible by attaining the vital third source, which is the reality of the nation (Tanpınar, 2000, pp.

42-43).6

His vision of the new form of life is thus a recreation of the tradition with the new perspective adopted from the West. Therefore, the question as to how to modernize specifically deals with the question of how to create a modernity of one’s own based on the “reality of the nation”. But it also indicates that it is yet to be searched and found out. In his essay, “Asıl Kaynak” (The Essential Source) (1943), Tanpınar emphasizes his earlier statement that the “reality of the nation” exists “neither in the past nor in the West; but in our lives which rests ahead of us like an unsolved puzzle” (Tanpınar, 2000, p. 43). Clearly, terms such as “the unsolved puzzle,” “the real heritage,” and even the “new life,” address the ambiguity of this search’s destination. In other words, the unique self and the unique modernity lie in the obscurity of the present, which needs to be excavated.

Tanpınar’s vision of the modern self (and “reality of the nation”) accordingly dwells in between the past, from which experiences can be incorporated into the present, and the future of expectations, which points to the “notyet” and “to be discovered.” The duration is the mode of this transmission, accommodating various correlated terminologies in Tanpınar’s essays and novels, such as, “tradition”, “collection”, “preservation,” “accumulation,” “endurance,” and “recollection,” all pertaining to imagining modernity in a continuous becoming; whether it be in ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • E. Akaltun

The translation belongs to Ruth Christie, “Three Sections from ‘İstanbul,’” (p. 463) 6

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The Nobel Laureate Orhan Pamuk claims that if one supposes that modernism opposes the traditional and the sense of collectivity, Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar should not be considered as a modernist writer since he speaks of an “us,” as a collectivity with a certain culture, a sure sign that he is the ideologist and the voice of a community.

Moreover, in Pamuk’s view, he did not sever the representational ties that traditional literature insinuated (435448). Tanpınar, I argue, represents a crisis as a symptom and a configuration of the present, which in itself is one of the principal issues the modernists were concerned about.

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community, in culture, or in aesthetics.

In many circumstances, however, modernity has been equated with the present without taking into account its historical or past connotation. Susan Friedman calls this perspective a relational approach to modernity, which suggests severing the present from other temporal dimensions: “relationally speaking, modernity is the insistence upon the Now – the present and its future as resistance to the past, especially the immediate past” (Friedman, 2001, p.503). Friedman criticizes this approach for creating an illusionary myth of the new that is dissociated from its historical roots and that refuses to acknowledge “the presence of the past in the present and future” (Friedman, 2001, p.504). She stresses that “the new cultural and institutional formations of modernity are themselves the product of historical process,” and thus refusing the principle of historical continuity means denying its own production as a historical formation (Friedman, 2001, p.504).

Tanpınar also prioritizes the acute sense of the present as the source of aesthetic experience in modernity, and insists on the “now,” and what it promises for the future. “We are not even now, we are tomorrow,” (Tanpınar, 2000, p.

42) he says hoping that the modernities of tomorrow will meet the needs of today even better. However, unlike the relational approach to modernity, he does not take the present as a point of origin that marks a new departure.

Since, for Tanpınar modernity is not all about “making it new,” but instead inescapably refers to the past, ensuring an expanded “true present,” which also involves the past and the future.

In other words, Tanpınar attempts to historicize modernity in a continuum, and present it as a historical formation. Therefore, his conception of the present in the context of modernity may provide us with a more insightful understanding of the relation between history and modernity that the relational take on modernity dismisses. It is remembrance and continuity, re-assessing the past and establishing a dialogue with the past that comes to the foreground in Tanpınar’s understanding of a present time, that is in his con-

ception of modernity.7 Tanpınar’s understanding of urban modernity with its emphasis on progress does not seem to contradict his understanding of cultural modernity, which requires re-employment of the past in the present. According to Tanpınar’s understanding of cultural modernity, modernity should recognize the connection between the culture of the past and the present. Referring to the Western history of modernization, and how it dealt with past events and traditions such as Renaissance and Reform, Tanpınar claims that Turkish modernity, following the Western example, must reconcile its past, revise, and re-introduce its living elements in order to call this new experience modernity. Tanpınar’s handling of cultural modernity demands such a form of continuity in time linking the past with the present.

This continuity and connection between past and present should not, however, mean an amalgamation or a co-existence of the “old” and the “new.”

In Tanpınar’s past-present-future nexus, the past is necessarily brought into the present, but it is not preserved as it is: it ought to be revised, re-introduced, and only the living elements of the past should be the living components of the present. The protagonist of Huzur, Mümtaz, voices this concern stressing the need to find a particular method to create a bond with the past: “I’m no aesthete of decline. Maybe I’m searching for what’s still alive and viable in this decline. I’m making use of that” (Tanpınar, 2008, p.172). Tanpınar’s present is a dynamic site then, where the living components of the past are made as an organic part of the present.

Thus, for Tanpınar, modernity signifies understanding, confronting and problematizing the tradition. This process does not necessarily mean coming to terms with the past, but involves, rather, a certain crisis in handling of the past traditions and culture. However, Tanpınar also discussed another form of crisis, which he terms as buhran to describe the economic and socio-political global crisis prevailing in the first half of the twentieth-century. Buhran addresses a lack of sense and direction, feeling of homelessness,

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disintegration, ambiguity, and the destruction of wholeness on a global level. Nonetheless, in his compilation of essays, Yaşadığım Gibi, Tanpınar distinguishes buhran that addresses the global crisis and its influences at home from the crisis that specifically characterizes the Turkish experience of “the abrupt transition from one civilization to another” (Tanpınar, 2000, p. 34), by which he implies the transition from the Ottoman culture to the modern Turkey. Buhran, in this second usage, indicates a transitional phase in his terminology, which characterizes Turkish modernization from the late 19th Century onwards.

While the process of finding one’s own modernity and a unique self involves a crisis that addresses that culture’s “unique, internal time” (Harootunian 2007, p. 482), the crisis (buhran) addresses estrangement with one’s past. It suggests that the link between the past and the present is forever broken, and that it is not possible to find a “unique self,” or a modernity of one’s own based on the continuity between the past culture and the present. In other words, by referring to buhran, as a specific Turkish experience that describes the abrupt transition from one culture to another, Tanpınar suggests that none of the objectives pertaining to what he seeks to find in the ideal modernity have taken place.

The notions of disquiet and crisis are only expected to juxtapose with the notion of continuity. In that sense Tanpınar’s understanding of modernity reveals a paradox, which can be compared to the image of Walter Benjamin’s “angel of history.” In his “Theses on the Philosophy of History,” Benjamin depicts the paradox in which the individual finds herself in the modern world through the symbol of the “angel of history.” He interprets the angel figure in Paul Klee’s painting “Angelus Novus,” as the angel of history, whose face is turned toward the past. According to Benjamin’s interpretation, the angel of history would like to stay and recuperate the broken chain with the past. It is, however “irresistibly propel[led] into the future” (Benjamin, 1969, p. 258) like the individual human being who lost control of time in

modernity with the ceaseless chain of historical events, which “keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage” (Benjamin, 1969, p. 257). As the tentative image of the angel of history looks back to make sense of the continual passage of time, Tanpınar, in a similar motive, attempts to re-introduce the past, and make it part of the present. He is yet aware that the modernization process itself brings a decisive split with the past.

As the angel of history looks back to make sense of the continual passage of time, Tanpınar, in a similar motive, re-presents the past in Beș Şehir, trying to weld it into the present. However he is aware that it is no longer possible to rest in the moment, and that the modernization process itself brings a decisive split with the past. Beş Şehir is therefore, an attempt to recuperate the broken chain with the past, even though Tanpınar is aware that the loss cannot be brought back. The loss however, can only be recovered aesthetically. This may be the reason why Tanpınar emphasizes in his foreword that he approached his subject matter as a “man of heart” instead of an engineer.

“Heart” or Tanpınar’s frequent use of the word “soul” (ruh) in his other works refers to aspects of culture that lingered throughout history. According to Tanpınar, Bursa has that soul; quoting Evliya Çelebi he remarks that Bursa is the city of the soul (“ruhaniyetli bir şehirdir”) (Tanpınar, 2011, p.

95) and as if to identify the architecture with this soul, he says, “Our ancestors were not building, but worshipping.

They had a soul and belief that they insisted on carving on the material.

The stone was becoming alive, turning into a piece of soul” (Tanpınar, 2011, p.

113). Tanpınar’s understanding of the “soul” is correlated with Bergson’s notion of intuition, since it speaks to that which cannot be perceived by human reason alone.

Time perceived through intuition refers to a different medium, which is not measured by clocks. In his Time and Free Will, Bergson articulates that the consciousness does not take place in space but in time, and time is immeasurable and qualitative. This means pure duration is also qualitative and not measurable unless symbolically ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • E. Akaltun

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represented in space (Bergson, 2002, p.

104). Bergson argues that the mind in real duration is already alive with intuitive life and it will perceive “the continuous fluidity of real time which flows along, indivisible” (Bergson, 2002, p.

246).

This “indivisible” time is what Beş Şehir is after. When Tanpınar states Bursa has another sense of time, which is separate from the time that measures our lived experience, he points to this “other” time, the time of intuition, which can only be expressed through aesthetics. The recuperative and the reconstructive mirror of art provides “the most beautiful Bursa of the world” (Demiralp, 1993, p. 144) instead of Bursa of loss.

Therefore, in depicting all of these five cities, the reader realizes that Tanpınar, like Benjamin’s angel of history tries both to recreate continuous time (the other time that can be perceived by intuition) and aesthetically recover it, and yet he is also aware that the loss cannot be recuperated. In Konya, he traces the Seljukian heritage, or in his own words, “Seljukian renaissance” of the city by depicting the architecture, culture, and history of Seljuks, and vividly framing it with their stories. Architecture and the soul are intertwined forming a “soul climate”, which brings together “the hours of the city dwellers” with that of Mevlânâ, Şeyh Galib, Seljukian architecture, music, folklore, and thus creating a home for the alienated writer himself.

Tanpınar visited Erzurum three times, once in 1913 when he was a child, and then during 1923, and finally during the last years of Second World War. The wealthy Erzurum of 1913, with its lively commercial life, an established culture Tanpınar observed when he was a child, disappeared after the First World War and the Independence War of Turkey. The loss in this instance is not only economic, but also takes place in all other areas of life. In order to reveal what this loss was about, Tanpınar draws a cultural portrait of the early Erzurum with its customs, music, and life of its city dwellers during different occasions. During Tanpınar’s third visit, the city had regained its economic flourish; the new Erzurum

has been built of apartments, and the city itself provided many economic opportunities. However Tanpınar cannot help mentioning that the warmth of the previous Erzurum is lost forever.

As the city lost its cultural wholeness and warmth of life, Erzurum’s architecture also began to cut its ties with life.

This problem takes place in a wider geography. According to the author, various works of architecture and monuments in different geographies are not in a dialogue anymore. Iznik’s, Edirne’s, Istanbul’s architectural works do not correspond to the ones in Erzurum; famous residents of the past, Ulu Camii, Lala Paşa Camii, Çifte Minare lead a life of their own, split from the life right beside them, and do not reflect a continuity with other works of architecture (Tanpınar 2011, p.151).

Nevertheless, Tanpınar attempts to draw a connection between works of architecture and continuity between traditions in the İstanbul chapter, a city, which he calls “one of our soul adventures” (Tanpınar 2011, p.129).

He chronicles how the city of İstanbul metamorphosed in time, and he concludes that what endures and never gets lost in time can only be sought in the architecture that survives in the present. Because of this, he writes about different facets of İstanbul created by different perspectives provided in the diverse architecture of the city, spanning centuries upon centuries of change. According to him, architecture in İstanbul reaches a perfect synthesis, “as if shaped by a gem in the hands of a good diamond cutter” (Tanpınar 2011, p.139), working to combine all the architectural traditions he observed in the other four cities.

As he does when depicting other cities, he talks about these architectural and urban forms, together with their cultural backgrounds: Mosques, tombs, fountains, gardens, and even trees come up from the past with their own stories and with the stories of their creators. Tanpınar compares these architectural forms with other the works around them, writing about how they are influenced by each other, and he goes on to give precise details about their craftsmanship. In the city’s contextual dialogic of works with oth-

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er works, he finds the ideal way to readjust these items of the past into the present life, by making them alive once again. This is ultimately how Tanpınar imagines modernity and urban transformation in modern life; and sets out how it should be approached as well: by coming to terms with the past through engaging with it.

Tanpınar frequently wrote about the transition period Turkey has gone through. One might say that he approached the notions of reconstruction, loss, novelty, transformation and preservation from this vantage point.

However considering that the issues he contemplated are still relevant in our discussion of urban strategies today, not only does Beş Şehir provide an aesthetic insight into contemporary studies of urban transformation, but it also reminds us that the notion of urban transformation is necessarily informed by the inexhaustible debate on how to modernize as far as architecture, current urban strategies, and aesthetics are concerned.

Tanpınar’s inexhaustible theory on the preservation of culture in designing new cities and transforming the existing ones should inspire contemporary architects and designers. Urban transformation is surely a part of Turkey’s ongoing modernization process as rapid urban transformation that takes place all over Turkey including five cities subject to Beş Şehir exemplify. Therefore, contemporary architects and designers first must know the modernization history of Turkey, which extends into present, and secondly, they need to keep in mind that their new projects as part of the ongoing urban transformation are necessarily informed by this modernization process. Having such an awareness would endow them with a critical approach and a wider scope in both understanding and appreciating the existing historical sites and a fresh insight as to how one can create new sites and buildings that are in dialogue with the past culture.

References Benjamin, Walter. (1969). New York: Illuminations, Knopf.

Bergson, Henri. (2002). Key Writings. Keith Ansell Pearson, John Mullarkey (Eds.) New York: Continuum.

Bergson, Henri. (1983). Creative Evolution University Press of America., Lanham.

Berman, Marshall. (1988). All That is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Modernity. New York: Penguin Books.

Calinescu, Matei. (1987). Five Faces of Modernity. Durham: Duke University Press Books.

Christie, Ruth. (2012). Three Sections from “İstanbul” in Beș Şehir (Five Cities). Texas Studies in Literature and Language (54)4, 456-467.

Dellaloğlu, Besim. (2012). Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar: Modernleşmenin Zihniyet Dünyası. İstanbul: Kapı Yayınları.

Demiralp, Oğuz. (1993). Kutup Noktası. İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları.

Friedman, Stanford Susan. (2001).

Definitional Excursions: The Meanings of Modern/Modernity/Modernism.

Modernism/Modernity (8)3, 493-513.

Gillies, Mary Ann. (1996). Henri Bergson and British Modernism. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s UP. Harootunian, Harry. ( 2007). Remembering the Historical Present.

Critical Inquiry 33, 471-494. İrem, Nazım. (2004). Undercurrents of European Modernity and the Foundations of Modern Turkish Conservatism: Bergsonism in Retrospect. Middle Eastern Studies (40)4, 79-112.

Merleu-Ponty, Maurice. (1964).

Signs. Illinois: Nortwestern UP. Tanpınar, Ahmet Hamdi. (2008).

A Mind at Peace. (E. Göknar, Trans.).

New York: Archipelago Books.

Tanpınar, Ahmet Hamdi. (2011).

Beş Şehir (29th ed.). İstanbul: Dergâh Yayınları.

Tanpınar, Ahmet Hamdi. (1962).

Yahya Kemal, Istanbul: Yahya Kemal’i Sevenler Cemiyeti nesriyati No.2.

Tanpınar, Ahmet Hamdi. (2000).

Yaşadığım Gibi (3rd ed.). İstanbul: Dergâh Yayınları. ÜIken, Hilmi Ziya. (1994). Türkiye’de Cağdaş Düşünce Tarihi (4th ed). İstanbul: ÜIken Yayımları.

Yucefer, Hakan. (2006). Deleuze’ün Bergsonculuğuna Giriş. In Bergsonculuk (7-44). by Gilles Deleuze, Istanbul: Otonom Yayıncılık.

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • E. Akaltun

ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • 31-41

The effect of the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi on land values and the transformation of urban land use Kerem Yavuz ARSLANLI1, Vedia DÖKMECİ2, Hakan KOLCU3 1 arslanli@itu.edu.tr • Institute of Social Sciences, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 vediadokmeci@gmail.com • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 3 maslak2006@gmail.com • Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.60490

Received: December 2016 • Final Acceptance: June 2017

Abstract This study is focused on the effects of the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi (Beyoğlu) on the land prices and the transformation of urban land use. Beyoğlu represents the modern culture and way of life that arose from Istanbul’s relationship with European countries; first, it began as a respectable neighborhood and from there modernization spread to the rest of the city. After the 1970s, the construction of the Bosphorus Bridge and the city’s ring roads, the multi-center development of the city and the abandonment of the old city center by higher and middle income people have caused the decline of the old city center. In 1986, the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi was proposed as a means to revitalize the neighborhood. After the implementation of the project, there was a rapid increase in land values, which is still continuing. As a result of this, the restoration of historic buildings has accelerated and the area has become a focal point of domestic and foreign investment. The manufacturing and storage areas have been turned into hotels, coffee shops, restaurants, cultural centers, bookstores, galleries and music shops. Pedestrian flow is very high in this area, and the revitalization project is regarded as one of the most successful in the world. For this study, the factors which produce increases in land values have been analyzed by means of a regression analysis. According to the results, the relationship between the land values and the distance to Taksim square was negative.

Keywords Urban transformation, Restoration, Urban planning, Gentrification.

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1. Introduction During the industrialization era, suburbanization and the migration of the middle and upper classes to the peripheries, which was then followed by commercial ventures, resulted in the decline of many city centers. The pedestrianization of city center commercial axes has been implemented in many countries to generate their economic revitalization. However, although there have been some successes, others have failed (Rubenstein, 1992; Hass-Klau, 1993; Smith et al., 1996; Robertson, 2004). In this study, the physical and economic effects of pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi [Independence Street], of the Beyoğlu district of İstanbul will be examined as an example fromwithin a developing country. The reason for choosing this subject is that the socio-economic impact of the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi has been highly successful, and on an average day the area is visited by 1.5 million people (Arslanlı et al., 2011).

Over the last 30 years, rapid population growth, the improvement of transportation infrastructure and greater economic development set the commercial potential of İstanbul in motion and transformed many elements of the city’s structure. The construction of the bridges across the Bosphorus and their connected highways, suburbanization, new office buildings, and the development of new consumer spaces triggered a multi-center city development and this caused the historical center to decline socio-economically (Dökmeci and Berköz, 1994; Terzi and Dökmeci, 2008; Ozus et al., 2011; Öktem, 2011).

In 1980s, a decision to revive Beyoğlu socio-economically by pedestrianizing İstiklal Caddesi was taken by a consortium of businesses, city planners and the municipality. The project was prepared in 1986 and applied in 1990.

This socio-economic development of Beyoğlu became achievable due to its central location in the city, its being a hub of various transportation systems, its Golden Horn and Bosphorus shorelines (complete with seascapes and historical buildings), and the supportive roles played by banks, hotels, and the interest of the middle classes and the

artistic community. The development shows similarities with the settlement of artists in southeast Manhattan, including the initiall incentives given to real estate investors (Sassen, 2013).

Generally, the historical centers have a potential for economic recovery due to their aesthetic values and rare historical monuments. It is possible to give examples of various studies regarding this subject (Porter, 1995; Tiesdale et al., 1996; Helms, 2003). In the USA, the Main Street Program was implemented by hundreds of cities, and has been successful in the development of their city centers (Keister, 1990; Smith et al., 1996; Robertson, 2004). This program’s implementation first started in small cities and, according to those screened, was successful in 16 cases out of 57.

Later, the program was implemented in larger cities, such as Baltimore, Boston and San Diego (Robertson, 2004).

In Europe, City Center Administration Programs have helped to solve some of the problems faced by city centers. Although the methods of each city can be said to have developed to deal with their characteristic problems, and therefore can not be generalized, it is possible to state that the UK has been implementing the most advanced City Center Administration Program. For this purpose, partnerships between public and private interests have played a major role in producing successful results (Balsas, 2000).

The international research into this subject has examined how investment in residential areas affects the development of city centers. There are examples from Cleveland, Ohio (Ding et al., 2000; Ding, Knaap, 2003); Minneapolis (Hammel, 1999); Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul and Washington (Wyly and Hammel, 1998); and three settlements in Philadelphia (Beauregard, 1990).

There are an additional 145 cities in the USA as well as Utrecht in Holland (Van Kempen and Van Weesep, 1994) and Stockholm in Sweden (Millard-Ball, 2000).

It is also possible to give successful examples of the preservation of historical districts from developing countries.

For example, the studies of Erendil and Ulusoy (2002) regarding the recovery of Ankara Castle; and Uzun (2003) and

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Ergun’s (2004) comprehensive research which showed that the renovated and restored historical buildings in İstanbul’s historical districts produce an effect on those districts’ socio-economic development. In a similar study prepared by Özus and Dökmeci (2005), the effects on housing prices of the restoration of the historical buildings in Beyoğlu was examined using a regression analysis which took into account both the characteristics of the buildings and the environment. Later, Kolcu (2013) examined the effective factors of the transformation of the Historical Peninsula using a regression analysis, and concluded that the most effective factors differ from one neighborhood to another, and include proximity to a famous hotel, historical monument or transport axis. To give an example from another country, a study prepared

by Fahmi and Sutton (2003), evaluated the role of the pedestrianization and revitalization of the main commercial axis of the historical center of Cairo.

This was carried out with reference to the views reported both by the area’s traders and the city planners, and it was decided that pedestrianization, as opposed to gentrification, would be appropriate for this area, and would better preserve its commercial and residential use. It is possible to state that to revitalize the depression zones of city centers, different methods should be employed according to the technological, socio-economic and cultural characteristics of that society. There is only one study (Dökmeci et al., 2007) made between 1986 and 2005 that examined the effects of pedestrianization on land values and land use preferences. The purpose of this study is to prepare a more comprehensive examination using more current data.

The organization of this article is as follows. A general overview of the historical development of Beyoğlu under the influence of European culture and the recession due to the economic prominence of other districts are given in the second part. In the third part, the changes in land use and the rise in land values as a result of the economic recovery of the main commercial axis of the district are explained. In the final part, the result of this research is exam-

ined and recommendations for the future are made.

2. General information about the development of Beyoğlu İstanbul is the socio-economic center of Turkey and was the capital of three empires. The city has unique natural beauty, it is a tourism center with both cultural and historical value, and due to its strategic location, İstanbul is attractive for migrants and its population is constantly increasing. Between 1950 and 2013, rural migration played a major role in the increase of the population from 1,002,085 to 14 million.

This rapid population growth caused unplanned developments on the periphery, and the city center became squalid and economically depressed from the influx of low income groups.

Beyoğlu, forms the northern side of the historical center of İstanbul. In the 16th century it consisted of embassies and the houses (quarters) of European merchants and the minority groups who served them (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1999). In subsequent years, Beyoğlu became the foreign trade center and witnessed greatly increased trade with foreign countries. The greatest development of Beyoğlu occurred in the 19th century, after the Westernization movement and integration of the Ottoman and western economies. Westernization created a market based on a new life-style and the new western products that were only available in this district.

In this case, the existing city structure and city services in Beyoğlu were insufficient to meet society’s demands and physical and social improvements were made to improve this (Rosenthal, 1980). To allow the modernizing society to prosper, it was necessary to build such places as banks, insurance buildings, office buildings, hotels, theaters, department stores, hospitals, schools, archaeological research institutes, apartments, mansions, churches, coffee shops, restaurants, social clubs and post offices. All of these investments caused the district to eventually become İstanbul’s most exclusive business, residential and entertainment center (Çelik, 1993; Dökmeci and Balta 1999). Even though many foreign companies left İstanbul after the disintegration of Otto-

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Figure 1. İstiklal Caddesi, pre- and post-pedestrianization, in the 1980s and 2000s.

man Empire at the end of World War I, Beyoğlu remained the most prestigious district, and İstiklal Caddesi remained the most popular shopping street and entertainment center until the 1960s (Dökmeci and Çıracı, 1990).

In the 1970s, the construction of the Bosphorus Bridge and the ring roads, as well as the ineffectiveness of the historical center to meet the demand for adequate infrastructure promoted the multi-center development of İstanbul (Dökmeci and Berköz, 1994; Öktem, 2011), as had also happened in other major world cities (McDonald and Prather, 1991; Gordon and Richardson, 1996).

This development led to a partial desertion of the historical center by businesses and its complete desertion by high income groups. Meanwhile, although Beyoğlu continued to attract many visitors with its entertainment facilities and historical buildings, it did not draw the interest of large investors.

In Beyoğlu between 1960 and 1990, the percentage of firms decreased from 30.4% to 15.5% and between 1970 and 1985 the service sector percentage decreased from 20.9% to 17.0% (Dökmeci and Berköz, 1994). New companies could not find suitable places due to the small lot sizes and height restrictions that the conservation regulations stipulated. In addition, the masonry structure of the historical buildings could not provide the flexibility required for modern office floor adjust-

ments. Moreover, the traffic problem and parking shortage caused big firms to prefer the surrounding areas. In the mid-1980s, shopping malls started to be built around the periphery of the city and this caused a transformation of the traditional street trade. In response, the site selection of the retail trade became more independent, and followed the movement and location pattern of the high income groups, as had been previously observed in developed countries (Bromley and Thomas, 1993). These developments compromised the trade in Beyoğlu, again as had happened in some historical city centers of other countries (Bahr, 1994); together, they caused a fall in real estate prices, the closure of some businesses and a subsequent increase in the number of empty buildings. Cinemas and theaters began to close down.

Another reason for the abandonment of historical buildings is the relocation of the historical harbor, closely followed by its related business facilities and services. In addition, domestic and foreign commercial road and air connections gained supremacy over sea transportation after the 1970s, which caused Beyoğlu to lose its dominance over the newly established business centers nearby. The social and economic revitalization of Beyoğlu became important, not only for itself but also for the whole city’s social-economic health due to its very strategic location. If we look at the other examples

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in the world, there are various policies implemented on similar cases (Greenberg, Temkin and Rohe, 1996). Among the foremost solutions is the pedestrianization of the main commercial axis, and in this regard it is possible to give several examples from the USA and Europe (Smith et al., 1996; Balsas, 2000).

In addition, the influence of traditional European architecture can be seen on many streets in Beyoğlu. There are many schools, churches and consulates scattered around the district which form a visual harmony with the residential areas. The historical buildings fronting onto İstiklal Caddesi create a visual integrity and an artistic atmosphere. All these characteristics create an attractive venue with a great potential to attract pedestrians and investors.

It was decided to pedestrianize the main commercial axis in the city center to restore its economic vitality, in line with similar projects undertaken in western countries. The protection and beautification project was planned in 1986 and implemented in 1990. The widening of Tarlabaşı, a street running parallel to İstiklal Caddesi, relieved the traffic and a multi-story parking lot was built to at least partially meet the needs of this issue. The flagstones were replaced and the lightening system was renovated. Although the investment of the municipality was very limited, it was effective enough to encourage the owners of the historical buildings to restore their properties. As a result of both public and private investment, prices increased and many manufacturing and storage areas (especially on higher floors) were converted to offices, coffee shops, multi-story department stores and cultural centers (Dökmeci et al., 2007). Movie and music festivals and book fairs were held, and these encouraged the opening of bookstores and music shops, and the reopening of the cinemas and theaters. Thus Beyoğlu was revived as an entertainment center of İstanbul. It has since become one of the city’s most visited commercial axis.

It is visited by an average of 1.5 million people on a daily basis. In particular, young people prefer this commercial axis due to the presence of many for-

eign brands. Reviving the retail, entertainment and cultural activities regenerated the area’s unique characteristics and boosted its economy at the same time. The increase in trade in areas where there are less exhaust fumes and traffic has also been observed in other countries (Hass-Klau, 1993: Sandahl and Lindh, 1995; Dickens and Ford; Chiquetto, 1997). The subway connection with Büyükdere Caddesi in İstanbul’s new central business district, has also spurred Beyoğlu’s economic development, as also happened in the Baltimore Project in Maryland, USA (Craig-Smith and Fagence, 1995).

As a consequence, and as Listokin et al. stated (1998), the conservation of historical structures and the pedestrianization of the main commercial axis served as a catalyst for the revival of Beyoğlu. Later, this vitality has also spread to the neighborhoods surrounding İstiklal Caddesi due to the settlement of artists and young professionals, and investment from domestic and foreign firms following incentives offered by the municipality. The effort shown by users and public and private companies cooperatively allowed Beyoğlu to develop. In addition, before pedestrianization, Beyoğlu had one of the highest crime rates but this rate decreased after pedestrianization (Ergun and Yirmibeşoğlu, 2007). The reflection of this socio-economic and physical development on land use and land prices are examined in the next section.

3. Transformation of land use and land prices on İstiklal Caddesi For this study, the impact of pedestrianization on İstiklal Caddesi on changes in land prices and land use were investigated. Land price and land use data was obtained from the Beyoğlu municipality. The land use and land price values before (1986) and after (2005) pedestrianization were compared in the study conducted by Dökmeci et al. (2007) using this data. The results show that while the commercial function continued as the basic use of the ground floors, the rate of banks increased from 4% to 12%. The number of fast-food restaurants, restaurants, coffee shops, bars and bookstores also increased. On the upper floors, the rate

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Figure 2. İstiklal Caddesi ground floor and upper floor land use (2006).

of office space increased from 11% to 43%, and that of cinemas increased from 3% to 7%. In addition to these, hotels, theaters, cultural centers and bars were opened. As stated by Rubenstein (1992), the presence of cultural facilities plays a major role in success of pedestrianized axes due to their providing heavy traffic flow, and the same applies to facilities such as schools. The presence of two squares, one at Taksim, another at Tünel, at either end of this pedestrian axis, together with its transportation links are also considered to be important factors for the success of its pedestrianization (Rubenstein, 1992).

Land price previous to pedestrianization along the whole street according to the values in 1986 was 300,000TL/m² ($500/m²). For İstanbul, this was the second highest value after Nişantaşı (500,000TL/m² – $917/m²).

In 1990, after pedestrianization, land value between Taksim and Galatasaray became 2,500,000TL/m². As for the land value between Galatasaray and Tünel, it was 1,500,000 TL/m². Therefore, as the accessibility from Taksim to Tünel decreased, the prices started to decline. After the metro connection between Taksim Square and the Büyükdere axis (the business district), was built in 2000, land prices increased rapidly and reached 5,202,764TL/m² ($3,865.35/m²) between Taksim and Galatasaray and 4,687,174,800TL/m² ($ 3,482.30/m²) between Galatasaray and Tünel. These values are the highest land prices in İstanbul, displacing the 1,872,000,000TL/m² ($1.390,79/m²) value of land in Nişantaşı to second

place. The increases in both pedestrian flow and land price show that the pedestrianization of the main street was a success (Dökmeci et al., 2007).

According to the land use analysis conducted in 2006 (Appendix Table 3), ground floor usage rates between Taksim and Galatasaray were: 3.76% cultural facilities, 2.14% consulates, 13.38% high schools, 8.9% hotels, and 54.72% commercial, with 7.8% standing vacant. As for the area between Galatasaray and Tünel, ground floor usage rates were: 8.74% churches, 8.74% administrative centers, 4.0% consulates, 7.74 cultural facilities, 7.2% high schools, 4.68% hotels, and 51.1% commercial, with 8.31% standing vacant. These results show that between Galatasaray and Tünel, the share of ground floor use for cultural facilites, consulates, churches and empty spaces increased while that for commercial use decreased.

The upper floor land use analysis conducted in 2006 (Appendix Table 4) shows that usage rates between Taksim and Galatasaray were: 1.8% consulates, 15.7% high schools, 1.7% cultural facilities, 4.8% hotels, 3.29% NGOs, 4.50% historical buildings (Maksem), 40.86% offices, and 7.96 commercial. The usage rates between Galatasaray and Tünel were 2.9% residences, 8.74% churches, 7.97% consulates, 4.65% administrative centers, 6.05% cultural facilities, 0.88% high schools, 2.20% hotels, 1.61% NGOs, 34.39% offices, 3.14% commercial+manufacturing, 7.65% commercial, and 2.92% manufacture+storage, with 10.99% standing vacant. As a result, between Galatasaray and Tünel

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Table 1. Beyoğlu District İstiklal Caddesi 2006 land prices.

Table 2. Beyoğlu District İstiklal Caddesi 2010 land prices.

residential, the usage rates for churches, cultural facilities, administrative centers, manufacturing and storage areas and those left to stand vacant increased while the usage rates of offices, NGOs and hotels decreased. Therefore, it is possible to state that a decrease in accessibility plays a role in the decrease of some functions.

According to land price analysis conducted in 2006, between Taksim and Galatasaray the unit price was 7,500.00 TL/m² while between Galatasaray and Tünel it was 7,200.00 TL/m² (Table 1). However, in 2010, the unit price between Taksim and Galatasaray was 20,000.00TL/m² while it was 17,000.00-18,000.00TL/m² between Galatasaray and Tünel (Table 2). In short, prices in the area have tripled over the past 4 years. The effect of pedestrianization has continued to increase with newly restored buildings and the arrival of ever-more multi-national firms. Meanwhile, the difference can also be observed not only between Taksim and Tünel, but also between Asmalı Mescit and Tünel. Therefore, although there was a single homogeneous land price adaptation before pedestrianization, the developments after pedestrianization have produced a gradual decrease in comparative land values between Taksim and Tünel.

The number of shops, offices, cultural facilities, coffee shops, restaurants, cinemas and theaters increased while manufacturing, storage and vacant areas decreased as a consequence of the economic development of pedestrianization. In regard to land prices, the prices in 2010 are 20 times higher than the prices before pedestrianization, and the real land prices are much higher than these values. The land prices on İstiklal Caddesi are the second highest land price in İstanbul after those of Gümüşsuyu. However, the rise in land prices in Gümüşsuyu, which started with the effects of globalization, are part of a curve that passed through Cihangir, Asmalı Mescit and Elmadağı (Kardaş, 2004) and eventually returned to Gümüşsuyu. This dynamism of real estate values in a city center is referred to as “Brownian Motion”, and the examples in the USA which are parallel to this subject area were investigated by Case et al. (2004).

Beyoğlu is still the entertainment center of İstanbul and remains the choice of cultured middle and high income groups. This success has been achieved by users, public and private enterprises all supporting each other.

This characteristic is also seen in the economic recovery of many post-modern cities (Sassen, 2013).

4. Conclusion Beyoğlu has a very long history, which accounts for it being one the districts within the İstanbul metropolitan area with a large amount of historical buildings. This study examined the effects on land prices of the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi in 1990, and indicates its role on the economic development of the area. Generally, projects to reconstruct the stressed zones of a city choose developed countries as examples. This study was carried out with the intention of giving an example from the perspective of a developing country. The economic recovery project conducted in Beyoğlu enabled a previously neglected commercial area to transform into a business and entertainment center.

The pedestrianization of the main trade axis, restoration of historical buildings, the renovation of the flag-

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stones and the lightening system ignited a socio-economic recovery in Beyoğlu, and the physical and cultural developments in the environmental conditions have encouraged an increase in the number of pedestrians, in particular young people and artists. In turn, this has caused an increase in the number of businesses, coffee shops and restaurants and entertainment venues which benefit from this trading potential and has increased the quality of life.

Easing the traffic congestion by widening Tarlabaşı, which runs parallel to İstiklal Caddesi and building a large multi-story car park helped to make the pedestrianization project successful. Beyoğlu increased its potential for a wider economic recovery due to its attractive historical buildings, its central location and its alternative transportation facilities. In addition, annually held book fairs, movie, music and theater festivals attracted a large number of pedestrians to İstiklal Caddesi and boosted trade, as has also happened in many other post-modern cities.

The distribution of land use and land prices before and after pedestrianization were investigated for this study.

Previously closed theaters and cinemas were reopened and the number of book stores, multi-story department stores, coffee shops and restaurants increased after pedestrianization. Manufacturing and storage areas occupying the upper floors were vacated due to rising rents, and these became occupied by offices, hotels and cultural centers.

Although there was only one type of land price accepted by the municipality before pedestrianization, the land prices both increased and became divided between Taksim and Galatasaray and Galatasaray and Tünel. The results of this study show that land price is based on proximity to Taksim Square. In the year 2010, İstiklal Caddesi had second highest land values after Gümüşsuyu.

Other real estate prices have also increased and Beyoğlu has drawn the interest of local and foreign real estate investors. Under this influence, the neighborhoods around İstiklal Caddesi began to develop economically.

This development draws a spiral called “Brownian Motion” in western examples, and in İstanbul the economic

boom is always centered on İstiklal Caddesi. Through this process, the number of day and night visitors increased and related to this, trade volumes increased.

A new culture, entertainment and trade center emerged in which people can live, work and have fun. This success was obtained through collaboration between public and private enterprises and physical development, in addition to a socio-economic development plan.

The identity of the district (in a wide perspective) was largely preserved despite the pursuit of economic recovery.

Despite all the socio-economic progression in Beyoğlu, it is still possible to come across abandoned buildings in some of the slum neighborhoods.

Such neighborhoods form potential development areas for new investors and their development is vital not only for Beyoğlu but also for the whole city.

For this reason, the socio-economic development areas should include the whole neighborhood and aim for equality, rather than any partial solutions, and the municipalities should provide financial and technical support for this purpose. In addition, ensuring the equal distribution of nationwide investment, providing new employment (business) opportunities and raising living standards will also allow better conservation of historical districts in metropolitan areas.

It is hoped that the results of this study will prove to be beneficial for urban and regional planners, administrators, economists, conservationists, tourism professionals and investors.

Investigating the factors and catalysts dependent on location and time which effect the values of restored historical buildings in historically conserved neighborhoods using spatial statistics methods may prove to be worthy of further research. In addition, a comparative study of the socio-economic development levels of other districts with historical neighborhoods by taking their location in the metropolitan area and building attributes into consideration may prove beneficial.

Note: İstiklal Caddesi Data for 2006 and 2010 are provided by Hakan Kolcu.

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Appendix Table 3. Ground floor use of buildings/parcels facing İstiklal Caddesi.

Table 4. Upper floor use of buildings/parcels facing İstiklal Caddesi.

The effect of the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi on land values and the transformation of urban land use

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Planning dilemmas in deindustrialization process in İstanbul

Tansel ERBİL tansel.erbil@msgsu.edu.tr • Department of City and Regional Planning, Architecture, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.28291

Received: December 2016 • Final Acceptance: July 2017

Abstract The last two Master Plans of Istanbul Metropolitan Area targeted to transform Istanbul into a primary city as a cultural and financial center in its region, and a competitive city at the global level. This planning objective mandated to concentrate on the development of high-level services sector in some targeted sub-metropolitan areas while leaving low value-added and labor intensive industrial sectors outside the city limits. In this paper, the relationship between the ongoing industrial decentralization process and the vision of Istanbul Metropolitan Master Plan for 2023 are examined. As noted above in many parts of the city the existing industrial facilities with considerable employment bases, face pressure to relocate their facility to some selected Industrial Parks or in many cases to off-limits of the Metropolitan Area. However, those industrial areas to face relocation are located closely to residential areas where their major source of the workforce lives. The paper will examine the assumptions of the İstanbul Metropolitan Master Plan of 2009 on the transformation of industrial areas with reference to Halkalı Street Industrial districts. A critical assessment will be made on the role of the Master plan and local zoning plans on deindustrialization process and reactions of local industrial companies.

Keywords Industrial decentralization, Urban transformation, Istanbul metropolitan master plan, Halkalı Industrial Area.

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1. Introduction Two of the most important transformation in large metropolitan cities in the world over the last thirty years have been the declining rate of industrial activity in total economic activity, and the rapid growth of the service sector. Due to the rapid increase in the freedom of movement of global capital and the relative abolition of spatial constraints in manufacturing industry production, industrial spaces, one of the basic economic functions of metropolitan cities, have changed considerably within existing spatial structures.

As the main trigger of change, urban functions, such as housing, office and shopping areas, with the relative power to pay high land prices, began to settle in these areas. As a result opportunity created by the increased land prices in the regions where the urbanized areas have become advantageous over the infrastructure in time.

In almost all metropolitan development plans prepared for Istanbul city in the last five decades, transformation of the manufacturing industry sector into services and other sectors has been identified as one of the most important plan targets in terms of both economic output and employment to reach the higher value added economic activities in the city. In this study, the overtime transformation of a main inner city industrial zone in İstanbul Metropolitan Area will be examined in light of the latest 2009 Istanbul Metropolitan Plan decisions. It is argued that many manufacturing companies in Istanbul’s inner city industrial zones have been forced to cease their manufacturing operations due not directly to the worsening respective market conditions only, but also due to the local governments’ planning approach targets to transform industrial lands into more profitable urban functions such as residential complexes or shopping centers.

2. Objective of the study In the developed industrial countries deindustrialization process mainly followed the results of the general market conditions. Except some high technology complexes, industrial areas in big cities mainly relocated their factories in their less developed regions

or other low industrialized countries.

Low rates of labor cost and low environmental standards were main drivers of the relocation.

This article argues that, in Istanbul case, relocation of inner city industrial areas have been encouraged by local governments’ lucrative zoning plan approaches in which land rents have been used as main financial tool to compensate the costs of the deindustrialization process. Contrary to the industrialized country cases, however, for many industrial areas in Istanbul, industrial establishments prefer to stay in their inner city location due to economic reasons.

Istanbul has been always the main industrial location of the country. By the mid-80s strong pull effect had been the main motivation for the urban and regional development plans for the last two decades. Even though there were plans to control the rapid urbanization of Istanbul, industrial accumulation continued to grow until the early 1990s.

In the post-1980 era Turkey’s economy experienced a rapid transformation from inward looking to export oriented economy. In this process major industrial places in metropolitan cities showed a steady decrease in both relative labor share and total output (Doğruel and Doğruel, 2010). Main reason for the general decline in manufacturing in metropolitan areas was due to centripetal forces of neighboring cities and/or regions and increasing environmental concerns in inner cities.

After the mid-1990s, İstanbul started to experience rapid urban transformation and deindustrialization process with the increasing neo-liberal policies toward urban development. As in many cities around the world, urban policy makers emphasized significant roles to mega-projects by transforming former industrial spaces to sites with luxurious residences, gentrified neighborhoods, office towers, shopping complexes and the like (Bezmez, 2008). Even though urban transformation process in İstanbul resembles to many cases in other big cities of post-industrialized countries, deindustrialization process in İstanbul differs as its main causes are not the increasing labor and capital costs ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • T. Erbil

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but increasing economic opportunity in urban land due to high demand of inner city areas where already many industrial complexes were set up. In many instances, industrial complexes in inner areas were targeted as the new places for the regeneration of global real estate projects such as luxury residences, office places and shopping areas.

Halkalı Street industrial district is located in the western part of Istanbul near Küçükçekmece Lake. Along Halkalı Street there are numerous factories in textiles, metal, printing and leather.

The nearby residential areas are also consist of low to middle-low income households with mostly low skilled laborforce.

This article explores the underlying reasons that explain the deindustrialization process in Istanbul after the start of heightened globalization period in mid-1990s. For this purpose, it examines the major planning decisions, key actors, their interest and the urban politics at district and city level.

At the local level someface-to-face interviews were conducted with selected company owners on their reaction toward ongoing deindustrialization and regeneration process in Halkalı street district.

In the following section a short discussion will be made on general changes on the economic structure of cities. The fourth section briefly focuses on the urban transformation process in Istanbul. In the following section plans for the development of industry in Istanbul are examined in detail. The sixth section deals with the 2009 Istanbul Master Plan approach on deindustrialization process. 2009 Master Plan’s particular emphasis on the deindustrialization process will be evaluated in the seventh section. As a case study, major reactions of local industrial companies on the local and master plan approaches for deindustrialization in Halkalı industrial area will be analyzed in the eighth part of the article. In the last part, a short evaluation of findings and discussion of the article will be made.

3. Economic transformation of the cities and spatial change Especially after the 1960s, industrial enterprises located in the centers of big cities in industrialized countries caused large factories to move to sub-centers in the region and/or to less developed countries due to the increase in the production costs and the decline in profits.

In this process which continued until the end of the 1970s, old urban centers with former industrial areas and workers’ neighborhoods became depressed areas, and since then efforts to improve and rehabilitate the former industrial areas included transforming elements of physical, economic and social environment by building new affluent housing and business projects for the new users and in some rare cases, social projects for the workers of former industrial areas.

Since the beginning of the 1980s the most important changes that the metropoles of the world have been the given emphasis on the transition from industrial production to services and the finance sector in their urban planning schemes. As a result of the globalization and neo-liberal political thinking, the areas described as the depressed regions in the previous period emerged as new fields of development, thanks to the transportation / communication infrastructure advantages they have for the rising service sector functions. In the same period, the suburbanization tendency of middle-upper class residential areas has gradually decreased and new residential areas have begun to be concentrated vertically towards in the old urban centers where especially the services and cultural activities are concentrated.

On the one hand, from the beginning of the 1990s, the social and economic pattern in the living spaces where the urban centers and the old industrial areas are shaped as new areas of development of the service sector.

On the other hand, households which excluded from the industrial sector in the areas of the historical city centers feel the pressure of increasing gentrification and endangered conditions in the social and economic pattern in their living areas.

On the subject, Sassen (2001, 2006),

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Castells (1991, 1998) stated that major cities in the world are now entered a new structural transformation period with the new possibilities created by the communication and specialized services sectors on the road to becoming global cities. The fact that cities are now the centers of the production and consumption of cultural products rather than the production of objects (Pratt, 2008) suggest that the main factor that places cities in the global hierarchy within the existing social structure is now measured by the number of people employed in sectors called “creative industries” (Florida 2002, 2004), and competition in services sector in a global economic division of labor is increasingly intensifying (Friedmann, 1995).

In the process of economic change, one of the most significant transitions seen in the urban space was the transformation process of which has resulted in the abandonment of industry related urban areas such as important ports, storage, and processing activities. Similar changes appeared in later periods in the cities of less industrialized countries with that of the major cities in the capitalist western countries with advanced technology levels. In the meantime, in London’s Canary Wharf region, the Baltimore Port region, and the New York Greenwich region have experienced the related manufacturing industry increasingly heading into areas with cheaper workforces in neighboring and other countries. For the less developed countries however, the same phenomenon appeared as more towards the less developed regions of the same country.

One of the most significant sociological results of spatial changes resulting from the economic transformation in the urban areas is the experiment of the economic and social differentiation of the industrial sector employment from relatively more organized working class into that of a service sector based more on flexibility and individual ability. Due to the abandonment of the traditional places of production in the urban space, the problem of adaptation of existing industrial labor force to the new conditions are also gaining importance.

4. Urban transformation in Istanbul As in many countries, there are also debates on the nature of urban transformation in Turkey in recent years.

The nature of urban transformation differs among the countries in terms of the visions, goals and strategies envisaged and methods applied accordingly.

Discussions are generally based on the fact that urban transformation should not be limited to the transformation of a pure physical location but must include cultural, social, economic and environmental features that cannot be separated from urban context (Şen, 2011).

Urban transformation in this context is expressed as a comprehensive vision and action aimed at providing a permanent solution to the economic, physical, social and environmental conditions of a changing region in order to solve urban problems (Thomas, 2003).

In this approach, the urban transformation is carried out in order to restore the worn-out, corrupt, ineffective, and economically disabled regions of the city. Parallel to the demand created by rapid urbanization and population growth, it is seen that with the effects of neoliberal globalization policies and increasing international real estate investments, in many industrial fields have entered into a rapid transformation process, even though they have not yet lost their economic significance in urban areas. Following the structural change of the city, with the effects of the increasing land value, those former industrial areas in the central areas became the leading urban transformation zones in particular. This increases the presence of privileged service sector, cultural capital and entrepreneurial activities in the inner urban space to replace the former industrial areas (Gökşen, 2015) For Istanbul Metropolitan Area, early decisions about the decentralization of the industry started with the 1960 East Marmara Regional Plan. With the decentralization process accelerated in the 1970s and 1980s, the transfer of small industrial sites and organized industrial zones were aimed to clarify urban centers from industrial activities (Öktem, 2011).

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Table 1. Sectoral distribution of employment in Turkey and İstanbul, 2004-2015. (Source: TURKSTAT, 2004-2015)

With the decentralization targets of the industry, the factories in the Golden Horn and the Historical Peninsula in the 1980s were moved to İkitelli in the west of the city and Zeytinburnu-Kazlıçeşme Leather Industry to Kurtköy in the east. In that period, main motive for the deindustrialization was to relocate the production facilities in the inner urban areas that cause health and safety threats.

After the mid the 1990s however, as in the Büyükdere-Maslak example, it was in the form of decentralization of industries in the inner city, where the land value was as high as the existing industries voluntarily relocated themselves to exploit it by redeveloping lucrative projects like shopping malls, office complexes and high-rise residents.

The two most important factors that triggered the urban transformation policies in Istanbul are the efforts to minimize the destructive effects of a big earthquake on low-quality building stock and another one is the advantageous position of those areas in terms of infrastructural and transportation possibilities that resulted ever increasing demand from other sectors such as retail, luxury housing and offices (Tekeli, 2014).

5. Plans for the development of the industry in Istanbul Historically Istanbul Metropolitan Area has been the epicenter of industrial sector in Turkey. For the last ten years or so the share of employment in

industry in Turkey increased slowly, while in the same period, employment in industry declined considerably in Istanbul. As of 2015, however, the ratio of employees in industry and services sectors in Istanbul have a much higher value than the average in Turkey in terms of total employment rates (Table 1).

Since 2004, the proportion of employees in the services has been increasing, while the share of workers in the industry has been decreasing steadily. Of the total 6 million registered employees in Istanbul as of 2015, approximately 2.160.000 employees work in the industry sector. Although the share of industrial employment in total employment decreased compared to the previous year, at the end of 2015 approximately 45,000 people were added to industrial employment in 2014 (TURKSTAT, 2015).

The first effort to develop the industry in Istanbul was with the Beyoğlu Master Plan. After took force in 1954, mainly Western parts of the city were chosen as new locations for industrial development in this plan. (Aysan, Dökmeci, 1995). In 1965, Istanbul Industrial Master Plan and Implementation Report (İstanbul Sanayi Nazım Planı ve Uygulama Mevzuatı Raporu) was prepared and approved by the Metropolitan Municipality. This plan, which was referred to as the Industrial Master Plan of 1966, proposed total 1140 hectares of industrial areas in the mostly eastern part of the city. .

With this plan, industrial areas in inner city areas like the Golden Horn and İstinye Bay were determined to be relocated elsewhere. In the 1960s, the second phenomenon that changed the shape of the urban space was the rapid urbanization in the form of “gecekondu” in the urban edges. As Illegal housing tenements, gecekondus usually choose nearby locations of the existing industrial establishments. With the increase of urban rent and higher costs of infrastructure, the tendency of large industry to spread around the city was supported by various encouragement measures and a major industrial axis toward eastern bounds of Istanbul in Anatolian side was proposed. While the main development was seen in the

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vicinity of Anatolian side of the city, the industrial areas in the European side were also spanned more along the major highways towards west end of the city. .

By the late 1970s, however, it was observed that the industrial investments in the city tended to decrease and industrial companies opted to locate mostly in surrounding cities but not in the central places of the Istanbul Metropolitan Area (Yüzer, 2002).

In addition to the increase in land prices, the attractiveness of Organized Industrial Zones (OIZ), proximity to raw materials and markets, various incentive measures, and restrictions in environmental standards made relocation of inner city industries more straightforward.

Prepared after the rapid urbanization and industrialization period of the 1970s, the main purpose of the 1980 Metropolitan Master Plan was to create the necessary functions and services in the growth and development of the metropolis in line with the development of the country. It was envisaged that this plan would focus on decentralization of the polluting industries and development of more non-industrial areas in the city center.

The plan generally envisaged the acquisition of large industrial areas by public resources in the eastern end of the metropolitan area accordingly; and it was targeted that the total industrial workforce, which was 455.000 workers in 1980, would be realized as 710.000 in 1995. In the industrial development of Istanbul, it was particularly stated that labor-intensive industries with advanced technology and capital-intensive industries should be chosen, whereas industries with high energy and water consumption should be encouraged to select new places in the areas outside the city (IMP 1980 Report, 1980).

The purpose of the 1995 Master Plan was stated as: “In the period up to 2010, Istanbul; Cultural, and natural resources that it possess at universal level; similar to its historical cultural identity, has gained the status of a world city today. While growing and developing in harmony with the development of the country and the region; it aims to

Table 2. Condition of organized industrial zones in İstanbul, 2013. (Source: Ministry of Science, Industry and Technology, OIZ Data Base, 2013 )

take its place in the world metropolises status with its vibrant culture, science, arts, politics, trade, service sectors.

It was assumed that the metropolitan area population would rise from nine million to fourteen million people. The main goal of this plan was the formation of two wing centers to attract the urban functions in the east and west of the city to reduce the density in the central areas and decentralization of large industries to the areas outside the metropolitan area (Çakılcıoğlu, 2012).

Industrial areas in inner parts of both European and Anatolian sides were also defined as “areas to be transformed into service” (Ocakçı, 1989).

The plan aimed to remove the manufacturing industry completely from historical parts of the city like Haliç, Bakırköy, Zeytinburnu and Eminönü as well. While individual industries were forced to remove from inner city, new organized industrial zones (OIZs) were established outskirts of the Istanbul Metropolitan area to contain both new demands and those relocated.

By the early 2000s, Beylikdüzü OIZ, Chemical Industries OIZ, Tuzla Marble OIZ, Tuzla Coating Chemicals OIZ and Istanbul OIZ started to operate with a total area of 420 hectares and a total working capacity of approximately of 39.000 employment. Those new ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • T. Erbil

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which operates primarily in the city of Istanbul, will play an important role in the decentralization of the industrial enterprises in the city by solving their transportation and spatial problems.

By using all OIZs at their full capacity it was envisaged that the OIZs in Istanbul would house an additional workforce of 197,000 people by the end of the plan period.

Figure 1. Industrial areas to be sanitized.

OSBs were acted as main containers of the large industrial enterprises in the city that formerly located in the central areas (Table 2).

Since the latest 2009 master plan of Istanbul is the only plan so far to describe the deindustrialization process particulary, the 2009 plan will be discussed in some more detailed fashion. In this plan, the transformation of the economic structure in Istanbul was aimed by the swift transition to a service-oriented economy in which finance, tourism and education were highlightened as the new economic foundations of a globalizing city. In this context, more emphasis was made to employ rapid structural change into the industries based on knowledge and technology and development of services and finance sectors.

When the latest Metropolitan Plan was approved in 2009, approximately 1.250.000 people were working in a total gross 10.476 hectares of the industrial area including OIZs in Istanbul.

For the year 2023, the share of industrial workforce were expected to decrease to 25% of total employment in Istanbul and about 1.400.000 people would work in this sector. It is also foreseen that the industrial areas in the Gebze and Çerkezköy at the west and east ends of the city will have the capacity to accommodate a workforce of 450,000 people. Thus, an industrial workforce of 1.850.000 in total was projected by 2023 for both the metropolitan and its surrounding industrial areas (IMP 2009 Report, 2009).

In particular, the Plan assumed that the Organized Industrial Zones (OIZ),

6. Plan approaches for the transition of the industry after 2009 Unlike the former metropolitan plans, the 2009 Istanbul Master Plan aimed to develop different planning policies for the industrial areas in the whole city. According to this plan, in order to increase the competitiveness of the industry without creating a risk to human and environmental conditions, it was necessary to support the transition to high value-added industrial production types that could compete in regional and global markets with the support of efficient logistics system and with the use of intensive RD technology (IMP Report, 2009).

The plan offered three different policy actions about industrial areas in Istanbul. The first group of industrial areas was defined as “Industrial Areas to be sanitized within its present Boundaries”. These areas are about 530 ha in size and have a workforce of 191.227 people. It was envisaged that an additional workforce of 105,000 people could be added after the necessary sanitary and rehabilitation measurements were taken in these areas (Figure 1) With this decision, it was aimed to solve the following five basic problems: • Decentralization of industry within the environmentally fragile watershed areas, • Improvement of physical conditions in squatter and in existing industrial areas, • Providing qualified areas for new industries that may be located in the city in line with the vision, objectives, targets and strategies set out in the plan, • Encouraging the use of advanced technology in production, • With the establishment of logistic areas in and around Hadımköy Region, the effective cooperation of the logistic

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infrastructure in the urban scale was planned to carry out to reduce the adverse effects of the cargo movement in Istanbul.

The second intervention type for the industrial areas in the Istanbul Metropolitan Area was formulated as “Areas with their capacity to be fully used”.

The industrial areas that fall into this category were the areas that their capacity could be fully exploited by solving the existing problems that prevent the use of inert capacities of the OIZs in the Metropolitan Area. By providing the rehabilitation efforts to these areas and ensuring the necessary conditions (such as ease of transportation problems and inadequate infrastructure), it was aimed to reach a workforce capacity of approximately 386,000 persons in total (Figure 2).

The last type intervention area with industrial land use is defined as “Areas to be differentiated other than industrial function” in which enterprises might pose hazardous conditions for the city’s water basins (Mamunlu, 2009), forest, and agricultural resource areas. It was envisaged that approximately 922,274 persons employed in the total in those industrial areas to be differentiated and after the transition most of the companies in continue to operate in existing OIZs in Istanbul Metropolitan Area.

It was envisaged that 465,025 of that workforce were employed in smallscale enterprises with 1-50 workforce sizes and that this workforce will be in the Metropolitan area. The remaining 457,249 of the workforce were employed in large-scale enterprises with more than 50 workers, were to decentralize from the Metropolitan area to the other cities in the region. According to this policy, on both sides of the Metropolitan area were planned for transition from industrial use to residential, services, shopping, offices and recreation (Figure 3).

7. Evaluation of the transformation process for the relocated industrial areas The fact that many industrial enterprises operating in the above-mentioned areas are exposed to many costs related to the relocation of important industrial enterprises. The necessity

Figure 2. Industrial areas with their capacity fully used.

Figure 3. Industrial areas to be differentiated other than ındustrial function.

to depict the decentralization process more clearly in the plan became more important than the plan itself. The most important costs that involved in this period are related to relocation and reorganization of the firm in the new place. Another important issue is the employment capacity created by the firm and the costs associated with the resulting displacements. It has been determined that the chances of success of a multi-actor decentralization process, which fails to bring together professional organizations, local and central government bodies and financial institutions in a common process, were found to be low in the research studies carried out during the 2009 master plan studies.

For this reason, with the amendment made in 2011 on the Industrial Areas section of the plan, some new sections were added to place the decentralization process in a more flexible process.

According to the new plan notes, industrial firms in the relocation areas would be able to continue their presence until they complete their economic life only if they not to expand beyond their ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • T. Erbil

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plots, continue to operate without creating environmental hazards and use appropriate technology. Industrial machinery and storage / logistics activities that meet the above conditions would be displaced to the proposed regions after finishing their economic life, except for agricultural-based industries.

In this case, it was envisaged that the decentralization process would mainly be carried out from the point of time as a result of an “economic life” definition, which may vary depending on the subject of production and the condition of the individual firm. Here, the concept of “economic life” emerges as one of the most important problems in defining the process as it relates all parties involved in the process. The completion of the economic is related to the increase in the production cost due to the increase in the cost of labor and capital as well as wear and tear of the building, machinery, and equipment used by an enterprise for production that ultimately causes to operate below minimum profitability level. It is obvious, however, that the time interval estimated as the “economic life” can be relatively extended, as each production activity may go on its way to renew its machinery, equipment, and technology from time to time, in different ways.

This is why uncertainties arise when managing the process of determining the “economic life” when the transformation would take place.

The related items in the section “Plan Implementation Tools and Action Program” which summarize the decentralization processes to be applied in the Industrial Areas as follows; • Provision of infrastructure-ready land and incentives for energy support, • Facilitating tax relief, transportation and other infrastructure completion, incentives, widespread customs services, etc. to encourage sectors to be directed to alternative areas recommended during the decentralization process, • Cooperation with Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, related local administrations, NGOs, and private investors during the decentralization process, • Establishment of “Support Centers

for SME Decentralization” to finance decentralization in the district where direct decentralization may take place at the local level. Same organizations are expected to serve as advisory centers for the organizations in the new industrial zones, • In order to facilitate transformation in the industrial zones creating transition models to determine the role of actors, financial dimensions of the replacement, the elaboration of the participation programs, and the implementation of the pilot projects to “ensure the industry to spontaneously leave the field by raising the land value”.

• Providing financial incentives for newly relocated companies by banks and NGOs such as TOBB, KOBİ Investments Incorporation A.Ş. And Credit Guarantee Fund, Industrial Development Bank of Turkey which mainly support small and medium sized companies in Turkey.

• Implementation of vocational training and workforce development programs for workers in the former industrial zones in case they could not effort to move to the new places where the relocation of industrial companies occur.

• In order to make new industrial areas attractive for investors, the unskilled workforce in these areas is trained in the leadership of non-governmental organizations.

It was emphasized that there was a need for establishing a multi-actor transformation model in the financial, bureaucratic and labor related issues related to the relocation process.

Additionally using “economic life of the firm” as the main benchmarking tool for the relocation decision creates complexity as each firm’s individual life span may vary accordingly its nature of business. Thus, in the implementation phase of the relocation process, it is necessary to create strategic plan tools at the local level to protect the capacities of the firms of both total output and employment.

Even though the 2009 Master Plan envisages the details of relocation in industrial areas at the more locally implemented plan levels, as of this paper was written, there is no any clear plan approach for the transition period. It is

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Figure 4. Location of Halkalı Street industrial zone in İstanbul metropolitan area.

Figure 5. Halkalı Street in 1970.

Figure 6. Halkalı Street in 1982.

expected that an increase in the land value would automatically push the industrial firms out of the areas and replace with residential projects, offices, shopping malls and recreational facilities. However as many of the firms use “economic life span” option to stay longer in their current location, in some cases big residential projects may locate amid on a fully functioning industrial enterprise.

cate details and ground the claims of the industry. Halkalı Street industrial district is located in the western part of Istanbul near Küçükçekmece Lake. It stretches along 3 kilometers-long and originally houses around thirty fully functioned industrial plants in textiles, metal, printing and leather. In addition to small to medium sized factories and warehouses there are numerous storage and small mechanic shops in the area. The neighboring residential areas consist of low to middle-low income households with mostly low skilled workers and self-earning individuals (Figure 4).

Halkalı street industrial district is in the latest group of intervention areas

8. Halkalı Street industrial district in transition As an example for the above mentioned situation, one of the still functioning industrial area, Halkalı Street industrial district, was chosen to indi-

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Figure 7. Halkalı Street in 2016.

Figure 8. 1/5000 scale Halkalı Street local zoning plan (2003).

in industrial zones in which industrial enterprises are expected to relocate elsewhere either in the metropolitan area or in other regions. It is located European side of the city and about in the middle of Küçükçekmece district.

With the 2009 Metropolitan plan targets, Küçükçekmece district in general was projected to become a sub-center where business, residential and shopping areas would be developed.

As early as in 1970s, there were only few factories and warehouses in the area and newly developing squatter houses were hardly visible around the

area (Figure 5).

In the early 1980s however, a major development was seen in the district and both the number of factories and residential areas were increased rapidly. There were still vacant places at the northern part of the area available for both new warehouses and homes in the area (Figure 6).

As of 2016 the Halkalı Industrial District was completely filled with factories and surrounding residential areas. In addition to low cost housing units, there were newly housing projects developed in the early 2010s. As a part of the new metropolitan development strategy some of the big chunks of old industrial areas were seen as new prestigious housing projects by both state and private owned building companies (Figure 7).

For the transition from industrial area to a prestigious residential site many local land use plans have been prepared for the Halkalı street industrial area. As early as 2003 there was a local land use planning decisions to force the factories relocate somewhere else without offering any transition plan. In this plan, all the factories in the area were considered relocated somewhere else and schools, green areas and residential areas were designed as if all the area was vacant (Figure 8).

However, due to reactions of the local industrial companies, just one year after the 2003 local plan, metropolitan municipality prepared a new plan in which industrial character of the area was reintroduced (Figure 9).

Halkalı industrial area became hotspot again after the ratification of Istanbul Master Plan in 2009. As Halkalı area and its surroundings were designated as “Watershed Protection Area”, all industrial establishments in the area were declared as “Industrial areas to be relocated elsewhere”. In light of the 2009 Istanbul Master Plan decisions, for the relocation process of the factories, the local land use plan in 2012 suggested that in the transition period a local company may stay in in its existing place until the company’s “economic life span” is reached. However, all of the companies in the area have different technological levels in their production systems and thus life

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Figure 9. 1/5000 scale Halkalı Street local zoning plan (2004).

Figure 10. 1/5000 scale Halkalı Street local zoning plan (2012).

span of each company may differ accordingly (Figure 10).

In order to increase the attractiveness of the area, the district municipality suggested a new monorail transportation system which would stretch along Halkalı Street on the south-north direction. By making a revision on the 2012 land use plan, the metropolitan municipality approved the project in 2014 (Figure 11).

In many cases local factory owners went to courts and sued Küçükçekmece District Municipality and İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality on the grounds that planning targets of the recent local land use plans would make impossible the companies to operate regularly. For many cases, without a clear transition plan, companies that oppose transformation to other land use forms like business and housing stopped the municipalities’ land use plan in legal grounds.

According to the president of Küçükçekmece Industrialists and Businessmen Association (KSİAD), in no cases the Metropolitan Municipality did consider the local production and employment capacity of the companies during the plan preparation process (Koparan, 2017). For him, currently around 24000 workers are employed in total 1.300.000 m² (130 Ha) industrial area and that means roughly 100000 people are attached to the area economically. It is estimated that about

two thirds of workers live nearby housing areas. Then, in case the local industrial companies suddenly cease their operation, it would cause economic and social problems in the surrounding housing areas.

Members of the association demanded a clear transition plan, in which companies with local and global production connections would not lose their ground in fulfilling their respective contracts. Before ceasing the production in the current location, a new place in the metropolitan area is necessary to relocate the existing companies in advance to continue the production without an interruption.

Even though the 2009 Master Plan of Istanbul required the Metropolitan Municipality to prepare a detailed plan for the transformation period of the existing industrial companies in the similar areas of the Metropolitan Area, so far there is no sign of action in both at local and central government levels.

According to the owners the factories on the Halkalı Industrial Area, both local and central governments prefer local factories to leave the area in order to fully exploit the advantage of high land rents. Transformation to business, shopping and residential forms of land use would make company owners to cease the production, of which in some cases lasted more than four decades. Among companies, there are high technology companies in defense ITU A|Z • Vol 14 No 2 • July 2017 • T. Erbil

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Figure 11. 1/5000 scale Halkalı Street local zoning plan (2014).

industries and one of the biggest leather goods fashion goods companies in Turkey which relocation process in short terms nearly impossible.

The biggest concern of the companies in the area is the lack of local government’s interest in the economic and social importance of production facilities in the Halkalı district. Even though their companies operate under strict environmental and administrative conditions, they think with the preparation of local zoning plans that act as if there is no any factory on the ground, both metro and district municipalities assume non-industrial economic facilities would be more beneficial in the Metropolitan economy. It is estimated that the annual export revenue in 2016 was around 2.5 Billion USD in the area according to the association. For the industrialists in the area, an industrial zone should operate at least 45-50 years to benefit all the related parties.

An urban transformation cycle in every 20 to 30 years in industrial zones is a burden for both general public and individual investors.

9. Discussion In recent urban transformation literature neoliberal urban planning thought is seen as the manifestation of deindustrialization in big cities and new place making policies that encourages business, shopping and residential areas in the former industrial zones.

For the post-industrialist countries the deindustrialization process mainly ended up in the developing countries.

However, for the newly industrializing countries like Turkey the deindustrialization process in big metropolitan areas is a new phenomenon still needs to be studied on it.

In Istanbul Metropolitan Area, for the last two master plans’ targets about deindustrialization mainly concerned the relocation of industries under the pure market conditions, where the rising land rents would offset the relocation costs of the companies. However, it is seen that not all the inner city industrial areas fit this scheme. In case of presence of industrial areas with middle to large sized companies with higher technological levels this trade off would not work without economic and social frictions. In Halkalı Street case, transformation efforts in to non-industrial functions like services and residential areas has been started as early as 2003. In both Master and local level urban plans assumed relocation of the area industries would be possible by utilizing the advantages of urban land rents. However, as the industries located in the area demanded a detailed multi-actor plan for transition, both local and metropolitan municipalities denied a long-term commitment.

A solely land use planning approach in deindustrialization process without considering the economic and social importance of industrial establishments in the area is not creating intended results but some legal conflicts.

Further study on the relocation process of industrial zones in similar conditions may open new opportunities to understand the phenomenon.

References Aysan, M. ve Dökmeci, V., (1995), The Decentralization of the Industry and its Impact on Urban Transportation in Istanbul, I.T.U. Research Fund, Istanbul Bezmez, D., (2008), The Politics of Urban Waterfront Regeneration: The Case Of Haliç (The Golden Horn), Istanbul, IJURR, 32, 4, 8155-840.

Castells, M. (1991), The Informational City, Blackwell.

Castells, M. (2006), The theory of

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Network Society, Cambridge. Çakılcıoğlu, M. (2014), The Master Plan Problem, Retrieved from www. kentplanlama.org, 20.02.2016.

Doğan, M. (2013), Industrialization in Istanbul from Past to Present, Marmara Geography Journal, 27(1), 511550.

Doğruel, F., Doğruel, S. (2010), The Deindustrialization of Istanbul, MPRA Paper, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen. de/27070/, 14.5.2017.

Florida R, (2002) “The Economic Geography of Talent”, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 92, 743-755.

Florida R L, (2004) Cities and the creative class (Routledge, London) Friedmann J, (1995), “The world city hypothesis”, World cities in a world system, P L Knox, P J Taylor, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Gökşen, T. (2015), Neoliberal Urban Restructuring Accelerated: Gentrification in Karaköy, (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation), Central European University, Budapest.

IMP 2009 Report (2009), Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, Istanbul IMP 1995 Report, (1995), Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, Istanbul IMP 1980 Report, (1980), Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, Istanbul Koparan, A. (2017), Personal Interview, 5.6.2017.

Mamunlu, Hale, (2009), Istanbul Kentsel Bölgesinde Sürdürülebilir Gelişme Bağlamında Havza Planlama ve Yönetim Yaklaşımı: Küçükçekmece Göl Havzası Örneği, 33. Dünya Şehircilik Günü Kolokyumu, Istanbul.

Ministry of Science, Industry and Technology, (2016), OIZ Info Site, Retrieved from www.osbbs.sanayi.gov.tr Ministry of Environment, (2007), The 2006 Annual Report on Environmental Conditions in Istanbul, Min.of Env.Istanbul Directorate.

Ocakçı, M. (1989), Manufacturing industry and metropolitan city rela-

tions in the process of metropolitanization, (Unpublished doctoral dissertation), ITU Graduate School of Sci., Eng. and Tech., Istanbul. Öktem, B. (2011), Socio-spatial Reflections of Neoliberal Urbanization Model in Istanbul, I.U. Journal of Faculty of Political Science, 44(3). 23-40.

Pratt, A.,C. (2008). Questioning the relationship between Advanced Producers Services, the Cultural Industries and Global Cities, in Leriche, F. et al., L’économie culturelle et ses territoires.

Toulouse, France: Presses Uni. du Mirail, 2008, pp. 257-267.

Roberts, P., (2000), The Evolution, Definition and Purpose of Urban Regeneration, Urban Regeneration. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi, Sage Pub., p. 9-36.

Sassen, S. (2001), “Cities in the Global Economy”, in Paddison, R., Handbook of Urban Studies, SAGE. Sassen, S. (2006), “Cities in a World Economy”, in Robert, T., J., Bellone, A., The Globalization and Development Reader: Perspectives on Development and Global Change, Blackwell. Şen, B., (2011), Triple Alliance on Urban Space: Industrialization, Gentrification and New Middle Class, I.U. Journal Faculty of Economics, 3, 1-21.

Tekeli, İ. (2014), Evaluating Turkey’s Urban Transformation Approach, Urban Regeneration; Economic, Social and Physical Aspects, UPAD Conference Book, 151-164, Kocaeli University.

Thomas, S. (2003), A Glossary of Regeneration and Local Economic Development, Manchester: Local Economic Strategy Center, UK TUIK, (2013), (2015), Employment Statistics, Ankara Yüzer, A.Ş., (2002) Location of Industrial Sites in Cities and New Regulation Strategies; Istanbul Case, (Unpublished doctoral dissertation), ITU Graduate School of Sci., Eng. and Tech., Istanbul.

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From dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli

Nevnihal ERDOĞAN1, Hikmet Temel AKARSU2, Büşra ÖZAYDIN ÇAT3 1 nevtrakya@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Architectural and Design Faculty, Kocaeli University, Kocaeli, Turkey 2 htakarsu@gmail.com • Author, Architect, İstanbul, Turkey 3 ozaydin.busra@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Architectural and Design Faculty, Kocaeli University, Kocaeli, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.93695

Received: December 2016 • Final Acceptance: July 2017

Abstract The aim of this study is to discuss and evaluate a dystopia future scenario for year 2049 in Körfez Bay Region of Kocaeli Province.

Industrial identity of Kocaeli has accelerated in the first years of 20th century. Urban image of the city has long been shaped by unplanned development, unauthorized buildings, and shanty houses. Especially morphological deformities between industry and housing zones gave way to environmental and health problems. These ongoing urban problems shape a precursor character for a 2049 dystopic future.

In this context 2012-2013 spring term Architectural Design Studio of Kocaeli University- Architectural and Design Faculty has selected “Utopia” as design theme in research&design and intellectual inquiry basis. Definition of the “2049 Dystopic Future Scenario” was given as; İzmit city completely collapsed, historical layers are still under the surface, İzmit City Center is nothing more than a ruined wasteland, high levels of water pollution in Körfez Bay area and Sapanca Lake, emptied industry complexes baring no social or cultural meaning. The design problem has been formulated as; “developing scenarios for designing livable cities” Groundbreaking utopian thinkers and new life systems designers were thoroughly analyzed and tracked down in the design studio process. The students participating in the studio passed through various idea generating phases and evolved towards building new architectural design projects which imagine a brand new world.

Keywords Dystopia, Kocaeli, Urban structure, Utopia.

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1. Introduction Those born to a bad world or whose world gets uninhabitable have to create a new world. The first step to create a new world is to design utopias. World, environment and life are face to face with an overall deterioration. It seems that countdown has started for ecological and biological breakdown. Does it have a meaning that the architect designs his unique parcel in his personal island in a holistically apolitical adventure? Doubtless, there isn’t, because it is meaningless anymore. An architect has to think holistic and design not only a place but also a complete future perception and a lifestyle. Because, issues have completely poured out of functional solutions present in primitive life circles and have ended up comprehending all the life. Then, there needs to be a futurist plan, a utopia, a holistic life fiction in the mind of an architect who wants to design a minimal spatial unit. Otherwise, it will be a futile struggle.

The purpose of this declaration is to handle the urban transformation problematique within the frames of utopia-dystopia concepts. In this sense, moving from intellectual architecture and ideas forwarded on utopia, our aim is to discuss the 2049 dystopic future scenario designed for the Körfez region of Kocaeli city and to discuss the proposed project.

“Outopia” or “eutopia” is a Greek origin word and means both nothing (outopia), and a nice place (eutopia) (Hançerlioğlu, 1977). The core of the word utopia that Thomas More invented and used (Kılıçbay, 2003), in Kumar’s words, means the impossible, yet, to live in a world where human desires (Kumar, 2006). Though contextually philosophical, yet stylistically a literary genre and a design of an ideal society (Akatlı, 2003), utopias reflect a critical attitude against societal and political relations the writers are in and aims to reach the ideal one, in other words, socially and politically ideal (Atayman, 2004).

In utopia, various subjects appealing to the all areas of life such as family, sexuality, pedagogy, architecture, town planning, management, religion, technology, ecology can be covered. Based

on these definitions, it can be advocated that utopias are alternative lives formed against existing orders that are out of right path. We can say that utopias are fictitious ideals. The intrinsic wish to ‘better’ inside humankind from the early ages forms the basis of utopias. That wish towards better brings two acceptances with itself. While one of these two is the fact that the moment undergone is bad, the other one is the belief that future will be nicer. The belief of a nicer future is caused by the fact that ‘good’ was encountered somewhere and sometime in a bad moment in the past.

Robert Fishman refers to three urban planners and their works, Ebenezer Howard, Frank Lloyd Wright and Le Corbusier in Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century. He said that today these studies determine most of the cities and it will be effective in the future. Fishman associates the reason why these studies very effective to hope and fear which are commonly shared.

He said these studies show: • Fear and disgust in the 19th century metropolis, • The feeling that modern technology makes exciting new urban forms possible, • A revolutionary fraternity and the expectation that the time of freedom is about to come.

It can be said that the concept of utopia is corresponded in the city. When we analyze the book about urban utopias, we can understand that the concept of utopia is approached two different ways. In one of them the city is the place where the imagined happy society lives there. In the other one the city is designed as a utopia (Yüksel 2012).

And dystopia is a term created from Greek ‘dus’=’zor’ and ‘topos’=’place’ words. Just as utopia indicates a ‘non-existing place’ with negation prefix ‘u’ and word ‘topia’; term ‘dystopia’ indicates ‘hard/hard place’ (Sarcey 2003). According to Krishan Kumar, anti-utopia(dystopia) has been following utopia secretly from the very beginning (Kumar, 2006). The reason why Kumar says so is caused by the fact that utopia holds anti-utopia deep inside. In utopias, a system believed to be perfect is built by limited minds. To keep the

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order of this system intact, people need to comply with the order. It is an overall problem in itself that utopia, in this way, removes the will of people. It can be said that ideal order supposed to exist in utopias has overlooked the probability of human will to make mistake.

In a sense, the will to live, to work and to have joy in a certain order deprives human of his freedom. Moving from these definitions, utopias can be said to bring dystopias with it. According to Tuna Ultav (2015) dystopia displays how the society described as promising future by “utopia”, is reversed in an ironical way. The perfectionists that wake up from the utopian dream suddenly find themselves in the midst of a terrifying land. Once the utopia is realized, it is transformed into dystopia.

Jacoby (2012) defend that it has to be understand that dystopias are not only opposite of the utopia but also they are logical complementary of utopia. While utopias describe and liberate it the world which based to the new ideas, dystopias frighten people by using the tendencies that threaten the freedom (Jameson, 2009). According to Akkoyunlu Ertan (2003) even so the dystopias seem like disaster scenario, it should be evaluated that they are warnings for these scenario.

In 19th century cities are very important to product utopias. The idea of ideal city is one of them. But in 20th century due to rapid urbanization the effect of the idea of ideal city decreased. So the idea of ideal city gives way to dystopian urban scenario. In this study firstly a dystopian urban scenario is emerged then some utopian projects are developed by the students.

To better understand here are the first utopias studied within the project and each emerging as a literary text; Plato (2006)-State; He defined how an ideal state should be in his work ‘State’. People have been classified into three classes in this state; workers (farmers, craftsmen), guards (soldiers) and managers (scholars, esp. philosophers). Labor class works, produces and meets the material/tangible needs of the state. Guards defend the security inside society and protect the state against outsiders. Managers’ class governs the state. This utopian state of PluFrom dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli

ton has found representatives both in East and West philosophies afterwards.

Thomas More (2006)-Utopia; He presents a utopian state design in his novel-like work. In this state, no private asset exists because it is banned.

Everyone produces in the name of the state. Currency is not valid. From what is produced, everyone gets as much as they need. Individuals work 6 hours a day and spend the rest busy with art and science.

Tommaso Campanella (2008)-The City of the Sun; While Campanella presents a utopian state in his work ‘The City of the Sun’, he is under the influence of Platoon. Everything in the The City of the Sun is shared. There is no family. Couple choice is made by the government. The city is governed fairly by a saint. The authority of the governor is absolute. He has three vices named ‘Power’, ‘Wisdom’ and ‘Love’.

Francis Bacon (2010)-New Atlantis; Bacon presents his utopian state in his work. An intact moral prevails in the island of ‘Ben Salen’. A special organization plans and manages this high knowledge and culture of the people.

Here, ‘New Atlantis’ has been designed as a knowledge state.

This study aims to approach the urban transformation process through utopian and dystopian. In this context in the second part of the study the scope of the 2049 dystopian scenario will be determined. After this part it will be explained how the process of project is developed. Then in the fifth part of the study the utopian projects which the students develop for 2049 dystopian scenario will be exampled.

In the last part all these concepts will be evaluated with architecture education.

2. 2049 dystopian scenario Industrial identity of Kocaeli province has gained pace in the early of 2000. Unplanned enlargement of the city during the industrialization, constructions against the architectural order and shanties have built the new identity of the city. Especially the intertwining of industrial areas and the habitation places has brought environmental and health-related problems.

Today, the continuation of these prob-

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lems with their causes is thought as the precursor of 2049 distopian future. In this frame, ‘2049 distopian future scenario’ in atelier study where utopias will be produced is as following; • Izmit is the province city center fabric has been completely devastated.

• Historical layers are still under the ground.

• Bay/Korfez coast and city center are seen as a ruined topography.

• There is a contaminated bay and the lake Sapanca.

• What dominate the city are unfortunately the burnt forests, empty factory buildings and meaningless historical constructions.

Some suggestions have been developed against this dystopian scenario to make Kocaeli a livable city again: • To go into a radical regulation including the districts Izmit, Kartepe, Başiskele, Karamürsel, Gölcük, Derince, Körfez, Dilovası, Çayırova, Darıca, Gebze and Kandıra that that all form the city Kocaeli.

• Clear and reformation of the bay into a habitation.

• Clear of the lake Sapanca and revitalization of the natural environment, regaining natural sources and formation of new life units.

• To prepare revitalization projects to unearth the historical layers in the city center, to get iconic structures as reference, to construct and build new occupation areas, healthcare centers, areas of education and art to advance the city.

• To transform heavy metal industry into sustainable energy production areas, • To redesign Izmit, rising from its ashes, in the sense of historical and natural sustainability.

3. Studio work Kocaeli, a ‘transit’ city being as a crossroad opening way to Anatolia, an industrial city, a ‘coastal’ city in the sense of trade and tourism with its shores to Blacksea and Marmara Sea. Yet, due to its closeness to Istanbul and its highway-railway-seaway transportation facility, its ‘industrial’ side has come into prominence. Thanks to its geographic location being an attention point, industrial development and the

Figure 1. General view of İzmit.

Figure 2. Plans of Melike Çeliktaş’s project.

increasing job opportunities; internal migration has rapidly increased (Figure 1).

4. Purpose and method In Kocaeli University, Faculty of Architecture and Design, term 20122013, in Architectural Design Studio, within a study with the main theme utopia, the subject has been researched and evaluated intellectually and its spatial matches have been searched for. In this context the subject is discussed and developed with the author Hikmet Temel Akarsu (1989, 2012, 2013, 2017) in workshops.

Firstly, the subject has been discussed and developed by doing utopian-dystopic literary readings. In this sense, 2049 dystopian future city scenario has been fictionalised for Korfez region. Today’s architecture has a struc-

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ture that advances through feeding on various disciplines. Thus, the discussion of subjects (by students) like utopia-dystopia based on philosophy and the transfer of the perceptions from these discussions into architecture are thought to be an important experience.

During the studio, utopia texts such as Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar Beş Şehir, Francis Bacon-New Atlantis, Thomas More-Utopia, Tommaso Campanella-Sun Country, Homeros-Odysseus, Danel Defoe- Robinson Crusoe, Jonathan Swift- Gulliver’s Travels and Platoon-State were read. In this context it will expected from the students to develop new utopian ideas for 2049 dystopian future city scenario.

5. Student projects 5.1. Theme one: Flexible city Distopian scenario of the project has been formed this way; Huge metal and concrete masses are taking the place of exhausting green and the world is rapidly moving towards the end of ecological devastation. While the population rises chaotically, streets are flooded with people every day. People who work much and spend much time before screens cannot allocate time for themselves. They have duties in daily life and the reason and logic behind most of these duties are not known.

Communication is done solely on screens, and a society is being formed with decreasing reactions and emotions. An unhappy society whose responsibilities, is increasing. Everybody resides in high-rise buildings regardless of their financial situations. Life units are highly protected and closed.

That people, for centuries, move without taking the world and the nature into consideration leads to natural calamities going more and more violent each passing day. This situation that brings the world to the end brings us to the ‘New World’ step by step (Figure 2).

Utopian scenario is like this; Nature has waged war on humankind and kept its war until it destroys all the cities and itself. With this war of almost 1 year, most people were erased on the earth and cities were eradicated.

Rest of the people on the earth plans to establish a new city. While doing this, they got far far away from the soil/ From dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli

earth that is regarded as an alive enemy. People erected the first habitation and production unit out of metal and wood piles left out on the world which turned into a wreck yard. The most important trait of this city is that, if needed, its units get enlarged with articulation. The city consists of mobile units of education, housing and information production and it again consists of fixed units of health, food production, storing and energy.

In the newly-established worlds, instead of stable relationships among individuals, what exist are relations that constantly change, thus decreasing the sense of responsibility. The authority intervenes in the social life at a minimal level. Education system is quite flexible. Everyone can register for any available classes and gets recruited in line with their educational background.

There is no fixed work hour. Everyone has duties out of their job. If they do not accomplish their duties, they are aware that the system they have created will crumble. Transportation network is sustained by highly-enhanced rail systems and personal mini flyers.

Transportation consists of multi-level ways just as housing/residence units.

Vertical transportation is made in large stations.

5.2. Theme two: Protection of nature Distopian scenario of the project has been formed this way; The universe is in a constant cycle. The collapse firstly starting in human soul has turned out to be taking the whole globe in. That housing, as our most basic and simplest need, gets wholly concrete is one of the precursors of this collapse. Each passing day, human gets a little further away from the nature. Coming together with the nature has become now a vacation and an award for people anymore. What is worst is that this collapse makes people forget the past. The line between the nature and human has gone thicker day by day. Nature that we could hardly reach in the past is a concept that our people are unaware today. Over-intervention to life spaces has caused the individual to not even remember the past life. People feel the suffocation by this life, yet they cannot discern what is wrong. (Figure 3).

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Here, utopian scenario is like this; The society fleeing from the amassed piles of concrete that invade the natural life has set up a life space on a new geography. Society is governed by the person who is determined by the society and the person who knows the most about the nature. All individuals do the tasks peculiar to themselves and work to maintain the order of the nature. Individuals avoid from constructions that invade the nature. Each family has a dwelling and each dwelling is designed by the family that will live in that dwelling. This way, the city gets rid of a monotonic image. The only similarity amidst the dwellings is the use of natural materials. For this, necessary space and materials are met by the state. This way, harm to the nature by poor people due to the use of cheap and inferior materials is prevented.

People who act destructively towards the nature are punished by the state.

Here, the purpose is not to punish people and make them unhappy but to build a knowledgeable society. Work areas have been located in a different space than dwelling areas. Work and family life have been abstracted from each other and a happy and stress-free society has been aimed. Transportation among these areas is quite simple. As wage, everyone gets as much as their vital needs. Education expenses are met by the state. Children are educated until a certain period to get their skills explored.

Then, each child is brought up by getting trained in line with their skills.

No over-production is seen in any field.

Everything is produced as much as the need of the society. This way, both economic downfall and environmental contamination are prevented. Social places in the nodal points of the city include means for people of different interests to share. These areas where not vehicles but pedestrians prevail have been associated with nature. Individuals can enjoy their time with other people in open and transformable spaces, can be busy with their hobbies.

5.3. Theme three: Good and bad technology Dystopian scenario of the project has been formed this way;

Figure 3. Layout plan of Kübra Demir’s project.

Figure 4. Plan and model of Ahmet Emre Güler’s project.

By the year 2049, countries will have been under different groupings and started huge wars on each other for natural resources. As a result of the use of weapons of mass destruction, resources are now in critical level. People have to choose to live in groups, a vandal life or survive under the powers that manage the last resources.

Those who manage these last resources have foreseen the use of communication technologies to keep their society and whatever they have at hand. Pain threshold of people living in cities have been constantly increased with technology so that they do not get vulnerable against the chaos they are in. Besides, they have been exposed to disinformation in order that they do not question the situation they are in. People whose privacy has been exposed have been deprived of or restricted from their individual freedom

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Figure 5. Plans of Sinan İriş’s project.

and their jobs are exploited. With this technology, individual and self-concepts have been accepted as a match for selfishness and that anyone sacrifices himself/herself for the available system without questioning is praised.

Authorities have intervened via the use of technology weapons in the memories of people so that they make any decision they wish and they remove the conflicts in these decisions. Each new idea has been reckoned as an intellectual crime without examination and this kind of crime has been punished with death just as any vandal acts. These punishments have been performed before the society so that everyone gets happy with that.

Wars, hunger, suicides, murders have caused mass deaths. Restriction of individual rights, oppression and punishment regulations have made it all impossible for people to develop, produce ideas and have access to sustainable life facilities. (Figure 4).

Here, formed utopian scenario is like this; after all this destruction, the authority weakened and a group of people from inside the government got organized and staged a coup and a human-centered, wise, highly ethical and sustainable life base was laid.

As the smallest unit, ideal family was conceptualized. Purpose in these families is to meet the daily needs of the individuals who set up and advance the society. Around 10-12 ‘ideal families’ make up the ‘large family’. These united ideal families share the daily tasks and earnings. Each year in a large family, an ideal family is chosen as the managing family. Large families come together and set up a village. As they do not use money in shopping and each family is From dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli

specialized in a branch, they socially need each other by exchanging services. Villages form the districts. Some of these districts by contributing to agriculture, some to industry and some to energy production, all these districts form a whole city.

5.4. Theme four: New source; alternative energy Dystopian scenario of the project has been formed this way; all usable natural sources have been consumed.

Countries, to use more of the sources for themselves, are in a constant war against other countries. Wars have caused a psychological and spiritual collapse on people. This collapse is seen not only on human but also on the overall nature, dwellings, animals and all physical environment. People anymore want the war to end and to find a few source among the consumed natural sources. They want to remove the marks of the war and open a new door to a different world. They want to set up a new world over the war-weary old world. (Figure 5).

Here, formed utopian scenario is like this; People are in a retrospective pursuit of a usable energy source that will influence almost all areas of their life.

They regard that ‘Alternative Current’ used centuries ago in Egyptian pyramids is the energy source they have been searching for. They have learnt that in the near past century, Nicola Tesla succeeded in producing energy by using alternative energy. They want a type of healthy energy that does no harm to nature unlike charcoal, natural gas. Using this energy, people started to set up new cities. They thought that

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dwellings in the city work using this energy. This way, they will get rid of being stable and they will have a more vivid life. Also, they aim to produce vehicles using ‘Alternative Current’ and thus easing the transportation. The hardship to produce dwellings during the pre-war period is attempted to be overcome by producing light materials suitable for alternative current. Within the framework of these ideas, dwellings in the utopia are designed to move on the granite rails and to be carried away by cable car.

5.5. Theme five: Lost words and lunatics of lost era Lost Era/Lost Word, Dystopia; An era when humanity went through lost era. Anything visual, auditory, sensory is gone. During the nights, there is no light other than screen light, yet, none is uncomfortable with darkness as they live in a world where nothing is worth seeing. Daytime is no different than night at all, people live in closed ‘boxes’ and they go out to meet their needs and turn back to their ‘boxes’. Music in this era is just a noise.

No one bears any interest in anything happening around the world. Their memories are so weak that in the evening they forget whatever unwell happened in the morning. They have no tolerance against anything that may ruin their order and so they prefer to forget about. They do not accept more information than that of their need to survive. Human memory does not remember further than what they underwent and saw three years ago. Communication is at minimal level. People do not talk to each other, they do not need it. Because, they can reach anything they wish via high technology.

To commute, they do not even need to get out of their ‘boxes’, they can handle their work stuff on the screens in their rooms. Daily life is established on minimum motion. They get up, eat their fill with ready-made food, they do their work ‘usually sitting down’, and if they want to have fun, they do it sitting in front of a screen. Wandering, meeting with friends, exercising, reading books, watching movies are actions from which today’s people are away.

Yet, there is no real place to tour virtu-

Figure 6. A collage from Sena Sena Yardımcı’s project.

ally; all of them are images that are perhaps remnants of ancient eras by luck.

What those who want to have a real tour may see is the buildings that have been demolished and re-erected in 25year of routines. Many words like theatre, painting, sculpture, poem, pencil, books are not in use anymore. People do not go to school, as well. Anything they would like to learn is presented to them virtually and so they do not need to go out. Words like community, company, class, togetherness are all lost.

Individuals marry virtually in these new lives. In case these virtually-married have children, their responsibility to care is up to 6 years. Later, children staying in education dormitories where reading-writing and other basic disciplines are given and intelligence measure, character and skill analysis are made accomplish their education at 17 and leave the dormitories. Meanwhile, if wished, families can keep on seeing their children and some others leave them there. Already having a memory inclined to forget, feelings of longing of people in this era are blunted together with forgetfulness.

‘Lunatics’ of Lost Era, Utopia; a group of unlucky children born in the middle of the lost era comes across.

This minority consists of a group of ‘lunatics’ who are curious, action and speaking-writing loving, miss the images seen on virtual tours of the old world, listen to the music they fished out from centuries ago. This community of lunatics is not even discerned by the people of lost era. This carelessness

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Table 1. 2049 dystopian future scenario and developed utopian proposals.

gives birth to a cause for saving the era. This way, lunatics that are not discerned come across with no barrier to regain old eras they long for. (Figure 6).

First, they find and unearth the lost words one by one, and they try to keep the actions that are matches of these words. This is constantly increasing, without notice, silently. This time, carelessness of the era works for them. When they reach an unstoppable number, they set up a memory center.

Here is a center to collect the people of the era who are not lost same as themselves. Aim is to initially raise awareness. They arrange real tours to find out any intact place still existing. This more talking and researching community is trying to regain the nature as well. They would, in the early times, plant saplings any room soil they find, From dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli

and now they continue this work with forest projects on the empty fields they have bought even if those are far away from the center.

People going out of their one-eye boxes live at most 3-floor houses, at most 6 families. There are no high-rise buildings. Private car use is in minimal level in cities, and for short distance they use bicycles and for long distance they use railway systems having a large network. Each individual is accounted in city designs; the disabled, the old, children, the young, mothers...

Each city consists of neighborhoods, each of them meeting all their own needs. Religious structures, educational and health-service structures and trade areas exist in the center in each neighborhood. Activities such as cinema and theatre, seminar and ex-

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hibition are all presented in memory centers that finished the lost era two centuries ago by emerging as an idea.

These efforts having started 100 years ago could start to speed up only after long years. Even if they are minority, people anymore prefer remembering against forgetting. Now they have a memory center standing for 45 years.

6. Findings and results In Kocaeli where industrial identity has gained momentum in the early 2000s; unplanned enlargement of the city, structures that do not comply with architectural regulation and shanties have all formed the new identity of the city. Especially environmental and health-related problems as a result of intertwining of industrial sites and residence dwellings are seen as one of the most important consequences of the transformation of the city.

In Kocaeli University, Faculty of Architecture and Design, term 20122013, in Architectural Design Studio, within a study with the main theme utopia, the subject has been researched and evaluated intellectually and its spatial matches have been searched for. Today’s current data of the city has helped form the 2049 dystopian future scenario that forms the base of atelier work. Against this dystopian scenario, suggestions have been developed to turn Kocaeli into a livable place again.

In this study the process of urban transformation of Kocaeli is thought as a dystopian scenario. During the term the students develops new ideas for dystopian scenario. First of all most remarkable point of the projects is passion for the new one: new living space, new way of thinking or producing…

On the other hand the project is fictionalize with preventions that limited the over production and over consumption. Management is limited and administrators are out of conventional identities. Individuals are free in their social life, they have flexible working hours. Also the using the technology and money is limited. Most of the projects aim to back to old better days. On the other hand the mobility of people and place is very important for most of the projects.

The aim of these utopian proposals

is revitalization of the city center. In this context developed transportation system was designed, given the priority for agriculture and new energy production in the new living places. The city was classified according to industry, agriculture and energy production.

New buildings for social and cultural structures are designed. But in design process there is only one suggestion for the missing historical layers. This is not enough for the Kocaeli city. In some projects the mobile structure and building are suggested for the city.

On the other hand the most important suggestion for the dirty nature space likes the lake Sapanca and bay of Izmit is a good manager related with nature.

Also it is suggested that people who harm to nature are punished. One of the other decisions is the using of production space efficiently.

As a consequence it is seen in developed 2049 dystopian future scenario that all cities in general and Kocaeli in particular exposed to the transformation are in a similar situation with these cases. And unfortunately it can be claimed that as long as cities are exposed to these interventions under the name of ‘transformation’, these utopian scenarios produced in the atelier will be needed.

On the other hand when considered that today’s architecture is developed feeding up on various disciples, it is thought as an important experience that students discuss subjects like utopia-dystopia based on philosophy and that transfer of the impressions gained over these discussions to architecture.

To advance in the way of scholars that produce new lifestyles by establishing utopias has helped students to develop a new perspective on architect. Students, passing through various intellectual phases, have realized architectural design projects with different qualities where a new world imagination is examined.

References Akarsu, H. T. (1989). Aleladelik Çağı. İstanbul: İnkılap Yayınları.

Akarsu, H. T. (2012). Konstantinapolis Kapılarında. İstanbul: Doğan Kitap.

Akarsu, H. T. (2013). Şairlerin Brbar Sofraları ve Diğer Öyküler. İstanbul:

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Doğan Kitap.

Akarsu, H. T. (2017). Symi’de Aşk. İstanbul: 1984 Yayınevi.

Akatlı, F. (2003). Ütopyanın Çevresinde. Ütopya. Prepared by: A. Bülent Kutvan. İstanbul: Index.

Akkoyunlu Ertan, K. (2003). Kentin Tükenişi ve Ütopyalar, Amme İdaresi Dergisi, 36(2), 143-165.

Atayman, V. (2004). Tomasso Campanella: Güneş Ülkesi (introduction). İstanbul: Bordo-Siyah Klasik.

Bacon, F. (2010). Yeni Atlantis. Çev. Çiğdem Dürüşken. İstanbul: Kabalcı Yayınları.

Campanella, T. (2008). Güneş Ülkesi. Çev. Çiğdem Dürüşken. İstanbul: Kabalcı Yayınları.

Fishman R. (2016). Yirminci Yüzyılda Kent Ütopyaları. İstanbul: Daimon Yayınları.

Hançerlioğlu, O. (1977). Felsefe Sözlüğü. İstanbul: Remzi.

Jacoby, R. (2005). Picture Imperfect, Utopian Thought for an Anti-Utopian Age. New York: Columbia University Press

From dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli

Kılıçbay, M. Ali. (2003), Tarihin Sonu Senaryosu Olarak Ütopya. Ütopya. Prepared by: A. Bülent Kutvan. İstanbul: Index.

Kumar, Krishan (2006). Modern Zamanlarda Ütopya ve Karşı-Ütopya. İstanbul: Kalkedon.

Moore, T. (2006). Utopia. Çev. Sabahattin Eyüboğlu, Vedat Günyol, Mina Urgan. İstanbul: İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları.

Platon. (2006). Devlet. Çev. Sabahattin Eyüboğlu, M. Ali Cimcoz. İstanbul: İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları.

Sarcey, Michéle Riot vd. (2003). Ütopyalar Sözlüğü. Çev. Turhan Ilgaz. İstanbul: Sel. Tuna Ultav, Z. (2015). An interdisciplinary perspective for reading utopia versus dystopia: “The Ultimate City” by J.G. Ballard. ITU A|Z, 12(2), 173-186.

Yüksel, Ü.D. (2012). Antikçağdan Günümüze Kent Ütopyaları. İdeal Kent. Kent Araştırmaları Dergisi, Mart, 8-37.

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Architecture of the city in the posturban transformation

Yurdanur DÜLGEROĞLU YÜKSEL yukselyu@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.88709

Received: February 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2017

Abstract While scholars emphasize the importance of the role of the architect in shaping the urban fabric, they agree to that in the contemporary city, s/he has to confront the “planned urbanism” dictated by top-down policies and the market realities.

The paper aims at projecting into the city after Urban Transformation in Istanbul at the end of the quarter of the 21st centuy. Will U.T. provide an innovative image to the city and enhance the building quality? The discussion of such questions will be carried through mostly the residential architecture, major zoning in the urban structure. Urban and architectural aesthetics can be adversely affected by relations between conflicting powers in the housing markets. The implementations of U.T raises two issues, namely, is the value of the demolished building for the sake of Architecture lost or diminished? Does the demolition break neighborhood ties embedded in the culture, leading to disruption and alienation? How can the architect resolve this dilemma? What are his design tools to intervene into urban structure? A critical assessment of the legal, cultural and physical frame in the urban context is the main research approach, to be supported by project archives. In this paper, possible tools of the architect to lead U.T. will be explored; to provide few clues for further research.

Keywords Architect’s changing role, Urban transformation (U.T.), Urban and architectural aesthetics, Contemporary city, Architectural crises.

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1. Introduction The urban transformation planning and housing) market realities should but usually do not coincide. While the first is after orderliness, accessibility and development for the all majority; the second is often concerned with proft and prestige. This puts the architect into crisis. Global forces in the information age impact upon the architect who has to design and build for the sustainable city of the future in the contemporary world. In this context, the master plans may not be the best useful instruments, but nonetheless, the architect must proceed to generate urban spaces which the locals require. As Prix claims ‘‘gridded and ideal space” is overcome by the “actual dynamics of urban transformation”(Prix, ??).

Such development aiming to produce planned and healthier environment for the urban dwellers, has to challenge the expected side effects of increased building density, crowding in the city, deterioration or negligence of historical sites, and loss of urban identity as well as repetition in the urban fabric and silhouette to result out of U.T. Will the city maintain its public spaces as before in the housing environments and around?

U.T. implementations in the city usually takes the form of demolition and reconstruction on “cleaned” sites. The value of the demolished building for the sake of Architecture (carrying properties of specific architectural era or style), is lost or diminished.

Architect is the form-generator; yet, what will happen to the architecture of the city? Will all the changes be progressive? Environmentally, culturally and economically? (after U.T. completiton) 1.1. Structure The paper starts up with the initial question: What is the architect’s dilemma, and throughout the process, examines this double-edged Inquiry, to pave the way to the answering the question: How can the architect resolve this dilemma?

The inquiry will be conducted by two strams: (1) Spatial (2) Cultural.

These two define the major and interactive aspects of urban transformation.

The Spatial Inquiry will concentrate

on the following questions: • Will U.T. provide an innovative image to the city and enhance the building quality?

• What will happen to the silhouette of the city?

• Will the city maintain its public spaces as before in the housing environments and around?

The Cultural Inquiry will be detailed in the following questions: • Is the value of the demolished building for the sake of Architecture (carrying properties of specific architectural era or style), lost or diminished?

• The demolition brings a break in the neighborhood ties embedded in the culture, leading to disruption and alienation of the dweller when the whole quarter is transformed as a whole.

Concluding remarks will highlight the tools/the architect posseses while intervening into urban structure by designing and implementing.

1.2. Objectives The objective of the congress being to ‘create a medium for academic, civil society and governmental stakeholders for sharing ideas, projects, research and critics on urban planning, architecture and design’, as stated in the announcement booklet, the paper intends to begin discussing the seminal question: What is the architect’s dilemma?

• Planned urbanism by top-down policies Haughton and Allmendingell(2013) since 1990s, all national governments moved away from the central government to local governments. Shift from “top-down” targets on housing caused shift from “top-down” targets on housing new sub-locals neighborhood emphasis upon plan-making and development. By localism, it is possible to meet the demands of different places and circumstances.

• (Housing) market realities In Istanbul which is the case study, the spatial and cultural layers of the city have gradually cumulated throughout time by in-migrations from Anatolia, investments of commercial and industrial capital, as well as global factors.

Contemporary city depicts all these layers in its current urban texture. By reading, observing, examining and analyzing it, it is possible to re-discover

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and re-interpret the urban transformation and urban renewal activities in perpective. This provides for urban planners and policy makers with a tool to project into future some novel ideas on urban issues.

Lynch (1981) emphsizes that a city is legible and knowledgeable by its paths, nodes, regions, landmarks, and edges.

His concept of FIT is used to describe the places where (cultural) activity and (spatial) built-form are mutually self-sustaining. A fit city provides spaces, buildings and networks for residents to pursue the range and intensity of activity desired.

The following parts of the paper are organized on the basic argument that the “spatial aspect” of the urban transportation and urban transformation is to be discussed with irs inseparable twin, “cultural aspect”.

Montgomery (2010) maintains that cultural quarters are mechanisms for urban regeneration. They have been developed to be used as a deliberate model for urban regeneration of declining urban areas, as policy mechanisms. (p.3) He further claims that all successful urban spaces have 3 sets of elements, and that theories of Jacobs, K. Lynch and A. Kostof that a balanced and good city must have 3 components (following from Canter’s metaphor for Place (all cited in Montgomery, 2010) 1. Space - spatial and physical, form and type of buildings, permeability* of streets 2. Activity - cultural, economic forces of development 3. Meaning - values for the city identity.

Built Form - Principles of architecture governs the form of the city according to (Moneo). The study of political, economical, and social system cannot by itself explain the city. Within the built form, such details as “Fine grain urban morphology, -variety and adaptability of the building, permeability of streetscape, legibility, amount and quality of public spaces, active street frontage, environmental signifiers” are included.

Activity - Although it is controversal according to the modernists, culture orients people’s activities and use of the built forms. It accomodates “diversity of

primary and 2ndary land uses, extent and variety of cultural venues, presence of an evening activity, strength of small firm activity, access to education providers, presence of festivals and events, availability of workspaces for artists and low-cost providers, small firm economic development in Cultural centers, complementary daytime and evening uses’’.

Meaning - This property comes through experiencing the city and keeping the city in the memory. Meaning is what people conceives the builtform and activities in his/her world. In other words, it is how s/he relates herself//himself to the city, or part of the city locale. It encompasses “important meetings and gathering spaces, sense of history, area identity, and imagery, knowledgeability and environmental signifiers, A good city must have the qualies of “authentic, innovative and challenging”, Street life must be legible at the edges, must have at least a number of activity nodes between which it is easy to travel. It must have active frontage.

2. Physical-spatial Characteristics of the built environment contribute significantly to the identity of the city. “Buildings can create and signify a structure for urban life” Yücel (2008). Building process produces urban space and this production is dynamic and growth-oriented. Various layers in the city are thus formed throughout time and history. Old and new, open and closed, permeable and non-permeable make the city interesting and challenging for the citizens by creating tension of the extremes. The changes in silhouette can be disturbing if the small scale is overcome by the large scale: the tall may overpower and put pressure on the low-rise.

Variety is a significant quality in a city, both structurally and spatially. The everchanging city silhouette to the highrise may easily generate a monotonous skyline by repeated uniform high-rises, as in the case of TOKİ in which identical blocks and similar plan types add no value to the readability of the city. When there is no old besides the new; no low-rise besides the tall buildings, the city is considered to

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be not performing well (Jacobs, 1961).

When there is mono-type housing and similar building heights the city seems to be visually and aesthetically unbalanced. With the developments brought by transformations, all quarters in the city will have a tendency to look eventually the same.

Each housing settlement / zone is identified by its unique characteristics: i.e., detached housing wıth garden, or house with pitched roof, or housing with courtyards, or settlements with dead ends.

Various institutions are taking part in the urban transformation process. In Istanbul National Central institution, Mass-Housing Development Agency (MHA) is planning every transformation project site by demolishing it first and re-building a new . Another higher level central agency is Ministry of Urbanization and Environment. It is revolving power to the MHA. However, the Local Government institutions should be the main actor in the urban renewal process. All the decisions related to demolitions for cleaning up plots for new urban projects and rezoning tended to be taken by the Central Government. Numerous agencies exists with relationships between them.

Variety of stakeholders is regularly expected in the housing market. However, the overpowering of one institution above the others in the political system is parochial and non-democratic. .Local government has more direct and reliable knowledge from the field, i.e., on household demographies, occupational distribution within the neighborhood, condition of the houses and quality of services, than the distant central government agencies..

Furthermore, it is the dwellers who best know first hand their needs, demands, and expectatations of their new spatial and socio-cultural environments to be formed . If they are not allowed to participate in the transformation /decision process, the dwellers would have no chance or choice for shaping their future living and work environments.

Therefore, a good strategy facilitates the communication between diverse stakeholders. (Falludi,: 2000) Cases from İstanbul illustrate the tendency of silhouette to change.

Figure 1. How to format a figure (Resource: Anonim, 2011) Spatıal Aspects-- 1Will U.T. provide an innovative image to the city and enhance the building quality? Panorama from Istanbul Adalet Palace.

Figure 2. Maslak Sihouette Beşiktaş from Barbaros Blvd.

(Resource: Photo by Ç.Eren 2014).

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Figure 3. Kağıthane.

During the last 3 decades, the uprising buildings in Istanbul (Fig. 1) along the Beşiktaş-Maslak development axis (Fig. 2) points out to this abrupt change.

What will happen to the urban pattern? With historical and layered meaning?

Urban texture may deteriorate by its increased scale and increased dislocation, causing cultural break-up of neighborly ties.

Type of urban transformation in the form of house type that dwellers prefer: In Kağıthane research, it has been found that • Nearly fourty percent of the sample would like to move into housing group, • Nearly one-third would prefer to live in detached house, • Nearly one-fifth of the sample expressed desire to live in flats after the urban transformation.

3. Socio-cultural Political, social and economic system has an impact on the built-form of the city.

“Resilient city” concept, emerged during the last decade or so, and was initiated by 11/9 terrorism. Further, increasing climatic and earth related disasters in the cities made it a priority matter. The policies reflected this and the topic was of concern to policy-makers and environmental planners. Giv-

ing responsibility to many stakeholders in order to hold territorial control and security has become crucial.

How does this influence the city and its aesthetics? From Socıo-Cultural point of view, this issue requires a policy focus on the community empowerment. Strong communities can challenge urban territorial attacks.

(Coaffee, 2013) In Kağıthane, not only will the building charateristics change after the completion of urban transformation process, but also the community bonds. Neighborly relation will break down, with the leaving of the houses one by one in this city region. Cultural change will be brought abruptly, affected by spatial changes of the urban texture: higher income, individual users who do not know each other will replace the lower-income neighbors.

Some developments are carried by the government: prestige buildings for the holdings, for instance. “...at least a proportion of the activity found in cultural quarters might well require governmental support in order to survive in-situ” (Montgomery, 2013) Cultural aspects Some possible side-effects and issues related to cultural aspect of transformation are as follows: • the value of the demolished building for the sake of Architecture (carrying properties of specific architectural era or style), is lost or diminished, (ex.of Haydarpaşa Station, etc.)

• the demolition brings a break in the neighborhood ties embedded in the culture, leading to disruption and alienation of the dweller when the whole quarter is transformed as a whole.

• The city may not maintain its public spaces as before in the housing environments and around.

• The function of the public spaces should be VIVIDITY,VITALITY, and DIVERSITY. • Vividity and vitality refers to 24 hours / 12 months use over the clock.

This is possible by the spatial context and planned activities on space • Diversity refers to variety of people, with different profiles, purposes, and needs • Current public spaces can be described as: ALIENATION, CROWD-

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ING, and LACK OF DIFFERENTIATION. • Alienation refers to lack of access to streets, squares, sidewalks in certain areas of the city where private governance is predominant.

• Crowding refers to mob behavior as well as potential rebel places.

• Mega-projects impact upon people in a way to make them feel lost and alienated in the city 4. Cases In this section, several cases will be focused upon to explain and examplify the spatial and cultural impact of urban transformation, which in turn will trigger the visual change of ıstanbul 20 years from now, time officially estimated for completion of transformation works.

Fikirtepe: A settlement will probably look like Kağıthane eventually because almost all existing urban texture will inevitably vanish, not to be able to confront unplanned demolitions. An alternative strategy would have been planned and balanced approach to U.T. in the form of improvement, regeneration and renewal, rather than tabula rasa re-construction, which is a manmade disaster.

Kağıthane: This area should preferably carry its historical industry. It can achieve this by opening up museums in restored industrial sites and maybe re-use some of the old buildings as landmarks. The city region K.have originally been an informal settlement, formed around formally planned industrial zone of factories.. It used to have low-rise and then by time highrise apartment houses, all informally develope. The plans for the area is to rapidly convert the coal and paper industry into “information age industry”/”knowledge industry” and commercial-entertainment.

Afterwards, the area is expected to accomodate another social group: in place of existing informal dwellers whose squatter housing will have to be demolished; high income native and foreign businessmen and people from commercial sector who will live in residences.and gated neighborhoods. Such a change is empowereed by the contractors in the housing market who convince the

Figure 4. Fikirtepe.

Figure 5. Old Kağıthane houses.

Figure 6. New: Vadi İstanbul-Ağaoğlu project.

owner-dwellers to sell their houses. and leave the neighborhood. Such dynamics overpower the governmental plans, which lag far behind. Non-existence of a holistic plan or unintegrated master plan facilitated the process of unplanned, small-scale transformation.

Kağıthane research • That a significant sector of the population sample in the three neighborhoods think their building should not be part of the transformation process, indicating their lack of knowledge and lack of organizational capacity.

• The neighborhood dwellers in Kağıthane to some extent wish to live in detached housing, while most envision a flat in a multi-family block, as they live now, but a flat which is of better quality than they occupy currently.

Meaning of urban transformation for the dwellers:In Kağıthane research, the results show that for the dweller, urban transformation means the following: • Strengthens their buildings, • Restructures and changes the (urban) environment,

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Figure 7. New projects in future Kağıthane.

• Brings about planned urbanization, • Is a means of modernization (Dülgeroğlu, Özsoy, Pulat-Gökmen, 2014) Haydarpaşa: The cities are differentiated from others and are recognized by their landmarks. U.T.is unfortunately wiping out these landmarks one by one.

It will be physically and functionally replaced by a bigger scale port Project.

Haydarpaşa mega project is a good case for this: it will be replacing the existing historical train station of Istanbul; first to connect Anatolian side to the European side, Asia and Europe by train.

This station is a19th century gothic style stone architecture and is a very important landmark. This layer of history will be lost foreever after the completion of urban transformation.

Value of the original Haydarpaşa station • Architectural value as a Building.: Neo-classical German Architecture (architectural value) • Reference point in the City of Istanbul (between the sea and the land) • Connection of Asia and Europe (practical and transportational value) • First rail connection in Turkish Republic - a breakthrough in early Republican history ( Historical Value) • A symbolic building representing the turn of the century (1908) (symbolic value) • In the beginning, an area of 2525 m² but now, a building with 3836 m² , with increasing construction density.

• In the construction, German construction workers worked with the Italian stone artizans..

Galata: In the historical peninsula of Istanbul, piecemeal development of the old city can be observed in Galata region. Small merchants, ateliers of the craftsman, small traditional houses used to characterize the area with supporting facilities to sustain a modest life for centuries. The area had pocket post Office, Turkish Marine Works Administration Directorate, and Çinili han, and it connects with the sea at Salıpazarı Cruise Port.

However the new mega project, called Galataport, will cover a huge area including the old galata and extending to Salı pazarı, totalling to 400 thousand m2. The recently restorated warehouses which had been used for fashion, na-

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tional and other international exhibits, will be transformed within other warehouse (antrepo) series for commercial and touristic purposes.

Mega-projects impact upon people in a way to make them feel lost and disconnected with the city.

5. Discussion In literature, the main controversy on a good city form has revolved around the diversity of building forms, of sizes, as well as diversity of use and activities for the balance, identifiability, legibility, and sustainability. Jacobs (1961) talks about balanced cities: City diversity means mixture of building types, ages, sizes and conditions. Tight, rather than loose urban grains are suggested. Scale, build to lines, story heights, and overall relationships between the height of the building and the width of the streets and routes.

A sustainable urban form has no single ideal form. Physical form of the city or city region with its shape, size, density and configuration of land can affect its long term sustainability.

“This places very clear emphasis not only on physical form but also on the importance of place, character and local factors at work in different places.

Also with a growing understanding of the role of the culture in urban developmental concepts, such as “place-values” can be taken on board.

(Sullivan, 2014, p.4) Convergence of influences on urban form and development patterns are economic issues, environmental quality of life, local government structures, and landscape.

These arguments do not point out to one ideal city form and neither does urban transformation. Urban transformation aims to provide healthier and more resilient cities. Appropriate the building form and meeting socio-cultural factors are both necessary for attaining a sustainable city. Therefore, size, diversity of activity/use, and spaces to accommodate them matter for the architect and the urban planner.

The micro-examination of the İstanbul case through its major examplary urban regeneration/transformation process all indicate that the city as a whole is changing too fast, and is

Figure 8. Haydarpaşa-Uskudar project -old historical.

Figure 9. Haydarpaşa New mega-project planned.

Figure 10. Haydarpaşa Port project.

Figure 11. Old galata Galata region in the beginning and second half of the 19th x 20th century.

about to lose its past, and contemporary characteristics and values. Its increased scale, its decreased historical landmarks are not only changing its geographical and architectural landscape, but also changing its cultural landscape. As a consequence, fragmentation of Istanbul into “sub-cities”, each with its own sub-cultures and building typology is far from representing the city as a concept and theory, and far from sustaining in the future.

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Figure 12. Galata region in the beginning and second half of the 19th x 20th century.

Figure 13. New Galata project.

Figure 14. Galata- Beyoğlu- İndividual U. transformation interventions (Dalgıçer, 2011).

However, ther scholars argue that the city-region is the most appropriate scale for survey for various elements of the sustainable development paradigms.

According to Campbell(1966), there is a “triangle of conflicting goals for planning: “in the context of increasingly globalized, fragmented and diversified economies, traditionally bounded municipalities are considered too small in scale to manage strategic urban challenges, ....” (Sullivan, 2014, p.6) Nation is too wide a geography on the other hand. In Geddesian terms, planning should be a holistic one. In this sense, Strategic Plans According to Falludi, (2000), concern the coordination of projects and other measures taken by a multitude of actions.

Partneship and collaboration are principles in the proliferation of institutions at local and central levels (Kearns and Raddison, 2000) Multitude of decision-making structures is a challenge at the multi-level government environments (Benz and Eberlein, 1999) because of the complexity of economical, environmental, social and physical urban issues, incoherent policy issues, and fragmented policies.

6. Conclusion Concluding Question: What are the tools/he posseses while intervening into urban structure by designing and implementing?

Figure 15. Individual Gentrification in Galata-transformation is not simply due to individuals but also to local authorities and policies.

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• Projects, not policies should be worked out. Each project is unique.

• Field-informed knowledge must be provided to the decision-makers and urban planners • Collaboration among the central and local agencies need to be sought, not to confront problems of implementation • There is a need for a multi-actor commission, made up of Professional organizations, Chambers, Universities, Banks, Sub-municipalities, NGO’s, and Dwellers • There is a need to orient and re-route the future transformation with a more informed public and informed policy.

• Squatter housing must not be demolished before squatters have found place to move into.

• There is a need for transparent governance, in order to create awareness ; and to provide information for the enactment of the urban transformation • Sub-municipalities must get organized at a higher level, in order to integrate the urban plans , and to provide holistic approach • Diverse urban forms, building typology and plan types must be offered in the housing sector especially and in the construction sector in general.

• A variety of themes; old and new, protected and demolished, high-rise and low-rise, etc. should be introduced to save the cities.

• Geddes’ finds in the recent past, the planning is focused on preserving areas of beauty or high aesthetic value.This design principle needs to be remembered.

• Building form and socio-cultural factors are both needed for a sustainable city. Therefore, size, diversity of activity/ use, spaces to accomodate them should be stressed References Coaffee (2013) “Towards Next-Generation Urban resilience in Planning Practice: From Securitizarion to Integrated Place-Making”, Planning Practice & Research, 28:3, 323-339.

Dalgıçer, M. (2011) Beyoğlu’nun Soylulaştırılmasında Münferit Hareketler: Galata Örneği, Basılmamış Y.Lisans tezi, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, İstanbul.

Figure 16. Totally unfit architecture.

Figure 17. Taxim-Gezi Park Crowding refers to mob behavior as well as potential rebel places.

Figure 18. Alarmingly rapid change of silhouette and scaler.

Dülgeroğlu-Yüksel,Y., Pulat-Gökmen, G., Özsoy, A. (2010-2014), Sürdürülebilir Mekansal ve Toplumsal Dönüşüm için bir Model Araştırması, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Bilimsel Araştırma ve Geliştirme Destekleme Projeleri, İstanbul.

Faludi, A. (2000) “The performance of Spatial Planning”, Planning Practice & Research, 15:4, 299-318 Haughton, G; & Allmenger, P. (2013)

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“Spatial Planning and the New localism”, Planning Practice & Research, 28:1, 1-5 Jacobs, J. (1961), The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Random house, New York.

O’Sullivan, B., Brady, W., Ray, K., Sikora, E.&Murphy, E. (2014) “Scale, Governance, urban Form and Landscape: Exploring the Scope for an Integrated Approach to Metropolitan Spatial Planning”, Planning Practice & Research, 29:3, 302-316.

Lynch, K. (1960 ) The Image of the City,The Technology Press, Harvard University Press, Cambridge.

Moneo, R. (….) “Aldo Rossi:The Idea of Architecture of the City and the Modena Cemetery”, transl. By A. Giral, title of the book, place of publication, year, pp.105-135 Montgomery, J. (2003) “ Cultural Quarters as Mechanisms for Urban Regeneration. Part 1: Conceptualizing Culrural Quarters, Planning Practice & Research, 16:4, 293-306.

Yücel, A. (2008) “ ’The Architectural Object’ as a Social Artifact in Urban Development, A case Study”, City Architecture: In Between Past and Future, ed.by Dülgeroğlu-Yüksel, Y. , et al, 61-71, Cenkler Press. Istanbul.

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A model suggestion for determining physical and socio-cultural changes of traditional settlements in Turkey Damla ATİK1, Nevnihal ERDOĞAN2 1 damlazeybekoglu@trakya.edu.tr • Department of Landscape Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Trakya University, Edirne, Turkey 2 nevnihal.erdogan@kocaeli.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Kocaeli University, Kocaeli, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.62534

Received: December 2016 • Final Acceptance: June 2017

Abstract The processes of change observed in many field today such as urbanization, urban transformation and globalization which all are caused by socio-cultural, technological, economic, ecologic and politic factors have great influence on people, relationships, living environments, houses and cities. Existing as a loop these dynamics interact with each other and structure the new parts of the city as well as transform the old / traditional settlements. It is seen that traditional life style and buildings have changed and/or decreased in terms of functional incompetence and dilapidation in accordance with these transformations and changing requirements of the century. It is possible to state that the traditional housing areas, as an important component for cultural sustainability and worth of historical heritage have transformed accordingly in terms of socio-cultural and physical ways with their users.

Some questions occur at that point like “How can we find out if a settlement has changed?”, “How can this change can be formulated?”, “What is the rate of the change?”. It is aimed to answer these questions using a method for comparison of traditional settlement parameters with new settlement parameters in Turkey and put forward the physical and socio-cultural changes.

Keywords Model suggestion, Change process, Socio-cultural factors, Traditional Turkish settlements.

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1. Introduction The processes of change observed in many fields today have great influence on people, relations, environment, houses and cities within the world. As an important component for cultural sustainability and worth of historical heritage, the traditional settlements are also affected by these changes together with their users. It is known that the existence and continuity of traditional settlements are at risk because of the monotony and uniformity being widespread. Besides the physical changes like becoming worn-out and dilapidated, the cultural losses also threaten the traditional environments in terms of usage and expectations. Although new structures and settlements mostly designed according to technological innovations and requirements of modern life style are needed for sheltering, the conservation and permanence of traditional environments are vitally important in order to keep our values and cultural entirety and to be able to transfer them to the next generations. Besides physical and spatial re-arrangements generally observed during change processes, the importance of cultural components and socio-cultural factors as family structure, life styles and user needs should also be considered. Within the scope of environment behavior studies, analyzing change processes of traditional settlements in terms of both physical and socio-cultural ways through a model suggestion in Turkey is aimed in this study.

The model consists of three stages and is supported by questionnaire following field study. Two stages are constituted with a theoretical background of traditional Turkish settlements and their components; while one stage includes data obtained from field study.

This model can answer following questions: 1. How can we find out if a settlement has changed? 2. How can this change can be formulated? 3. What is the rate of the change?

2. Model background Giving clues in order to understand physical and social environment, models are simple and are summarized versions of facts. Thus all sciences use models for analyzing issues. Turgut

Figure 1. The frame of the conceptual model (Author).

(1990) has classified the model types used in environment behavior studies such as performance based models, perception and informatics based models, behavioral models, environmental models as a symbol of verbal-nonverbal communication, ecological models, ethological models, socio-cultural models and environmental preference models. However, Ünlü (1986) asserts conceptual models for identifying dynamic relations of human-environment interactions and claims that with given certain parameters, these models can be used for indicating future performances. Be inspired from the model about design idea of user requirements of changed cultural environments by Ünlü (1986), the frame of the conceptual model is shown in Figure 1.

In this framework the factors and parameters of change are gained by literature review and organized as shown in the first column. Traditional settlements in the middle column are the effected entity. The third column indicates the interaction of factors and traditional settlements as a prediction.

2.1. Factors of change process As a brief information we can say urbanization is a specific factor occurs in changing process and it is simply defined as the increase in the number of cities. Being a demographic event it can be also considered as the increase in number of people living in cities.

Thorns (2004) states that more than half of the earth population live in cities because of the opportunities which are the main reasons of migration such as the attractiveness of social, health, education and gainful employment

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formations in the new settlements. The physical and social environment perception of house holders also changes within migration. According to Shaukland (2007) the changes in cities arise from the requests of modern lifestyles.

Families desire for house and business in better conditions than they have and high pay with more qualified living standards in sample. Payne (2006) emphasizes that migration from villages and poverty to cities and welfare is an inevitable situation for people and their children to reach better life conditions.

Globalization being the other factor in changing process is a concept used to explain the changing quality of the world within social changes and transformation. It is a holistic phenomenon composed of economic, social, politic, cultural and ecologic processes related to each other and continues to shape the world according to Thorns (2004).

Giddens (1988) evaluates globalization as a result of modernization and defines it as the intension of relationships worldwide. Claiming that independency of time from space is the pre-condition of globalization; he mentions the reality of social interaction which occurred far apart independently from space. It can be said rapid transmission of information, communication and capital as the main reason for that at this point. Urban transformation process is another factor variety from macro to micro scales and induces change process. Defined as transforming into another shape of a city completely or partially, it requires various applications in terms of both meaning and economic-social-physical-administrative dimensions for any country or city or district.

It is a reality that urbanization, globalization and urban transformation phenomenon experienced in changing process effects societies and living environments within the factors of culture, environment, ecology, economy, politics and technology etc.. In addition to them building lows and local authorities, tourism, conservation and sustainability concepts, evaluations in building sector, building materials and technologies can be mentioned to enlarge and explain these changes,

we think. As seen above the keywords “demographic event”, “migration”, “requests of modern lifestyles”, “social changes” and “culture”, we remark that they are all related to socio-cultural factors based on people. Because socio-cultural factors consist of every routine of people involved in daily life -language, religion, music, poem, rituals, beliefs, social values and norms, behavior and interaction of people, tradition which all are explained within culture concept being the earnings of the past. Thus socio-cultural component of change factors with user dimension are in demand within this study.

2.2. Putting forward sociocultural components of houses Rapoport claims that buildings especially houses are not only physical artifacts but also cultural ones. Architectural forms and house formations are effected by many values such as cultural values and choices (Rapoport, 1969, 1989); rules, norms and social relations (Mazumdar and Mazumdar, 1994); symbolic meanings (Rapoport, 1969, 1982; Lawrence, 1985; Low,1988).

Cunningham (1972) argued that houses are composed of divisions, form, symbol and arrangements as a model of universe. Similarly, Errington (1979) found out that the Buginese houses represented the world in a symbolic way and reflected inter group relations.

Indian houses were designed according to their religious rituals with holy rooms where prays were said in (Mazumdar and Mazumdar, 1994). Snyder (1976) also mentioned about houses as a socio-cultural concept besides being a shelter. Claiming that houses reflected cultural manners, values, beliefs, social and economic organizations; he studied user satisfaction. Approaching houses with their users brings out satisfaction naturally according to him.

All these samples indicate that house phenomenon is not only a physical formation but is also a socio-cultural concept within culture just as Traditional Turkish House.

Traditional Turkish House is known and qualified as “planned and formed in harmony with life culture and customs of Turkish family” and “fulfilled

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the requirements of Turkish individuals for centuries” (Eldem, 1968). The buildings are in harmony with natural topography in order not to prevent the sunshine and landscape of each building (Arü, 1998) besides the height of the buildings, with their distance to nest house and bay-window sizes are determined by common consent. The houses are generally designed as 2 or 3 floors. The first floors are closed to the street for privacy; requirements are fulfilled by usage of gardens and yards. The other floors are planned using bay-windows to contact and expand over the street, get more daylight and air besides their esthetical value.

The houses composing the traditional pattern become specific with their private and semi-public usage by means of their front gardens. Users as another characteristic feature of traditional houses were mostly extended families consisted of 2 or 3 generations living under the same roof. (Eruzun, 1989; Yürekli and Yürekli, 2005; Günay, 1999; Bektaş, 2007).

The intangible concepts belonging to daily life performances and complication of architectural solutions needs to come into focus. As it is difficult to put forward the socio-cultural factors effecting a design, Mazumdar and Mazumdar (1994) presented a socio-physical model of culture and architecture relation as shown in Figure 2. This model indicates the links between social values, social norms, architectural values and architectural artifacts that selected and designed by culture. Four levels of interrelated values, preferences and choices can be seen lying on a continuum with tangible at one end and intangible at the other. Social values are more conceptual; shared beliefs and ideas held by culture. They provide general guidance about life and role of users. Social norms are more specific notions about behaviors. Architectural values are more definitive preferences and ideas about physical forms.

Architectural artifacts are elements and components of building including forms, shapes, size, materials, structure and objects.

Al-Soliman (1991) used this model and presented the social changes in Saudi Arabia at the beginning of 1970’s.

Table 1. General planning and design differences between traditional and modern houses (Al-Soliman 1991).

Figure 2. Socio-physical model of culture and architecture relation (Mazumdar and Mazumdar, 1994).

The changes were on religious values, neighborhood relations and family values in terms of socio-cultural issues as well as on economic, educational and technological issues in terms of socio-economic ways as he mentioned in Table 1. He indicated that the houses were designed according to the new design parameters of modern period and traditional period was given up.

With a similar approach while configuring the model, Traditional Settlements are required to be explored. The status of traditional settlements both in the past and today is an important criterion to determine the “change”.

In another words, it is necessary to put forward the previous and existent situation of something in order to understand how it has changed. The traditional settlements are handled within the context of Traditional Turkish House through Ottoman Empire Period and Culture as accepted by literature while the new ones are evaluated according to contemporary approaches.

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2.3. Traditional settlements in Turkey Traditional Turkish cities are homogenous settlements where various social and ethnical groups live together in a harmonious way. The basic principles of the settlements are the unity with natural environment in terms of direction, climate and topography with the enrichment of the characteristic silhouette (Arü 1998). Traditional settlements have “old and historical” pattern characteristics such as grid plan, organic-curvilinear, radial and mixed according to Kahraman (2000). Arü (1998) states that traditional Turkish Cities have unconstrained and organic pattern. The settlements are composed of multiple units -districts- joining together. Districts are the smallest administrative units where the basic elements of cities such as house and street systems; economic, social and cultural facilities gather. Neighborhood mentioned with the same meaning with district is another specific quality of traditional life. Neighborhood is significant in Turkish tradition. It represents mutual support and helping, besides visiting, keeping secrets; sharing social values like religious days, wedding, funeral, birth and circumcise ceremony (Nirun, 1991). These values are all supported with hospitality. Hospitality means welcoming guests, treating them well, make them comfortable as if they are in their own house. Therefore, a special space decorated better than the other rooms is designed in the house for guests. The neighborhood relations were sustained in guestroom or daily used room, kitchen, yard or garden of the houses; strengthened with lower garden walls and passages with the next door thus the relations are experienced within confidence and unity. Social and economic cooperation, toleration, sympathy and the unity between neighbors is the genuine of the system called “Neighborhood Unit” by the planners of today (Bektaş 2007). According to him district has a focal point or center that is proportionate to its size; this center is secondary to that of the center of the city as a whole. Here exists at least one mosque, a grocery store, a butcher shop, a barber, a shoe repair shop, a bakery, a cof-

fee house. As district grows in size its center accommodates also other functions, school, health center, soup kitchen, guest house, public bath, fountain and others.

A spatial organization for the private and public area within the yards, gardens, non-end streets and squares were seen to prevent alienation. The streets as being one of the important elements of city form had organic shape in Ottoman cities refereeing defense. The various alignments of houses within direction changes of streets besides land form and human scale also had a role in shaping city form. Similar proportions of houses are observed in street layout besides garden walls that create unity together. The streets are narrow and shady. This is quite an important solution for hot climates but not suitable for today’s vehicles. Traditional city is for pedestrians actually; claims Bektaş (2007) mentioning that fountains appear frequently for thirsty folks. Oktay (2001) emphasizes that organic pattern and streets which are spatial identifiers of traditional Turkish settlements and has social meanings (playing children, gathering at fountains, chatting in front of doors, etc), is a significant part of daily life.

Researchers mentioned that Traditional Turkish House come into being with its “sofa”-hall and yard. Such that hall is the main spatial organizer (Eyüce 2005; Eldem 1968; Bektaş 2007).

Houses are defined with their rooms and sofa arranged according to them besides economic and social status of owners’. Similar characteristics especially house plan and location of hall (sofa) are seen even on far away Turkish houses in different geographies.

(Eldem 1968; Günay 1999). House plan types constitutively are without hall, with external hall, internal hall or central hall. (Eldem 1968, Bektaş 2007). Halls can be thought as passages between rooms and household gather here. They use halls frequently in a day.

The rooms always emanate serenity. A room can shelter a family and provide all necessities for life such as sleeping, bathing, relaxing, eating and so on. In a room at least four people can sleep on the mattresses laid on the floor. Lots of people can sit down and chat. They

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are not limited by the number of chairs available. Rooms are in use 24 hours (Bektaş 2007). The room is the most isolated space and is characterized by also its walls such as storage, washing unit, fireplace. The size of the house is determined by the number of rooms not by measurement (Yürekli and Yürekli 2005). The biggest room of the house is called the master room “baş oda”. It belongs to owner of the house and is the eldest parents’ room. It is also used as a guest room. There may be other function-specific rooms such as prayer room, library, presentation or council room appropriated according to the owners’ social status or job. Presentation room evolved into “selamlık” or salutation room as a whole independent form the house (Bektaş 2007).

The houses are generally designed as 2 or 3 floors. The ground floor is mainly made of stone and is used as a service floor. A barn, storage areas and winter room exist here. (Yürekli and Yürekli, 2005). Generally, window usage isn’t observed in this floor related to privacy. The upper floors are made of timber generally and include other rooms. For instance, guest room and the other rooms are on the mezzanine.

It is accepted that the upper floor is the main floor of the building and it has a typical plan. Besides, ceilings are different; quality of details and ornaments are related to social status of the owner (Yürekli and Yürekli, 2005). Garret is used to dry vegetables and fruits under eaves within proper ventilation.

The roofs are designed with wide eaves both for protecting the building from air conditions and for esthetical value.

The windows are positioned in a way not to obstruct the view while standing or sitting. Their proportions are one by two. A window is placed in a location that allows a view of what you care to see. It is not installed at locations that would allow a view of the inside from the outside. Sometimes an entire wall may end up being windowless. The house door has two wings and is wide enough for a horse cart, phaeton or a loaded horse. The belief is that the size of the door reflects the size of the owner’s heart. (Bektaş 2007). The most striking feature of the Turkish houses is that their design starts inside and

evolves from inside to outside. In other words, functionality is considered first.

Flexibility is among the most important principles. The houses are capable of growing with the family one unit at a time; or can be divided up later on.

In recent eras old houses managed to continue their existence by divided up (Bektaş 2007). Ethnical groups living in an environment and having various traditions and life styles causes multi-cultural societies (Gönül, 2001).

Thereby multi-cultural usages in traditional houses have a significant role in spatial organization and flexible house plans. Houses with their adaptable character can be a source for new ideas. For instance, the layered functions of the walls of the rooms can be a tromp wall and interpreted as different elements and functions (Yürekli and Yürekli 2005).

2.4. New settlements in Turkey The cities and settlements in Turkey become estranged from the sense of traditional space and pattern in consequence of the changes. New settlements occur within the growth of cities on the one hand, the existent ones become insufficient to satisfy requirements of migrant population on the other.

Eyüce (2005) states that traditional architecture faces various changes by time. Some of these changes can be considered as beneficial while some are not. Özbek (1998) mentioned that user preferences and relations become different such as life styles and structural innovations related to modernization after industrialization. Daily life dynamics such as transportation, infrastructure, social equipment sufficiency and urban space cannot afford requirements of increasing population in traditional settlements. Besides dwindling of parcels, increasing of land price, multi-floor structuring, the density of uncontrolled and unlicensed construction to gain benefit also has unfavorable influence on city identities (Kaygusuz, 1993; Velioğlu and Tavşan, 1993; Arü, 1998). At the same time the streets lose their significance in terms of social relations such as gathering, socializing and communicating activities; and they are considered only as an access to houses. Oktay (2001)

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criticize that spatial hierarchy through street-house relation began to disappear. Monotone and widened passages appear instead of narrow but attractive streets where dead-ends and social facilities are observed. She also states that vehicles take the place of traditional street usage. Thus vehicle roads without having spatial and esthetical values can not integrate with the buildings like they could in traditional settlements. For instance, billboards and signboards cause complexity in perception of the streets (Velioğlu and Tavşan, 1993; Firidin Özgür, 2006). As a result, it can be said that traditional Turkish settlements become old and the organic pattern of cities loses their characteristic through the change process and rapid-unplanned development.

Similarly district and accordingly neighborhood concepts lose their traditional qualities too. Arü (1998) claims a reason for that such as unity concern wasn’t considered while re-structuring relevant to modernization after fire demolish in some regions. The districts become only an administrative unit deprived of their social and spatial meanings (Firidin Özgür, 2006). It is observed that a formation of a community within house consumption and produced life styles are offered, for the high-income group as a result of social segregation and isolation (Firidin Özgür, 2006; Bayramoğlu Alada, 2007). These users have difficulty to interact with citizens, streets as well as the city. Thus districts are generated like “small cities in a city” instead of having place “in the whole of a city”. They are also fictionalized with an identity apart from the city (Firidin Özgür, 2006). Therewithal relevant to business life, economic possibilities, educational status, urbanization, entertainment and recreation functions; traditional neighborhood perception and understanding caused changes on expectations, relations, rituals and actualization of neighborhood (Gündüz and Yıldız, 2008). It can be said that these changes may cause social disintegration; loneliness, dissatisfaction, isolation, alienation, various disease both mental and physical.

Urbanization and migration rela-

tively increases population and housing demand. Due to rapid production and modern expectations house plans are effected as well user profiles. Plan types are adapted from western countries; new life styles take place inside the houses. Entrances and corridors take place of traditional hall (sofa) usage while accessing to the rooms.

Rooms become single-functioned and specialized as kitchen, dining room, bedroom, bathroom, parent’s room, working room, living room, storage etc.

Thus every member of the family prefers to spend time in their own room.

One more reason for that is the change of family structure; traditional extended family transformed into elementary family because of some reasons such as migration, death, educational, economical and social status (Sağdıç and Pulat Gökmen, 2001). Gür (2000) states that each factor effect people, also effect the house. She thinks that developing technology, increasing mobilization, life styles and working women causes change in family structure and size and effects house-family relations.

Improvement of infrastructure and technology brought new equipments such as television, washing machines, bathtub, multimedia systems and their usage areas in the houses.

Houses designed with at least 5 floors took the place of traditional houses. The ground floors are designed for commercial usage frequently while the others are for residence, office, studio variously. Eyüce (2005) states that wide spreading of apartment blocks is the most threatening reality for traditional settlements. The windows and bay-windows are used for different purposes; wide and opened to landscape in terms of transparency and esthetic value sometimes with nostalgic approach. The building complexes are separated within walls from each other along a street in districts today thus users cannot contact with each other and with the environment. Thus these typologies are considered as being apart from the traditional ones in terms of esthetical, physical and functional values during change process. In addition to these, unplanned structuring and parcel/land problems also make the buildings become discordant with

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the topography, climate and direction through standardization.

Gaining these information, the parameters of traditional and new settlements in Turkey are shown in Table 2.

3. Composing the model The questions asked at starting point of this study are aimed to reveal the changes in a tangible way. To find out if a settlement has changed, the status both in the past and in present are enucleated. A model is designed in order to formulate the change. Finally, a field study is done to determine the rate of the change. Thus a three staged model as shown in Figure 3 is composed as we mentioned.

Stage 1 is prepared according to findings in Table 2. These findings are gained through a literature background and presented in a hierarchic scale as city, district, street and house. And then they are used to compose parameters of socio-cultural factors related to user; and physical factors related to house and district. Socio-cultural and physical factors with their parameters are accepted as independent variables of the model. The questionnaire is prepared according to first stage which also includes user identification part as determinant. The data of stage 1 can explained as follows: • Age is an indicative factor that plays a significant role in environmental choices. We believe that older people have emotional connections with their living environments and the changes can be determined with their witnesses. Thus age is taken in consideration as an independent variable.

• Gender also effects environmental choices according to different life styles of men and women.

• Marital status shapes expectations from environment.

• Place of birth indicates belonging, owning and unity parameters. Requirements, choices and expectations are also determined by educational status.

• Profession and total income reflects economic status of users and plays role in satisfaction.

• Family structure puts forward the user change related to its socio-cultural content.

• Neighborhood and belonging pa-

Table 2. Indication of findings of traditional and new settlements (Author).

rameters come up with migration and satisfaction status as well as privacy as an socio-cultural, behavioral and psychological components.

• Meaning of house and district according to users can also determine change because of including emotions.

• Usage of room and house emphasizes functionality such as multi-functioned usage, hall presence, spatial arrangements, material and structure techniques, direction to inside or outside.

• Relation of house with land, street and nature are considered for understanding physical environment and interactions. Besides the components of building such as windows and roof are investigated.

• Physical borders and pattern indicate the physical characteristics of district and settlement.

• Streets are significant to put forward the change as mentioned previous • Social facility types and locations show both physical formation of buildings and social interaction of users.

• Users with various profession and religion, besides ethnical orientation is meant by location of groups.

Stage 2 is also prepared according

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Figure 3. Model for determining physical and socio-cultural changes of traditional settlements in Turkey (Author).

to findings in Table 2 but this time the statements are written more clearly.

The reason of this is to reflect briefly all information given in conceptual part.

One can think this part as an interpretation and evaluation of the findings.

Traditional and new settlements are accepted as dependent variables of the model because the statements might be different under alternative circumstances. A comparison can be seen in the second stage.

Stage 3 depends on survey and questionnaire. When the column is filled properly according to results obtained from field study, current situation shall be displayed. And then the rate boxes can be marked according to the statement which they match with; traditional column or new one? Some instances may include both statements and then combination box shall be marked. Thus the changes can obviously be seen and third question shall be replied.

3.1. Testing the model We tested the model in Kaleiçi Settlement where is known as the first settlement of Edirne. It is located inside the curve of Tunca River flowing to Meriç and founded by Romans on approximately 50 hectares at the end of 2nd century and was surrounded by castle walls. It had a significant role in

colonization politics of Roman Empire.

Kaleiçi was the only settlement with its Byzantine, Genovese and Jewish population when Edirne had been conquest.

According to researchers we can learn that Islamic, Jewish and Greek districts of Edirne had been recorded by the end of 17th century after Turkish districts showed up at the beginning of 16th century. Kaleiçi means “inner part of a fortress”. Thus first dwellings and urban structures took place inside the walls; and then outer of them by time as the city developed and grew. We are informed about a rehabilitation done at 1902 after a natural disaster, fire, demolished the settlement unfortunately.

The region was mended like the original as possible; having grid plan system with stone pavements which is another significant character of the settlement besides their unique population in terms of cultural union. The settlement is still tetragon shaped; surrounded by old city walls that not exist anymore; the same perpendicular roads crossing each other; consist of two districts and has a few Jewish and mostly Turkish population today (Peremeci, 1940; Darkot, 1965; Bayık, 1973).

Maps of the settlement has been examined and revised according to survey and field study. 191 traditional buildings were ascertained: 42 hous-

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Figure 4. Model for determining physical and socio-cultural changes of traditional Kaleiçi settlement in Edirne (Author).

es, 53 buildings (with different functions), 32 abandoned buildings, 24 parcels (new building or empty), 40 houses (without users; left or for rent; under restoration). The questionnaire form was fulfilled within face to face interviews to all users of 42 traditional houses related to complete inventory method (Atik, 2011).

The questionnaire form contains three parts with 78 questions. In the first part demographical and socio-economic 15 questions were asked such as age, gender, birth place, marital status, educational level, profession and income, family structure, migration, and previously aboded place. Optional -mainly closed ended- questions were asked besides open ended ones giving an opportunity for interpretation in this part. Frequency and percentage distribution tables presented the results (Atik, 2011).

In the second part behavioral questions were asked such as satisfaction of house, district and Kaleiçi settlement besides accessibility and necessities of users. 27 questions include abode period and reasons, moving reasons, thoughts about transformation, neighborhood relations, mutual activities, privacy, belonging and safety issues.

Optional -mainly closed ended- questions were asked besides open ended ones giving an opportunity for interpretation in this part. Frequency and

percentage distribution tables were presented. Besides chi-square independency testes were used to determine the relation between independent variables and second part questions (Atik, 2011).

Satisfaction towards to physical, social, cultural and political dimensions was questioned in the third part to determine attitudes and opinions of users within 36 statements. Five point likert scale was used in this part and evaluated within SPSS statistical pc programmer and frequency-percentage distribution tables. And then these statements were rendered down into three stages as “house satisfaction”, “district satisfaction” and “Kaleiçi satisfaction”. Using t-testes they were evaluated with firts part questions to put out differences. The reason of differences if any was determined within Tukey tables (Atik, 2011).

In addition to these research, we evaluated the rate of the socio-cultural change in Edirne-Kaleiçi traditional settlements as low; shown in Figure 4.

This means the change is acceptable according to users. Adaptation is observed, user satisfaction is achieved and a district culture like traditional concept as possible as it can be, desired to sustain despite changes. We evaluate the rate of the physical change as high.

This means change is not acceptable in terms of traditional pattern unity.

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Considering the politic and economic dimensions of change we found out the discordance of the buildings –high, contrary to typology or abandoneddamage the pattern and perception (Atik, 2011).

4. Conclusion Traditional settlements which are providing cultural sustainability with its physical and social meanings, are at risk to disappear as consequences of change. The change process may not be prevented but can be managed. Physical changes are observed at first sight however social ones must also be taken in consideration with their socio-cultural dimension. The point is to be able to adapt the changes while protecting the values and norms of our culture and traditions despite political and economic dimensions. In this study, it is considered that The United Nations 2030 Sustainable Development Goals are important and a leader in order to ensure access for all to adequate, safe and affordable housing and basic services; to enhance inclusive and sustainable urbanization and capacity for participatory, integrated and sustainable human settlement planning and management in all countries as mentioned in goal 11.

The factors that effect change process and consequences have also effect the design criteria in traditional settlements. During process, data of traditional settlements neither become integrated with design phase nor with designers. Thus requirement of these phases cannot be afforded by socio-cultural based data and new data. The model suggestion is qualified to unite this malfunction related to strength efforts to protect and safeguard the world’s cultural and natural heritage; to provide universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in particular for women, children, older persons and persons with disabilities according to UN 2030 goal 11. In addition, the following goals are aimed in this study through the usage of this model: • to determine the physical and socio-cultural changes in traditional settlements • to put out the rate of change

• to avoid undesirable consequences of change process such as extinction • to guide designers, planners and local authorities for what should be in consideration to reduce negative effects • to provide unity within variable user expectations except habitual design phases • to take precaution before being subjected to change • to sustain traditional settlements in terms of physical and socio-cultural dimensions • to provide cultural sustainability Even if new settlements and structures designed according to the necessities and technological innovations are needed, the conservation of traditional environments has vital importance in order to hand them down to next generations. As interaction and attraction between people and environment go on in endless way, user satisfaction through respect, privacy, sensibility and unity must be provided for healthy societies. User requirements both physical and social are important for spirit and continuity as people and their satisfaction are the key of much success, we think.

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Analysis of architectural design processes in the interaction cycle of property, real property, and urban transformation: The example of Kocaeli Ersan KOÇ1, Hürkan TOPUZ2 1 tanburaersan@gmail.com • Department of City and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Kocaeli University, Kocaeli, Turkey 2 hurtopuz@gmail.com • Freelance Architect, Kocaeli, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.68815

Received: December 2016 • Final Acceptance: February 2017

Abstract Property rights, which can be defined as an abstract concept that bears meanings on sharing the world we live in, differ from one social context to another.

Property rights also depict a set of legal frameworks that designate mutual understanding between citizens and define responsibilities which are subject to regulation by public agencies. In today’s world, key issues like “urban transformation” lead to complex property rights issues in the context of spatial intervention processes. When we look at decisions taken by the European Court of Human Rights, we see that “property right issues” rank second among the total applications. Also legal frameworks that cover issues on property rights span to more than 30 legal acts, regulations that cover thousands of pages, and legal notices of several kinds.

Such an intense legal framework constitutes a huge complexity in the context of urban transformation.

Keywords Real property regulations, Condominium law, Architectural design, Urban transformation.

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1. Introduction The requirement to meet vital necessities, the limited amount of resources that are required to meet these, and the reliance of acquiring these on human labor has resulted in a continuous struggle between people to become dominant and possessive over the share of the world’s limited resources.

The literal meaning of ownership in various languages is “possession”. The utilization of natural resources to meet human needs cannot be realized without using the intellect, efforts, labor, and designing skills of humans. The mandatory relationship between the person and nature forms the basis for the problem of ownership.

A person is naturally a social being.

People tend to live together as a society. The ability of people to live together depends on rules, which command and force people to behave in certain ways towards each other and nature.

These rules are written rules such as laws, codes, regulations etc. that are issued and implemented by authorized public bodies or unwritten rules such as traditions, common laws, religious rules, ethics, and etiquettes that define the attitudes of individuals towards each other, which are beneficial in social life, are necessary, customary, and commonly used by the society.

The purpose of this article is to analyze “Property rights” and the authority and responsibilities of space users and related people, within the context of real property legislation in Turkey.

Property rights will be analyzed for the conditions defined below, which are believed to exhibit differences in the utilization of development rights on real property: 1. Real properties that contain buildings, which are defined as detached houses within a single parcel that lies within the property borders, 2. Real properties, which have been granted the right of easement under the “Condominium Law”, 3. Real properties, which contain or do not contain constructed buildings on them, within the framework of the 18th Article of the Turkish Construction Law. These analyses will be carried out by redefining the legal processes related to

development and by reviewing examples selected from the Kocaeli province.

2. The concept of property rights Ownership bears an abstract meaning by itself, which may vary for different individuals and their societies, and is the right to share the world on which we live; a right accepted by each shareholder who has agreed to be part of the society together, while struggling to exist and meet their vital needs. Article 35 in the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey of 1982 states: “Every person has the right of ownership of property and possession through legacy. These rights can be limited by law only and in view of public interest.” With the statement, “The utilization of property rights cannot be against public interest”, it is meant that the Citizens of the Turkish Republic are free to possess goods within the borders of their country, use these goods as they wish, and leave these as a legacy to whom they wish. However, this right also forbids individuals to use the goods under their possession against others and against public interest. Owning something generally brings along some responsibilities. Property rights, which have been always among of the basic rights of an individual, have been secured in Article 17 in the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights” dated 10 December 1948, where it was stated that “Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others” and that “No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of their property.” When the property right was mentioned in Article 1 of the Protocol numbered as Annex 1 in the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms signed in March 20 1952, it was stated that this right could be limited only in view of public interest (Bauman, 1987, p. 16). Similarly, in our regulations and mainly in the constitution, individuals are granted the property rights and this right is also regulated by other laws.

In Article 35 in the 12. Section of the Turkish Constitution also known as the Constitution of 1982- related to the property rights, it is stated: “Everyone has the right to own and inherit

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property. These rights can be limited by law only and in view of public interest. The exercise of the right to own property shall not be in contravention of the public interest.” The property right is accepted as a limited right both internationally and in our Turkish Constitution dated 1982. The state of problematic buildings became a question of debate after the Gölcük/ Kocaeli Earthquake of 1999 and is still being discussed under Law No. 6306 on “Restructuring of Areas under Risk of Natural Disasters”. In the center of the discussions are issues such as utilization of real property rights by individuals who are proprietors and the way non-proprietor individuals use their legal rights during the process of development. “Actually, as much is the right to own a property a basic right it is also a subject kept alive by social, economic, and political discussions. The problem of sharing land has been one of the main reasons for major battles throughout the history and sustaining and protecting an economic system that respects the property rights of individuals is one of the goals of our Constitution”. (Esmer, 1990, p55). Regulations on the utilization of the property rights are mainly available in the Constitution and in the first and second parts-entitled “Property” and “Immovable Property”, respectively - of the 4th Book of the Turkish Civil Code No. 4721 concerning The Law of Property.

2.1. The real property concept While the word “menkul” (“movable” in English), which entered Turkish language from Arabic, refers to a property that can be moved from one place to another, it refers to a “movable good” in law. The prefix “gayr”, which when used together with the word “menkul” means “real property” in Turkish and has again entered Turkish from Arabic, makes the meaning of the following word negative. The word “gayrimenkul” (real property in English) refers to something that is “immovable”. On the world, the only immovable thing is the “WORLD” itself. The reason that I did not select the word earth is because excavated earth can be transferred, moved from one place to another. According to Arti-

cle 704 of the Turkish Civil Code No. 4721, immovable properties are listed as follows: • Land, • Independent and permanent (imprescriptible) rights that are registered on separate pages at the land register, • Independent sections that are recorded in the condominium register.

As a space designer and an architect, it is important to recognize and define “land” that is subject to development as an immovable property within the legal framework so that designs can obtain vested rights and become legitimate. “Independent and permanent rights that are registered on separate pages at land register” and “the independent sections that are recorded in the condominium register”, which are other subjects of an immovable property, include the same rights that arise as a result of development. Space designers and architects need to be informed about the formation of “independent sections that are recorded in the condominium register” when a building is being constructed as part of the development.

2.2. The concept of real property rights Rights draw their strength from laws. Property rights consist of rights that are provided to individuals. Real property rights involve the act of sharing and embracing the country’s land by the country’s citizens. According to Act No. 35 available in the 12th Section of the Turkish Constitution that is known as the Constitution of 1982, “Every person has the right to ownership of property and possession through legacy. These rights can be limited by law only and in view of public interest. The exercise of the right to own property shall not be in contravention of the public interest.”

Real properties are three dimensional geospatially. “Land ownership defines a full ownership of earth, from the center of the earth to the ends of the universe. However in practice, land ownership has been limited.” (Appraisal Institute, 2004). Real property has both a horizontal depth in two directions and a vertical height. For real properties, as a property right borders

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Figure 1. Real property right (Saved from World Map, “bestclipartblog.com/clipart-pics/ World-map-clip-art-3.gif ”).

are defined both horizontally and vertically in Figure 1.

“Real Property Rights” are defined as a right which begins from the cross section of its horizontal borders on the earth and reaches up to the ends of the universe. In Article 718 of the Turkish Civil Code No. 4721, the following regulation has been passed: “Land encompasses the property on it and the air above it and the earth layers under it, as long as there is a benefit to their use”.

In Articles 719 and 720 of the same law, it was stated that determination of the borders will be achieved through land title plans and marks over the land and that real property owners are responsible towards their neighbors to contribute in the determination of these borders. According to Article 721, unless otherwise stated, the borders on both sides belong to the real property owner.

It was stated in 5th part of the same law, concerning public law limitations that properties related to public interest are subject to special provisions of law. In practice, the real property right is limited both in its vertical and horizontal dimensions, by international as well as national laws. For a space designer and architect, the most important factor among those that define the vertical borders is the height right, which is granted as a development right by the Construction Law. Although the Real Property Right covers the integral part, Article 756 of the Turkish Civil Code No. 4721 provides an exception with the statement that groundwater is of public interest. With this provision,

Figure 2. The horizontal and vertical borders of the real property right.

the law imposes an obligation to the real property owner not to pollute the groundwater below the property, as it is of public interest.

The horizontal borders of the independent section are formed with walls that are defined in the plans of the building, which is designed on the real property, and the vertical borders are formed with the story tiles that are defined as the floor and the ceiling.

With the Condominium Law No. 634 and the Construction Law No. 3194, the authority to define these borders has been granted to the project owner architect.

All these legislative regulations are factors that influence the space designer’s and especially the architect’s design of the structure. The conditions that define the borders are different for

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Figure 3. Horizontal and vertical borders of an independent section No. 4 in a building that has been granted a Condominium right (A. Kırgıl Apartment Building Project 2013, Değirmendere-Gölcük/Kocaeli).

property refers to the full part of the glass. On the other hand the fact that the development right does not fully inclose the property right refers to the empty part of the glass.

Since the state of limitation by laws is in the interest of the public space designers and architects have to see the full part of the glass and consider the development rights of the parcel in their approach to the land/real property before developing their design.

Figure 4. Development right concepts that are defined in the parcel.

independent sections, which are registered on different pages in the land register 3. The development right concept Rights draw their strength from laws. A glass that is half full defines a border or a limitation. Some see the full part of the glass and express that the glass is half full, while others wish that the glass was completely full, claim that the glass is still empty and are interested with the empty part of the glass although it contains some water.

This example, which describes how viewpoints and sense of satisfaction of different people can be different, can be also used to describe the approach of different individuals when the discussed subject is a real property land piece. The development right on a real

3.1. Exercising development rights within the context of real property Starting with the story below in order to define the real property right and the relationships between the owner and the space designer architect will help to explain the legal aspect of the subject, which everyone finds boring, in a more interesting way. “The ARCHITECT had to choose between EVERY PLACE, ONE PLACE, ANY PLACE, and NO PLACE for the design and construction of a building, which he considered to be important. There was an important building that had to be designed and constructed and the ARCHITECT thought that he could build it at ANY PLACE and was sure that he could build it at ONE PLACE. Actually he could have built the building at ANY PLACE, but he could build it at NO PLACE. The Architect was very angry because he could not choose a place and because he could have built this building, which was very important for him, at ANY PLACE. Although EVERY PLACE seemed suitable to build this important building, the ARCHITECT was not aware that he could

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actually build this building at NO PLACE. In the end, the ARCHITECT is still searching the MOST SUITABLE PLACE to build this very important and special building, which he thought he could build at ANY PLACE, but could actually build at NO PLACE.” Although this is just a story, the dream and belief of every architect is to leave a work of architecture that will last after him. Every architect is aware that in reality, in order to realize his dream he has to consider the fact that the building is related to the land underneath as was described in the story above. In real life, the story develops as follows: “The activity related to architectural design and implementation starts with the requirement that the PROPERTY OWNER, who wants to build a building over his land, chooses between EVERY ARCHITECT, ONE ARCHITECT, ANY ARCHITECT, and NO ARCHITECT. The OWNER wants that a building is built on a land that he owns and believes that this building can be built by EVERY ARCHITECT and is sure that ONE ARCHITECT can build it. Actually ANY ARCHITECT could have built the building, but NO ONE has built it. The OWNER is very angry because he could not choose ONE ARCHITECT and because ANY ARCHITECT could have built his building. Although EVERY ARCHITECT seemed suitable to build this important building, the OWNER was not aware that NO ARCHITECT could build his building. In the end, the OWNER is still searching the MOST SUITABLE ARCHITECT to build this very important and special building, which HE thought could be built by ANY ARCHITECT but was ACTUALLY built by NO ARCHITECT.” The second story explains today’s conditions in architecture better than the first story. The main actors during the development stage of a building are the owner, architect, and the development regulating and authorizing body.

The rights defined in the legislation also define the roles of those involved in the process. One of the most remarkable examples is the definition of “project owner architect” in the Condominium Law No. 634 and the Article 12 that was amended with the “Law for

Figure 5. Development and condominium implementation processes in the utilization of the real property right

the Amendment in the Condominium Law” No. 5711 dated November 14, 2007 and the effect of this definition on the profession of architecture. This new condition, which is defined within the context of “Ownership and Space Relationship”, gives the architect the authority to organize the ownership and the related stakeholdership (land share) of the space, structure or building that he designs. Actually the task of the architect and the planner space designer is to use data in order to interpret both “the laws of nature” and the “laws that organize human relationships” before starting the designing process and to define the conditions for the designed space, object or part of town, during the design process. This brings the architect or the planner designer to a legislator status.

3.2. Relationships between real property, society, and the persons that form the society I believe that dividing the subject that is currently being analyzed into its components, defining every component one by one, and defining the relationships between these will facilitate understanding the whole subject. “It is not possible to think of a society that is not composed of individuals and

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Figure 6. The triangle of relationships and influences

of an individual who lives outside the society. It is possible to demonstrate this state and relationship between the owner (individual), society, and the good to a triangle. One corner of the triangle is occupied by the owner, the other by the good, and the final by society (third parties). Therefore, while on one side the owner has a relationship with the good and the third parties (society) as a result of property rights, on the other side the society (third parties) also have a relationship with the good.” (Eren, F. p. 4). The relationships and influences triangle that shows this situation is given in Figure 6. Our subject consists of the following components: “Society, Person, and the Real Property”.

In relationships, the influence of one of the parties to another as a reflection leads to the formation of a reaction in the party which is subject to the influence. This reaction is on the other hand reflected as an influence on the other party. This new influence then leads to a new reaction from the party that is influenced as a result of being subject to the reaction. The reflection of this new reaction as an influence to the other party results in the continuation of this relationship. After the removal of one of the parties, the influence-reaction relationship continues with the replacement of the removed party with a new party that has similar characteristics. The parties in this triangle: • Real Property: Is defined as an immovable good, earth, piece of land with defined borders, a parcel, plot, territory, a land that is subject to Article 704 of the Turkish Civil Code No. 4721 as an immovable property, independent and permanent rights that are regis-

tered on separate pages at land register, and the independent sections that are recorded in the condominium register.

• Society: Is defined as people, individuals, shareholders who live together and have a common purpose, common language, culture, values, and goals. The smallest family of two members, the occupants in residences and workplaces that are organized together in buildings, the neighbors in a neighborhood, the townsmen in a town or province, and the citizens of a country can be given as an example.

• Person: Is defined as a right holder entity in the legal system that is accepted by the society. There are two types of persons: 1. The real person, each man or woman that forms the society, the individual. Humans acquire certain rights in the society from the moment they are born and their relationships are defined in the legal system.

2. Legal entities are people and collection of goods that have a purpose, which is established under the conditions defined by the legal system.

In the relationship between the person and the real property, the influence exerted by the person to the real property may consist of activities such as cultivation, growing crops, making morphological changes in order to meet the need for shelter, and collection and utilization of natural products. Within the same relationship, the real property’s influence on the person is to create an attraction through its resources and create of a desire to make use of its benefits with respect to its location. In the relationship between society and the real property, the society’s influence on the real property is to define its utilization status, define its borders, and define the means of utilizing its natural resources. Within the same relationship, the real property’s influence on the society is to create an attraction through its resources and create a desire to make use of its locational and geopolitical advantages. I believe that the magnitudes of the influences that are labeled as number 3 and 4 in the triangle on the person or a society are similar depending on the size of the real property. In the relationship between society and the per-

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son, the society’s influence on the person and the governing status of written and unwritten rules in the legal system results in the formation of social roles.

The person’s influence on the society is concerned with personal characteristics such as the way people perform their roles in the society and the way they implement unwritten rules. I believe that the real property right is a single-sided relationship, which influences the relationships between the individuals who form the society and the real property. This influence affects the means by which the real property right is obtained, used, and ended by individuals. This influence is determined based on the size of the society and the real property. The influence of the relationship between the person and the real property on the society cannot be legitimate unless it is not of public interest. This is so because both in international as well as in national laws it is stated that the real property right cannot be used against public interest.

4. Examples from Kocaeli province The purpose of this article is to analyze the “Property Rights” and the redefinition processes of the authority and responsibilities of space users and related people within the context of real property legislation in Turkey. A part of an ongoing master’s thesis study on real property ownership and architectural design has been presented.

1st: As an example to a parcel, that has not undergone land subdivision: The aerial photograph of the area between the borders of Arif Hoca and Hüseyin Hoca neighborhoods in the Kocaeli province, Karamürsel County, Ereğli town. It can be seen that currently there are cadastral roads, several residences and many trees.

It can be seen in the 1/1000 scaled implementary development plan of the same area obtained from http://rehber. kocaeli.bel.tr that the land subdivision has not been carried out yet and that part of the cadastral parcel area, which was selected as an example, is in the housing zone that has detached building order, 3 floors, Lot coverage ratio: 0.30, Floor area ratio: 0.90 as development conditions; one part lays on the roads that have either 10 or 12 meter

Figure 7. Aerial photograph obtained from http://rehber.kocaeli.bel.tr.

Figure 8. Aerial photograph with an added implementary development plan obtained from http://rehber.kocaeli.bel.tr.

width and the remaining part lays in the forest area.

1. The conditions that were determined during the exploration carried out for the report that I will prepare with the purpose of real property appraisal: The exterior photograph, which I took during the exploration, showing the building where the subject independent section is situated. The building was under construction during the exploration. It is situated within the borders of Kocaeli province, İzmit County, Orhan Neighborhood. The status of the independent section No. 2, which was qualified as a residence and situated in the basement according to the construction plan, during the exploration: According to the approved architectural project, in the first floor there should have been a 2 m2 entrance hall, 5 m2 hobby room and interior stairs; in the 1st basement floor there should have been 2 bedrooms, 1 saloon with an open kitchen, and 1 bathroom, as well as a hall. However, contrary to the approved architectural project, it was observed that the hobby room in the first floor was incorporated into the independent section No. 4, the entrance of the independent section No. 2 was organized in the 1st basement

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Figure 9. The photograph that was taken during the exploration.

(Hürkan Topuz Archive, 2008).

Figure 10. Approved architectural project photographs prepared for the construction servitude of the same building. Taken from the İzmit Real Estate Registration Office, Hürkan Topuz Archive.

2008.

Figure 11. The photograph taken during the exploration (Hürkan Topuz Archive, 2008).

floor, and after receiving the occupancy permit the interior stairs were transformed into a room and utilized within the independent section No. 2. This practice is actually illicit according to the provision in the construction plan

regulations, which states that basement floors cannot be occupied as independent sections and the entrance of the independent section cannot be situated in the basement floor. The desire to construct a higher number of independent sections on the available parcel with the purpose of gaining more profit is a major motivation for building contractors. The part in the regulations provision, which previously stated that entrance through the basement floor is not allowed, was reorganized to state that areas occupied in basement floors cannot be larger than independent areas in the 1st floor.

1. The conditions that were determined during the exploration carried out for the report that I will prepare with the purpose of real property appraisal: The exterior photograph taken during the exploration phase of the research shows the building where the subject independent sections are situated. The building was under construction during the exploration. It is situated within the borders of Kocaeli province, Kartepe County, Orta Neighborhood. In the building that was shown to us on-site, it was observed that one part of the 1st floor was used as an industrial kitchen by a company that prepared meals for businesses; the rest was being organized to be used as a dormitory for higher education students and also the upper floors were being organized for use by the dormitory. We were informed that although the construction process was still continuing, a residence permit license had been already obtained from the local municipality and that construction servitude with a total of 5 independent sections -1 per each floor-, which were used as workplaces, was established despite 2 different utilization applications. When information on the zoning status of the real property in question was demanded, it was stated that the parcel was situated in the housing zone and had detached building, 3 floors, Lot coverage ratio: 0.35, Floor area ratio: 0.75 as development conditions. Although it was both against development conditions and the Condominium Law and thus not legal, the utilization of this large sized building,

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which was built as an investment property, was allowed. Therefore, more than 30 codes available on real properties that are effective in our country and the associated rules, statements, and regulations lead to a complete chaos in fulfilling responsibilities and exercising power by individuals.

References Appraisal Institute. (2004). Real Estate Appraisal. Translated by Erbil Töre, İstanbul University Publications, İstanbul

Bauman, Z. (1987) Law Makers and Interpreters, 2nd Edition. Translated

by Kemal Atakay, Metis Publications, İstanbul Eren, F. (2012). Property Law, 2nd Edition, Yetkin Publications, Ankara Esmer, G. (1990). Real Property Provisions and Land Registry in Our Legislation, 5th Edition, Kazancı Law Publications. Ankara Güriz, A. (1969). Property Issue on Theoretical Angles, Ankara University Üniversitesi Law School Publications.

Ankara

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Anthropocene idea in modern avant-garde architecture: A retrospective discussion on Wright and Fuller Can BOYACIOĞLU1, Gülçin PULAT GÖKMEN2, Nezih AYIRAN3 1 boyacioglu.can@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Gebze Technical University, Kocaeli, Turkey 2 ggokmen@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 3 nezihayiran@hotmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Fine Arts, Design and Architecture, Cyprus International University, Nicosia, Northern Cyprus

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.27870

Received: October 2016 • Final Acceptance: October 2016

Abstract The idea of nature is one of the main debates in social sciences since ecological problems are firstly discussed. Recently, theoricians in several majors claim a new geographical era named Anthropocene. It means there is no autonomous natural system left on Earth. In that perspective, the main idea behind sustainable architecture needs to be re-discussed. The aim of this article is to clarify the idea of nature in architecture before and after the new description of Anthropocene.

To maintain this purpose, article uses modern avant-garde roots of architecture in the idea of nature with discussing the theoretical debates of Frank Lloyd Wright and Buckminster Fuller. The relationship between avant-garde architects’theories and designs could clarify the architectural point of view in the new possible Anthropocenic situation.

Keywords Anthropocene, Architectural philosophy, Buckminster Fuller, Ecological architecture, Frank Lloyd Wright.

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1. Introduction Contemporary ecology is in the middle of a paradigm shift triggered by the theoretical inquiry of the meaning of nature. Recently, contemporary philosophers like Zizek, Latour and Clark joined the debate with their social scientific ideas about nature and its autonomy. The question is if there is an autonomous being other than human left as described as nature, or today human action is the only hegemonic force on Earth. Even though the answer of that inquiry has its own significance to change architecture fundamentally, the question itself is very important to re-discuss contemporary ecological architecture.

The relationship between nature and architecture is a longtime discussion.

Especially right after the industrial revolution, architecture theory began to discuss about problematic urban space and generate ideas that rehabilitate or recreate it. Quickly modern architecture defines its own mission about cities that aims a safe and healthy human life. It was the theory of modern architecture to create a contemporary just civilization with changing urban space.

As Howard (1902) insists in his book “Garden Cities of To-morrow”, English cities in that period were unhealthy landscapes that feature homelessness, excessive density and crime. Moreover most of other western cities had similar problems. In that context, modern avant-garde architects began to share an optimism to save the society with the tools of architecture. The optimism was about the transformation of the society with modern architecture from an unhealthy society to a modern healthy one which lives in “well designed” cities.

Modern architecture’s main topics on new urban space were about the interaction of changing urban life and building idea. That subject needs multiple perspectives and actions to solve about politics, architecture and technology. Consequently, “modern architect” became some kind of “avant-garde” that creates radical and pioneer political ideas, inventions, theoretical discussions and utopias for designing urban spaces for newly modernizing urban life of that period.

These are urban utopias which aim to radically change the society from the cultural roots to the smallest details on production. These utopias envisage new urban spaces that has never described or discussed before that time.

Avant-garde architectural forms were generated from modern avant-garde’s perspectives for the future of the society. Easy to predict, these theoretical discussions and urban utopias need to include a perspective for the nature (Anker, 2010). After all, the position of nature became one of main discussions in the intersection of architecture and urban space. For designing a “modern city”, position to nature was a subject to solve. In that context, the question was what kind of action is needed to create that utopian cities; recreating the nature with “human intelligence” or naively believing that nature is originally healthy and safe for those new modern cities in the utopias of avant-garde architecture.

The ideas about nature in modern avant-garde architecture are not only a change for that period’s urban landscape, but also an extensive change for contemporary architecture’s relationship with nature. Contemporary architecture creates its own identity on being agree with or oppose to that periods avant-garde architecture and design the theory of architecture with the ideas which are re-discuss the avant-garde ideas and forms of early 20th century modern architecture, again and again. Consequently, modern avant-garde architecture’s ideas on nature are still important for rethinking the relationship between architectural theory and nature and to form a contemporary ecological discussion in architecture, parallel to paradigm shift in the social scientifical meaning of “nature”.

2. Contemporary architecture and nature Especially after the “Our Common Future” report of United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) in 1987 that describes “sustainability” as the key factor between production and nature, architecture shifts the discipline’s relationship with the idea of nature

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from a more ethical and theoretical discussion to a more pragmatic one.

In the report, it was clearly described, humanity is in a path that has an unsustainable relationship with nature and the end of the path is predicted as catastrophic. In this perspective of the report, contemporary society needs to react to change total human actions for a more sustainable relationship with nature. In addition to this, industrial development must not be harmed.

Thus, sustainability idea describes a society that simultaneously economically growing and rehabilitate the environment for the sake of next generations. The project was simple enough to track: creating a society that spend the natural resources with the ratio of the regeneration of ecosystem. This idea quickly changes the architecture to a discipline what counts the energy and natural resources that it spends and recycle them for the reuse of the industry. McDonough and Braungart’s (2002) “cradle to cradle” theory was a good example for that, which envisages buildings made by environmentally full-cycling construction materials that generates an industry with no output of waste. By the way Parr (2009) describes that kind of a sustainable architecture as a new agreement between green society and construction industry.

The new theoretical consensus after the report theorizes the relationship with nature and architecture with engineering tools like LEED and BREEAM certificates which describes environmental ratings for architectural designs with energy consumption, sustainability of the landscape, environmental quality and recycling of the used materials. These building certification systems become very popular in architecture theory and praxis. Architecture slowly changes its point of view from a more philosophical way to a more engineering way about understanding the nature (Swyngedouw, 2006). Result of this change, contemporary architecture mostly tries to understand and redesign the relationship between society and nature with an optimism to rehabilitate it with technological advancement. However, sustainable architecture’s optimism is very different from their modern avant-garde ances-

tors. Modern avant-garde used science and technology for creating a design perspective and method to change the society to a modern civilization, on the contrary contemporary sustainable architecture tries to solve the ecological crisis without changing the society or economical system at all. It can be described as a rather post-modern position, an acception for the continuity of status quo.

Nearly thirty years after the declaration of Our Common Future Report of the WCED, today, ecological crisis is still one of the most urgent problems of contemporary society. Climate change researches show that last ten years of the Earth were the hottest years of the planet surface and Human actions are the main cause for the ecological crisis. Moreover, studies show that it is nearly impossible to change the situation without radical changes in the consumption habits of the society. Situation could be seen as a failure for the paradigm of sustainability (Engelman, 2012). That points out architectural point of view embedded to sustainability paradigm also becomes a question mark now. The agreement between green society and social construction mentioned by Parr seems to failed to create a sustainable future.

In the perspective of the uncertainity of the condition on ecological crisis, Latour’s (2014) point of view becomes much more important for architecture.

Latour reminds that ecological crisis is unique in one point: there is no outside of the problem on Earth, so evidently there is no outside of this context for contemporary architecture. In other words, being outside of this topic for architects describes a position on the context. A position that is like ignoring a metaphorical leviathan comes for crush the (human) being. Architecture needs to find a theoretical background for current ecological situation. A situation that society needs to change urgently.

3. Anthropocene idea Even though ecological architecture follows a rather linear path in last ten years, being practical with certificate systems and consumption based preservation techniques; ecology as a sci-

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ence field is experiencing a quick paradigm change. A while ago, Crutzen and Stoermer (2000) claim that, current geographical epoch, Holocene era of the Earth system is over. That means, the relatively stable nature of the planet is demolished by massive effect of human behaviour now. Today, ecological theory is in a discussion about if Holocene is over or not.

According to Castree (2014a), Holocene period began with the end of last ice age that blocks the development of human civilizations with natural barriers and emergence of natural boundary conditions that make planet surface available to the rise of human culture.

Zalasiewicz et al. (2008) describe that boundary conditions as a “holocenic plateau”. Metaphorically human culture lives on that plateau which is described with the stability of sea level, global temperature, atmospheric carbon dioxide level, denudation rate and human population. As a result, Zalasiewicz et al. (2008) claim the unstability of that measurements mean the end of Holocene epoch and the end of boundary conditions. Similar to Crutzen and Stoermer (2000), Zalasiewicz’s theory means a new epoch that human culture is not naturally protected by environment, vice versa environment is mainly controlled by and fragile to human actions. Crutzen and Stoermer (2000) named that new human centric epoch after Holocene as “Anthropocene” which means “human age”.

Quickly, Antropocene becomes both a scientific and a cultural phenomenon. Different scientific works begin to clarify the new age with their own perspectives. Castree (2014a) describes Anthropocene situation as a new theoretical separation between natural and cultural. Similarly, Davison (2015) claims the autonomy of human changes its identity to the autonomy of nature. Philosophically, Zizek (2010) describes a blur between natural and cultural built by Anthropocene situation. Theoretically a new meaning for ecology could be described with the idea of Anthropocene.

Szerszynski (2012) describes the Anthropocene with the remaining of the human action rather than the actual action. In that perspective, under-

standing human action is not enough for understanding the impact. Most of the time the impact is hard to seen by the spectator of the action. That description changes the perspective of the ecological idea from the sustainability perspective to a new blurry state similar to the theories of Castree or Zizek.

However, sustainability idea’s main problem is about minimizing the human effect rather than eliminating the remaining disturbance of the human action. On that account, Latour (2004) suggests to focus on politics of nature, instead of trying to solve the ecological problems with techno – ecological analysis and acts. As another suggestion, Clark (2010) defines a new green perspective to “embrace inhuman” because human is not only a creature but an “earthly creature” and the being of the human is depend upon the survival of the autonomy of the nature. On the other hand, with the definition of the Anthropocene, “a world without nature” becomes a theoretical framework which is began to discuss. As an example, Ellis (2011) describes the new phenomenon as an escape from the fear of exceed the natural limits and theorizes a new point of view that describes a full human controlled globe with artificial living systems, controlled faunas and floras. Clearly, it means a dissolution of the autonomy and originality of the nature and redeveloping it with a human oriented perspective from the size of the sub-atomic level to the ecological balance of the Earth. Castree (2014b) named this kind of pro-Anthropocene theories as “hyper-modernism” and clarifies that kind of situation with hybrid and post-human situations.

The debate on Anthropocene idea clearly offers a new perspective for ecological architecture. Though sustainability, as a contemporary paradigm, is not enough to understand the new blurry state of being in Anthropocene or not. Sustainability originally depends on an understanding of an unlimited self-rehabilitating nature whenever the disturbance of un-ecological forces and materials are reduced. Despite the fact that Anthopocene theory defines an inquiry to a possible or already occured catastrophic total dissolvement of the homeostatic act of nature.

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Theoretically, architecture needs to change its perspective the newer scientific debate about nature. On that account, architectural discussion should be about the action related to the emergency of nature to an anthropocenic situation. In a perspective about the situation could re-describe ecological architecture either as a pro-anthropocenic action or an act against the anthropocenic path. Interestingly, that discussion could be retrospectively discussed on modern avant-garde architecture. Frank Lloyd Wright and Buckminister Fuller, theoretically discussed the autonomy of nature in their respective works and use their point of views in their designs. The ideas and designs of them could show the relationship between anthropocene idea and theory of architecture.

4. Wright’s debate One of the most important modern architects, Frank Lloyd Wright has a theoretical framework strictly related with the idea of nature. In his idea, nature is a “poetical” phenomenon and the relationship between man and nature could only be reorganized with a “poetical” method. In his autobiographical book “A Testament”, Wright (1957) identifies his ideas about nature and man with a discussion about William Blake’s poem “exuberance is beauty”: “He who knows the difference between excess and exuberance is aware of nature of the poetic principle, and not likely to impoverish, or impoverised, by his work. The more a horse is Horse, a bird Bird, the more a man is Man, a woman Woman, the better? The more a design is creative revelation of intrinsic nature, whatever the medium or form of expression, the better.”

Parallel to Wright’s idea about poetry and understanding the nature, Zevi (1950) describes Wright’s architectural idea as “being human before humanist”. As it is seen, according to Wright, “nature” is actually the intrinsic nature of the being even if the being of a human or something else. So, the idea of nature is the intrinsic nature of the natural. In the same page of his book, Wright (1957) clarifies the idea with environmental perspective:

“...man, thus caricatured by himself – nature, thus violated – invaded even national forest parks by a clumsy rusticity false to nature and so to architecture. The environment of civilized mankind was everywhere insulted by such wilful stupidity.”

Wright (1957) describes environmental problems as “misconception or no conception of art and architecture”.

In his point of view, the problem in environment is a problem in architecture, and interestingly he identifies “the machine” as the solution of that environmental problematic.

Wines (2000), subjectively, identifies Wright as the only green architect of his period. According to Wright (1930), a modern man is a whole with his house and also the landscape. House is a part of the land, a complementary for the whole being, universe. Man–House– Nature trio defines a gradual holistic approach that describes the relationship between man and nature. Wright (1908) names the design approach as “organic architecture”. It defines a pure articulation of design, manufacturing and landscape. In his book “The Future of Architecture”, Wright (1953) describes his idea about house design as below: “Human houses should not be like boxes, blazing in the sun, nor should we outrage the machine by trying to make dwelling-places too complementary to machinery. Any building for humane purposes should be an element, sympathetic feature of the ground, complementary to its nature-environment, belonging by kinship to the terrain.”

That articulation could be seen in the designs of his two Jacobs houses.

Wright’s first Jacobs House was made by precast materials that did not covered by any finishing paint or plaster.

He uses the brick walls’ junction points to create a grid for elevations, on the other hand he uses a 2 x 4 feet (61 x 122 cm) grid for plan section (Lind, 1994). According to Lind (1994) project’s main idea was about the need of an economical housing concept for the American middle class of the period.

Wright idea was different from his coevals. He thinks that a modern affordable house must be a new solution for the blooming modern life with stan-

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dardization, prefabrication and the nature of the materials, even though his coevals tries to minimize their period’s house design to an affordable ratio.

Wright’s second Jacobs House was different from the first house because of its semi-circular form. It uses the landscape for preventing from the winter wind of the Wisconsin and form creates a sunken court for humid summers. According to Steele (2005), the building is the first “passive solar house” in history.

Satler (1999) claims, in Wright’s architecture, a design problem is pointed a sociological problem. A design is as important as how it liberated the society. In that perspective, Wright’s utopian city planning project Broadacre City was grounded with that socio-technological problem. His perspective about American cities has a big role about the design: “...social necessity had already forged a mortgage on the landscape of our beautiful American countryside while all our buildings, public and private, even churches, were senseless commitments to some kind of expediency instead of the new significances of freedom we so much needed.”

Wright (1957) thinks American citizens needed to liberated from unnatural, unliberal, land lord owned, non-modern landscapes of American Cities. Consequently, Wright identifies car and television as important technical devices that dissolve hegemonic city fabric and liberate human and space altogether. Broadacre was a project that tries to create enough space for man to create his own free relationship with being on landscape (Hall, 2002).

Wright’s Jacobs Houses could be seen as early experiments of the idea of Broadacre City, so technical properties of the projects are not simple ideas about efficiency or economy but they are socio-technical experiments of settling to Earth. Man is as free as freedom of his land(scape) and he becomes the part of society with his land becomes the part of the nature.

Figure 3 : Broadacre City Perspective Drawing by Wright (Pfeiffer, 2009) Even though, Wright’s Jacobs Houses and Broadacre City, technically, are mostly old and already well known in-

Figure 1. First Jacobs house (Lind, 1994).

Figure 2. Second Jacobs house (Lind, 1994).

formation for contemporary architecture, his perspective could be a debate against an Anthropocene point of view in architecture. Banham (1969) identifies Wright’s architecture as a liberation of the limits of static architecture and an approach to form a natural flow of being. It could be described as a reconcile between modern human and nature. Wright (1957) thinks native American life is more free and natural.

He describes being native with being with nature: “Our human environment may now be conceived and executed according to nature: the nature of time, place and man: native as was always natural to cultures whatever life in the past was strongest, richest and best. The level always highest when native.”

After that description of being native, he begins to discuss about the nativity problem in modern man. Wright (1957) tries to solve the nature of modern man with architecture that influenced by the harmony of relationship between native man and nature: “What is this life of ours today, is man in his new place in time? What

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Figure 3. Broadacre city perspective drawing

by Wright (Pfeiffer, 2009). .

Figure 4. 4D Tower house design of Fuller (Gorman, 2005).

Figure 5. Dymaxion House Design Façade of Fuller (Baldwin, 1997).

kind of Man is this man of today? What of his civilization? Nature is how now?

What is Man as he is? Where does this activation of life-force apply to old or new form, and what is substance as he represents it to be God or Devil? ... in short, in what does man really consist as he exists in our native civilization?”

As a result, Wright’s architecture is a challenge for an ecological-democratical space that human and land(scape) liberated altogether. In his point of view, the liberation is understanding the nativity of human being on the land(scape). In his point of view, machine is only a tool of modern man for that reason. Therefore architecture is not a machine design but a poetic sociological design that uses machine as tool.

5. Fuller’s Utopia of Nature Fuller’s idea of nature is totally different from Wright’s idea of nature that become a whole with mankind. His ideas were about Shumpeter’s economical point of view which defends design and engineering are the key methods for overcoming economical and environmental problems (Anker, 2010).

Fuller builts his point of view about changing the industrial systems upon efficiency. According to him, efficiency could be reached by not only changing the design but changing the whole system as responsive to the design.

In Fuller’s book 4D Time Lock (1928), he criticizes housing industry of his age as under-developed and describes the situation with a custom car design metaphor. In Fuller’s story, a man wants to buy a car, so he invites a car designer to his garden. After that man describes the design which he wants to use with the images of Venice gondolas and French fiacre (Gorman, 2005). In Fuller’s (1970) point of view these kind of requests by the users are pre-industrial and inefficient for housing industry. House must be a pure efficient tool for sustainability of the individual. His method for housing design was understanding the minimum necessities to survive and consequently he portrays his house designs as a protection from the in, out and in-between variants.

Fuller’s (1928) first phenomenal conceptual housing design was 4D Tower House. It was a light aluminum precast building that carried with a zeppelin to the ground that “smoothened” with bombs. In his first design, landscape clearly means a handicap for creating efficient architecture and something to demolish. On the other hand, house is a monolitic pre-fabricated product that delivered to the customer.

One year later, Fuller (1929) improved his idea of house with his famous design, Dymaxion House. It was also an aluminium precast industrial housing design. Dymaxion House is a hexagon planned project that could built in 24 hours. The structure of the house was a metal column at the center that carries floor and ceiling parts suspended with steel ropes (as cited in Anker, 2010).

According to Anker (2010), the design

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od Dymaxion House is a perfect example of the allegory of Le Corbusier: “a machine to live in”.

Contradictory to Wright’s designs that unify land and house as a whole, Gorman (2005) characterizes Fuller’s designs as temporary objects on Earth.

The interaction between human and nature becomes indirect with the use of technology, human lives in a machine about efficiency. As another example for that purpose, in his book “Utopia or Oblivion”, Fuller (1972) describes a life in a capsule design that flowing between outer space and surface of the Earth: “...once produced and successfully “operative”. Its (a rocket capsule contains a miniature artificial ecosystem and house) replicas may be mass-produced for $2 per pound, i.e. for $600.

With such an integrated chemical-energy regenerator taking care of all sanity and energy-generating requirements of family living, man may deploy almost invisibly to the remote beauty spots about the Earth in air-delivered geodesic enclosed dwelling machines and survive with only helicopter and TV intercommunication at luxuriously simplified high standards of living-operative at negligible land-anchorage cost similar to telephone-service charges.”

Cleary, Fuller’s concept about “house” is hidden from his description about that “dwelling machine”. In his point of view, house is not about dwelling in a community or on a landscape but it is about to survive at ecological and economical conditions, “luxuriously”. Consequently, the theoretically base of his projects are technological abilities instead of an interaction with community or nature. When the starting point of the project becomes the technological abilities, the project needs to be a part of a greater technological network. This point of view was well-explained in Fuller’s (1968) famous book named “Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth”. He describes the situation with the evolution differences between human and other kinds: “What nature needed man to be was adaptive in many if not any direction; wherefore she gave man a mind as well as a co-ordinating switchboard brain.

Mind apprehends and comprehends the general principles governing flight and deep sea diving, and man puts on his wings or his lungs, then takes them off when not using them. The specialist bird is greatly impeded by its wings when trying to walk. The fish cannot come out of the sea and walk upon land, for birds and fish are specialists.”

According to Fuller (1968), the problem of sustainability is specialization of the design like the specialization of the body of bird or fish to a one specific purpose. Contrast to specialization, design must be generalized with the efficiency and adaptability of the whole system. In this integrated perspective, Fuller (1968) describes a design as a growing child. How a child’s body does not need an instruction for growing, design must be emerged with the growing of technology and the sociological system. That metaphor directs him to the idea of “Spaceship Earth”.

Odum and Barrett (1971) describes a closed ecosystem as a system that does not interfere to another system.

Similar to that description, Fuller (1968) designs his point of view with the idea that Earth is a closed ecosystem, metaphorically similar to a spaceship. Therefore, on Earth all the people are astronauts of Spaceship Earth. People are responsible to the Earth as astronaut is responsible to the spaceship.

Fuller (1968) discusses that responsibility as a mission to a “metaphysical mastering”: “If the present planting of humanity upon Spaceship Earth cannot comprehend this (ecological and economical) inexorable process and discipline itself to serve exclusively that function of metaphysical mastering of the physical it will be discontinued, and its potential mission in universe will be carried on by the metaphysically endowed capabilites of other beings on other spaceship planet of universe.”

The metaphysical mastering in the theory of Fuller is some kind of a pursuit to evolutionary completeness. In this pursuit, technology has a nearly mythical role as a guide. Fuller (1964), in his book “Education Automation”, mentions physical and technological knowledge as “eternal principles” which are the main factors on how year

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2025 will be: “We humans were given this capability to function as local Universe problem solvers. We are here to solve evolutionary occuring, unprecedented, metaphysical, as well as physical problems. We can do so by means of our unique access to the thus-far discovered inventory of eternal principles.”

As a consequence, human mind is not only responsible for surviving or protecting the Earth but also responsible to change it with the eternal principles. However, Fuller (1968) thinks that like as limited thermodynamic knowledge is enough for being an astronaut; only limited technical knowledge is needed for being an astronaut / citizen in “Spaceship Earth”. In Fuller’s (1968) description Spaceship Earth is a kind of machine: “One of the interesting things to me about our spaceship (Earth) is that it is a mechanical vehicle, just as an automobile. If you own an automobile, you realize that you must put oil and gas into it, and you must put water in the radiator and take care of the car as a whole.”

Thus, in the perspective of Fuller, people needed to obey the operating manual of Earth written by engineers and architects. On the other hand, that kind of mechanical Earth is open for “upgrades” to the “metaphysical mastering” of human from the engineers and architects who know the “eternal principles”. Actually, Fuller (1964) describes that kind of a techno-centric democracy utopia which architects and engineers calculate the prospective results of the decisions of the community for a right for citizens to change them.

6.Wright and Fuller’s ideas in anthropocene perspective Even though, sustainability idea in architecture is mainly about energy and material efficiency, especially after the description of the Anthropocene era, ecological theory mainly focuses on dependency, resilience and autonomy of natural systems on Earth. As Latour (2014) mentioned, the “story” about the Earth is in a challenge between man and nature and now nature threatens the mankind with withdrawing the challenge. As a result an ecolog-

ical idea in Anthropocene perspective is about the idea of nature, its state and the socio-ecological idea about it. Wines (2000) describes ecological architecture as an architecture of an ecological society. Both avant-garde architects, Wright and Fuller are consistent to this idea. They aim to find environmentally consistent societies for new relationships with nature in their respective utopias. For both of them, technology and design are tools for shifting the design paradigm and sustainability of the contemporary system is simply not important. Their utopias are inclusive ideas that aim to shift point of view on every single aspect of design. In the perspective of their utopias, architecture is responsible to the life in universe as a whole.

According to Wright, there is a hierarchical dependency between man, land and nature, so that being consistent is about being in harmony with the origin of the universe, earth and finally landscape. In the point of view of the contemporary ecological debate that could be said, he describes his theory as a holosenic dependency that protects the autonomy of both human and nature. On the contrary, according to Fuller being consistent is creating a harmonical design from the minimum scale to the scale of the whole economical system. It points, Fuller understand nature as ground for a more important economical level in his theoretical background. A consistent economical system and the individuals living in that economical system are the key factors of the sustainability of Fuller’s architecture. In Wright’s architecture man and universe are a whole that free from any requirement of a system, so that there is no sustainability in the idea of Wright because there is no system to sustain at all. There is only the poetic relationship between man and nature.

Wright clearly thinks man is permanent on the land(scape). Design and construction are about the settlement of the man to the land(scape) with his house. Thus, a house design is only relevant for the original owner and the original landscape. A house is a (human) nature to live in. In Fuller’s perspective, system and the efficiency

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of the design are stable, house and man are temporary. House design is for an anonymous man and not for settling to the landscape but for escalating on a ground. However his idea simply did not answer what is happening about the leftovers from that temporal escalating.

Even if, theoretically Wright seems like more conservative to radical interference to the landscape; other than the destructive bombing idea for “smoothing” in 4D Tower House project, Fuller nearly never touches the landscape at all in his projects. For example, in Wright’s projects roof of house could be soil, garden, nature in the composition of man and landscape but in Fuller’s perspective nature is a fragile machine that ordinary people should never touch or be a part of. So that, in Wright’s utopia, man and land are collaboratively liberated from status quo of pre-modern life which man is forced to live as either a villager or in a city without any interaction with nature.

On the other hand, Fuller’s man is liberated from the land with techno-economical design and when he liberates himself, he loses his rights about interfering to the being. The mankind is astronauts now.

As astronauts, according to Fuller, nature of human is his minimum requirements to live: eating, sleeping, excretion etc. The life is a technical problem. A technical device is important as solving economy and efficiency problems in life. In Wright’s perspective, life is a socio-psychological phenomenon. In the virtue of that, nature of man is originally the identity behind his social and psychological actions.

For this kind of a point of view, technical device is important as it liberates the owner’s identity from hegemony in society and land. A similar perspective difference could be seen in these two modern avant-garde architects’ ideas about nature. When Fuller compares design as a growing child, the design phenomena he mentions also includes nature and even the whole universe. If his two metaphors could be combine in a weird example: a spaceship growing like a child, there is no outside of the design from the beginning till the end. It has a very specific purpose as

a spaceship and an organic closeness like a growing child. In Fuller’s metaphorical world, an arm is a technical device which has a purpose even it is an arm of a child or an arm of a factory robot like in an anthropocenic world the originality of the nature of the arm is not a question. In Wright’s world, the idea of nature is the catalyst of the design, a landscape is the ground that the human-story needs to be on it. Even though the landscape could be changed, nature keeps its identity as it is, so that a child’s arm is not a device but the being and its technical specificities are only important with the very own story of the metaphorical child. It is open to the being but also needs to be protected in the same time like the openness and the protection of the nature in his theoretical perspective.

The blurry state of Anthropocene which Zizek (2010) mentioned, includes unpredictability and incomprehensibility inbetween nature and mankind. Interestingly, Latour (2014) mentions nature “take the control” in the exact moment of withdrawing from the challenge. In that perspective, He describes the blur and the unpredictability of possible ecological catastrophy as a “geo-story” and suggests two options for a solution to the ecological crisis. The options he suggesting are; a new total anthropogenic “human-story” and a limited, ecological autonomy preserved “human-story”. Inspite of a geo-story that limits human action with unpredictable natural disasters, an ecological autonomy preserved human-story is accepting the capabilities of the stability of nature and limit human action on it. By the way, an anthropogenic human-story is totally diminishing the stability of nature and creating an anthropocenic stability on Earth.In this context, the question is which of these avant-garde architects’ approaches meet which of the stories. Fuller’s utopia seems like an anthropocenic human-story that stability is constructed with technological devices. On the other hand, his point of view about the fragility of system creates a new status quo for the culture and becomes the main problem about human nature. On the other hand, Wright’s utopia is the other, autonomy

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Table 1. Ecological and architectural subjects in Wright and Fuller’s perspective.

preserved human-story. In his utopia, nature is autonomous with the man.

However mankind did not limit themselves with the capabilities of the nature or push the limits of the nature to find the solution but shifting the limiting paradigm. Consequently, design and technology are not tools for pushing the limits but tools for dwelling to the land(scape) and changing the paradigm that disturbs the autonomy of man or landscape and dominates the being. The difference between the ideas of Fuller and Wright is the autonomy of nature. While Fuller envisages an utopia that nature controlled by techno-centric human systems, Wright’s sociology oriented utopia creates an architecture that respects the originality of the relationship of man with autonomous nature. Fuller’s technologically controlled system and Wright’s sociologically controlled land creates the main question marks between the new theoretical perspective in ecological architecture in the Anthropocene era.

7. Conclusion Wright and Fuller’s utopian approaches create an alternative way of thinking for contemporary architec-

ture. Today, architecture faces a new challenge in Anthropocene era and a definition of the situation is needed for architecture that described by the theory of architecture. Zizek and Latour redefines the situation in philosophy with the hints of the idea in geographical theory. Their philosophical definitions are different than the geographical definition because of the idea “there is no nature now” is too much certain for the meaning of nature in the philosophical point of view. Architecture also needs to find out its own meaning in Anthropocene. Perhaps this meaning is hidden in the questions of “what is the ground without the meaning of nature?” or “what is the nature of the architectural space in Anthropocene?” now.

Wright and Fuller’s utopian ideas are free from their contemporary society’s rituals and explores the potentials of being in the very natures of mankind, landscape and matter. One way or another, they are both radicals for the idea of nature and their designs are the experiments of that avant-garde natural utopias. Contemporary ecological architecture needs to be critical and free in a that kind of perspective, even

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it becomes dilemmatic. Zevi’s (1947) description of “human before humanist” is important today. Architect needs to be choose between becoming an “earthly creature human” or a “hyper modern humanist”. As Latour (2014) mentioned, there is no outside of the problem now.

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An advanced envelope retrofit option to increase solar gain and ventilation through façade for reducing energy demand of residence buildings Gözde GALİ TAŞÇI1, Ayşe Zerrin YILMAZ2, Cristina BECCHIO3, Stefano Paolo CORGNATI4 1 gozdegali@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 yilmazzer@itu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 3 cristina.becchio@polito.it • Department of Regional and Urban Studies and Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Politecnico di Torino, Italy 4 stefano.corgnati@polito.it • Department of Energy, Faculty of Architecture, Politecnico di Torino, Turin, Italy Received: May 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2017

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.16680

Abstract

Researches on reducing building originated yearly energy demand are among the top issues in every country. Nowadays, lots of scientific researches were performed in Mediterranean countries like in others in order to designate different methods to improve the energy performance of the buildings. Turkey is one of the representative countries of Mediterranean climate. Additionally, Turkey follows the developments in EU and EPBD 2010/31/EU became the lead document to direct Turkish building energy policy.

National research projects are being done to adopt the methodology in EPBD 2010/31/ EU to national conditions. As a finding of the national research project, unlike the standard residential building types, conventional façade retrofit measures doesn’t have a considerable effect on energy performance improvement of luxury residential building type. Therefore, an advanced façade retrofit method, which increases solar gain and ventilation rate through the façade depending on the requirement of the season, was suggested for these kinds of buildings in this study and the approach was summarized through the sample case calculations. The approach in this paper offers a different perspective on building envelope retrofits while reaching EU’s 2020 target especially to increase renewable energy portion in building construction. Therefore, a new exterior wall component detail was suggested and theoretical investigations were done on an example building to reveal if the façade detail serves for the purpose. Consequently, it was shown that the suggested wall component has big potential to reduce yearly energy demand of luxury residential buildings in comparison to the traditional retrofit actions.

Keywords Luxury residential buildings, Energy saving, Advanced façade retrofit.

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1. Introduction Energy performance improvement studies are one of the crucial subjects in European Union (EU) for its 2020 Strategy of saving 20% of its primary energy consumption and emissions of greenhouse gases and other pollutants.

Building sector takes the lead by consuming around 40% of EU’s final energy consumption (COM,2011). For this purpose EPBD 2010/31/EU was published as the amended version of EPBD 2002/91/EC. EPBD 2010/31/EU is a guideline for achieving energy efficiency measures for 2020 target of EU. The methodology in the Directive should require defining reference buildings, defining energy efficiency measures of reference buildings, assess the final and primary energy need of the reference buildings, and calculate the costs of the energy efficiency measures for designating cost-optimal level (EU, 2010).

In order to adapt this methodology, a national project was generated and concluded in Turkey for defining the reference residential buildings, their final and primary energy consumptions and cost efficiency analyses (Project for The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey). In the project Istanbul was selected as the pilot city and four residential building types were designated. Standard and advanced retrofit measures were tested on these buildings (Yılmaz et al, 2015). For renewable energy, as an additional crucial subject in the Directive the European Council of March 2007 reaffirmed the Union’s commitment to the Union-wide development of energy from renewable sources by endorsing a mandatory target of a 20% share of energy from renewable sources by 2020. Directive 2009/28/EC establishes a common framework for the promotion of energy from renewable sources (EU, 2010; EU, 2009). Thus, studies for 2020 target should consider renewable energy use.

Similar to the developments in EU, the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources of Turkish Republic published Energy Efficiency National Action Plan in consideration of EU’s 2020 target and related directives. Targets of the action plan basically includes the implementation of former related laws and reg-

ulations of Turkish Republic, decreasing the energy density 20% until 2023, and decreasing primary energy supply 20% and achieving these goals through EU’s legislative framework (Republic of Turkey Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, 2016). Specifically for the building sector, Energy Efficiency Strategy Paper 2012-2023 was prepared. According to the paper at least 25% of the building stock in 2010 will be sustainable buildings until 2023, the number of eco-friendly buildings that benefit from renewable energy sources will increase to decrease energy needs and carbon emissions of the buildings, and the use of renewable energy sources will be promoted (Republic of Turkey Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, 2016).

This paper focuses on developing an advanced façade retrofit in accordance with the results of national project. In residential building typology definitions, there is luxury residential building, which is called as “residence” in Turkey which varies from other countries. In accordance with the rapid rise of the land prices in city center this building typology was developed. Residence buildings are usually high-rise buildings and hosts residential and social areas all together in the same building. Their energy demand level is higher than the other standard residential building types due to their high-level characteristic features. Thermo-physical properties of the building façade of residence residential buildings are very convenient to energy efficient levels and more efficient than the requirements in national heat insulation standard (TS 825) (TSE, 1999). Therefore, standard retrofit measures that are very effective for other residential building typologies are not efficient enough for residence buildings and advanced retrofit measures are required for this building typology. So, in order to reach 2020 target of EU and 2023 target of Turkey, advanced façade retrofits that benefit from renewable energy will be convenient to propose for “residence” buildings.

There are various research studies on developing advanced façade technologies to improve the energy efficiency and for reaching EU’s 2020 target. Fong

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Table 2. Thermo-physical and optical properties of the glazing of the suggested advanced façade component.

as an electricity-generating smart window or glazed façade as a new concept.

The system automatically responded to climatic conditions by varying the balance of solar energy reflected to the PV for electricity generation and transmitted through the system into the building for provision of light and heat (Connelly et al, 2016).

This paper presents a theoretical approach to design an advanced façade component that provides more benefit from solar radiation by increasing solar gain by a component application that contains selective surface layer increasing ventilation rate through vents on the component to cool down the façade in accordance with the climatic conditions. Therefore, the aim of the paper is reaching EU’s 2020 and Turkish Republic’s 2023 renewable energy targets through an alternative suggestion. So as to analyze the suggested advanced façade component a theoretical case study building was generated in accordance with the information data in the name of building envelope and boundary conditions that was designated in Turkish national project (Yılmaz et al, 2015). Cost calculations were done under Turkish national market conditions.

et al. presented using building integrated solar collectors and PV panels on an office building for solar cooling with Hong Kong climate (Fong et al, 2012). Sun et al. presented the effects of shading type building integrated photovoltaic claddings on energy saving and the effect of surface azimuth angles on this systems efficiency (Sun et al, 2012). Li et al. explored building integrated wind turbines on a high-rise building for power generation (Li et al, 2016). Favoino et al. investigated adaptive transparent building façades on an office building case to achieve nZEB objectives (Favoino et al, 2015). Connelly et al. presented building integrated concentrating PV, smart window system consisting of a thermo-tropic layer with integrated PVs was treated

2. Materials and methods The first step of the research is introducing the suggested advanced façade component since it is the main focus of this research and then explanation of the simulation components that were used investigate the suggested component. After that, presenting the case study building; defining the façade retrofit scenarios; designating yearly heating, cooling and lighting energy demands of the case study building; applying standard façade retrofits to the case study building; applying the advanced façade retrofits with the suggested new façade component to the case study building; defining primary energy demands of the case study building and scenarios; generating global cost – primary energy demand comparison graphs; analyzing the results.

The building model with all geometric features and thermo-physical properties of the envelope was generated

Table 1. Comparison between the façades of case study building and suggested advanced component applied façade.

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by DesignBuilder interface of simulation tool called EnergyPlus, other data input and simulations was done by EnergyPlus building simulation tool.

Both software are under the license of US Department of Energy (DOE) and scientifically proven by lots of research studies several times.

2.1. The constructional details of the suggested component In order to explain the suggested façade component it is important to investigate the façade sections of the base case and the base case with the suggested component applied on. Architectural vertical section of base scenario façade and suggested advanced component are shown in Table 1. The parts of the suggested façade component are a selective surface applied aluminum layer on BIMS block (20 cm or 40 cm depends on the scenario), then 10 cm air gap and a glazing layer in front of the gap. There are air inlet and outlet vents on the glazing for each floor and there is shading device in front of the glazing layer according to the climatic conditions.

Thermal and optical properties of the glazing of suggested advanced façade component is shown in Table 2. These data were provided by a wellknown national glazing brand (Şişecam, 2015). The glazing was chosen by considering solar heat gain amount and maximum benefit from solar radiation on selective surface.

Within the scope of the analyses, exterior shading devices were on from 1st of April until 1st of November, between the hours of 06.00 and 20.00 and except this period the devices were off Working schedule of air inlet and outlet vents were defined as open from 1st of May until 1st of October and except this period the vents were off in order to benefit from solar radiation. These operation schedules were determined as a result of background simulation analyses in order to designate the most effective periods of shading devices and air inlet-outlet vents.

Exterior shading device helps alone during transition seasons, while according to the conducted simulation tests; faster air circulation is an obligation during summer period vents

need to be operated. Shading devices behave as obstacles for solar radiation to enter inside to the wall cavity (air gap) and heat the air inside of the gap.

They are off between the hours of 20.00 and 06.00, as during these hours site outdoor air temperature is lower than air gap temperature. Therefore, exterior shading devices help on transition and cooling periods. During summer period, shading devices alone are not enough because of the high solar radiation intensity. When air inlet and outlet vents are open during that period, air circulation occurs and cools the air inside of the gap together with the wall surface that has selective surface layer on it. After a while, air gap temperature becomes lower than zone mean air temperature, therefore zones start to cool down by losing heat to the air gap.

At the same time, walls are continuously cooled down by air circulation.

As a result of all simulation tests, suggested façade component not only provides reduction on yearly heating energy demand, but also provides reduction on yearly cooling energy demand.

The comparison of the base scenario façade and partial application of suggested façade component in architectural elevation drawings is shown in Table 3.

2.2. Applied simulation model components The suggested advanced façade component was modelled by internationally well-known and scientifically proven building simulation tools that are developed by US Department of Energy.

Material layers of the proposed façade component were defined similar to defining other material layers in EnergyPlus. For inside surface convection TARP algorithm and for outside surface convection DOE-2 algorithm were selected. Conduction transfer function algorithm was selected as heat balance algorithm. In the simulation calculations full interior and exterior solar distribution was considered (US Department of Energy, 2015).

Shading devices were modeled in “window material”, “shade” object which is common for window shad-

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Table 3. Comparison between the elevations of case study building and suggested advanced component applied façade.

Figure 1. Architectural plan of case study building.

ing device definition. Reflectance and emissivity properties are assumed to be the same on both sides of the shade.

Shades are considered to be perfect diffusers (all transmitted and reflected radiation is hemispherically-diffuse) with transmittance and reflectance independent of angle of incidence (US Department of Energy, 2015). Thermo-physical and optical properties of shading device was provided from an internationally known window treatment firm’s extension tool (Hunter Douglas, Software version: 1.0.0.129).

Air circulation between bottom and top vents was modeled by “wind and stack open area” object in the simulation tool. For this object, the ventilation air flow rate is a function of wind speed and thermal stack effect, along with

the area of the opening being modeled.

The total ventilation rate calculated by this model is the quadrature sum of the wind and stack air flow components (US Department of Energy, 2014).

2.3. Case study building A theoretical residence building was generated to perform the analyses. In order to focus the effects of suggested advanced façade component the building was designed in convenient to the passive solar design parameters, therefore the effects of passive solar parameters on results were kept out.

The case study building locates in Istanbul, Turkey. Istanbul is in the warm-humid climatic region of Turkey located in Mediterranean Climate.

The weather data for simulations was

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obtained from weather data source of EnergyPlus (EnergyPlus, 2012).

The building form and envelope thermo-physical properties were determined as they will represent the characteristics of these kinds of buildings. According to the investigations the building form and apartment unit types are not limited; therefore the building form was generated by a general perspective.

According to Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK) the average household member rate in Turkey is 3.7 so, most common family consists of parents and 2 children. Therefore, the apartment unit layouts were generated convenient for parents and 2 children family together with a housekeeper room since the occupant profile of residence buildings is high income group.

There are fifteen residential floors and two apartment unit in each floor. Architectural floor plan of the case study building is shown in Figure 1. Floor area of the building is 618.32 m².

Façade components were defined in accordance with the residence reference building investigations in national project and thermal transmittance (U-value) of the façade components were designated in respect to the component selection. The most common opaque façade components for these kinds of buildings are ceramic or aluminum curtain walls. Additionally, thermo-physical properties of the building envelope should be convenient to the minimum values that are defined in Turkish Heat Insulation Standard (TS 825). The building was assumed to be constructed in between 2000-2006 period and at this time TS 825 1999 was in force (TSE, 1999). In Table 4, the comparison between the required minimum U-values in the standard and values of the case study building façade was shown.

Boundary conditions data were defined in accordance with the residence reference building investigations in Turkish national project (Yılmaz et al, 2015). As explained above, four-person families were considered for the calculations. The operational scenario was defined according to the published research by Ministry of Family and Social Policies in 2011 and 2013 (Republic of Turkey Ministry of Family and Social

Table 4. Thermal transmittance coefficient (U-value) comparison of TS825 1999 and case study building.

Table 5. Operational schedule of occupancy.

Policies, 2011-2013). Activity levels of the occupants were specified in accordance with ASHRAE 55 – Thermal Environmental Conditions for Human Occupancy standard (ANSI/ASHRAE, 2013). Operation schedule of occupancy is shown in Table 5.

Average power values of household electrical equipment were designated by investigating the existing household electrical equipment in the market (Arçelik, 2015; Vestel, 2015; Bosch, 2015). Determined equipment powers and operating times per each apartment unit were defined in Table 6.

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Table 6. Power values and operational schedules of household electrical appliances.

According to the residence residential building investigations there is not any specific lighting system limitation.

Therefore, a lighting and electricity project of an existing residence building was taken into account as example and similar lighting power density was applied to the case study building. Lighting power density of each apartment unit was calculated as 6.9 W/m² according to the projects.

Heating and cooling thermostat setpoint values were determined in accordance with the investigations and information gathered from multiple “residence” buildings. Thus, thermostat value for heating period was designated as 22 °C and for cooling period 24 °C. In this research study, HVAC system was modeled as Ideal Loads System.

This component can be thought of as an ideal unit that mixes air at the zone exhaust condition with the specified amount of outdoor air and then adds or removes heat and moisture at 100%

efficiency in order to produce a supply air stream at the specified conditions (US Department of Energy, 2014). This method provides a model for an ideal HVAC system without any loss and will allow seeing the effect of suggested advanced façade component on building energy performance without any intervention by HVAC systems.

2.4. Façade retrofit scenarios Retrofit scenarios that were investigated in this research are shown in Table 7. The “S” mark indicates the scenarios and the number next to the mark shows the number of the scenario. S0 represents the base scenario.

Scenarios from S1 to S4 are standard façade improvement scenarios that are very effective on standard residential buildings. S1 indicates adding heat insulation layer to the existing building façade. S2, S3 and S4 show various glazing type applications instead of the existing glazing for the whole building façade. Cases from S5 to S10 are advanced façade improvement scenarios with suggested façade component That has selective surface and air vent applications to increase solar gain and façade surface ventilation through the air gap.

The façade views of the cases are shown in Table 8. The images of all cases were generated by DesignBuilder simulation tool.

In S5 and S8, suggested advanced façade component was applied on opaque surfaces of South façade. In S6 and S9, suggested component was applied on opaque surfaces of South, East and West façades. In S7 and S10, suggested component was applied on opaque surfaces of South, East, West and North façades. In S5, S6 and S7 the component was applied on mass wall of 20 cm and in S8, S9 and S10 the component was applied on mass wall of 40 cm.

2.5. Primary energy demand and global cost Yearly energy demand of each façade retrofit scenario was designated by EnergyPlus dynamic building energy simulation tool. In order to develop cost optimal analysis, primary energy demand of each case scenario

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was specified. The calculations were performed under ideal load conditions in order to focus the effect of suggested façade component. Primary energy conversion factors revealed by Turkish Ministry of Environment and Urbanization are 1 and 2.36 for natural gas and electricity respectively.

Global cost is the sum of the present value of the initial investment costs, sum of running costs, and replacement costs (referred to the starting year), as well as disposal costs if applicable.

Therefore, in order to calculate the global cost in terms of net present value, separate cost categories should be defined. In this research initial investment costs, replacement costs, energy costs are considered. Net present value represents the current worth of a cash flow over time (Olson, 2003). According to EU Regulation supplementing Directive 2010/31/EU the calculation period was fixed equal to 30 years and cost calculations consider only costs of elements which are effective on building energy performance and are different for the various cases (EU, 2012).

The inflation rate was taken as 8.05%, according to the statistics of Turkish Republic Central Bank’s last 5 years’ average value. Market rate of interest rate was 14.3% (TCMB, 2015). In order to calculate energy costs, natural gas unit price was taken 0.18800 TL/ kWh, electricity unit price was taken 0.36637 TL/kWh considering 2015 values (İGDAŞ, 2015; TEDAŞ 2015). The increase in energy costs was assumed as equal to the inflation rate.

Lifespan of the building elements were collected from national data. The cost of the building façade was calculated for each retrofit scenario. In order to calculate initial investment costs of each building element that are effective on energy performance improvement, costs were gathered from the market in Turkey.

Table 7. Description of the retrofit scenarios.

Table 8. Façade elevations of advanced façade retrofit scenarios.

3. Results This part reveals heating, cooling and lighting primary energy demand results of each façade retrofit scenario.

Calculated result of each scenario was compared to the base scenario. Yearly primary energy demand results of the retrofit scenarios are shown in Figure 2.

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Figure 2. Yearly heating, cooling and lighting primary energy demands of scenarios.

Figure 3. Primary energy demand improvement ratios of the scenarios in comparison to the base scenario.

Figure 4. Hourly heating and cooling energy demands of S7 through the year.

Figure 5. Global cost - primary energy demand comparison.

In respect to the results, primary energy demand of S0 is 96.91 kWh/m².y.

According to the results the effects of standard façade retrofits on energy saving is very few, moreover as in S3 yearly primary energy demand of the building was increased to 101.24 kWh/ m².y with the recommended glazing application in this scenario. Whereas; as expected, all advanced façade retrofits are very effective on the primary energy demand results. In compliance with the results, advanced façade ret-

rofits with suggested component application on 40 cm mass wall (S8, S9, S10) were resulted with lower primary energy demand than the retrofits with suggested component application on 20 cm mass wall.

Primary energy performance improvement ratio in comparison to the base scenario is shown in Figure 3.

According to Figure 3, primary energy performance improvement ratios of standard façade retrofits are so low that cannot be considered as energy performance improvement scenarios. The primary energy improvement ratios of S1, S2 and S4 in comparison to the base scenario are around 1-2% while in S3 the ratio is around 4% on the negative side. The reason of that results is opaque and transparent components of case study building façade have better thermal transmittance coefficients than TS825 1999 is required.

Thus, increasing the façade heat insulation thickness as in S1 could only decrease the primary energy demand from 96.91 kWh/m².y to 95.95 kWh/ m².y and in the scenarios with glazing type change the results are very similar to S1. So, on the contrary of the general aspect in the building sector, standard façade retrofits as adding heat insulation layers or using glazing with lower U-value are not effective every time as shown in this case study. Therefore, it is very important to decide the convenient retrofit applications according to the conditions. Primary energy performance improvement ratios of advanced façade retrofits are very high in comparison to the standard retrofits.

In Figure 4, hourly heating and cooling energy loads of S0 and S7 were compared.

According to Figure 4, in the graph, the light grey dots on the left side represent hourly heating load of S0 through the year and the dark grey dots on the left side represent the same parameter for S7. Also, the light grey dots on the right side in the graph represent hourly cooling load of S0 through the year and the dark grey dots on the right side represent the same parameter for S7. Dots representing heating and cooling loads of S7 are below the dots representing heating and cooling loads of S0 in every hour through the year. Therefore,

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with hourly sensitive analysis heating and cooling loads of S7 are less than S0 in each hour. The reduction in yearly heating demand of S7 in comparison to S0 is 41.7% and the reduction in cooling demand is 15.55%. In respect to this graphical result, suggested component is very effective to reduce the heating and cooling energy demands.

Global cost – primary energy demand comparison graph is shown in Figure 5. Since, standard façade retrofits are not convenient to be evaluated as applicable scenarios, the research was continued with advanced façade retrofits from this part.

According to Figure 5 none of the retrofit scenarios are cost optimum.

In the scope of cost-optimal level, advanced retrofit actions would increase the initial investment cost as expected.

However, the income of the occupants is comparatively higher than the standard building occupants. Considering higher income level of building owners and higher energy demand of the building, advanced façade retrofits are applicable since they are reducing the yearly energy demand with an important ratio. Additionally, global cost of S5 and S8 are not so higher than S0 and both scenarios reduce the primary energy demand with an important ratio around 12%.

4. Discussion The aim of this research is to suggest an alternative façade component in order to decrease the primary energy demand of “residence” named residential buildings and increase the renewable energy portion within this building type for approaching EU’s 2020 and Turkey’s 2023 target. Suggested advanced façade component targets to increase the solar energy gain portion during heating period and increase the façade ventilation portion during the cooling period. Building integrated renewable energy systems in the market are usually separate systems than the building, this study tries to show developing the building integrated renewable energy systems as construction components.

According to the results standard façade retrofits are not effective on building energy performance of “res-

idence” residential buildings. The reason of this result is residence residential buildings are high-quality constructed buildings in the scope of façade characteristics. Therefore, advanced façade retrofits are necessary for this building type even if they increase the global cost.

All advanced façade scenarios resulted with high improvement ratios the best resulted scenarios are S7 and S10. Primary energy performance improvement ratio of S7 is 19.42% while the improvement ratio of S10 is 22.5%.

Suggested advanced façade component was applied on all façade directions in these scenarios. The only difference between them is suggested component was applied on a mass wall of 20 cm in S7 and on a mass wall of 40 cm in S10. Therefore, in the scope of primary energy demand performance improvement scenarios with mass wall of 40 cm resulted better but not so different than the scenarios with mass wall of 20 cm. Additionally, mass wall of 20 cm scenarios (S5, S6, S7) increase the global cost less than mass wall of 40 cm scenarios (S8, S9, S10). Therefore, scenarios with mass wall thickness of 20 cm are more likely to be evaluated for EU’s 2020 and Turkey’s 2023 targets.

Moreover, this study shows that suggested advanced façade component is effective both on heating and cooling periods. This is very important for mixed-climatic conditions while reaching renewable energy targets of EU and Turkey.

5. Conclusion and further studies This research study is based on a national project that aims to adopt the methodology in EPBD 2010/31/EU. According to the results of the project, standard façade retrofits are not effective to improve the energy performance of “residence” residential buildings since thermo-physical properties of these building façades are high-quality. Therefore, advanced façade retrofits are considered. In order to analyze the effects of advanced façade retrofits and suggesting an alternative façade component a theoretical case study building was designed. Firstly, standard façade retrofits were tested and then advanced façade retrofits with suggest-

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ed façade component were tested.

As in this scope, building integrated renewable energy systems are very suitable for considering EU’s 2020 target especially for the articles related with renewable energy. Existing renewable energy systems are improvable and also, the market is open for new suggestions. Architects design the façade of the buildings; at this point it is an important chance for architects to develop the building façade construction as a renewable energy system itself. This research study aims to suggest a new façade component that increases the solar gain and façade ventilation rate in accordance with the climatic conditions. According to the test results, the suggested component is very effective on reducing yearly heating and cooling energy demands of “residence” type residential buildings. Additionally, the component is not cost-optimum. However, the occupant profile of residence residential buildings is high-income group and reducing the monthly energy costs is more important than reducing the initial apartment unit costs for this group. Thus, with the application of the suggested component yearly energy demand of the case study building reduces around 12-22% in accordance with the application area on the façade (only on one direction or more). Accordingly, applying standard façade retrofits didn’t result with considerable primary energy performance improvement ratios. On the contrary to the most common knowledge in the sector, decreasing the U-value of the façade opaque and transparent component is not always the solution for reducing yearly energy demands.

So, the suggested component is considerable for EU’s 2020 and Turkey’s 2023 targets for renewable energy use.

Since Turkey is one of the representative Mediterranean climate country, the applications in Turkey could be example and applicable in other Mediterranean countries.

In order to improve this research, the component should be tested on another and more complex residence residential buildings. Location, direction, surroundings of the building could affect the results. It is important to analyze the change of these parameters too.

Acknowledgement The baseline of this study was supported by Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) with a PhD researcher grant.

References ANSI/ASHRAE 2013. ASHRAE Standard 55-2013 Thermal Environmental Conditions for Human Occupancy.

Arçelik A.Ş., <www.arcelik.com.tr>, (accessed: January 2015).

Bosch Sanayi ve Ticaret A.Ş., <www. bosch-home.com/tr>, (accessed: January 2015).

COM, 2011. Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, The Council, The European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions Energy Efficiency Plan 2011, European Commission; 109 final, Brussels.

Connelly, K., Wu, Y., Chen, J., Lei, Y., 2016. Design and development of a reflective membrane for a novel Building Integrated Concentrating Photovoltaic (BICPV) ‘Smart Window’ system. Applied Energy, 182, 331-339.

EnergyPlus Software, <https://energyplus.net/weatherregion/europe_ wmo_ region_6/TUR%20%20> (accessed 2012).

EU, 2009. Directive 2009/28/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 April 2009 on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources. Official Journal of the European Union.

EU, 2010. EPBD recast, Directive 2010/31/EU of the European Parliament and of Council of 19 May 2010 on the energy performance of buildings (recast). Official Journal of the European Union.

EU, 2012. COMMISSION DELEGATED REGULATION (EU) No 244/2012 of 16 January 2012 Supplementing Directive 2010/31/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council on the energy performance of buildings by establishing a comparative methodology framework for calculating cost-optimal levels of minimum energy performance requirements for buildings and building elements, Official Journal of the European Union.

Favoino, F., Overend, M., Jin, Q.,

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2015. The optimal thermo-optical properties and energy saving potential of adaptive glazing technologies. Applied Energy, 156, 1-15.

Fong, K. F., Lee, C. K., Chow, T. T., 2012. Comparative study of solar cooling systems with building-integrated solar collectors for use in sub-tropical regions like Hong Kong. Applied Energy, 90, 189-195.

Hunter Douglas, Energy and Light Tool. Developed by Sander Teunissen.

Software version: 1.0.0.129. İGDAŞ (Istanbul Gas Distribution Industry and Trade Inc.), <http://www. igdas.com.tr/>, (accessed: December 2015).

Li, Q. S., Shu, Z. R., Chen, F. B., 2016.

Performance assessment of tall building-integrated wind turbines for power generation. Applied Energy, 165, 777788.

Olson D.L., 2003. Cost/benefit analysis. Encyclopedia Inf. Syst., 1:333–44.

Republic of Turkey Ministry of Family and Social Policies, 2011, 2013.

Türkiye Aile Yapısı Araştırması (Turkish Family Structure Research), TAYA [in Turkish].

Republic of Turkey Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, 2016. Türkiye Ulusal Enerji Verimliliği Eylem Planı (Turkish National Energy Efficiency Action Plan), Ankara (in Turkish).

Sun, L., Lu, L., Yang, H., 2012. Optimum design of shading-type building-integrated photovoltaic claddings with different surface azimuth angles.

Applied Energy, 90, 233-240. Şişecam A.Ş., <http://www.sisecamduzcam.com/en/business-segments/ architectural-glass/professional-product-catalog/isicam-systems-s-series>, [accessed: March 2015].

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TEDAŞ (Turkish Electricity Distribution Corporation), <www.tedas.gov. tr>, (accessed: December 2015).

TSE (Turkish Standards Institution), 1999. Binalarda Isı Yalıtım Kuralları (Thermal Insulation Requirements for Buildings), TS 825, Ankara (in Turkish).

US Department of Energy, 2014. EnergyPlus, Input Output Reference, The Encyclopedic Reference to EnergyPlus Input and Output. COPYRIGHT 1996-2014 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois and the Regents of the University of California through the Ernest Orlando Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory.

US Department of Energy. September 2015. EnergyPlus, Engineering Reference, The Reference to EnergyPlus Calculations. COPYRIGHT 19962014 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois and the Regents of the University of California through the Ernest Orlando Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory.

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Yılmaz, A. Z., Ashrafian, T., Ganiç, N., Gali, G., Akgüç, A. (project team), 2015. Binalarda Maliyet Optimum Enerji Verimliliği Seviyesi için Türkiye Koşullarına Uygun Yöntemin ve Referans Binaların Belirlenmesi (Determination of Turkish Reference Residential Buildings and National Method for Defining Cost Optimum Energy Efficiency Level of Buildings), Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (TUBITAK) (in Turkish).

Project Code: 1001. Project Number: 113M596.

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Development of urban hierarchies at the country and regional levels in Turkey

H. Serdar KAYA1, Vedia DÖKMECİ2 1 hserdarkaya@itu.edu.tr • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 vediadokmeci@gmail.com • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2017.16878

Received: May 2016 • Final Acceptance: June 2017

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the hierarchical distribution of different city size groups at the country and regional level between 1945 and 2015 in Turkey. During this period, previous studies have illustrated that human mobility played an important role for the physical and socio-economic transformation of cities and regions. At the country level, first, while the growth rate of the number of smaller cities was higher than the others, the growth rate of population was the highest in the large cities. However, later, despite the population increase, the number of small cities was decreased due to transformation of economy from rural to industrial. During the post-modern era, globalization contributed even further the growth of large cities. As a result, hierarchical distribution of different size cities according to regions reveals the wide gap with respect to urbanization between the East and the West of the country. While the metropolitan cities are over urbanized in the urban hierarchy due to globalization, some of the regions in the East do not have large cities due to lack of economic development and higher out-migration rate. Mobility of capital and the people from the East to the West do not allow the full-fledged development of the urban hierarchy in the Black Sea and the East Anatolia Regions. This results in shortage of jobs and thus it becomes a vicious cycle for underdevelopment.

Keywords Hierarchical urban systems, Regional analysis, Sectoral systems, Turkey, Urbanization.

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1. Introduction Inter-regional migration and processes of sectoral change affect not only metropolitan areas but also the system of cities as a whole. These changes may be viewed as part of processes that are shaping urban and regional socioeconomic structures spatial evolution.

While most research on these issues has focused on specific components of urban and regional change, few studies can be found that consider both the general evolutionary process and its effects on urban system dynamics (Suarez-Villa, 1988). Changes in the comparative advantages of urban and regional location factors, in agglomeration economies, in population, and in sectoral employment are affected by the sectoral structures and their spatial dimensions. In Turkey, long-term changes in the latter were most historically significant in promoting spatial economic and demographic change as, for example, the transformation of the predominantly agricultural economy to industrial, and later, from industrial to post-industrial to some extent. Meanwhile, although economic growth and capital expenditures for development have steadily increased, they have not been uniformly distributed throughout the country, resulting in distinct regional disparities and a socio-economic system with many dualisms in its structure. In general, these changes can be expected to have important implication for the size distribution of cities and the urban hierarchy. The number of cities changed several times since 1940, therefore, population of settlements analyzed by province level to be able to follow development of new cities that were province of another city. In 2012, after the law no 6360, the number of metropolitan cities in Turkey has increased from 16 to 30 and borders of the cities extended over some provinces and rural areas which also changed the hierarchical and sectoral distribution of urban settlements.

Although changing policies such as privatization policies, liberalization, etc. effect the sectoral structure of cities and inter-regional migration, the present paper investigates the hierarchical and spatial distribution of different size cities at the country and the regional

level through time in Turkey (Figure 1) and does not focus on the explanation of policy effects on urban hierarchies in Turkey. In this sense, it focuses on processes over the possibility of relating urban hierarchical change to other processes of spatial evolution, such as the inter-regional flows, inter-regional inequalities and levels of development, and analysis of spatial and sectoral change.

A review of the literature reveals that there are several studies about the behavior of urban systems at regional, national and international levels, or about how to participate urbanization in order to maximize its advantages and decrease its disadvantages or how economic policies affect the regional social structure and how this structure is changing. Rozman (1978) analyzed the development of urban hierarchical systems from century to century for various countries by using urban pyramids. As he stated, “the varying pyramidal shapes of a graphic representation of the number of central places at each level in the hierarchy convey a general image of the urban network”.

Dunn (1980) illustrated the development of U.S. urban system in relation to economic development. Storper and Harrison (1991) investigated urban hierarchy with respect to regional development in the 1990s. Coffey and Polese (1984) provide a significant perspective on internally generated evolutionary change and also considered the role of migratory flows in distributing the sources of growth and the relationship between the spatial expansion and supply networks of firms and their location. Current theories of nodal regions and central place hierarchies provide the bases for the recognition of region wide organization of cities into networks, which contributes to the balances distribution of quality of cities. Previously, Rosen and Resnick (1980), Johnson (1980) and Ettlinger (1981) related the city size distribution to levels of economic development and spatial interaction. Hierarchical interaction has also attracted substantial attention from other scholars who have conceptualized and stimulated process models of urban hierarchy growth and change (Allen & Sanglier, 1981; Wil-

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Figure 1. City size distribution in Turkey from 1940 to 2015.

son, 1978). Analytic hierarchical city location models and hierarchical plant location models were developed by DĂśkmeci (Dokmeci, 1975; DĂśkmeci, 1989a, 1989b) One of the most significant and visible aspects of metropolitan change is its temporal effect on interurban city size.

Most of the literature on urban and regional spatial structure has assumed, that, long term shifts in the urban system are, to a great extent, a product of changes occurring in a nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largest or primate metropolitan areas (Parr, 1981, 1985). In this respect, shifts in population and the sectoral economies may be closely related to secular patterns of metropolitan change (Suarez-Villa, 1988). To understanding and measurement of these shifts do require a long term evolutionary perspective on the spatial process of hierarchical distribution of cities.

The urbanization process in developing countries is a cumulative result of many basic trends such as rural over population, shortage of jobs, increased mobility, and rise in personal aspirations and expectations. The effect of high migration to large cities may result in agglomeration diseconomies such as congestion, pollution, and crime which is difficult to deal with the capacities of the developing countries (Rogers, 1984). The problem confronting almost every developing country whether this inevitable urbanization process will focus on a few urban poles of primate cities or whether a

more articulated and dispersed pattern of urban centers will emerge. In the first case a split into two societies and economies- one urban and modernized, the other traditional society and economy (Brutzkus, 1975). During the last decade, some political parties have especially emphases and benefitted from this duality. As a result of this duality, inequality persists throughout the developing countries. For instance, the quality of life in South American cities is in most ways dramatically inferior to the quality of urban life in North America. As an example, about two-third of the 20 million people living in Mexico City live in substandard housing, without adequate water supply, sewage, garbage disposable, clinics, hospitals, parks, and schools. The Latin America metropolis is characterized by mass poverty and environmental pollution on a scale generally unparalleled in the North. Inequality between the large metropolitan regions, small cities, and rural towns of Latin American nations are gaping. Inequalities within metropolitan areas are no less dramatic (Angotti, 1996).

This disparity sometimes is further compounded by the depopulation of lagging regions and in-migration into the developed regions, aggregating serious urban problems such as transportation congestion, housing, and high costs of public services. At this junction decentralization policy or a balanced growth concept seems to be a universal answer to the problem. This

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Figure 2. Changing sectoral distribution of 7 regions in Turkey from 1945 to 2011.

issue often leads to the policy problem of the spatial reallocation of scarce resources, mainly capital investment, among the regions in a developing country. Today, decentralization of industrial activities is an urgent problem for a great many developing countries in Asia. Spatial distribution of industrial activities is, therefore, an integral part of regional development planning.

More regular distribution of settlements in developed countries than developing countries is observed. For instance, Johnson (1971) illustrated spatial uniformity of a central place distribution in New England, USA, Semple and Golledge (1970) in Canadian prairies and Beckman (1968) in Southern Germany.

Thus, the present paper investigates the development of urban hierarchies in Turkey at the country and regional level. In the second section, regional socio-economic disparities, urbanization levels and the urban hierarchy are described through time. In the third section, regional development of urban hierarchies is explained through time.

Final section is devoted to a conclusion and suggestions for further research.

2. Evolution of the hierarchical urban system, socio-economic and sectoral changes After 1950s, the transformation of the economy from rural to industrial played an important role to increase urbanization and for the development of the urban system and have created a whole new structure of spatial organization and patterns in Turkey (Albaum & Davies, 1973). In 1955,

Figure 3. Changing sectoral distribution from 1945 to 2011.

while 32.37% of population was urban, in 2000 this ration was increased to 72.07% (Zeyneloğlu, 2008). The most significant change in the broader context is the transition from an industrial to a post- industrial society that was recognized in the fourth quarter of the twentieth century. Much has been written about this transition; generally, it has been characterized by the growth and development of a variety of service sectors in the large cities (Dökmeci & Balta, 1999; Dökmeci & Berköz, 1994).

Meanwhile, changes in communication and transportation technology have contributed to the development of the hierarchical settlement system at the regional and country level (Dök-

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Table 1. Ratio of Industrial companies from 1927 to 2001 (Dinler, 1978).

meci, 1986).

Sectoral distribution data for cities from 1945 to 2011 (TUIK, 1953, 2013, 2016) is generalized to the geographical regions to represent the change in each region (Figure 2). With respect to the socio-economic characteristics of the regions, the ratio of agricultural employment increased between 1945 and 1955 in all regions but continuously decreased between 1955 and 2011.

This decline reached to the dramatic level around 20% between 2000 and 2011. The Aegean Region was most industrialized (17.5%) than the other regions and had highest services (17.6%) in 1955 (Figure 3). Again, the Aegean Region was the most industrialized region (27.9%) and the first with respect to services (40.9%) in 2000, while its urbanization ratio was the fourth (61.4%) in 2000. In 2000, in the Central Anatolia Region, industrial employment was the third largest (15.4%), its service employment (38.2%) and its urbanization ratio (69.2%) was the second largest in 2000. The Mediterranean Region was the fourth highest with respect to industrial employment (13.3%), and service employment ratio (31.3%) and its urbanization ratio was the fifth largest (59.7%) in 2000.

This region becomes third in service employment ratio (49.9%) in 2011. A large amount of investment in tourism played an important role for the development of service sector in this region.

The South-East Anatolia Region was the sixth largest with respect to industrial employment (10.8%) and third with respect to urbanization ratio (62%), the fifth largest service employment (27.7%). Industrial employment in the East Anatolia Region (6,4%), the Black Sea Region (11,4%), and South East Anatolia Region (10,8%) are low-

est values in Turkey in 2000.

Analyzing change number of industrial companies starting from 1927 to 2001 show that the ratio of three regions were respectively, 9.6, 12.3, and 8.2 in 1927 and 1.2, 6.3, and 2.8 in 2001 (Table 1). The ratio of the number of companies in these regions reduced from 30.1 to 10.3, which is lower than the ratio of the Black Sea Region in 1927, between the years 1927 and 2001 (Dinler, 1978).

The East Anatolia and the Black Sea Regions were much less developed and had lower urbanization ratios (53% and 49%, respectively) than the other regions due to lack of necessary industrial investment and thus the large amount of out-migration from these regions to the more developed ones (Yazgi, Dokmeci, Koramaz, & Kiroglu, 2014). As an example of income gap within the country, the highest income per capita ($6,165) was in Kocaeli, which is near Istanbul, and the lowest ($ 568) was in AÄ&#x;rÄą, which is located at the eastern boundary of the country.

Since 1960s, various governments have planned to spread equal levels of development throughout the country; however, they have all failed to accomplish this goal (Celebioglu & Dallâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;erba, 2010; Gezici & Hewings, 2007; Tekeli, 2008).

Although, the changes in sectoral distribution after 2011 did not included in this article, after the law no 6360, in 2012, the number of metropolitan cities in Turkey has increased from 16 to 30 and borders of these cities covered provinces and rural areas. This changeover results in dramatic differences in the population and the ratio of agricultural production in these villages, which also changes the hierarchical and sectoral distribution of urban settlements. Population of cities and

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towns were 77.3% and of districts and villages were 22.7%. After the new regulation, population of districts and villages reduced to 8.7% (Kızılaslan, Ünal, & Kızılaslan, 2016).

As Sawers stated, “Dissatisfaction with the regional distribution of population and employment is nearly universal among Third World policy makers. In particular, the overwhelming economic, social, demographic, and political dominance of the largest city –its primacy- is believed to sap the development potential of the entire country as well as present in surmountable problems from excessively rapid growth of the primate city itself. Yet few governments have moved vigorously against urban primacy” (Sawers, 1989).

In order to evaluate the development of hierarchical urban system in Turkey, the cities above 10,000 are taken into consideration as an “urban” settlement, which is defined as a minimum population limit to be an urban settlement in the second national development plan of Turkey. A research on the rank-size distribution of Turkish cities also uses five groups starting form 10.000 population (Dökmeci, 1986). Although another research on spatial urban hierarchy of Turkey defines seven levels total, it includes settlements with population lower than 10.000, but five hierarchical levels defined over 10.000 population limit (Mutlu, 1988). Population of cities have great range starting from 1940 to 2015. For example, İstanbul has 793.949 population in 1940, which is the highest in that year. The population of Istanbul increases to more than 14.000.000 in 2015. Therefore, in this research seven groups are defined to analyze the changing hierarchical structure of the geographical regions of Turkey.

The high amount of migration among the regions increased urbanization and the distribution of city size groups at the country level. For instance, in 1940, there were 2 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 6 cities between 50,000 and 100,000 and 87 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 together with Istanbul at the top with 793,949 people (See, Figure 4).

In 1955, there were 5 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 11 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 104 cities between 10,000 and 50,000. Mean-

Figure 4. The Hierarchy of City Groups from 1940 to 2015.

Figure 5. Urban Hierarchy in the Marmara Region from 1940 to 2015.

while, Istanbul with 1,268,771 people, reached to a much higher level than expected by separating itself from the rest of the urban hierarchy due to high amount of rural to urban migration (Figure 4).

In 1970, the number of cities between 100,000 and 500,000 increased to 17, the number of cities between 50,000 and 100,000 to 20 and the number of cities between 10,000 and 50,000 to 188 and the population of Ankara and Istanbul were between 1,000,000 and 5,000,000 and Izmir 520,832 (See, Figure 4). During this period, increase in the urbanization ratio was almost equal to the increase in the urbanization ratio in the US in 100 years, and in 50 years in England, in the 19th century (Weber, 1898).

In 1985, it is observed relatively a regular pattern distribution of cities in the urban hierarchy. Istanbul was at

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the top of the hierarchy with 5,475,982 people. There were 2 cities between 1,000,000-5,000,000, 2 cities between 500,000-1,000,000, and 31 cities between 100,000-500,000, 44 cities between 50,000-100,000 and 262 cities between 10,000-50,000.

In 2000, rapid urbanization of large cities had continued and there were 4 cities between 1,000,000-5,000,000, 6 cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 45 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 72 cities between 50,000 and 100,000 and 339 cities between 10,000 and 50,000. Meanwhile, the population of Istanbul reached to 9,015,028. So, the hierarchy of cities had expended vertically and horizontally (Figure 4).

Application of this approach confirms that the occupational structure has an evident relationship with settlement size. As we move up the urban hierarchy, the percentage of the population in various nonagricultural occupations rises accordingly.

In 2015, there were 8 cities between 1,000,000-5,000,000, 10 cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 113 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 91 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 338 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 together with Istanbul at the top of the hierarchy with 14,391,544 people with world city characteristics (Robinson, 2005) (Figure 4). Because of decrease of agricultural subsidies, and free trade policy to import agricultural products and closing down factories in the cities at the lower levels of the urban hierarchy, while the number of cities were increased at the top three levels of the urban hierarchy, they decreased at the smallest city group due to decrease of the agricultural sector. The dependency of small city populations on the agricultural population was already illustrated by the previous studies (Mutlu, 1988).

Thus, the number of cities and their sizes were increased in parallel to the population growth and economic development as already claimed by the previous researchers that the population growth and growth of the size of cities, as an indicator of relative importance and development process (Chase-Dunn & Manning, 2002). The rank of the three largest cities mostly

stayed constant during the study period as already illustrated by the previous studies (Polèse & Denis-Jacob, 2010). Continuous rural to urban migration and the growth of large cities creates duality in the society which is a general characteristic in developing countries (Sawers, 1989). Especially, this phenomenon was observed during the last decade in Turkey with especial emphasis of politicians and used for their benefits as in some other developing countries 3. Evolution of hierarchical urban system at the regional level through time in Turkey In general, a well- developed urban system is taken as a prerequisite for the balanced economic development. According to previous researchers, within this system, movements and flows occur hierarchically (from the largest centers to the next larger) and with some distance decay effect. But much more important are the lateral interconnections between large regional centers (Pred, 1975). Within this context, to evaluate the interdependency for economic development strongly suggests the need to examine the structural evolution of the urban system at the regional level through time.

In the 1940s, like most developing countries, Turkey did not have a much-proliferated urbanized structure. Economic development and especially industrialization, however, has led to further urbanization of the economy. Investigation of the regional urban system through time reveals that balanced development of the urban system started primarily in the West because of migration from the East to the West and then spread toward the Central Anatolia Region. There was one city between 50,000-100,000, and 19 cities between 10,000 and 50,000.

Istanbul with a population of 793,949 was far above the urban system in the Marmara Region since it was the largest city of the country.

3.1. Marmara Region In 1940 and 1955, the Marmara Region was the most urbanized area in the country. Istanbul was at the top of the urban hierarch with a popula-

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tion of 793.949 in 1940 (Figure 5) and 1.268.771 people in 1955.

While there were no cities between 500.000-1.000.000, there were only one city between 100.000-500.000 and two cities between 50.000 and 100.000.

Meanwhile, there were 20 cities at the lower level of the hierarchy between 10.000 and 50.000 (Figure 5).

In 1970, industrial and population growth of Istanbul spread to its periphery and the number of large cities between 100,000-500.000 increased to 3 (Figure 5). These cities enjoyed the advantages of agglomeration without the disadvantages of size. The pattern then would be one of megalopolitan development, which as an adaptation to over-increasing populations, to urbanization in the form of a constellation of metropolitan areas. This development is observable in most developed countries (Alonso & Medrich, 1978). While there were 2 cities between 50.000 and 100.000, there were 39 cities between 10.000-50.000, which represent the increasing number small towns depending on agricultural production stimulated by the growth of population and industrialization of this region (Albaum & Davies, 1973).

In 1985, Istanbul was at the top of the urban hierarchy with a population of 5,475,982 people. Increasing global interactions (Jacobs, Ducruet, & De Langen, 2010) it was the 24th among the world cities with respect to location of headquarters and first class subsidiaries of the world’s 100 largest corporations (Godfrey & Zhou, 1999). As a result of continuous rural migration due to its jobs and education opportunities, its growth was already above the capacity of the country and there was a break in the urban hierarchy (Figure 5). The urban pattern then illustrated the adaptation of its over-increasing population to transformation of its urban structure from the mono-nucleated large city of the mid-twentieth century to the poly-nucleated metropolis of the last quarter of the twentieth century (Dökmeci & Berköz, 1994). Istanbul was the capital of thee empires and its historical center don’t allow the construction of high rise buildings which were only permitted in the periphery of the city. While there was no city

Figure 6. City size distribution in the Marmara Region from 1940 to 2015.

Figure 7. Urban Hierarchy of Central Anatolia from 1940 to 2015.

between 1.000.000-5.000.000, there was only one city between 500.0001.000.000. Meanwhile, the number of cities between 100.000 and 500.000 was stayed constant at 3 and the number of cities between 50.000-100.000 was increased to 8. The highest growth in the number of cities was observed between 10.000 and 50.000 as 42 (Figure 5). While the regional pattern of the urban hierarchy displayed a regular pattern except the lacking level between Istanbul and the rest the urban hierarchy due to extreme growth of Istanbul as a result of national and global interactions.

In 2000, the population of Istanbul was almost doubled with 9,015,028 people. Bursa was the second largest city with 1,194.687 people due to heavy industrialization and increasing national and global interactions (Figure 5). Both of them were separated from the rest of the urban hierarchy since there were no cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000. There were 8 cities between 100,000-500,000, 9 cities be-

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tween 50,000 and 100,000, and 53 cities between 10,000 and 50,000.

In 2015, the population of Istanbul was 14,391,544. As a result of increasing global interactions with respect to trade and tourism, the location of Istanbul raised to 15th within the world city ranking system (United Nations, 2014). The lack of layers of cities between 5,000,000-10,000,000 interrupted the top level from the rest of the urban hierarchy (Figure 5). While the number of cities between 1,000,000 and 5,000,000, and between 500,000 and 1,000,000 was one, between 100,000 and 500,000 increased to 20, between 50,000 and 100,000 to 21, the number of small cities between 10,000 and 50,000 were reduces to 46 in this period. This can be explained by the high amount of migration from this level to the higher levels of the hierarchy or loosing population due to locational disadvantages (Kundak & DĂśkmeci, 2015; ZeyneloÄ&#x;lu, 2008).

Thus, during this period, although the growth of Istanbul and Bursa above the capacity of the region due to globalization and high in-migration created an interruption within the continuity of regional urban hierarchy, the rest of the regional system was developed into a more integrated pattern (Figure 6) with the diffusion of industry within the existing settlement system and the development of the transportation network in the metropolis hinterland.

3.2. Central Anatolia Region In 1940, there was a small urban hierarchy in the Central Anatolia.

While Ankara was at the top of the hierarchy with a population of 157,242, there were 3 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 10 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 7).

In 1955, the Central Anatolia was the second most urbanized region in the country. The urban hierarchy had only 3 levels. There were two cities between 100,000 and 500,000. One of them was Ankara, which was growing very rapidly due to provision of large amount service jobs being the capital of the country and attracting large amount rural migrants. The second one was EskiĹ&#x;ehir due being an industrial center.

There were 3 cities between 50,000 and

100,000 and 12 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 7).

In 1970, the population of Ankara grew more than 3 times and reached to 1,236,152. There were no cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, which breaks the continuous distribution of cities within the levels of the urban hierarchy and emphasizes the role of Ankara above the region at the country level.

There were 4 cities between 100,000 and 500,000 and one city between 50,000 and 100,000 which illustrated the rapid growth of cities in lower level and their movement to the higher level. During this period, the number of cities between 10,000 and 50,000 was increased to 27 due to increasing demand for agricultural production and trade as a result of population growth (Albaum & Davies, 1973) (Figure 7).

In 1985, under the dominance of Ankara, urban growth was observed in each level of the urban hierarchy.

The distribution of cities according to the different layers of the urban hierarchy was illustrated in a more regular pattern. There was one city between 1,000,000 and 5,000,000 and 0 city between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 5 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 5 cities between 50,000 and 100,000 and 46 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 7).

In 2000, the population of Ankara reached to 3,203,362. There were 2 cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 4 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 9 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 62 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 7).

In 2015, during this period, although the general pattern of the hierarchical urban system mostly was preserved, the number of large and middle size cities was increased and the number of small cities was decreased. There were 3 cities between 1,000,000 and 5,000,000. There was one city between 500,000, and 1,000,000, the number of cities between 100,000 and 500,000 was 8, the number of cities between 50,000 and 100,000 was 13 and the number of small cities was 53. While the globalization effected the growth of the number of the large and middle size cities, free trade policy to import agricultural products and reduction in agricultural

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subsidies caused the decline of small cities, which were mostly depending on agricultural production and industry (Figure 7).

In this region, during the last decade, in all the provinces, out-migration exceeds in-migration except Ankara and Eskisehir (Koramaz & Dokmeci, 2016). It is necessary to increase new investments in order to prevent economic decline and population loss in the provinces such as Çankırı, Yozgat, and Kırşehir as a substitute for the loss of agricultural industry (Figure 8).

Development of these provinces is important not only for themselves but also to provide economic development corridors between the development clusters (Özdemir & Dökmeci, 2015).

3.3. Aegean Region In 1940, in the Aegean Region, there was a small urban hierarchy. Izmir was at the top of the urban hierarchy with a population of 183,762 people. While there were no cities between 50,000 and 100,000, there were 17 cities between 10,000- 50,000 (Figure 9).

In 1955, in the Aegean Region, while the general pattern of urban hierarchy was preserved, the population of Izmir was reached to 296,559 and the number of cities between 10,000 and 50,000 became 23 (Figure 9). There were no cities between 50,000 and 100,000 since Izmir was the major attraction center in the region due to having a port, industrial and service jobs and infrastructure. The small cities were mainly based on agricultural production and trade as already illustrated by Zeyneloğlu (2008).

In 1970, despite the increasing number of cities because of economic development, the general pattern of urban hierarchy stayed the same. The population of Izmir was almost doubled and reached to 520,832. There were 5 cities between 50,000 and 100,000. The number of small cities between 10,000 and 50,000 was increased to 30 due to growing demand for agricultural production as a result of increasing population and urbanization in the region (Figure 9).

In 1985, while the population of Izmir was tripled and increased to 1,306,747, the number of cities be-

Figure 8. City size distribution in the Central Anatolia Region from 1940 to 2015.

Figure 9. Urban Hierarchy of the Aegean Region from 1940 to 2015.

tween 100,000 and 500,000 was 4, between 50,000 and 100,000 was 7, and between 10,000 and 50,000 was 40, the continuity of the urban hierarchy was interrupted by the lack of the layer of cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000 which means the growth of Izmir beyond the capacity of the region due to its growing global and national trade relationships (Önder, Deliktaş, & Karadağ, 2010) (Figure 9) and thus increasing in-migration.

In 2000, while the urban hierarchy preserved its general pattern, the population of Izmir reached to 2,232,265, the number of cities between 100,000 and 500,000 increased to 7, cities between 50,000 and 100,000 to 8 and cities between 10,000 and 50,000 to 50 (Figure 9).

In 2015, it is observed a well develop urban hierarchy (Figure 10) due to increasing integration of the development cluster in the region as already illustrated by Eraydin and Armat-

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Figure 10. City size distribution in the Aegean Region from 1940 to 2015.

Figure 11. Urban Hierarchy from 1940 to 2015.

li-Koroglu (2005). The number of cities between 1,000,000-5,000,000 and between 500,000 and 1,000,000 was one.

The number of cities between 100,000 and 500,000 increased to 23, cities between 50,000 and 100,000 increased to 10, and cities between 10,000 and 50,000 was increased to 52 (Figure 9).

3.4. Mediterranean Region In 1940, in the Mediterranean Region, there was a simple urban hierarchy consisted of two levels. Adana was at the top of the hierarchy with a population of 88,119 and there were10 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 11).

In 1955, there was a three level urban hierarchy. The population of Adana was doubled with 168,628 people.

There was one city between 50,000 and 100,000, and there were 12 cities between 10,000 and 50,000. There were no large cities, and thus, capital and people who are more qualified to work at the top level of urban hierarchy,

were migrating to large cities in other regions (Figure 11).

In 1970, it was observed the growth of cities in each level of the urban hierarchy as a result of industrial, and tourism development due to mild climate and amenities along the Mediterranean coast, and agricultural development at the lower level of the hierarchy due increasing demand for agricultural products. There were 3 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 6 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 23 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 11).

In 1985, the urban hierarchy increased to 4 levels. Adana was at the top of the hierarchy with a population of 777,554 people. There were 8 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 5 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 29 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 11). The impact of industrial, tourism and agricultural development had continued on urbanization in this period, also.

In 2000, there was a 5 level urban hierarchy. Adana was at the top of the urban hierarchy with 1,130,710 people. There were 2 cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 8 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 10 cities between 50,000mand 100,000 and 38 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 11).

In 2015, the number of cities on each level of urban hierarchy was increased, due to economic development and urbanization (Figure 12). There were 2 cities between 1,000,000-5,000,000 (Adana with industrial establishments and Antalya with tourism investments were the hub of migration (Koramaz & Dokmeci, 2016), three cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 18 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 15 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 41 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 11).

3.5. South-East Anatolia Region In 1940, the South-East Anatolia Region was highly agricultural and had a two-level urban hierarchy. Gaziantep was at the top of the hierarchy with a population 57,132. There were 8 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 13).

In 1955, the South-East Anatolia had continued to have the similar urban hierarchy. There were two cities

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between 50,000 and 100,000, and 9 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 13).

In 1970, the rapid urbanization in the region resulted in the horizontal growth of the medium size cities. There were 3 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, and 18 cities between 10,000 and 50,000. Thus, capital and better qualified people to work at the top of the urban hierarchy were moving to the larger cities in the other regions due to lack of large cities in this region (Figure 13).

In 1985, although the levels of urban hierarchy stayed constant, the urban system expended horizontally due to large construction of dams, industrial and agricultural development which increased urbanization. The number of cities between 100,000 and 500,000 was increased to 4, between 50,000 and 100,000 to 4 and between 10,000 and 50,000 to 24. Thus, during this period also, capital and qualified professionals had continued to migrate to large cities in the other regions due to lack of jobs appropriate for them in this region (Figure 13).

In 2000, the levels of urban hierarchy were increased to 4. The number of cities was increased in each level except the lowest level which stayed constant.

There were 2 cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 6 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 12 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 24 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 13).

In 2015, during this period, this region had the third highest urban ratio in the country and the urban hierarchy took a regular pattern as a result of large infra-structure investments, increasing international trade and economic development. While the levels of the urban hierarchy and the number of large and middle size cities were increased, the number of small cities was stayed constant as a result of free trade policy to import agricultural products, reduction of agricultural subsidies and thus the higher amount of out-migration (Yazgi et al., 2014). Gaziantep took place at the top of the urban hierarchy with a population of 1,597,324, there were 2 cities between 500,000 and 1,000,000, 16 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 12 cities between 50,000

Figure 12. City size distribution in the Mediterranean Region from 1940 to 2015.

Figure 13. Urban Hierarchy from 1940 to 2015.

and 100,000, and 24 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 13,Figure 14).

3.6. Black Sea Region In 1940, in the Black Sea Region, there was a single level urban hierarchy consisted of 15 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 15).

In 1955, there was a simple two level urban hierarchy. Samsun was at the top of the hierarchy with a population of 62,629 and there were 20 cities between 10,000 and 50,000. Lower rate of urbanization was the result of the higher ratio of agricultural sector and mountainous pattern of the region which do not allow the development of larger urban centers (Figure 15).

In 1970, the levels of the urban hierarchy and the number of cities were increased due to economic development, population growth and rapid urbanization during this period. There was one city between 100,000 and 500,000, 4

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Figure 14. City size distribution in the South-East Anatolia Region from 1940 to 2015.

Figure 15. Urban Hierarchy of the Black Sea Region from 1940 to 2015.

cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 38 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 as a result of increasing demand for agricultural products due to population and urbanization growth (Figure 15).

In 1985, while the levels of the urban hierarchy stayed stagnant due to topographic constraints which limit the size of the hinterlands necessary for larger cities, the number of cities on each level of the hierarchy was increased. Thus, urban hierarchy was horizontally developed rather than vertically. There were 3 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 11 cities between 50,000 and 100,000 and 51 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 15) due to increasing demand for agricultural products as a result of population and urbanization growth.

In 2000, the urban hierarchy had continued to grow at the horizontal way due to high amount of out-migration of capital and qualified people

who need to work at the higher levels of the urban hierarchy otherwise (Yazgi et al., 2014). There were 7 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 12 cities between 50,000-100.000 and 62 cities between 10,000 and 50,000. Thus, the number of cities was increased on each level of the hierarchy (Figure 15).

In 2015, both the levels of the urban hierarchy and the number of cities were increased except the middle size cities (Figure 15), due to economic development despite the closing down or privatization of factories (Turk & Dokmeci, 2001). Samsun was at the top of the urban hierarchy with a population 566,064 people. There were 18 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 6 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 77 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 16).

3.7. East Anatolia Region In 1940, the East Anatolia Region had a single level urban hierarchy similar to the Black Sea Region, consisted of 8 cities between 10,000-50,000 (Figure 17).

In 1955, the urban hierarchy had two levels. There were 2 cities between 50,000 and 100,000 and 8 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 17).

Lower level urbanization and lack of large cities was due to lower level economic development and topographic constraints which limit inter-regional interactions was already observed by the previous studies (Dรถkmeci, 1986).

In 1970, the levels of the urban hierarchy and the number of cities were increased as a result of industrial investments, economic development and higher urbanization ratio. There were 3 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 2 cities between 50,000 and 100,000 and 18 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 17). Thus, the development of the urban hierarchy was vertical as well as horizontal due to topographic barriers on the hinterlands of the cities.

In 1985, although the number of cities was increased on each level of the hierarchy, the levels of the urban hierarchy stayed stagnant during this period. The number of cities between 100,000 and 500,000, and between 50,000 and 100,000 was 4 and between 10,000 and 50,000 was 31 (Figure 17)

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due to increasing demand for agricultural products as a result of population and urbanization growth. Meanwhile, qualified professionals who could not find appropriate jobs due to lack of large firms which require large cities and capital have continued to migrate to the large cities in the West.

In 2000, the horizontal development of urban hierarchy had been continued.

There were 5 cities between 100,000 and 500,000, 12 cities between 50,000 and 100,000, and 45 cities between 10,000 and 50,000 (Figure 17). The top level of the urban hierarchy could not have developed due to high amount of migration of capital and qualified persons to large cities in other parts of the country.

In 2015, the urban hierarchy had 4 levels. Malatya was at the top with a population of 595,935 people. While the number of upper level cities was increased, lower level cities were stayed stagnant due to high amount of out-migration rate (Figure 17).

The number of cities between 100,000 and 500,000 was 10, between 50,000 and 100,000 was 14 and between 10,000 and 50,000 was 45 (Figure 17).

Lack of investment, closing down or privatization of factories, and reduction of agricultural subsidies, and thus higher rate of out-migration played an important role for the stagnation of the number of small cities.

Thus, the results of the study reveal that while the urban hierarchies of the regions in the West grew more than the capacity of their regions due to their economic development, globalization and receiving high amount of migration from the less developed regions in the East Anatolia and the Black Sea Regions, the latter ones could not have developed their urban hierarchies for the reverse reasons. The lack of development of urban hierarchy plays an important role as the cause of out-migration and thus became a vicious cycle for the less development of these regions. Thus, it is necessary large amount of investments in these regions in order to provide balanced development of the urban hierarchies.

According to Berry (1961) the kind of discontinuity in the urban system is expected to have unfavorable implica-

Figure 16. City size distribution in the Black Sea Region from 1940 to 2015.

Figure 17. Urban Hierarchy of the East Anatolia Region from 1940 to 2015.

tions for economic and social development. The functions of cities of the second and third rank as regional centers are presumably not being adequately carried out; urbanization taking place largely through migration concentrated upon the largest cities implies a maximum break in cultural and occupational continuity for the migrant, with a likelihood of multiple maladjustments, various kinds of evidence other than demographic support such conclusions.

Although most of the results of the study is within the concept of the general central places theory, the ratio of the number of cities between the levels of hierarchy does not follow the rules of the central places theory. This finding is parallel with another research on the urban hierarchy in Turkey: “The system is a mixed hierarchy. It does not conform to any of the pure theoretical K networks advanced by Lösch and Christaller…”(Mutlu, 1988)

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Figure 18. City size distribution in the East Anatolia Region from 1940 to 2015.

Moreover, despite the rapid urbanization at the country level, it is observed that large cities are not equally distributed among the regions. Not only mal distribution of income but also lack of large cities encourages migration from the East to the West due to insufficient job opportunities (AkÄąn & DĂśkmeci, 2015; Yazgi et al., 2014) as in the other countries (Alexander, 1978; Fan, 2005; Greenwood, Mueser, Plane, & Schlottmann, 1991; J. H. Johnson & Salt, 1990). The detection of spatial clusters of high and low per capita GDP throughout the country is an indication of the persistence of spatial disparities among the regions which is the main cause of mobility from the East to the West of the country. Thus, investments in these regions are crucial not only for themselves but also to increase the economic interaction among the development clusters to multiply their economic mutual impacts. The role of the new regional investments by providing a dynamic economic force in a region for urban development is already illustrated by the previous studies (Schachter, Kraus, & Kim, 1978).

4. Conclusion This article has presented an approach to investigate the historical dynamic of hierarchical urban systems at the regional and country level in Turkey that is greatly influenced by changes in the sectoral economy of cities and inter-regional migration. Regional disparities and variations in the spatial

structure of socio-economic attributes in Turkey are clearly portrayed in the resultant regional urban system.

In this study, first, regional socio-economic characteristics and urbanization levels are described and socio-economic discrepancy, which is the major source of from the East to the West migration, is illustrated.

Then, historical dynamics of urban hierarchies was described between the 1940 and 2015 for Turkey. While, at the beginning of the period, the urban hierarchy was consisted of 4 levels, it increased to 5 levels in 1970, to 7 levels in the year 2015 in parallel to the population increase, technological and industrial development, globalization and economic development.

Later, urban hierarchies were described for each region for the years 1940, 1955, 1970, 2000 and 2015 by taking into consideration the number of cities for each level of the urban hierarchies. In 1940, there were 4 levels for the Marmara Region, 3 levels for the Central Anatolia and Aegean Regions, 2 levels for the Mediterranean and South-East Anatolia Regions and a single level for the Black Sea and the East-Anatolia Regions. In 2015, the levels of urban hierarchy were increased to 7 in the Marmara region, to 5 in the Central Anatolia, Aegean, Mediterranean, South East Anatolia Regions, and to 4 in the Black Sea and East Anatolia regions. So, according to the results, while the regional urban hierarchies were developed mostly hori-

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zontally in the regions in the East as a result of lower economic development and high migration rate to the west of the country, the regional urban hierarchies were developed vertically in the West above the capacities of their regions due to globalization and population over growth.

Although urbanization in the developed countries is characterized by stronger tendencies toward the dispersion of population, in Turkey, the privatization of government factories at the country level and relaxing of agricultural products imports, the existence of agglomeration economies in large cities and their advantages for investors stimulated migration to large cities which caused pollution increase and traffic congestion. On the other hand, this trend aggravated the already existing discrepancy in economic structure and standard of living.

Therefore, the decentralization policy of industry and population during the republican era was reversed by increasing the concentration in the large cities.

Conceptually, the attempt has been made to link the processes of metropolitan and spatial economic change with one of the best-known and most intriguing aspects of spatial structure, the number and size distribution of cities according to the different levels of the urban hierarchy. This has allowed the possibility of visualizing the interurban population and sectoral distributions as dynamic phenomena and as inseparable components of broader processes of socio-economic development.

The economic efficiency of the urban system is critical to the efficient use of national resources. Thus, the investments for economic development should be made for the balanced development of the urban hierarchies. Distribution of manufacturing among different city sizes can be both a product of development of urban system, and a determinant of subsequent changes in the population distribution among the level of urban hierarchy. On the other hand, under the effects of neo liberal policies and globalization, location of the industry and its distribution among different city sizes become more difficult in the highly competitive

global market.

Moreover, world-class metropolises in advanced and developing nations are shaping both the major channels of global interaction and the national spatial structures over which they exert considerable influence. The relationship between urban system change and the interurban distribution of population and economic activities in a national space-economy can therefore be considered within the global metropolitan hierarchy as a future study.

The results of the study can be used as the basis to produce theoretical generalizations about the interaction between the urbanization and economic growth. The link between the interurban population and sectoral distribution as dynamic phenomena has seldom been intensively explored in the spatial literature, and remains a promising area for future research. To investigate the role of the lacking levels for the economic development of the regions is a provoking and challenging work and suggested for future research.

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Development of urban hierarchies at the country and regional levels in Turkey

Contributors Enver AKALTUN Evren Akaltun has successfully defended her dissertation titled, “Towards a Critical Awareness of Worldliness: A.H. Tanpınar’s Huzur, M. Darwish’s Memory for Forgetfulness and V. Woolf ’s Mrs. Dalloway in December 2016, and completed her Ph.D. in Comparative Literature at Stony Brook University in 2017.

Hikmet Temel AKARSU Hikmet Temel Akarsu (born 1960 in Gümüşhane, Turkey) is a Turkish novelist, short-story writer, satirist and playwright. After graduating from Istanbul Technical University with a degree in architecture, he devoted himself to writing. Including essays, articles, critiques, plays and scenarios, he produced literal work in all fields. Besides his novel series, his satirical prose and critical essays found much acclaim in the society.

His novel series, Kayıp Kuşak (“Lost Generation”), İstanbul Dörtlüsü (“Istanbul Quartet”) and Ölümsüz Antikite (“Everlasting Antiquity”) have all been printed by several publishers.

Kerem Yavuz ARSLANLI Kerem Yavuz Arslanlı, received PhD from Istanbul Technical University in 2012. Since, he is a full-time Researcher in Spatial Econometrics and Real Estate Markets at the ITU Institute of Social Sciences. Research has focused on determinants of real estate values.

He has been a member of the board of directors of the European Real Estate Society (ERES).

Damla ATİK Assistant Prof. Dr. Damla Atik obtained her BSc in Architecture from Yıldız Technical University in 2001, MSc and PhD from Trakya University in 2005 and 2011. She instructs compulsory basic design, technical drawing and design project courses besides elective ones at Trakya University Faculty of Architecture Department of Landscape Architecture since 2011.

She has been co-head of department for 5 years. She has a 7 years old son.

Nezih AYIRAN Graduated from Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University as Dipl. Architect. He has started his academic career in the Division of Architectural Design, ITU Faculty of Architecture in 1977, and worked there until his retirement in 2012. Presently, he is working in Faculty of Fine Arts, Design and Architecture, Cyprus International University.

Cristina BECCHIO Dr. Cristina Becchio, graduated with honors in Architecture (Construction) and PhD in Technological Innovation for Built Environment is a grant researcher at the Energy Department of Politecnico di Torino. She teaches building physics and building physics and energy system in architecture at Faculty of Architecture of Politecnico di Torino.

Can BOYACIOĞLU Graduated from Yeditepe University as B. Arch. in 2008 and Istanbul Technical University as M.Sc in Architectural Design in 2010. He is Phd. candidate in Istanbul Technical University Architectural Design Program and lecturer in Gebze Technical University Faculty of Architecture.

Stefano P. CORGNATI Prof. Dr. Stefano P. Corgnati, graduated with honors in Mechanical Engineering and Ph.D in Energetics, is Full Professor at the Energy Department of the Politecnico di Torino. At present, he is Vice-Rector for Research at Politecnico di Torino. He is President of Rehva (European Federation of HVAC Associations). He works in the TEBE research group.

Vedia DÖKMECİ Prof. Dökmeci graduated from ITU Faculty of Architecture in 1962. She got MSc degree in 1972 and PhD degree in 1972 from the Columbia University School of Architecture(NY). She won the first prize in Beyazıt Square competition in 1987 and Science award from Turkish Academy of Sciences in 1999. She has numerous international articles and eight books.

Nevnihal ERDOĞAN Prof. Dr. Nevnihal Erdoğan received a diploma in architecture from İstanbul Technical University in 1982, Istanbul Technical University in 1992.

She is currently a professor in the Department of Architecture, University of Kocaeli. She has been as visiting scholarship at University of California, Irvine, Department of Urban and Regional Planning School of Social Ecology and University of Wisconsin UW-Milwaukee School of Architecture. In 2011-12, during her Aga Khan post-doctoral fellowship, she had been investigated the urban history and architectural context of Ottoman Edirne.

Her publications appear in Journal of Architecture and Planning Research, Social Indicators Research, Open House International.

Gözde GALİ TAŞÇI MSc. Architect, Gözde Gali Taşçı, graduated from Architecture, then with a master degree of Environmental Control and Building Technologies from Department of Architecture of Istanbul Technical University. She participated in Politecnico di Torino as a research fellow during her master degree. She is a PhD fellow in ITU and an active architect in the market.

Keimi HARADA Design (1976), Rice Univ. Houston, Technical training at Carl Christiansson Architects & Associates, Stockholm(1971), Kiyonori Kikutake Architects & Associates (1977-1980), PhD, Yokohama National Univ., Established Space Endeavor Collaborates Architecture & Planning (1980-Present), Mayor Minato City, Tokyo (2000-2004) Born 1949, BA (1972), M.Engineering (1974), Waseda Univ. Tokyo, M. Arch.

Urban Emel KARAKAYA Urban planner and urban designer.

Received B.CRP (2007)- M.UD (2010) at METU, PhD (2016) at IZTECH. Worked as a teaching assistant at the Department of City Planning at IZTECH (2009-2016). Currently member of the Department of City Planning at Muğla Sıtkı Koçman University.

H. Serdar KAYA Graduated from ITU Faculty of Architecture with a dual degree from Architecture and Urban and Regional Planning Departments, Dr. Kaya is currently working as a Lecturer at ITU Faculty of Architecture. His research mainly focuses on mathematical models and complexity theories in urban planning and design. He worked as an affiliate academic in 2008, in the “Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis (CASA)” at University College London, UK. Ersan KOÇ Received B.CP (2001) and PhD (2010) degrees from Department of City and Regional Planning-METU, Ankara by conduction research on disaster planning and risk management. His branch fields of interests are urban design and transformation, planning theory and regional development at Kocaeli University, Departments of “City and Regional Planning” and “Architecture”.

Hakan KOLCU Hakan Kolcu received his PhD from Istanbul Technical University. He is a full time employed at Istanbul Greater Municipality Department of Historical Buildings. His research has focused on revitalization of historical centers and real estate values.

Büşra ÖZAYDIN ÇAT Büşra Özaydın Çat gave bachelor’s degree in 2011 from Mimar Sinan Fine Art University. Then in 2015 she gave master degree from İstanbul Technical University. Now she is a Phd Student in Mimar Sinan Fine Art University. Also she is a research assistant in Kocaeli University, Architectural and Design Faculty.

Gülçin PULAT GÖKMEN She graduated from Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture and did Ph.D. at same institution. She has worked in Faculty of Architecture, ITU since 1984.Her research areas; Architectural design theories and methods, architectural design education, gated communities, squattering, transformation of housing, post-occupancy evaluation, user satisfaction, quality and housing.

Hürkan TOPUZ Received Bs.Arch. degree from Kocaeli University-Department of Architecture after enrolling programs at Osmangazi and Eskişehir Anadolu Universities. He is currently conduction research on “urban transformation and architectural services”. His branch fields of interests are “urban design and spatial transformation”. He is also running “TOPUZ ARCHITECTURE” private firm based in Kocaeli.

A. Zerrin YILMAZ Prof. Dr. A. Zerrin Yılmaz, has been working in Istanbul Technical University -Environmental Control and Construction Technologies department since 1979 and between 1983-1984

she has worked in “Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory of American Department of Energy” as researcher. She coordinates several national and international projects including EU projects.

Yurdanur DÜLGEROĞLU YÜKSEL Currently teaching at ITU Faculty of Architecture, Department of Architecture. Since 2016, heading of the Dept. of Architecture; since 2013, acting as İTÜ Housing Research Center Director; ITU A/Z International journal editor; since 2000, in the editorial board of Open House International Journal; and since 2010, has been workshop member in European Network for Housing Design: Urban Issues and Housing in Developing Countries working group.

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Y. Çağatay Seçkin ∞ Editor Editorial Dossier: Urban Transformation Nevnihal Erdoğan Dossier Editorial Keynote: Future vision of urban design in central Tokyo-transformation of Minato City Keimi Harada Emel Karakaya Policy-oriented urban planning in 1930s in Turkey: İzmit Urban Plan Evren Akaltun Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s Beş Şehir: An aesthetic approach to urban transformation Kerem Yavuz Arslanlı, Vedia Dökmeci, Hakan Kolcu The effect of the pedestrianization of İstiklal Caddesi on land values and the transformation of urban land use Tansel Erbil Planning dilemmas in deindustrialization process in İstanbul Nevnihal Erdoğan, Hikmet Temel Akarsu, Büşra Özaydın Çat From dystopia to utopia: Kocaeli Yurdanur Dülgeroğlu Yüksel Architecture of the city in the post-urban transformation Damla Atik, Nevnihal Erdoğan A model suggestion for determining physical and socio-cultural changes of traditional settlements in Turkey Ersan Koç, Hürkan Topuz Analysis of architectural design processes in the interaction cycle of property, real property, and urban transformation: The example of Kocaeli

Theory Can Boyacıoğlu, Gülçin Pulat Gökmen, Nezih Ayıran Anthropocene idea in modern avant-garde architecture: A retrospective discussion on Wright and Fuller Gözde Gali Taşçı, Ayşe Zerrin Yılmaz, Cristina Becchio, Stefano Paolo Corgnati An advanced envelope retrofit option to increase solar gain and ventilation through facade for reducing energy demand of residence buildings H. Serdar Kaya, Vedia Dökmeci Development of urban hierarchies at the country and regional levels in Turkey

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