Itujfa 2018 2

ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018

Contents Y. Çağatay Seçkin • Editor Editorial

I-II

Dossier: Reading Istanbul as a ‘Palimpsest’ City Hülya Turgut Dossier Editorial

1-3

Levent Şentürk Towards a (non-)theory of the architectural palimpsests

Duygu Yarımbaş Experiencing city by walking: Communication elements

5-18

19-30

Tuba Özkan, Emre Özdemir An uncanny ‘Terrain Vague’: Yedikule Gasometer Complex

31-38

Zeynep Tarçın Turgay Reviewing Istanbul’s urban structure through a local retail shop: Neco Cornet Ice Cream Shop

39-50

Elif Belkıs Öksüz, Tuba Sarı From borders to boundaries: Istanbul land walls

51-59

Merve Güzel Istanbul: A landscape in-between virtual and real

61-68

İrem Anık, Mehmet Akif Çelenk Transformation of mental maps during urban reconstruction in the Tahtakale district considering safety and gender

Nazlı Tümerdem Recording the landscape: Walking, transforming, designing

69-81

83-106

Gizem Özer Özgür The (re)production of space with a practice of everyday life in the layers of the city İstanbul: The case study of ‘Conversation space’ Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah

107-123

Tuğçe Gürleyen Memory layers, porosity and montage as representative interfaces of anamnesis and forgetting

125-135

ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018

Theory Sima Pouya, Öner Demirel, Sahar Pouya Evaluating the playground: Focus group interviews with families of disabled children

137-146

L.M.F. Purwanto, Karsten Tichelmann Solar heat transfer in architectural glass facade in Semarang Indonesia

147-152

Osman Üçüncü Latest status of hydropower plants in Turkey: Technical, environmental policy and environmental law from the perspective of the evaluation

153-171

Orhan Hacihasanoğlu University rankings on architecture and built environment: The case of Turkey

173-181

Elif Kısar Koramaz, Turgay Kerem Koramaz, Özlem Özer Urban transformation through property-led regeneration: A case of building renewals in Istanbul

183-196

Nazire Papatya Seçkin Environmental control in architecture by landscape design

197-211

Mazouz Fatima Modernization of colonial heritage in downtown Oran

213-223

Nedime Tuba Yusufoğlu Civil aviation in Turkey in 1920s and 1930s: Büyükdere AEI facility

225-240

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Editorial Y. Çağatay SEÇKİN • Editor The first half of 2018 is now behind us and we arrived in July. While the members of ITU continue their academic studies in all campuses, they also enjoy summer outdoor activities.

As it is known, universities are institutions that raise individuals who are creative, have problem-solving and scientific thinking skills and who also know how to access knowledge, in accordance with the requirements of the information age. This process involves the development of individuals not only in the professional sense, but also intellectually and aesthetically. With this awareness, Istanbul Technical University aims to be one of the pioneering institutions in total quality point by increasing the spatial life quality while continuously renewing its academic and administrative operation.

Spatial life quality is related to both natural and built environment features. This concept is related to comfort based measurable concepts such as conservation of natural resources and ecosystem, climatic comfort and air quality, spatial aesthetics, security, equipment and comfort as well as non easily measurable concepts such as sense of belonging and place, readability, collective memory. In this frame, places to increase the life quality are where people can relate to each other, to discuss and develop ideas, to cooperate together, to connect, to feel belonging, to identify with themselves, to remember and to miss. This kind of places are located in wide variety of ways such as in university campuses, in classrooms to multi-purpose hall, in corridor to canteen, in a small courtyard or a square, in a walking line or street. These places, the quality of life is improved, are directly related to the efforts to improve the quality in academic and administrative operation and have an important value in terms of subjective and objective criterion that it has in sense of total quality.

In this framework, studies aimed at increasing the spatial life quality are being persistently planned and devel-

oped in accordance with the nature of being a pioneer university.

The first thing coming to mind of these and as of December 2017, carried the ITU to the 77th place among the world’s universities is ITU Green Campus Project. ITU became the only Turkish University which is in first hundred with 77th place among the 600 universities in Greenmetric University Ranking. With the project, it is aimed that the evaluation of existing land use and planning in framework of principles that green certification systems identified, determination of necessary strategies and carried into effect in framework of economic sustainability principles.

• Some of the targeted benefits of the project can be listed as follows: • To popularize the designs that protect the ecosystems in the campuses and conserve the continuity of the services they offer to people, • To create a green system that approaches all the elements of campuses as a whole, • To realize designs that reduce water consumption, control and filter surface flow, create habitat for wildlife, offer low energy consumption, high air quality, outdoor recreation opportunity, support human health and active life, • To ensure that campuses are certified on a world scale, in a measurable manner, • Carry out pilot study to set an example for other university campuses.

In line with these aims, many projects have been carried into effect and continue to be realized. To briefly stated, all the urban spaces in the ITU Ayazağa Campus are being reconsidered from the doors; the characterized entrance gates continue to be designed with the strongest feeling of users who are invited in that they came to place where the life quality is high. Pavement heights, pedestrian road widths, floor covering preferences, arrangements for plant material and irrigation systems, lighting elements and urban furniture selections are all determined with the aim of a green campus with a high level of spatial life quality.

The pedestrian and cyclic priority approach comes to the forefront as the

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main determining factor in the formation of the campuses. With this aim, a 6 km bicycle road was opened for use; the planning and design phases of the 2 km bicycle road have been completed and the construction process has been started. Within this approach, child, disabled and elderly access is another subject that is carefully evaluated. With this aim, pedestrian roads, footbridges, stops, parking lots and all closed areas are organized in accordance with the rules set forth in the Accessibility Monitoring and Supervision Regulation of the Ministry of Family and Social Policies, Directorate General of Services for Persons with Disabilities and the Elderly and new developments in the world concerning the subject are also being followed carefully and trying to carry into effect.

The necessity of pedestrian priority approach, parking lots are designed at various points along the belt highway of AyazaÄ&#x;a Campus and aimed to users park their vehicles at these points and visit the campus as pedestrian, by shared bicycle or shuttle buses as well as possible. Studies are continued to reduce the vehicle density in the campus with new parking lots to be installed in proportion to the campus demands.

These studies are positively influencing many values from energy consumption to air quality and carbon footprint.

Another important factor of accessing a green, high life quality campus is the selection and use of plant material, with priority preservation of the existing qualified plant inventory. For this purpose, while species with endemic and low water consumption are preferred in the first place, adaptation processes of new plant species are carefully followed and species changes are made if required.

Maintenance schedules of all used types are carefully followed; seasonal pruning of all species takes place in the direction of the annual pruning calendar. All of the water used in the irriga-

tion of green areas is supplied from the ITU Pond, which is fed with natural spring water and rain water.

With this feature, ITU Pond, a very important water reserve, will be an important landscape and recreation area with the completion of afforestation works and the opening of environmental walking/cycle roads. Studies that directed to prepare plant name tags of plant species, used in areas of pond and all landscape, to on-site introduce and notify with the collaboration of user-friendly appearance and technology are continued. When this is also completed, green areas of the campus will offer more contribution to intellectual and aesthetic development of individuals.

While I was ending my words, I had a precursory phone call and got a happy breaking news for you. Turkish Chamber of Landscape Architects (TCLA) has just announced the winners of the 2018 National Design Awards, recognizing design excellence in 5 categories, and ITU Green Campus Project has awarded as Best Implemented Project of 2018. As far as I know, winners were selected based on the level of excellence, innovation, and public impact of their body of work. So, I would say that this award could be accepted as an additional encouragement to all our efforts that I was trying to tell above.

Thank you TCLA, Thank you my colleagues, Thank you my students‌ As it always has been, my last thanks go to all our readers for the support they provide to the Journal. We really look forward your comments, contributions, suggestions and criticisms.

Please do not hesitate to share with us your feelings and especially, let us know if you have ideas or topics that we could be focusing on.

A|Z ITU Journal of the Faculty of Architecture is nothing without you.

Enjoy your reading and meet with us again in next issue on November 2018.

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Dossier Editorial: Reading Istanbul as a ‘Palimpsest’ City IAPS-CS Network was concieved as a network in the context of IAPS “International Association for PeopleEnvironment Studies”, and aims at identifying issues and problems related to culture and space interactions in the built environment and facilitate elaborative research studies within and interdisciplinary framework.

The network, coordinated by Hülya Turgut and Peter Kellett, is independent from any place or institution, and intends to establish a database, to organize meetings such as symposium and workshops, to circulate the information between concerned researchers, and to encourage research studies on the topic.

2 Palimpsest: A manuscript or piece of writing material on which later writing has been superimposed on effaced earlier writing, but still bearing visible traces of its earlier form (Oxford Dictionary).

The concept of palimpsest here refers to the multilayered structure of Istanbul and the relationships among these layers, which are written, erased, and built repeatedly on one another.

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Hülya Turgut

All the metropolises over the world, although with some differences, are growing in an accelerated way, with their restless and often chaotic characteristics, which always contain an aspect of contingency. Their elements are in a constant transformation, and the new urban spaces take form together with their citizens. Istanbul, embodying all these characteristics, has always been a ‘laboratory’ for architectural practice, research and studios, with its infinite potentials. In this context, ‘informal’ trainings and activities outside the scope of the programs applied in architecture schools have become more crucial, and the urban space of Istanbul is used in such activities. From this point of view, on the purpose of making a contribution to architectural research and education, under the framework of IKSV ‘Istanbul Culture and Art Foundation’ Istanbul Design Biennial, IAPS-CS ‘Culture and Space’ Network1 has been organizing “Culture and Space Meeting Series” in Turkey for since 2012 . The aim of organizing these activities is mainly to focus on architectural issues in urban context using the concept and theories on culture and environment relations based on the environment-behavior studies. Following this, another important aim is to bring together graduate, postgraduate and PhD students from different schools and young researchers by correlating researches and theoretical works with different levels of architectural design education and also to provide a wide range discussion milieu by organizing such an activity on the part of an independent network.

At the end of the all steps, to provide a discussion milieu including all the participants is one of the most important methodological steps of the activities.

IAPS-CS Network Activities that continued during the biennial, have composed of interrelated steps such as design workshops, article anthology/ paper selection, student competition,

exhibition/ colloquium/ symposium and publication. Within this context, the main aim is to bring on discussions on the palimpsest2 character of Istanbul and to provoke students to question multi-layered city Istanbul. The students were expected to read and interpret the multi-layered and palimpsest state of Istanbul and imperfection (the theme of the first Biennial) of its layers; to discuss the manifest of “The Future is Not What it is Used to be in Istanbul” (the theme of the second Biennial,2014) and “Are we Human?:The Design of Species /Endless Layers of Design ” (the theme of the third Biennial,2016) from their points of views and express their interpretations.

The palimpsest has been a crucible in cultural research about cities for a long time3. Among the first to use the concept, but not the term, in relation to the city, Bussa finds Sigmund Freud; in Civilization and its Discontents he builds a parallel between the layering of memory in the human psyche and in urban archaeology4. Botta utilize the palimpsest as spatial metaphor in a variety of historical contexts and in connection to a range of disciplines for instance history, architecture, literature, urban studies and musicology. This is an attempt to gain an interdisciplinary understanding of it as a viable instrument for all research dealing with issues of space. All “places” have layers, some of which are visible, some others partly visible, still others still visible, some easy to find, and some impossible to decipher5.

Istanbul, among all the other “palimpsest” cities of the world which are deeply connected and in interaction with each other via a complex system of networks, is constantly being woven with new layers, which change, bloom and overlap. Cities, which are supposed to have the potential to generate themselves in various ways each and every day, accumulate the traces of the past, today, and the future. Istanbul, with its multilayered structure, witness the generation and discussion of various premises from the past to the future.

Here, we have to explore the concepts ‘urban palimpsest’, ‘palimpsest identity’, and ‘palimpsest in architecture’.

Palimpsest, when used as a metaphor

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for spaces / cities, enables multidimensional readings, since it implies the reading the overlapping traces of the past and future altogether6.

In the second compilation of articles for the series of events7, the participants were required to present their projections, ideas and narratives on the future “When Nothing is as It was Before”, and explore the concept “palimpsest”. Six articles from that compilation were awarded by a scientific committee8, and included in this present dossier.

The theme of the third compilation was “Istanbul as a Palimpsest City and Endless Layers of Design”. The researchers were invited to contemplate on, dialogue with, and generate manifestos on Istanbul’s ever transforming design layers, and consider contemporary ideas on design from a different angle.

Three articles the third scientific committee9 granted an award are included in the present book as the last three articles. Şentürk participated to our series of events as a guest speaker, and explored the concept palimpsest with its various dimensions. He contributed the present volume with his article ‘Towards a (Non-)Theory of the Architectural Palimpsests’. His text consists of a questioning and redefinition of the concept, and constitutes a theoretical, experiential and open-ended discussion.

Yarımbaş, in her article “Experiencing the city by walking: Communication elements”, focuses on visual communication elements such as signs, signboards and street names, and analyze them as crucial sources of perception and transformation of the city by a ‘flaneur’ pedestrian. The actions of walking and perception in the city are peculiar to each and every individual, and they have an open-ended potential for transforming the city and enhancing the awareness towards the environment. Özkan and Özdemir, in their articles titled “An Uncanny Vague Terrain: Yedikule Gasometer Complex”, suggest a reading of the city through the concept of palimpsest defined as collective memory. They start with Man Ray’s 1929 photograph “Terrain Vague”, and discuss architectural perspectives on

former industrial zones, which lost their function and became uncanny vague terrains. The writers explore Yedikule Gasworks Complex via Catalan architect, De Sola-Morale’s question: “How would architecture be mobilized unless it becomes the aggressive means of power and abstract reasoning in the vague terrain?”

Turgay’s article “Reviewing Istanbul’s Urban Structure Through A Local Retail Shop: Neco Cornet Ice Cream Shop” proposes that researches on small scale urban public and semi-public spaces would contribute to the critical approaches in urban studies. She focuses on a 25-year-old ice-cream shop in a distinctive neighborhood in Fatih district, Istanbul. Her literature review and observations show that longtermed service and consumption spaces in urban areas outside the scope of transformation constitute multilayered urban elements through which temporal, spatial, economical and social sections may well be explored. This multidimensionality can be considered to a proof of palimpsest structure of Istanbul, with its global and local variants.

In “From Borders to Boundaries: The Land Walls of Istanbul”, Öksüz and Sarı take the concept “palimpsest” as a contributing element in comprehending the togetherness of the old and the new, generation of new identities in architecture by the transformation of the use / the user. In this study, the Land Walls of Istanbul are considered as the case of a transformation from visible borders to invisible boundaries, with all the temporal layers they include.

The authors review a chronological literature and analyze recent photographs, and refer to concepts “border” and “boundary” as Richard Sennett defines in his Quant: The Public Realm.

Güzel, in her article “Istanbul: A Landscape in-between the Virtual and the Real”, depicts the palimpsest city as a jungle of images, and claims that one should refer to a micro scale in order to understand it. She claims that authorities take decisions from a macro-scale perspective, while each and every citizen reproduce the city in micro-scale.

Urban space is reflected in the virtual geography of any individual who moves and acts in space. According to

Botta, G.,” Berlin as Urban Palimpsest”. In Villes invisibles et ecritures de la modernite, (Mullhouse: Orizons), pp:4354, 2012. http:// www.academia. edu/30151360/ Berlin_as_Urban_ Palimpsest.

4 Quoted in: Alessandro Busà, « City of Memory », in Ray Hutchinson, Encyclopaedia of Urban Studies, Thousand Oaks, Sage, 2010, p. 158.

5 Botta, G., “Berlin as Urban Palimpsest”. In: Villes invisibles et ecritures de la modernite, (Mullhouse: Orizons), pp:4354, 2012. http:// www.academia. edu/30151360/ Berlin_as_Urban_ Palimpsest.

6 Turgut, H. (2018).

Culture and Space Workshops as an Informel Activity in Architectural Design. In Hacıhasanoglu, O, Turgut, H, & Bayazıtoglu, C. (Eds.), Memory,Traces and the City . Pasifik Ofset, Özyegin Üniversitesi Yayınları, Mayıs, 2018.

7 The first proceedings can be found here: “Istanbul as a palimpsest city and imperfection” Ed: Hülya Turgut, A/Z Journal, Spring 2013, Volume 10 No:1, ITU – Journal of the Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul http:// www.az.itu. edu.tr/issue.htm 3

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The committee members were as follows: İpek Yada Akpınar (ITU, Department of Architecture), Semra Aydınlı (ITU, Department of Architecture), Işıl Ekin Çalak (Yeniyüzyıl University, Department of Architecture), Emine Onaran İncirlioğlu (Maltepe University, Department of Sociology), Uğur Tanyeli (Bilgi University, Faculty of Architecture), Hülya Turgut (Ozyegin Üniversitesi, Faculty of Architecture and Design), Belkıs Uluoğlu (ITU, Department of Architecture).

9 The committee membersof 2016 compile: Orhan Hacıhasanoglu (Ozyegin Üniversitesi, Faculty of Architecture and Design), Levent Şentürk (EOÜ, Architectural Department), Ayşe Özbil Torun (Northumbria University, England), Murat Şahin (Ozyegin Üniversitesi, Faculty of Architecture and Design), Hülya Turgut (Ozyegin Üniversitesi, Faculty of Architecture and Design), Belkıs Uluoğlu (ITU, Department of Architecture).

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Güzel, a new, virtual micro-formation has emerged as an addition to the palimpsest texture of the city, in which citizens can experience encounters, express themselves freely, and generate new forms of spatiality in this transspace.

In Anık and Çelenk’s article “Transformation of Mental Maps during Urban Reconstruction in Tahtakale District” Istanbul, a palimpsest city, is considered to be a living organism, and recent spatial reconstruction in Istanbul is a reflection of economical and political conjuncture in the country. They claim that urban space is transformed in such a way that a real estate based culture is imposed. Discriminative discourse of politics is dominating each and every aspect of urban space, and the past and future imagination of the city is formed to determine collective memory. Their field study focuses on the social and physical transformation of Tahtakale neighborhood, and explores the impacts of events occurred in the recent past on cognitive maps in the context of urban security and gender.

In “Recording the Landscape: Walking, Transforming, Designing”, Tümerdem deals with the act of walking as an architectural and aesthetic experience, a means of design, and a practice that constantly reconstructs the natural environment. Walking as a sensory and personal experience, she claims, creates a peculiar comprehension of urban environment. Tümerdem proposes a methodology for walking, with open-ended and experiential application of it with three walks in the northern part of Istanbul, in the region of the Third Bridge. Tümerdem considers these walks, which aim at comprehending, defining and designing the city, as minor signs and traces left on the world. These signs and traces, albeit their small-scale, add to the infinite number of layers that constitute the city. Walkers create an urban text, and the identity of the city is constructed with these layers of narratives, which in turn generate the architecture and meta-text of the city. Özer’s article “The (Re)Production

of Space with A Practice Of Everyday Life in the Layers of the City İstanbul” focuses on the quotidian practice of conversation, how this practice reproduces ‘living spaces of dialogue’, and how it impacts the socio-cultural and social formations in urban layers. Ordinary actions in our daily lives and corresponding spatial practices remain vague in urban layers, Özer claims, and social and cultural influences of those can only be observed by analyzing these vague situations. Özer takes the case of Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah as a space of dialogue, and investigates the dynamics that generate this space.

In “Memory Layers, Porosity and Montage as Representative Interfaces of Anamnesis and Forgetting”, Tuğçe Gürleyen draw attention to the spaces of memory, which enable plural readings and relationships, and their representational interfaces. She discusses on how the past is experienced in the practices of the present, how it becomes continuous, and create the sense of time.

She claims that the struggle to get rid of images, memories and experiences a lived space generate results in a mental destruction, and extreme oblivion.

She analyzes how the forgotten can be remembered with the help of porosity and montage as the representative interfaces of anamnesis and forgetting.

All the articles presented here demonstrate that the palimpsest structure of Istanbul is not limited to a physical and historical stratification. It is a juxtaposition of many dimensions, which visibly or invisibly include temporal, social, cultural and economic sections. The authors trace different layers to understand the illegible, complex and multilayered character, and emphasize the importance of urban memory. In sum, for Istanbul, as for all the cities with a palimpsest identity, and with rich sources of experience and inspiration, researches to discover the multilayered nature of urban space are so crucial. Researches on palimpsest and urban palimpsest may well contribute to the comprehension of the complex relationships among time, space and memory.

ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • 5-18

Towards a (non-)theory of the architectural palimpsests

Levent ŞENTÜRK leventsenturk@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering and Architecture, Eskişehir Osmangazi University, Eskişehir, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.69077

Received: October 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract Palimpsest is extensively explored metaphorically but not eroded much theoretically. Gérard Genette, in his outstanding Palimpsests (1982) has unintentionally broadened the architectural vocab. What kind of a diagram could be drawn if the revolutionary communications technologies would be expressed vertically?

I tried to work out another playful scheme of history as a stratified model, beginning from Non-Interactive Hierarchical Layering Model to Non-Layering/Hypertrophic Now. Huyssen’s Present Pasts examines palimpsestousness; in Pseudo-Science of Layers I followed that path in a ludic way. Coming back to Genette, hypertext implies the original text. However, each hypogram is in fact a hypergraph, a re-write. In architecture, then, every “real name” is nothing but a pseudonym.

(Mimotect instead of Architect.) The word pastiche finds a position with respect to its parallels with modernity. Then follows a palimpsestous literary project; the Lost in Translation experiment: A story is put in a perpetual translation process; all steps become more and more apocryphal. What is lost in translation is found in the parody. Then I foresaw the collapse of my Pseudo-Theory of Palimpsests in various steps, beginning from Techno-palimpsests to Anti-palimpsests. Calvino’s If on A Winter Night a Traveler is a palimpsestous hypertext, a novel that includes only beginnings. I just mentioned some characters like the Native American, The type called Irnerio and finally the most provoking Ermes Manara. I did not refer to concrete examples of Istanbul (or Berlin or another metropolis), I wanted to expand textual tracks, thus indicating other creative channels in architecture.

Keywords Gérard genette, Architectural palimpsest, Palimpsestous, Pastiche, Oulipo.

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It doesn’t take me more than about five minutes a day to do it, but I do it every day. Rain or shine, sleet or snow.

Sort of like the postman. That’s what people see, but that ain’t necessarily what I am. More than four thousand pictures of the same place. (…) Four thousand straight days in all kinds of weather. That’s why I can never take a vacation. I’ve got to be in my spot every morning. Every morning in the same spot at the same time. It’s my project.

What you’d call my life’s work. (…)

Sometimes the same people, sometimes different ones. And sometimes the different ones become the same, and the same ones disappear. The earth revolves around the sun, and every day the light from the sun hits the earth at a different angle. Tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow, time creeps on its petty pace.

Augustus “Auggie” Wren, Smoke.

(Auster, 1995)

1. Introduction Without a doubt, the palimpsest in Smoke is related to cities, places, and the space. If Auggie were not to spend the last ten years of his life “rewriting” the same frame, we would be deprived of a palimpsestous image. Being the synonymous of scraping off in terms of etymological roots of writing is not the only reason that palimpsest could not be considered apart from writing.

The palimpsest, which exactly means “re-scraping off ”, engages Andreas Huyssen in terms of its possibilities as much as Gérard Genette. Genette (Genette, 1992) adopts this concept on for a playful linguistic journey and Huyssen (Huyssen, 2003) for a contemporary metropolitan reading.

Before jotting down this piece, I ranted a great deal about palimpsest in a presentation on its architectural insights. (Şentürk, 2016) Yet, in this piece, I strived to combine my cohesive tendency to theorize palimpsest and my inquisitive tendency towards this appetizing categorization.

Palimpsest is a concept that is extensively explored metaphorically but not eroded much theoretically. Evangelina Iliopoulou remarked the importance of manipulation emphasis in metaphor.

(Iliopoulou, 2014) Once this share of manipulation is disregarded, while palimpsest is being linked with contin-

gency, everything that is written and erased by itself falls within the scope and offers the concept a transcendence that it never possessed.

1.1. Palimpsestous vocabulary: Towards an inventory In her book The Palimpsest, Sarah Dillon makes some basic emphases.

First among these emphases is her supposition that palimpsest lands could not be converted into a possession of a discipline. It is the property of everyone who writes on it. Moreover, it is not easy to mention palimpsest’s own lands, these suppositions coincide with the condition of the modern non-belongingness. Dillon, who makes an inventory of disciplines that the word palimpsest spread, mentions fields such as architecture, geography, geology, paleontology, astrophysics, glaciology, biochemistry, genetics, neuroscience, neurobiology, neurosoftware, information technology. (Dillon, 2007) Once the current concept vocab of architecture is reviewed, a palimpsestous multiperspective that justifies Dillon becomes visible: Open-endedness constantly facilitates the possibility for studio debates. Every word of criticism on cities and buildings lead to the reader. An architectural concept is addressed and it becomes the focus of the debates on polysemy.

It does not go unnoticed that some prefixes lead to an ever-expanding vocab: For instance, ‘trans-’, ‘re-’, ‘poly-’.

Derived from the prefix ‘re-’, post-modern expansions such as re-reading, reproduction (recreation), concepts of the environmental discourse such as recycle, reuse, and changing meanings of the conservation discourse (restoration, renovation) are the first instances that come to mind. Subsequent to the concepts of the post-digital era, remake, remix, and replica, others such as derivative, version, copy, clone, erroneous production, twinning, model, overprinting, original or independent copying, fictional dates emerge.

The heterotopia in urban discussions is also important. Surrealism, Oulipo, synesthesia, conceptual writing, Situationism, deconstruction/decay could be mentioned as the richest elements in terms of palimpsestous ends, within ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • L. Şentürk

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the art/philosophy context.

Dillon, furthermore, points out a predecessor: Apparently, Gérard Genette, is the first person who used the concept of palimpsestous (see, Palimpsests, 1982). (Genette, 1997a) 2. Layered history and discourse schemes

What else than a natural and mighty palimpsest is the human brain? (...) Everlasting layers of ideas, images, feelings have fallen upon your brain softly as light. Each succession has seemed to bury all that went before. And yet, in reailty, not one has been extinguished.Thomas de Quincey. 1845. (De Quincey, 2011)

There is nothing that contradicts more with the materiality of a book than reuse, given the fact that the function of a printing press is reproduction. Becoming palimpsest once more emerged as a possibility through e-books, kindles, tablet computers and smartphones. Quincey, in his text accepted as the predecessor of palimpsest problem, refers to the life of the text with its ups and downs, to the text that dies and gets resurrected, and its cyclical lifetime. Palimpsest obliterates the previous, offers a new story canvas suitable to the desire of the authority.

Hence, current understanding of history dives deeper, resurrects erased layers, recalls their souls. Quincey claims that random encounters, accidents, grotesque consecutive collisions in a real palimpsest, in short, the artificial connections, do not occur “in our brains, the wonderful palimpsest”, instead everything is preserved in a perfect memory order; the invisible palimpsest of the brain would only be revealed at times of dream, madness or death. He assumes the activities in the human brain are palimpsestous through creating an internal metaphor from an external medium as palimpsest. It is a similar metaphor as considering the operation of a computer palimpsestous. Today palimpsest became spatial and urban. Today, it is more plausible to externalize the image and use it for the city, instead of adopting an adaptation rhetoric through Quinceyism.

What kind of a diagram could be drawn if the revolutionary communications technologies modern cities faced during the last two centuries would be expressed vertically similar to the layers of history? An appropriate (sufficiently complex) diagram could be established through a cascade of respective seven layers, with the latter on top, namely, telegraph (i), radio (ii), telephone (iii), television (iv), video (v), mobile phone (vi) and internet (vii).

In drawing such diagram, there exists the basic assumption that each layer spreads continuously horizontally in complete domination of “now” in their own time. The horizontality of the diagram represents the spatiotemporal continuity as well as the chronological continuity, yet, the simultaneous existence of the layers in which the latter does not bury the former should be taken into consideration. (De Quincey, 2011) It is essential to place innumerable intermediates, such as telex, fax, etc., on the right layers. The case of the radio transmitter is thought-provoking: for instance, it is both old and current. This indicates that the radio transmitter should be routed and spread in the spatiotemporal cradle of communication technologies, through being thinned downed, broken, and granulized from time to time in a large vertical section.

There would be definite temporal divisions in the diagram: nobody today would claim that we exist in the telegraphy era; thus, the telegraph might bear ends that would cling only up to the third layer (telephone age). Yet, this is not the case for the deepest second layer, the radio. It is one of the most influential vessels ever existed since the day it was found (telephone age, television age, video age, mobile phone and internet age), that explodes with big lobes in the face of the “now” we step on. Video, on the other hand, does not even go back to the telephone age in the section dominated by the second layer; it is paramount to locate it in the fifth layer (television age); climbs up to today, continuing to pulverize the thickening now of the internet.

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3. Intermezzo I: Towards a pseudoscience of layers Once the horizontal and vertical layer diagrams are accepted as the palimpsest model, it might be possible to create such dramatization: 3.1. Non-interactive hierarchical layering model It is the idealization of a layering (stratification) that is critically referenced to describe a solid, impermeable and immobile state. It is a model that geologic, sequential occurrences are believed to exist through completing their cycle, and that could become functional through generalizations that spread over time.

3.2. Threshold layering model An essentially rhetorical model based on the ambiguity of the boundary line between layers. Fuzziness allows movement in the field of discursive uncertainty that aids to avoid a.

However, this is nothing more than the ‘symptomatic’ addition that facilitates the digestion of the hierarchical model when administered together with some uncertainty. It is the characteristic of the narratives that renders an effective swallowing of the hierarchical layering through the use of the metaphor.

3.3. Interpenetrating layering model A progressive, interpenetrating rhetorical model of narratives that suggests transition zones, cindery hybrid layers, and maniere categories while preserving the periodicities. Buffer zones are meticulously embedded within the narrative. It secures the fixed layers and renders the hierarchy semi-palimpsestous. It is observed that they represent an important linear narrative region in terms of representing the beginning of the melt entities that expand and attain identity/belonging among the layers.

3.4. Melt layering model This model creates hypertrophies, (Huyssen, 2003) transactional surfaces that expand over the previous without deteriorating the order of the layers.

This is a movement that shakes the whole hierarchy; it composes a prephase that could easily be evolved to

Figure 1. Towards a Pseudo-Science of layers.

a palimpsest, where all layers confined in a narrow space –even remaining at a binary level– melt.

3.5. Symbolic palimpsest An anti-hierarchical model, in which each layer –at a minimum– excommunicates with the now. A moment of palimpsestous crisis that both the bottom layer and the top layer announce themselves through micro strands, vertical thrusts, and surface bounces, ending the domination of the now.

An additional e2 diagram should be drawn: According to this, the projection of the hierarchical, upward thrusting layers on the now, the nearest layer to now should bear the broadest appearance; as the layer deepens, its traces on the now decrease. It is a hiITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • L. Şentürk

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erarchical layering compatible with chronological perception.

3.6. Hierarchical palimpsest A rich, two-way palimpsest that has concentrated symbolic ends destabilized by melt layers. On one hand, layers progress as far as possible in a binary interaction, on the other hand, preserve their extensions that bounce on the surface from the other side.

3.7. Multidimensional palimpsest The occurrence of the layer motion that represents the virtual threshold of becoming palimpsestous, the development of a permutative relationship corresponds to a moment at which each layer performs horizontal and vertical extensions. Each layer does not only stretch to now, but also demonstrates a movement towards others that are supposedly dead, and sense that its rhizomes are activated. Up and down, mutual rooting, bring the seemingly impossible-to-touch layers in history together in a single time-movement.

3.8. Now-palimpsest As a countermeasure to the current situation baptized by Andreas Huyssen as Present-Pasts, it is the hollowing out of the phenomenon, the ‘past’, through an infinite leap of the now towards the past, and a siege towards the disappearance of the past. Consequently, now would rapidly be filled with the past and turn into a realm of rapid wear and falling off the agenda, which could be summarized as ‘shortening of the shelf life.’

3.9. Non-layering / Hypertrophic now At a phase of the Now-Palimpsest, layer parts freed from collocation that are sepeately included in the now arise.

These are non-plied layers that tend to become fictitious. They are the particles that float inside the now. Root movement extravagantly increases among the absolutely besieged, narrowed layers; the layers also lose their primeval positions within a non-hierarchical entanglement; in an anachronistic way, they could bounce, emerge anywhere in accordance with their amphibious nature within the now.

4.Intermezzo II: Towards a pseudo-science of palimpsests Architectural parodies are reminisced through the postmodernism of the 1980s. Genette provides a broad coverage to the parody that illuminates the phenomenon, ‘rewriting’, that is underlying beneath the palimpsest.

(Genette, 1997a) Para-ode means to sing together; from another measure, it is to transform the song, to deform it. Looking at the past of the genres in literary history, parody is the common genre of all times. Caricature emerged at the end of the nineteenth century.

In contrast, travesty is a genre of the seventeenth century. In Neoclassical writing (19th century) famous works were deliberately distorted, comedies and ridicules were penned down with the travesty technique. Hypertexts, on the other hand, emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century. (Genette, 1997a) If we consider the word palimpsest as a hypogram (original text) of a distorted lexicon, it is possible to write x-psest (akin to the Le Lionnais’ formulation of ou-li-po in an open-ended form of ou-x-po) (Ouvroir–de littérature–potentielle: Ou–li–po: Is the acronym for the Potential–literature– atelier. Here ‘li’, namely the literature part, could be replaced by ‘x’, and be considered for architecture, music, kitchen, caricature etc; in short, every area might have a potential atelier; it is not limited to literature: ou-x-po.) instead of palim-psest [re-scrape]. In such case, there might well be a series of synonyms of palimpsest: Re-psest or neo-psest, for instance.

Bio-psest –everlasting individual museumfication– could be introduced in circulation in biographical literature, recalling Huyssen’s concept of the occupation of the now by the past.

As punitive for Genette’s architext, arche-psest or ur-psest could be considered. Arkhe-psest could replace the pursuit of an origin that all palimpsestous metaphors would be appropriated to.

Ur-psest would as well be an amusing yet contradictory word such as architext (or hypogram, root-text); where could the root of a rootless thing would be sought?

Contingency dimension of De

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Quincey’s palimpsest metaphor emerged in 1845 (De Quincey, 2011) could be explored through different means in natural phenomena (by ignoring the manipulation of the human mind for a moment): the hydro-psest or aqua-psest of infinite flows, the aero-psest of the clouds, the minero-psest or the terra-psest of the earth’s crust.

It is possible to mention the gravi-psest of the layering in the earth’s crust; if gravity is responsible for everything.

Perchance, as homo sapiens, we are talking within an anthro-psest. In that case, it were essential to invent zoopsests and even botani-psests, following the footsteps of Oulipians that suggest “animal languages”. (Mathews, 1998: 49, 50) (“At the 1st of July 1963 meeting of Oulipo, Le Lionnais mentions to write poetry using human expressions that are only understood by some animals. Hence, poems written for dogs, cows, foxes, etc. would emerge. Simultaneously, Le Lionnais suggests that dialogues between a seal and a finch, or between a fox and grasshopper could be written. Bens advocates, “Isn’t it the thing called the talk of the deaf people?” Lescure says that one of his customers who breeds race horses reads Baudelaire to them and the horses love it. Queneau claims that it is doping.

Queval says that he breeds domestic crows that can understand MacOrlan’s language. Lescure asks if he could teach himself to understand the crows, and Arnaud says the dogs are letterists.

[Because they bark with a single letter, Authors Note] Finally, Lescure states that Le Lionnais could make the poets, who are about to lose readership, gain a new readership.)

Since palimpsest is interested in the dead (archeology) it is possible to mention of the nekro-psest.

If we were to scale palimpsests we could pass from mikro-psests to makro-psests.

If we could save the palimpsests from being a game of vertical layering, we could be stepping into the realm of the omni-psest.

It is necessary to seek assistance in terms such as geo-psest in order to define the palimpsestous nature of the digital world.

Possibly, velocity palimpsests could be named as drono-psests, being inspired by Virilio. (With respect to the concept of dromology used by Paul Virilio regarding the problem of velocity and modernity. Today, dronelogy [flying drones] is highly fashionable.)

Sarah Dillon suggests a palim-in-cest or in-psest linked to incest in the queer version of the palimpsest.

It is possible to talk about phono-psest of sound, thermo-psest of heat, lumino-psest of light following Giacomo Bottá, (Bottá, 2012) who mentions the palimpsests of various feelings.

One day, palimpsest of garbology could as well be invented, perhaps it is already invented; along with the urban and metropolitan palimpsest literature.

(On this matter, applies Gary Synder’s “composting” image, in the piece “Fact and/or/plus Fiction” (p. 113) by Le Guin (2004). The things that enter the imagination of the author turn into soils of creativity that rots and provides the environment for the formation of a new idea.)

5. Hypogram, architext In his playful masterpiece, Palimpsests, consisting of eighty parts, Genette (1997a) objectifies the difference between the original text and the text derived from the original through the duality of hypogram/hypertext. Hypogram, Hypotext, Hypertext, whaterver it is called, imply the original text. (Genette, 1997a) Sarah Dillon, on the other hand, refers to a genotext/phenotext concept pair that resembles genotype/ phenotype distinction, referring to the genetic terminology of HD. (Dillon, 2007) Architext is more originality based, it is a model; the author defines it as “the totality of general or transcendental categories that each text comes out of ”. (Dillon, 2007) and (Genette, 1999) What if there is no hypogram, what if it never existed? In such case, a hypertext caries itself in the root text, its “arche” is intrinsic.

Genette classifies Raymond Queneau’s famous book, 1014 Poems, within the category he calls “autograph hypertext”: the book itself is secondary, being unable to master originality (!). Another rootless hypertext is Michel Butor’s book of variations, 6,810,000 Liters of ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • L. Şentürk

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Water per Second. Butor explains his book as: “The text seems to be overlapped on itself. The shock created by the two words divided by many empty lines in Chateaubriand’s text lead new and increasing weird and fantastic images.” moted into regulations. (“The text appears to be superimposed upon itself. The shock of two words which, in Chateaubriand’s text, are seperated by numerous lines, yields new and increasingly strange and fantastic images.” Genette, 1999) According to Genette, the subject of aesthetics is transtextuality or textual transcendence, in brief, it is “the thing that establishes an apparent or implicit relationship between a text and other texts”. Genette sets out five levels of transtextual relations, from citation to plagiarism, from implication to imitation and to paratext (any textual side elements, such as titles or epigraphs).

(On the latter, he also has a book.) (Genette, 1997b) Transtextualism promises more than a linear reading. Yet, linear reading only produces meaning, and transtextualism reveals the mechanism that functions. (The author refers here to another theorist of transtextuality, Michael Riffaterre. The issue Riffaterre deals, according to Genette, is micro-structural; similar to the detailing process, rather than an image.

(Genette, 1997b)) However, since each text is derived/ produced from other texts, and since the “original” is lost or it is practically impossible to find the original, each hypogram is in fact a hypergraph: a derivative, a re-write. Accepting that every text, whether literary or not, is a hypertext, it becomes evident that some literary texts exceed in being hypertextual, thus they become increasingly palimpsestious. In his preface to the English translation, Gerald Prince accepts Genette’s research (again through Genette’s definition) as an excellent example of “open structuralism”: an intertextual insight, rather than insisting on the text itself, its closure, and insisting on the internal relations of its constituent elements. Explicitly, how texts reread and rewrite each other, an infinite transformation or a paratextual combination create Genette’s critical activity. (Genette, 1997b)

6. Pastiche According to Genette, Perec’s novel, A Void, (Perec, 2005) is an example of “autonomus oulipism”. (Throughout the book, Genette uses the suffix “-ism” in a sense of humorous mimicry and produces many new terms.

“X-ism” means “Pseudo-X.”) Genette says that Perec’s first version of A Void might not be lipogramatic, it could be likely to be rewritten so that it does not contain the letter ‘e’. Lipogram (writing a text without using one or several letters) is a palimpsest technique; a lipogramatic text could be applied further lipogram constraints. (It means that A Void could be rewritten to lipogram ‘a’, since lipogram is an open-ended technique where the cycle can be extended forever). (Genette, 1997a) Oulipism is derived from the Exquisite Corpse Game of Surrealism. According to Genette, it is a roulette-like, luck-based game, bears a mechanical playability, it is not semantic but is methodical; then, is it possible to try an asemic method?

(Genette, 1997a) “Imitation is generalization”: Genette says that it is impossible to imitate a text, only a style or genre could be imitated. Imitation is a specific performance, it is the ability to produce the right performances ceaselessly. Therefore, it is impossible to directly imitate a text, the text could only be imitated indirectly. Genette names pastiches and all kinds of pseudo-text as mimotext, Genette. (In such case, imitation literature becomes mimologics.) (Genette, 1997a) According to the author, forgery is the most naïve and simple one among the mimotexts; forgery should stay as transparent as possible without attracting attention to the text homogenization process, could look no more or no less original than the original.

(Genette, 1997a) I suppose there is no other object that cannot be known by the name of its architect than an architectural structure: a structure belonging to the architect in pure state, so that he could sign his name underneath, is a complete paradox. It could as well be called mimotect instead of Architect. Everyone who has been mobilized with a great effort in constructing the structure, especially the architect him/herself, produce an

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anonymous building of a non-existent architect, an autopost, an omnipastiche.

In this case, we should write the death of the architect, beside Roland Barthes’ concept, the death of the author, without hesitation (Barthes, 2013). Barthes, who takes the death of the author back to Mallarmé’s mode of production, cracked an immense gap in functioning of the text in supremacy of the supra-personal, supra-individual dimensions; we can put all architects, their names, texts about them, their buildings, countless mythologies and industries produced around their buildings, again without hesitation.

They would fit a single drawer –even if this drawer is rather large.

The legendary names of the architectural history appear to be produced as a posteriori, hence become the scapegoat of historical writing. However, this process is synchronous, that is, the architect’s name is something that produced by oneself while designing. In this regard, Le Corbusier’s “is the right way”; to accept a pseudonym in advance. [Le Corbusier, Phallotect.]

Because every “real name” is nothing but a pseudonym. In this respect, the word pastiche finds a position with respect to its parallels with modernity, although it emerged late in the eighteenth century in France, and its root, paste, means to paste in Italian. (Genette, 1997a) Genette detects that there are pies in many parts of Proust’s In Search of Lost Time, and explores them extensively.

While Proust wrote like Flaubert on purpose, the formula becomes “Flaubert as read by Proust,” or “Flaubert as written by Proust”, or even –maybe the most significant– “Flaubert as read by Proust through us / as mediated by us.”

Binary and triple formulas come into play. (Genette, 1997a) Architectural languages are the radical alternates of the “animal language” proposed by the oulipians; architects are creatures that speak through the artificial languages they created or previously created by others. What if we were to translate these languages into palimpsestous pastiches? Let’s have a look at Genette’s formula “C writes A in B”: A wide perspective that represents an advanced stage of pastiche art in ar-

chitecture opens: “A Brian Cantley emulating Kahn like Ando” style could be developed. “A Rural Studio that builds Libeskind in Diether Roth style”. Architectural versions of the Exquisite Corpse Game, a layered pastiche studio.

There is no doubt that the contribution of pastiche academy to our intellectual life would be much less ridiculous and much more scientific than the contributions of many existing institutions. Serial imitation or “trans-stylization” does not have to be just a variation of the kind of Style Studies: it could also be “A writes A in A”: The mirrors seem to be positioned face to face. “The broth of the broth of the broth of the rabbit [a distant relation]” is a similar formula. A formula that could be adapted to most of the outcome of the commercial architecture.

If we go back to Genette’s ironic “X-ism=Pseudo-X” formula, its architectural equivalent could be written as “Le Corbusierism = Pseudo-Le Corbusier”. Hadidisms, Gehrisms, Corbuisms, and so on. These can be addressed in the context of architectural transcendentalism. Peter Zumthor’s late period Zumthorism can be interpreted especially in the context of the Meelfabric project, an autoposting and an auto-Zumthorism example. Genette touched on the strength of the authors to detect autopilot; The same thing is detectable in the context of architecture.

Palimpsestism (Pseudo-Palimpsest) could also be considered as a personal passion and obsessive writing experience. It might be the case that copy-paste civilization considers palimpsest not merely a scraping surface, but also considers it as a direction to set the course on. Smartphone applications, as scraping surfaces, provide the opportunity to sweep the medium.

All contents of the e-mail boxes could be deleted and the trash bins (recycle bins) of the computers could be emptied. You could delete all your tweets.

All chats in Whatsapp could be deleted.

These are small-scale formattings. It is possible to consider them as micro-palimpsests of everyday life.

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tial perception to become more and more radarized/sensitized. In the autocatalytic form, it is transformed into a medium that produces new functions and uses everyday, instead of a set of technology that combines some pre-defined functions like a “stereo”.

Matching locations on maps assigned a contradictory meaning to derivé: The body, which became an expert without knowing any place in the world, could go from one place to another without being lost and lost at the same time.

The new kingdom of mediation.

7. A palimsestous literary project: Chinese whispers or lost in translation Under the title of pastiche, I quoted Genette and mentioned that lipogramme, the writing principle of Perec’s novel A Void, may not be valid only once. Now let us take a look at a translation initiative, following this evil predicament. Where would an individual would get if she or he would write and rewrite her or his own text in some kind of an amnesiac cycle?

Changing by forgetting, and forgetting by changing would require a memory that would conduct the process deliberately.

Oulipist sub-languages enables new / unknown texts. It is also possible to think about the consequences of literary translation lineage. Let us imagine that every published book is re-translated for every reader, with a method that follows Genettist games and could be labeled as “originalism”. “Translation on demand” instead of “print on demand”. It could be assumed that the common ground of language would be shaken and fall into a kind of Babylonism. This, of course, would be the Babylonization of the translation field.

If there were not one but thousands of A Void manuscripts - countless unique translations. Then, Perec’s would be A Little Void. Another name could be found for A Big Void: Apocryphism.

I attempted to conduct this experiment with my first story, The First Oulipian. I asked a friend of mine to translate the story into English. Then I asked another friend to translate the English text to Turkish without mentioning the

fact that the original was Turkish. The manuscript that was translated back to the original language is another hypertext. Therefore, it is a hypertext that could not become a hypotext.

The title changes in Chinese Whispers, in a single step, the missing knot turns into a historical reality, the phrases do not come back the same way. The parody in the Chinese Whispers experiment could not be found in any one of the steps. Parts are individually consistent with the rules of translation.

However, we know well that the transformations cannot be observed in any other book as historically clear.

Is the manuscript we read translated well? Or is it like a ping-pong ball that resonates in Chinese Whispers, an already apocryphal product when it was translated back to its own language?

Palimpsestism does not leave the translation alone. What is lost in translation is found in the parody.

When we consider palimpsest as an active deed, a writing, historicizing, transcription, we could follow the intent of the perpetrator / writer / designer. However, in several examples where palimpsest is considered as a metaphor, the reader perceives the act as a description of a spontaneous landscape or one created by fate. There is not a certain perpetrator but a series of offenders in time who are unaware of each other.

8. Intermezzo III: Towards the collapse of the pseudo-theory of palimpsests translation

Some books will remain famous but will be considered anonymous works, as for us the epic of Gilgamesh; other authors’ names will still be well known, but none of their works will survive, as was the case with Socrates; or perhaps all the surviving books will be attributed to a single, mysterious author, like Homer.(Calvino, 1990)

Which issues about the day we experience through categories could be solved? We could talk about techno-psestler, ur-psests, chrono-psests, archi-psests, cyclo-psests, even anti-psests as much as we want, it is futile.

While a categorizing gene in me works, the cells that are its antigens start a civil war.

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8.1. Becoming techno-palimpsest Would technology allow the production of a palimpsestous response in the life? When we try to place all analog or digital manifestations of the world of screens, it becomes immediately apparent that none of these is palimpsestous. They were produced not to leave a single trace behind, at least in appearance.

We cannot find homeostatic, regulatory, and cyclic palimpsest of the machines. It is true that they are conducted to write and rewrite, but the modus operandi is based on zeroing, it leaves no traces. In myriad devices, apparatus, equipment, activity, and space, in numerous spatial panels where acts, memories, processes and labor could be reprocessed, nothing occurs that could remind palimpsest. We continue to live in a technological universe in a repetition with infinite capacity as long as the traces are removed.

When dictated within the context of Deleuzeian becoming, palimpsest could be perceived as becoming palimptsestous.

Recycling industry, recycle economy, raw material recycling, packaging industry, etc. provide us which examples that become palimpsest? A big nothing. Historically, looking backwards, it is true that we came up with the palimpsest metaphor, which is nothing more than a deleted media itself, with the acid-erased parchment. Similarly looking at it today, where we see nothingness and pure deletion, those who suffer from the hyper-cleansing technologies of the future could argue that today was palimpsestous one day - but that does not mean much now. Household recyclers (washers, dishwashers, dryers, etc.) fight against bacterial palimpsest by hygienizing the clothes, but individuals do not stop from carrying traces to their homes from the flea markets. Flows go forward and backward, bad penny always turns up, there are bacteria that come back to homes in response to the destroyed bacteria, like beachcombers.

The production line, consecutive, synchronic, homogeneous operation of a series of machines, a factory machine consisting of a group of machines, a larger factory consisting of factories,

etc. As the scale grows and becomes complicated, still there is no trace of palimpsestous content. The machines that leave traces and erase them work in the same shift, one wipes out the traces left by the other; this is its condition of existence. All experiences are turned into (residue) and (their traces) are destroyed: Becoming garbage.

8.2. Ur/Archaic palimpsests There is a vast accumulation of imagination on experiences in cleansing, initiating, infinite, archaic that existence always rolls back at, pre-individual, pre-ego, even pre-memory realms, however the recording of the traces in these realms is a totally different subject. If ur/archaic palimpsests (ocean, sky, etc.) are the source-palimpsests or the hypo-palimpsests, then the source is unreachable since the source constantly transforms itself.

There is a similar situation in the palimpsest of the field that is not authored by the individual but where the individual is also authored and contains the comprehension of the language that enabled Barthes to announce the death of the author. The mirror is a heterotopic object, but it cannot be observed as one of the uncanny images of ur-palimpsest. Because, the memory of the mirror is also forbidden for the object of the mirror. Continuous earth cycles: Day and night; moon and tide, etc. Nothing is written here, thus the traces are not accessible, the irreversible physical processes are at work.

Simurg was born of his ashes, not the palimpsest. Palimpsest is evil, that is, the imperfect Simurg, its destruction is inevitable.

8.3. Chrono palimpsests As a polysemic image, the clock belongs to the being rather than the palimpsest. The grave as a heterotopic space is the space and the image where the bodies are sent to the field of both the void and rememberence. Cemeteries are the most efficient palimpsest sources.

8.4. Architectural palimpsest There are certain achievements of the body as a result of the work by “architectural dispositive”: (The reference ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • L. Şentürk

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is to the concept of “dispositive” by Giorgio Agamben.) Some embodied functions (i.e., imaginary functions that have been imposed on the body or have been insidiously integrated with the body, thus succeeding in making the body obedient) have been made possible by architecture. The body is encircled by both devices and the desire to be encircled by devices.

The architectural tools are not different from the tools of power; they work against the palimpsest one. Powerful tools, such as the grid, could serve palimpsest only when they lose their power and are used in a gamified / ludic manner. The situation is not different for objects such as the go board and the chessboard. In terms of infinite possibilities, the movie Pi (Aronofsky, 1998) is a powerful example; as the elements are positioned, the possibilities start to run out. The game is finalized and the media is renewed. Palimpsest is not in the board but within the players.

Two capitals of the cycle of capitalist homogeneity (the mall and the touristic town) are also the strongest amnesic spaces that are linked by the airport.

8.5. Cycle-palimpsests The cyclical ownership systems of the law is a space where writing, deleting and rewriting of property, barter, rent, credit, allocation mechanisms.

Ranking mechanisms, which are cyclical body systems, carry out other cycles in the society through civil service, title and rank. The service uniform that reduces the body to ready, defined, anonymous functions is an erasing mechanism. But the palimpsest system occurs as the error, not the objective of the system.

8.6. Anti-palimpsests In the tension between forgetting and remembering, the objects of remembrance including tokens, honor lists, diaries and mugs serve the oblivion. The archive is one of the sources of palimpsest. (The cemetery could also be considered as an archive.) The museums and libraries are also registrars.

Keeping track and not keeping track is meaningful in the tension between oblivion and remembrance. Vintage culture (wearing traces), leaving trac-

es in the public space (engraving on benches, trees, public bathroom writings, destruction of ancient ruins) are palimpsestous. Ancient spaces, objects, sculptures, and scenes provide a space for the palimpsest. On the urban scene, the line of a demolished building on the neighboring massive wall, graffiti are strong palimpsestous images. The urban scene could abet palimpsests.

9. Calvino’s palimpsest Calvino’s If on a Winter Night a Traveler is a palimpsestous hypertext, a novel that includes only beginnings. As an encyclopedia of novels, A Traveler was also set up as a model that includes all possible novels, at least that is one of the main intentions. Calvino’s How I Wrote One of My Books (Calvino, 1996) provides a rundown of the model of A Traveler: the step-by-step progress of the palimpsest reveals the spectacular divergence of the semiotic quadrangle of Greimas. The architectural map or the grid model formed by initially increasing and then decreasing squares is the schematic twin of the model the author built in Invisible Cities. Certainly, this is only a formal resemblance.

Because in A Traveler, the plot is established by the symbols of the foundation elements of the narrative and narrative premises that relates to these symbols within each quadrangle. In Invisible Cities, each quadrangle includes only the name of a city; the subcategories that form the book’s content are obtained with the cross-relationships between the cities on the existing grid map.

The reader, who does not know the model of A Traveler, would not lose her or his reading pleasure. How I Wrote One of My Books is not just an explanatory note for one of Oulipo masterpieces, A Traveler, but in my opinion, it is a theory about the mathematics of palimpsest.

The three characters in the book are the most powerful representatives of the palimpsest: the first of these is the sacred Native American who is said to recite unread books. Second is Irnerio: Irnerio prides himself on being a reader who “manages not to read” any books. As a sculptor who treats the books as raw material, he cuts them

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up, combines them, freezes and recycles them. He seems determined to take becoming palimpsest to a different level: he dreams of sculpting the copies of the catalogue that would include his exhibited work in the future.

But perhaps the most powerful figure of becoming palimpsest is Ermes Marana: he is behind all kinds of gerrymandering and cheating throughout the book; Ermes Marana, who mixed all translations, defrauded the publishers with false translations, contributed to the construction of the meandering structure of A Traveler. He speaks through Calvino’s mouth: “What’s with the name of the author on the cover?

You should think about three thousand years from now. Who can say which contemporary books would live on?

Who can say which authors’ names would be remembered?” (Calvino, 1990) 10. Trimming To abbreviate or extend a manuscript is inevitably to create another manuscript, according to Genette (Genette, 1997a) While expanding-collapsing something in the fields of visual representation, graphics, etc. creates no problems, it leads to a structural change in the textual field.

Trimming in architecture is a rewriting style that could have dramatic consequences similar to textual trimming; mechanical objects such as stairs, chimneys, load-bearing system cannot be trimmed, just like letters cannot be omitted from words. So, trimming works at a more total level. As a matter of fact, urban buildings could always be curetted as a whole and could be fine in their new form against all odds. This is what is always done to industrial buildings. Buildings are simply rewritten in the context of the “abstract” in the textual sense, whereas the content that it inherits from itself is stronger in the paradoxical sense.

It is no longer just an old factory; although it is now plundered schematically to the extent that there is no longer a trace of its identity as a factory, it is now a hyper-pastiche up-ranked with protection, with a clear signature of an architect; it is now “better than the original”, but in a highly ironic way –it is commercialized, gentle, docile, wellknown.

11. Building as a hypertext The three current versions of Marquis de Sade’s story titled Justine resulted in its description as a palimpsest. (McMorran, 2007) It entails three original variations, each a hypertext of another; three original versions, one a hypotext / original when compared to another. Similar situations are taken for granted in the field of architectural design. If the same was true for Frank Lloyd Wright’s Guggenheim (which was indeed a conical mastaba in the early stages), it would be believed that the built one had rendered others apocryphal.

The other possibilities are considered to be disposed of by history and do not become the subject of a palimpsestous inquiry. It was firmly believed that the nature of architectural design was based on the progressive continuity of sketches. However, the palimpsest nature of projects that were yet to be built are more evident. Each ghost-design is a hypertext; the ambiguity created by the idea and its variants is considered ordinary. Whatever is in the architect’s sketches, the built building will be considered “real” – although no one considers that a building is the hypertext of its own project, every building, in fact, is a hypertext as a constructional whole that refers to the ideas it was constructed with. Its hypotext does not derive only from other buildings that precede it; it is derived from other projects, other unconstructed works; it is a hypertext that contains clear references to other projects of the architect.

The visual memory of the architect also has a share in the formation of hypertext.

Wittgenstein house is a palimpsest –a re-writing of Paul Engelmann’s design, who also worked in Loos’ firm.

Wittgenstein’s development of his proposal by changing an existing design is similar to the process which Genette called the unwrite process: “Unwrites, ellipses, implicit formulations, expressions disconnected with their context, contradictory details shine under the mess of confusing and intricate narrative.” (Genette, 1997a) Paul Wijdeveld detailed the changes implemented by Wittgenstein on the project. (Vijdeveld, 1999) Wittgenstein implemented radical changes in the building that he supervised in every stage of construcITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • L. Şentürk

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tion between 1926-29, despite the fact that he started with a neoclassical Viennese palais, arrived at a radically simplified building, even compared to those by Adolf Loos.

12. In lieu of a conclusion Talking about buildings and physicality when contemplating about context in urban discussions is taken for granted. I find the discussion of the “text” dimension of concept to be equally gratifying. In my article on Palimpsest / city / architecture, I did not want to refer to concrete examples of Istanbul (or Berlin or another metropolis), I wanted to expand textual tracks, thus indicating other creative channels and I hope that this would be appreciated. In architecture, we experience a period where textuality and new forms of expression are on the rise again. Archaeological “case studies” could also be used to focus on Istanbul within the context of palimpsest; just as Sinan Logie and Yoann Morvan did in Istanbul 2023, (Logie and Moryan, 2017) containing a black humor dérive. I have adopted the ancient method of returning to textual inspiration sources in the form of “looking at something else to understand something”. I emphasize textuality not only in the present article, but also in my own studio practice.

On the other hand, I did not mention artists such as Perry Culper or Brian Cantley (and many others in AD’s horrendous special issue titled Drawing Architecture) that I would like to take a close look at in this article. I will leave it for another article. In Berlin, that I lost in my childhood and discovered again after thirty years, I could not write anything about whether the people realized that they were filled with an indefinite longing, a sense of loss and alienation after the wall similar to mine.

I was not able to write an article on the photographs taken from the wall covered with manuscripts near the Delphi temple, the point where I was glued at, nor on the photographs I took of the cuneiform tablets at the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations in Ankara. Similarly, I could not write about the palimpsestous relationship between pastiche and a kind of “cut-up

poetry” method, which I call vertical poetry, and the mode of production I utilize in my designs based on the Humument-type slurred literary works in the present article. Likewise, I did not have a chance to open a visual and written parenthesis about my pixel art titled Deleted Universes, which I later thought was a palimpsest. I was also thinking about conducting a reading through palimpsest about the project, which was one of the most significant memories of my architectural training and about fingerprinting. Again, a reading of the construction scaffolds that I have photographed everywhere I saw them for nearly twenty years might have contributed to this theoretical, urban and architectural article on palimpsest. However, it is best to leave the ends of the coil the way they are for now.

Acknowledgements In memory of Harry Mathews and my mom Saadet Şentürk (1956-2017).

References Barthes, R. (2013). Yazarın Ölümü.

Dilin Çalışma Sesi. Trans. Ece, A. et al. İstanbul: YKY Barthes, R. (1989). The Rustle of Language. Trans. Howard, R., Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press Bottá. G. (2012). Berlin as Urban Palimpsest. In: Villes Invisibles et écritudes de la moternité. Choné, A. (ed.), Mulhouse: Ôrizons. 43−54.

Calvino, I. (1996). Kitaplarımdan Birini Nasıl Yazdım. Trans. Rifat, M., İstanbul: İyi Şeyler.

Calvino, I. (1990). Bir Kış Gecesi Eğer Bir Yolcu. Trans. İnce, Ü., İstanbul: Can. 103.

Calvino, I. (1981). If On a Winter’s Night a Traveler. Trans. Weaver, W., Orlando: Hardcourt Brace & Company.

Dillon, S. (2007). The Palimpsest. Literature, Criticism, Theory. New York, London: Bloomsbury Academic.

D’Intino, F. (1997). The Letter as Palimpsest of Literature: Pirandello Versus Woolf. Pirandello Studies. Journal of the Society for Pirandello Studies. Ed. Anna Laura Lepschy. 17, 58−77.

Gabucio, M. J., Cáceres, I., et al.

(2016). Unraveling a Neanderthal Palimpsest from a Zooarcheological and

Towards a (non-)theory of the architectural palimpsests

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Taphonomic Perspective. Archaeol Anthropol Sci. Berlin: Springer.

Genette, G. (1999). Architext. An Introduction. Trans. Lewin, J. E., Oxford: University of California Press.

Genette, G. (1997a). Palimpsests.

Literature in the Second Degree. Trans.

Newman, C. and Doubinsky, D., US: University of Nebraska Press.

Genette, G. (1997b). Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation. US: Cambridge University Press.

Huyssen, A. (2003). Present Pasts: Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory. US: Stanford University Press.

Iliopoulou, E. (2014). Claremont Road Occupation: Protestival and Urban Palimpsest. Architectural Humanities Design Theory. 2013-14. Tutor: Karin Jaschke. University of Brighton.

Le Guin, U. K. (2017). Zihinde Bir Dalga. Yazar, Okur ve Hayal Gücü Üzerine. Trans. Birkan, T. et al. İstanbul: Metis.

Le Guin, U. K. (2004). The Wave in the Mind: Talks and Essays on the Writer, the Reader, and the Imagination.

Boston: Shambhala.

Logie, S., Morvan, Y. (2017). İstanbul 2023. Trans. Şaşmazer, N., İstanbul: İletişim.

Mathews, H. (1998). Oulipo Compendium. London: Atlas Press.

McMorran, W. (2007). Intertextuality and Urtextuality: Sade’s Justine Palimpsest. Eighteenth Century Fiction.

(19/49) 369.

Perec, G. (2005). Kayboluş. Trans.

Yardımcı, C., İstanbul: Ayrıntı.

Perec, G. (2005). A Void. Trans.

Adair, G., Boston: Verba Mundi. de Quincey, T. (2011) [1845]. The Palimpsest of the Human Brain. In: Suspiria de Profundis and Other Writings. Digireads.com book Publishing.

Simon, R. (Producer), Aronofsky, D. (Director) (1998). π [Pi]. US: Independent. Şentürk, L. (2016). Palimpsestler, Karşılık Bulma Denemesi., In: Türümüz Sonsuz Tasarım Katmanları Arasındadır. Prof. Dr. Turgut, H. (ed.), 17. 12. 2016, İstanbul: Bomontiada.

Vijdeveld, P. (1999). Ludwig Wittgenstein Architect. Amsterdam: Pepin Press.

Kuroiwa, H. (Producer), Wang, W. (Director), Auster, P. (Script), (1995).

Smoke Script – Dialogue Transcript.

US: Independent. Retrieved from http://www.script-o-rama.com/movie_scripts/s/smoke-script-transcriptpaul-auster.html.

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Experiencing city by walking: Communication elements

Duygu YARIMBAŞ duyguyarimbas@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.87360

Received: December 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract Istanbul, a city ruled by various civilisations and governments, is quite important both historically, geographically and rich in culture. Cultural activities and spaces within which these activities took place, influenced the city’s building stock, its landscape and organization. New buildings were constructed on top of the foundations of demolished ancestors. Traces of this foregoing layering, visible on the physical environment, has also spreaded to daily life, stories, imageries, culture, etc., while transforming them. These layers are not heterogeneous systems within which the latter covers the former completely in a chronological way; but, heterogenous formations consisting of various densities and dominancies.

This process-based “becoming”, explained with the notion of palimpsest, is one of the fundamental characteristics of the city of Istanbul.

Walking act that can potentially foster dérive and détournement practices, depends on semiotics of the city as well as its physicality. The communication elements of the city and its contents such as color, typography and imagery, can be very decisive in terms of drifting (dérive) and twisting (détournement) intentions of city resident.

In order for “transforming” cities by walking, residents have to be encouraged for making “discoveries”. City planners and relevant units should take into consideration that open-endedness, flexibility, transformability, vagueness and openness to surprises can increase the awareness of the user about the environment, by ensuring the permanence of the reflexivity between the city and the pedestrian. The purpose of this paper, is to discuss the potentials which could make this awareness a useful tool for transforming the city.

Keywords Palimpsest, Walking, Flâneur, Dérive, Détournement.

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1. Experiencing the city

“The act of walking is to the urban system what the speech act is to language or to the statements uttered.”

Michel De Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, 1988

City can be experienced with a variety of methods, such as: walking, by car, virtually, etc. (even from the air, like in “Tracing Istanbul [from the air]” Öner, 2009). A certain number of common and divergent data can be provided in every city experimentation. As a city that has various layers of time, functions and tendencies, Istanbul offers explicit or vague traces depending on the method which is used. There is a variety of methods to study the palimpsest of the city; however, pedestrian’s speed and vision can offer a very informative urban reading. The walker or the pedestrian, adds some “discoveries” to this reading, both with the speed he chooses (fast or slow) or his flâneur attitude. Reading of the city is not a passive behavior, since the one who is reading it, is also transforming it. This transformation is both theoretical through awareness, and practical through usage [Figure 1].

Situationists improved this practice, by publishing dérive maps, which add the subconscious to the flâneur urban experience and by triggering people to discover the city in different ways.

Détournement, which is also another situationist approach, tries to further activate the individual, by twisting the existing data.

1.1. “Walking” and the significance of the street

“There is a circulatory landscape on the street, this is a pilgrim’s voyage, an advance and a formal parade, both a trip and a perfection, a walk serving as a progress towards the better.”

Lewis Mumford, The Natural History of Urbanization, 1956.

The act of “walking” can be fast or slow, individual or collective, depending on the mode and objective of the activity. Even if a slow walking helps to contemplate a city, a fast walking has different potentials. There has been a variety of studies that emphasize the importance of the mass and its speed within the context of revolution. Virilio explains: “The masses are not a population, a society, but the multitude of passersby. The revolutionary contingent attains its ideal form not in the place of production, but in the street, where for a moment it stops being a cog in the technical machine and itself becomes a motor (machine of attack), in other words a producer of speed.”

(Virilio, 2007:29) Explanations which suggest that the working class marches taking place on streets later served as a practice to win the power struggle (Pravda Newspaper, 1976) propose to benefit from the potentials of speed and masses. In this regard, the speedy and sporty activities of the 68 youth are considered as tactics. Also at the end of 1970s, the well-trained militant mass in Japan, well-equipped with audial-visual

Figure 1. The representation of “layering” (“Sichtung”) notion in two diverse metaphors (Resource: Morphologie: City Metaphors, O. M. Ungers, Walther König Publishing, Köln; 2011).

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Large recreational areas of the city, usually integrated with a river or sea. People usually used to go mesire by horse carriage because they were in the periphery of the city.

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tools, cameras, tapes…etc. were gathering on streets which they would leave shortly after and were taking their own photos instantly before dispersing.

Since they were forbidden to gather together or stand on the street, they were developing ways to come together with other passers-by as a way of practising for their future protests (Virilio, 1998).

Besides the political significance of speed, slowness also has some perceptual advantages. The awareness and analysis regarding the physical features, circulation networks, artifacts, indicators and images of the city require an individual “walk” at a relatively slower pace. Purposeful or purposeless walking practices became common for the first time as gatherings taking place in mesire1 and countryside (instead of city centers) during the Ottoman period.

Mesire gave the opportunity to walk and spend time in nature; however they were not places that can be reached on foot or one can wander around individually. In time, nature walks gave way to activities occuring in cities. The first example to this change in Istanbul was the tours made in Direklerarası.

People who were walking around for the first time in mixed groups had the intention of interacting with the opposite sex. “Expectation to interact with the opposite sex which was not expressed publicly for hundreds of years was expressed here for the first time.” (Tanyeli, 2002:6-7). However, these city-dwellers are not considered as “flâneur” that Baudelaire described as city idlers, since they were touring in groups and their purpose was social interaction rather than experiencing the city. After Direklerarası was partly demolished –during the construction the electric tramway in 1910- this district lost its former popularity and recently, public spaces formed in the early Republican period –which were mostly named as Istasyon Street- have become the areas where masses spend time (Tanyeli, 2002).

Streets and roads generally offer a continuous destination as an axis of circulation. Street is narrower and perceptually readable in a much easier way in comparison with roads. As the traffic makes it difficult and dangerous to cross from side to side and the in-

crease in speed separates the sides, the interaction between the environment and the pedestrians weakens. It can be said that in today’s world where the public spaces diminish and disappear constantly due to being turned into construction areas, streets function as public spaces. Streets where the traffic is limited/restricted, one-sided or relatively light have been turning into a gathering and socializing space. Richard Sennett explains the impact of traffic upon the city life as “such streets are prized, we commonly say, as being full of life, in a way that traffic arteries, for all their rushing vehicular motion, are not. Street life is a symbol of urban provocation and arousal, provocation that comes in large part from experiences of the unexpected.” (Sennett, 1992:170).

Transportation (on foot or by vehicle) is perceived as an important factor as it connects the street to the other parts of the city despite the negative impacts of intense traffic upon it. Although the city consists of stable “places;” the street, bringing life and dynamism to the city, is the circulatory essence of it. “Connecting the city’s destiny to communication arteries, becomes a fundamental development principle.” (Sennett, 1992:170). In that way, a transformation that starts on a particular street of the city spreads in time to the environment where the street is located. The street turns into a space on the move just as people who are present there wiggle (Paquot, 2011). The street, as an obviously public space, enables the communication between semi-public, public and private spaces. Ilhan Berk who particularly mentions Istanbul in his poems, describes the street as a rectangular scene where encounters, gossips, plays, conflicts, flirts and gestures of jealousy and pride are exhibited (Berk, 1990).

In addition to the significance of the street in terms of speed, its political significance has to be also referred. “It will be less a matter, when the time comes, of occupying a given building than of holding the streets.”(Virilio, 2007:30).

Also, during the struggle between National-Socialists and Marxists in 1930s, Patrick Goebbels published an article where he argued that whoever con-

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quers the street would also conquer the state (Goebbels, 1931).

1.2. Concepts of flâneur and dérive

“Along the outskirts where, close-sheltering Hid lusts, dilapidated shutters swing, When the sun strikes, redoubling waves of heat On town, and field, and roof, and dusty street— I prowl to air my prowess and kill time, Stalking, in likely nooks, the odds of rhyme, Tripping on words like cobbles as I go And bumping into lines dreamed long ago.”

Baudelaire, Le Soleil (The Sun), 1857.

Although the explanations regarding the origin of the word “flâneur” are controversial and ambiguous, the concept found its true expression in the descriptions of Baudelaire as the city/ metropolis idler, who wanders around crowds on his/her own without getting into interaction with them. “Flâneur”, developed and conceptualized by Walter Benjamin, is a city dweller who feels at home in the public spaces of the city; s/he tries to determine all the things that capitalism has abolished while wandering around the passages and along the shop windows, and tries to decipher the meanings of the new life style and analyzes meanings in relation to the city (Citation: Morss, 2014).

Flâneur is an individual in the metropolis who spends time in the passages that s/he likes very much –not with the aim of shopping though- and observes the shop windows. Ünal Oskay has translated flâneur into Turkish as “düşünür gezer” (thinking wanderer) (Oskay, 1981). “Flâneur he could exist only in the great city, the metropolis, since provincial towns would afford too restricted a stage for his strolling and too narrow a field for his observations” (Wilson, 2001). As Simmel also indicates, because the stimulants are too frequent and too much in the metropolis (Simmel, 2011), flâneur walks with a turtle to adjust his/her pace in Paris boulevards.

In time, the city idler or flâneur also started to have a place in Turkish literature. The character in Yusuf Atılgan’s book “Aylak Adam,” wanders alone

and idly among the crowds, observes the city, has a notebook that he writes down the names of the interesting street names and tries to guess how the street names are put. Similar flâneur motifs can also be seen in some of Yusuf Atilgan’s stories. For instance, in his story called “Atılmış,” the narrator who is alienated from the society expresses his feelings as such: “I found the road crowded. It was a thing to be surprised at that people looked after one another and all have two feet.” (Atilgan, 2002).

Ilhan Berk also wrote poems regarding Istanbul that he experienced like a flâneur in his books “İstanbul”, “Galata” and “Pera.”

In the following years, Letterists tried to develop the unplanned, spontaneous and astonishing city experience of the flâneur through a practice which they called “dérive.” The concept of dérive also emphasized the importance of the unconscious experience inherent in the concept of modern city idling. While serendipity refers to the surprising encounters of the city as a potential of the physical environment, dérive refers to the potentials of the unconscious. It can be said that the concept is a situationist reinterpretation of flâneur’s city experience. After dérive was published in the magazine of Letterist International called “Potlach,” Debord also defined the concept in his dictionary “Situationist Descriptions: “A mode of experimental behavior linked to the conditions of urban society: a technique of rapid passage through varied ambiences. The term also designates a specific uninterrupted period of dériving” (Url-1). The concept originally has the meaning of going off the flow, changing the direction of the flow (in Latin); and in English it is related to the words “derive “ and “river”. Dérive experience creates a particular intuition of time and space which is sometimes predictable, sometimes unsteady, fluid and on the move (Wark, 2011).

1.3. Détournement

“Flights of starlings have a way of flying which is theirs alone and seems as governed by uniform and regular tactics as a disciplined regiment would be, obeying a single leader’s voice with precision. The starlings obey the voice of

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instinct, and their instinct leads them to bunch into the center of the squad while the speed of their flight bears them constantly beyond it...”

Lautréamont, The Songs of Maldoror, 1869.

The concept of “détournement” was first defended by Letterist International as a method discovered when Lautréamont was composing his songs/ poems, however it was then revealed that many of the poetic expressions included in this well-known book was “stolen” from textbooks and encyclopedias. The concept means “manipulation/distortion” which is used as appropriating and changing, hijacking, misdirecting and acquiring. Letterists took on the task of systematizing this manipulation and for this purpose Guy Debord and Gil J. Wolman published “A User’s Guide to Détournement” in 1956. In “Situationist Descriptions”, détournement is explained as “short for ‘détournement of preexisting aesthetic elements.’ The integration of present or past artistic productions into a superior construction of a milieu. In this sense there can be no situationist painting or music, but only a situationist use of those means. In a more elementary sense, détournement within the old cultural spheres is a method of propaganda, a method which reveals the wearing out and loss of importance of those spheres (Url-2).

In 1954, Jacques Fillon based his manifesto, “New Games” upon another situationist concept which is the practice of dérive. In the manifesto which also includes the concept of play, it is indicated that “Big cities are favourable to the pastime which we call dérive.

Dérive is the technique of locomotion without a goal. It depends upon the influence of the external environment. […] The evaluation of leisure is something entirely serious. We will issue a reminder that the task is to invent new games.” (Fillon, 1971) Jacques Fillon (1971). “To invent new games” or more accurately, to promote play and exploration within the city; doing research about the roads with different features can be informative. By comparing well-designed streets and streets without a creator/designer, Sennett inferred about the Richard-Lenoir Boulevard

which was planned by Haussmann that:

“The design makes clear exactly where to do what, a clarity new for Parisians of the time; the Boulevard Richard Lenoir was greeted as a great planning innovation. Feeding the Boulevard Richard Lenoir are older streets which were and remain more self-effacing. It isn’t clear what is happening on them, who lives on them, and how to use them—at least not before spending some time on thesebyways and becoming involved in their secrets. In these streets people make discoveries as prosaic as an unexpected shop, an odd votive offering lodged in the cracks between two buildings, or a house of the deaf. The power of discovering something unexpected to the eye gives them their value”. (Sennett, 1992:174)

Although space organizes and brings together a number of possibilities, it is important that the wanderer selects from these possibilities and puts some of them into action, because “he makes them exist as well as emerge” (Certeau, 1988). By using shortcuts, improvising and walking in different styles, s/he transforms the elements of the space and renders them exclusive or secondary [Figure 2].

2. Elements of communication in the city

“All the visible universe is nothing but a shop of images and signs.”

Charles Baudelaire, Le Soleil (The Sun), 1850.

The palimpsest nature which can be perceived on the concrete and abstract elements of the city, can also be seen on urban communication tools.

In Istanbul, communication elements, such as building inscriptions remained from the Byzantine era, building numbers from the Ottoman Empire, road or street signs with different colors and styles, mounted on different but close moments, are referring to different functions, purposes, cultural paradigms, and so forth, while existing within the city, in a synchronic way.

The wanderer is in a reciprocal relationship with the spaces of the city and, as s/he would put it, the “indicators” of its language. Although the wanderer is

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Figure 2. “Making Ways” pedestrian use diagram, Maria Lopez (Resource: İstanbul Biennial Booklet, 2013).

directed by indicators and seduced by the billboards and the lighted shop windows with writings on; s/he can pacify these indicators by taking them out of their conventional uses and can create other coincidental or illegitimate spatial twists (De Certeau, 2009). For instance, on the face of the presence of a dominant and directive street sign, the wanderer can pass through the stairs that s/he saw between two apartments and revive the space of the stairs which would otherwise be secondary.

In the Ottoman cities, it was possible to turn the streets into dead ends if it was agreed by the households which have a right of passage on that street.

Under this condition, people could choose to pass to the parallel streets through gardens or some explored shortcuts. It is possible to observe the traces of similar practices in dead ends which still exist today. However, most of these dead ends were later reorganized to open to other streets, as they were making it difficult to interfere with fire which could spread quickly to frame houses and neighborhoods, and also because during the modernization period they were considered to be causing traffic problems.

The signposts, billboards and advertisements which are placed at different times in various areas of the city present the history of the street life in layers: Communication elements like the Arabic epitaph of the fountain located at the beginning of the street, the partly meaningless English origin name of

a residence located on the same street, the plate with the old name of the street as its name has been changed, the “camaltı”2 of a shop which has already been closed or “foursquare” sign sticked to a newly opened cafe, all form the public aspect of the non-official archive of this history. The palimpsest characteristic, which is generally regarded to be inherent to the architectural elements of the city space, can actually be also traced in the visual communication elements.

2.1. Geographical communication elements The geographical communication elements can be defined as significant in terms of geographical location determination and orientation. As well as geographical communication elements and labels, the digital geographical data systems such as geographic information systems (GIS) come into prominence. Independently from the geographic awareness methods- analog or digital- the location names (the geographic indicators) are the results of legal and public agreement. These agreements also provide cultural qualifications to verbal signifiers and empower the flaneur’s urban experience in terms of subconscious.

2.1.1. Street and place names

“Three men standing in front of Taskisla, three of them standing and with fes Far off, there is Surg Agop Cemetery and the cypress

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A technique based on writing/painting the art work on the back of the (transparent) glass.

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They are writing about the distance A Street: Bagodaları Street (Its new name is Tarik Zafer Tunaya) Crashes with Cifte Vav Street.

And end in Agacciragi Street.” lhan Berk, Pera, 1990.

Narration is what spreads the mythical dimension of the city to masses, the oral description used with regards to the city by the locals turn into clues for describing places; these characteristic features are in time reflected on the names of the places and streets in the city. The street names have different origins: The opening date, a profession or work area recognized locally, the name of a reputable family residing there, a building nearby or neighborhood, the topographical and geographical features of the environment (like “Dik Yokuş Sokağı” – (Ing. “Steep Street”)).

It is possible to indicate that the same is true for districts. For instance, Çiftehavuzlar district is named after two swimming pools in which water is accumulated to irrigate the garden. Or names like “Çınar Sokağı” (Ing. “Plane Tree Street”) are oral proofs as to the existence of a tree on that street; even if the trees are not physically present on the street any more, the name of the street keeps traces of its history. When a street is referred as (…) Dead end, it can be inferred that the street used to be a dead end and was then turned into a street. However, this type of information and the relation of the names of the places with the physical environment and language should be researched and confirmed. The science of toponymy which determines and analyzes the existing names of places, their transformations and origins helps us to acquire information about the past.

The names of the streets also give inspiration to literature pieces with their connotations. For instance, Ilhan Berk describes Mis Sokak (Street) located in Beyoglu by referring to its physical features as “Mis Street which always wears black, always wanders with her umbrella and always looks in its front (Berk, 1994:188). In his novel “Aylak Adam,” Yusuf Atilgan speculates about the names of streets and also proposes new names to those streets: “Perhaps some of you have passed through ‘İki Öksüzler Sokağı,’ (Ing. ‘Two Orphans

Street’) but you wouldn’t know. Mostly two storey houses which are new or look new. Like the streets which Sarlo would call ‘Easy Street.’ I call it ‘Eli Paketliler Sokağı’ (Ing. ‘Hands Packed Street’). Ones who have no other problem but losing his neighbors’ respect live here. But its name…Who are these two orphans? What did they do to give their name to the street […] There is one street ‘Aslan Yatağı Sokağı’ (Ing. ‘The Bed of the Lion Street’) with lots of bends. Once upon a time a real lion moved into one of its corners and all the city went to watch it, or was what they called lion one of the boasting vagrants of the neighborhood? What about ‘Sıra Selviler Sokağı’ (Ing. ‘Row of Cypresses Street’) which you would go till the end and not see even one cypress? Asphalt, concrete upon concrete, flock of cars, flock of people walking fast…Were people walking like these when there were cypress on this street?” (Atılgan, 2000:8) For reasons of name similarities, giving a respected person’s name or political intentions, etc., the municipalities change the street names and higher administrative units change the names of the neighborhoods and districts. It is sometimes possible to see two different name plates on the same street. The change of the street names are informative in that they reflect the cultural tendencies of a particular period. For instance, around Kurtuluş (Old name: Tatavla, Greek: Ταταύλα) area, many Armenian names were replaced with Turkish ones. The name Papayanni was changed to Remzi Baba. Marki Kalfa became Dev Süleyman. It is possible to trace the oppressive policies against minorities during the period when the names were changed. In Istanbul, the stratification of place names is more intense and too much, compared to other cities, because Istanbul has gone through a series of cultural transformations many times and was subjected to migrations and replacements of different communities.

2.1.2. Signposts and traffic signs

“They pass beside a column, a streetlight rather, on which is fixed, above their heads, a blue and white sign indicating by an a row: Cluny Museum.

On the same column, another signal,

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luminous and blinking, is the only one that attracts the glance of the passersby. At regular intervals, for the pedestrians, the permission to go or the order to wait fl ashes. Gilles and Carole pass near the column without seeing it. Gilles waits, before crossing, for the cars to stop. Carole follows Gilles, who holds her by the nape of the neck. They take the direction indicated by the sign Cluny Museum, and skirt the railings of the garden of the museum.”

Michele Bernstein, Buchet-Chastel, La Nuit, 1961. (Citation: Wark, 2011:78)

When we need (and actually most of the time when we don’t need), we find ourselves in the midst of geographical signs, traffic sings and plates of street names; and these direct our movement both as pedestrians and drivers. As opposed to a small town or village, it is not common to get lost completely in a big city –even if it is our first time there. The presence of others who we can ask for the way and other tools such as metro and bus stop signs, road plates, street numbers and plates help us (Lynch, 2010). Today, the type of communication that we build with the city is not a mythic relation based on narration as it used to be in the past; but a particular way of perception that is constructed by signs, signals and allegories which carry religious and metaphysical indicators. This enables us to continue our individual daily activities within the city. Unger describes this situation saying that “For instance, using a car is possible through the organizing impact of the traffic signals, signs and symbols; without these, driving a car would turn into a reckless and probably a destructive adventure (Ungers, 2013:21).

In relation to the geographical communication elements; just like the street names, which the users relate to the most, the plates that relay these names have also gone through a similar transformation period. The street signs of Istanbul have been changed many times. After the standardization of street and road plates, the city was initially furnished with plates that are designed as white writings upon red background; in the following years the colors of red-white are changed to blue-white and then the tone of the

blue color is amended. The plates that are being used currently are the ones designed by Bülent Erkmen and Aykut Köksal –in 2007- containing a composition of 3 differently colored blocks.

For all the neighborhoods, the first two blocks are red and white, however the other block changes depending on the neighborhood. While the red block (Pantone 1945) contains information regarding street and road name, the white block (Ral 3001) contains information about the neighborhood and the last block has district information [Figure 3]. Also a typography which could be associated with Istanbul is designed to be put in the plates [Figure 4]. In addition to a healthy communication that the design can establish with the city dwellers, it is also aimed to include the informative element as a determining factor of the city identity (Köksal, 2007).

2.2. Commercial communication elements The commercial communication forms and their physical representations mainly aim to create and impose their own terms and conditions rather than using existing geographical communication elements and reconciled urban semiotics. The physicalization and legalization of commercial communication (commercial names, commercial advertisements, etc.) in the city becomes possible and visible through the legal permissions with the use of “urban surfaces” (building facades, advertisement areas, billboards, etc.).

Figure 3. The street plates of Istanbul, designed by Bülent Erkmen and Aykut Köksal (Resource: Reading Istanbul from signs, Exhibition Booklet, Garanti Galeri, İstanbul).

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Figure 4. The typography of street plates designed by Bülent Erkmen and Aykut Köksal. (Resource: Reading Istanbul from signs, Exhibition Booklet, Garanti Galeri, İstanbul.).

2.2.1. Advertisements

“In the modern city, as in the ur-forests of another era, ‘threatening and alluring face’ of myth was alive and everywhere.

It peered out of wall posters advertising “toothpaste for giants,” and whispered its presence in the most rationalized urban plans that, “with their uniform streets and endless rows of buildings, have realized the dreamed- of architecture of the ancients: the labyrinth.”

Susan Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing, 1989.

In the cities that we live in, all of us are subjected to hundreds of commercial images every day. There is no other image in our urban experience that appear as much as the commercial images [Figure 5]. The intensity of the image turns it into a bombardement of

messages. Because the commercial image is constantly changed and renewed depending on expectations and consumption tendencies and is perceived swiftly, it is momentary and for the same reason volatile. John Berger also emphasizes on this characteristic of the commercial image: “Usually it is we who pass the image -walking, travelling, turning a page; on the TV screen it is somewhat different but even then we are theoretically the active agent- we can look away, turn down the sound, make some coffee. Yet despite this, one has the impression that publicity images continually passing us, like express trains on their way to some distant terminus. We are static; they are dynamic -until the newspaper thrown away, the television programme continues or the poster posted over.” (Berger, 1977:130) Since the advertisements in the city can remain (legally) only if the rental cost is paid, the expired advertisements after being replaced with the other ones do not leave any trace behind. However, many advertisements which are placed in various locations illegally and irregularly are sticked on top of one another and they overlap.

Sometimes also the layers might get torn apart and therefore the poster of a concert taking place next month and that of an activity that happened last month mix with each other, or notices of political nature are trivialized among the daily advertisements. IIhan Berk’s description of “And a board is saying with capital letters that there is a strike in Banco Commerciale ltaliano” (Berk,1990:188) is an example to that. Flâneur-poet, perceives the strike

Figure 5. The “Strip” map of Las Vegas, R. Venturi & D. S. Brown & S. Izenour,1972 (Resource: Las Vegas’ın Öğrettikleri, R. Venturi & D. S. Brown & S. Izenour, Şevki Vanlı Yayıncılık, Ankara, 1994) .

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as a text and blends it with the other images of the city. In that sense, strike is not an activity any more, but rather it is noticed and skipped like an ordinary commercial text.

2.2.2. Shop and workplace plates Different from the commercial posters which are spreaded all over the city, shop and workplace plates are placed close to the shops/workplaces –mainly in the side of or above the front facade of the place [Figure 6]. A workplace plate can remind of an old business which was closed long time ago; or even if a known store, shop or confectionery… etc. is changed to be used for a different purpose, a plate relating to the former use might still be present. For instance, although today Markiz Pastanesi (confectionery) has become a restaurant and provides services with a totally different understanding than the past, the writing of “pastane” (confectionery) is left as if nothing has changed. These communication elements which carry the traces of past uses, sometimes become the sign of “loss.” The wanderer is able to acquire information regarding the amusements, tendencies and fashions of old days and also experience today’s street life synchronically through commercial communication elements.

3. Conclusion

“City overflows with the alphabetical signs that de facto transforms the pedestrian into a reader. The city is read every day with its lighted and lightless plates, posters, advertisements, announcements, menu plates hung on the windows of restaurants and pubs and leaflets distributed by “sandwich man” or skater young girls dressed like majorettes in front of the terminals or bus stops, signposts, street signs, namings specific to bus and metro stations, graffitis and tags.

Thierry Paquot, Des Corps Urbains, 2011.

For an individual, the city is not only a text to be read but also a text to be written at the same time, if s/he experiences the city of Istanbul on foot by using the tactics of dérive and détournement as suggested by situationists during this practice and with the awareness that the communication elements of the city predominantly have a

Figure 6. The commercial sign of Kelebek corset store (Resource: Photo taken by the author).

palimpsest like the city itself. However, “it is not easy to trace the clues and decipher the codes of the city, because the things that are shown hustle and the ones who show them lose their integrity” (Paquot, 2011:70). Also, because in Istanbul there is an intense temporal and functional stratification, contradictions and fragmentations are a lot. For the communication images—which are directive, informative, seductive (particularly the commercial communication elements), in fragments and complicated— to be enhanced in favor of the city; the observer should take on an active role.

For the observer to be active or as Fillon puts it, for new plays to be encouraged, the experience of exploration should create unexpected incidents and situations. The power holders over urban planning, both individuals and institutions (municipalities, city planners, architects…etc.) should consider creating astonishing and ambiguousurban experiences: “Like vivid prose, street life needs to find a structure.

There are a class of clarities we want to avoid.” (Sennett, 1992) As a researcher who particularly focuses on urban images, Richard Sennett emphasizes on the significance of the image for a vivid urban life. The image as an element that is susceptible to change, should be in a flexible relation with its surroundings and should be considered as open-ended (Lynch, 2010).

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is continuous, secure and within the bounds of human scale emphasizes the significance of the street concept for the pedestrian. The publicity of the street enables the individual to observe and to take action without apprehension. The idler who feels at home on the street then appropriates the street like her/his home and gains courage to change and transform it like he/ she would do in his/her house. Benjamin wrote in his notes taken between 1927-1929 for his book Passages that “Streets are the dwelling place of the collective. The collective is an eternally restless, eternally moving essence that, among the facades of buildings endures (erlebt), experiences (erfährt), learns, and senses as much as individuals in the protection of their four walls.

For this collective the shiny enameled store signs are as good and even better a wall decoration as a salon oil painting is for the bourgeoisie. Walls with the “défense d’afficher” are its writing desk, newspapers are its libraries, letterboxes its bronzes, benches its bedroom furniture and café terraces the balcony from which it looks down on its domestic concerns after work is done.” (Citation: Buck-Morss, 2014:304-305) Nowadays, compared to the past we have more tools within our reach to convey our experiences within the city.

Among these tools, when we consider the ones related to the communication elements; even if not as dominant as it used to be in the past, the oral advises we make to our acquaintances are the first to come to mind. However, today we are able to use the potential of virtual spaces intensely for similar purposes. We are able to announce our presence on a street or in a commercial store to others through “share location” application; while some tools share this information with only our “acquaintances,” some of our posts can be viewed by anyone using the application. Also we can share not only our presence in a certain location, but also our thoughts and feelings about the place. Someone who we don’t know personally can reach our comments when passing by the same location.

The individual relationship established between the city dweller and communication elements has been evolving

into a relationship in between the city dwellers. The “QR codes” placed on the walls of the street and the doors of shops and stores can become a public platform where data regarding that geographical region come together and be accessed by the mass. It is crucial to investigate the communication elements, because reading the communication elements and forms of the city vis-à-vis the physical environment, its analysis and change is much easier and immediate. A walking practice –which is not passive- that endeavours to read the city, contains a great potential to produce tactics that could change and transform the city in line with and in favour of the public’s will through the use of physical and virtual means.

References Aragon, L. (1926), Le Paysan de Paris, Editions Gallimard, Paris.

Atılgan, Y. (2000), Aylak Adam, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, İstanbul.

Atılgan, Y. (2002), Bütün Öyküleri, Yapı Kredi Yayınları, Istanbul.

Berger, J. (1977), The Ways of Seeing, Penguin Books, New York.

Berk, İ. (1990), Pera, Adam Yayıncılık, Istanbul.

Berk, İ. (1994), İstanbul Kitabı, Adam Yayıncılık, Istanbul.

Berk, İ. (1997), Galata, Adam Yayıncılık, Istanbul.

Bernstein, M. (1961), La Nuit, Buchet-Chastel, Paris.

Buck-Morss, S. (1991), The Dialectics of Seeing, MIT Publishing.

Campbell R. (1952). Poems of Baudelaire. New York: Pantheon Books.

Certeau M. (1988). The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press.

Fillon J. (1971). New Games. Programs and Manifestoes on 20th-century Architecture. Ulrich Conrads. Ulrich Conrads (ed.), Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, p.155.

Goebbels, P. (1934), Kampf um Berlin, Zentralverlag der NSDAP, Münih.

Koçak, O. (1992). Kalmak imkansız, İlhan Berk’in Şiiri ve Poetikası Üzerine Bir Deneme. Defter Dergisi, Nr 19/ 11, Pp. 158-175.

Köksal, A. (2007), “İstanbul’u Tabeladan Okumak’’ Exhibition Booklet, Garanti Galeri, Istanbul.

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Lynch, K. (2010), Kent İmgesi, İş Bankası, Istanbul.

Mumford, L. (1956), The Natural History of Urbanization: Man’s Role in Changing the Face of the Earth, Symposium under the chairmanship of Carl Sauer, Marston Bates, and Lewis Mumford, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Pp. 382-98. Öner M. (2009), Tracing Istanbul [from the air], Garanti Galeri Publishing, Istanbul.

Oskay, U. (1981), “Benjamin’in Baudelaire üzerine çalışmalarında Yükselme Dönemi Kapitalizminin Sanat ve Kültür Yaşamları”, SBF Basın Yayın Yüksek Okulu yıllığı, Ankara.

Paquot, T. (2011), Şehirsel Bedenler, Beton ile Asfalt Arası(nda) Hassasiyetler, Everest Yayınları, Istanbul.

Sennett, R. (1992). The Conscience

of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. New York, London: W. W. Norton & Company. p.152.

Simmel, G. (2011), Modern Kültürde Çatışma, İletişim Yayınları, Istanbul.

Tanyeli, U. (2002), Türkiye’de Flâneur: Arredamento Mimarlık, Sayı.

100+53, Nr.11, 6-7.

Ungers, O.M. (2013), Morphologie Kent Metaforları, Lemis Yayın, 2013.

Virilio, P. (2007), Speed and Politics, MIT Press, London.

Wark, M. (2011), The Beach Beneath the Street, Verso Books, London.

Wilson, E. (2001), The Contradictions of Culture, Sage Publications, California.

Url-1 < http://www.bopsecrets.org/ SI/1.definitions.htm> Url-2 < http://www.bopsecrets.org/ SI/detourn.htm>

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An uncanny ‘Terrain Vague’: Yedikule Gasometer Complex

Tuba ÖZKAN1, Emre ÖZDEMİR2 1 tubaozkantuba@gmail.com • MFA Design and Technology, Parsons School of Design, The New School, New York, USA 2 emre.ozdemir@hotmail.com • MS Architecture, Graduate Architecture And Urban Design, Pratt Institute, New York, USA

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.89847

Received: November 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract As new spaces add new experiences to the urban life, the spaces that were previously deemed valuable turn into vague areas. These areas, which hosted various experiences once, has been forgotten in some way, left behind and remained idle.

The concept of “Terrain Vague” that was brought up once more by the Catalan architect De Sola-Morales twenty years ago is a unique tool to examine these areas.

When the recent past of Istanbul is examined, a countless number of industrial production buildings and facilities, which have lost their functions completely, become visible as perfect “Terrain Vague”.

De Sola-Morales’ asks “How can architecture act in the terrain vague without becoming an aggressive instrument of power and abstract reason?” The answer to this significant question will be looked for in the examination of Yedikule Gasometer Complex. This complex still bears the marks of Istanbul’s industrial past and could be described as “Terrain Vague” within the current use of the term. The values that Yedikule Gasometer introduces to the urban life, its current uses and modes of being vague will be analyzed. The analyses will be discussed through the concept of ‘uncannny’ and by adopting the approach of Surrealism to these types of spatial situations.

Keywords Industrial Archaeology, Yedikule Gasometer, Terrain Vague, Uncanny, Palimpsest.

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1. A new perspective on the concept of palimpsest While reading the urban space as a “palimpsest”, the first thing one thinks of is a sort of stratifi-cation that emerges from the destruction of the old as part of physical continuity and construc-tion of the new. However, this folding does not only indicate physical continuity, but also con-ceptual and cultural continuity in the city. So when the palimpsestic nature of the city is ex-plained in terms of physical processes; notions that are essentially related to the city such as time, memory, culture, identity and experience would be neglected.

Looking at the urban space from Baudelaire’s perspective of palimpsest presents an interesting way to decipher the aforementioned stratification.

Baudelaire compares memory to something that is erased when written on; hence he refers to it as palimpsest. The palimpsest of memory (le palimpseste de la memoire) consists of individual memories that are superimposed on each oth-er. These memories are irreversible, indestructible and ineffaceable (Baudelaire, 1860). The pal-impsest of memories that each individual constructs with his/her own countless number of ex-periences in the urban space are also the generator of the collective memory regarding the city and urban space. Reading the city through a version of palimpsest that is indirectly defined via collective memory allows for a richer viewpoint.

After the industrial revolution, urban space started to be organized as a tool for the capitalist economic system.

Today, the capital also abandons the classic way of production, the means of production (machines) or the consumer goods, and rushes to the production of space. In space needs and desires can reappear as such, informing both the act of producing and its products” so the relations with the urban space can not stay as same as it should be (Lefebvre, 1991). The rapid changes that the urban space has undergone recently due to many successive ruptures require a new palimpsest metaphor for the definition of the city.

As a consequence of memory’s palimpsestic nature, it can be expected

from the memory, under normal circumstances, to work as a memory generator machine where an individual’s relations of experience to space accumulate, are superimposed, and remembered if need be. However, in a system where desires and needs are constantly redefined, the relation between individuals and urban space cannot be established as anticipated (Lefebvre, 1991). The current system stimu-lates the consumption of pleasure and the entertainment within space. Hence, individuals experi-ence space with a kind of intoxication of turning their desires into pleasure. At this very point, it is possible to talk about “amnesia1” that shows up in the individual and social memory in the context of experiencing the urban space.

Istanbul is a city where the past, present and future is experienced simultaneously and where cultural intensities pressures, disintegrations, and ways of coexistence can be observed all at once. The construction/destruction policies that gained momentum with the modernization pro-cess have currently reached an unprecedented level in Istanbul. Experiencing euphoria of desire in this fast-paced daily life, the citizens of Istanbul lose their grip on their memories. This leads to a deep void in their memories. The urban space becomes an instrument for the satisfaction of fetishized “newness” that is constructed as a need all the time. This situation brings along a criti-cal question: What kind of attitude will the authorities develop when an urban space loses its ‘newness’ and becomes “old”?

The old industrial production areas in Istanbul, which bear the marks of society’s recent daily life in the memory, are considered worthy of examination in this context. The concept of Indus-trial Archeology, which was introduced around the seventies and has become a significant no-tion for various disciplines since then, is central to the discussions concerning the preservation of buildings that have been witnesses to the industrial past (Palmer & Neaverson, 1998). It is important to present a critique of the current construction/destruction policies and come up with novel approaches

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Amnesia, in the general sense, is a state in which a person cannot recall his/her memories and retrieve the information in the memory due to various medical reasons. The relation between amnesia and palimpsest is established through the loss of memory due to alcohol ingestion.

It is called ‘alcoholic palimpsest’ in the medical literature (Semple & Smyth, 2013). In the state of ‘alcoholic palimpsest’, an individual numbs the part of his/ her brain where memories are stored through ingestion of alcohol or other foreign substances. In this state mind cannot create new memories.

The individual can recall every memory prior to the alcohol or substance ingestion.

However, under the influence of alcohol/substance the individual cannot remember any memories belonging to that period or can only recall bits and pieces since the memories are not stored in permanent memory. The urbanites in Istanbul city also experience the city in this way, under alcoholic palimpsest, with inebriation.

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regarding the industrial buildings in Istanbul, which constitute a significant part of the memory of the city and its citizens alike, through the example of “Yedikule Gasome-ter Complex”.

Dellaloğlu maintains that Turkey’s modernization process is different from the West.

Modernization of the Western society was born of the internalization of the past as a critique of it in retrospect; however, this process did not take place in Turkey. In this context, it is possible to claim that the Western society is more tradi-tional than Turkey. While a 300-year-old hat store in Paris still has customers, an ordinary café in Nişantaşı (Istanbul) may feel the need to redecorate its interior every year. It is because the phenomenon of being modern is perceived as the consumption of the new. In this example, Dellaloglu underlines the state of amnesia and the problematic relationship of Turkey to its history (Dellaloğlu, 2013).

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2. A look at the city as the space of palimpsest memory: Terrain vague-s The term “uncanny/unheimlich”, which has been studied in a broader framework by Vidler in the context of architecture, can be an effective tool in deciphering the individuals who live in a drunken state of mind while evaluating his/her immediate environment as a result of modernity and also the urban spaces that the individuals leave behind with this drunkenness.

Throughout its history, the term “uncanny/unheimlich” has been used to describe personal and aesthetic issues. Used firstly in literature to define “haunted” houses or castles, the term uncan-ny then started to be widely used in psychoanalysis with Freud to describe the loss of familiari-ty and sense of fear that the individual experiences. The German word “unheimlich” is the op-posite of “heimlich” literally meaning “belonging to the home”. For Freud “unhomeliness” meant more than a simple sense of not belonging; it is the sudden return of familiar objects, which were once suppressed, in unexpected and unfamiliar forms as if in a dream (Vidler, 1994). Having lost his/ her memory regarding the recent past, the urbanite lives in a state of am-nesia and cannot produce any new memories in the process of modernity2. S/he is alienated even from herself/himself and from the environment where s/he is supposed to feel safe. The sense of uncanny is the inevitable outcome of rapidly developing big cities; their disturbingly heterogeneous crowds and the newly-scaled urban spaces (Benjamin, 1973). Currently, the two separate moods that the concept of uncanny emphasizes, namely the self-alienation and aliena-tion from one’s immediate environment are so intertwined that they feed each other. When the concept of uncanny is considered in the context of industrial archeology, the industrial struc-tures that have been abandoned and left idle upon losing their functions are the urban spaces

that disseminate and trigger the sense of uncanny.

The current states of these old and uncanny industrial areas in the city can be examined through the concept of “Terrain Vague” which was brought forward by Spanish architect Sola Morales almost twenty years ago.

Even though the word “Terrain” corresponds to the word “land” in English (also has the same meaning in Turkish), its conceptual meanings contain spatial connotations regarding especially the urban areas. The word terrain hints at urban components/spaces and even buildings that are directly connected with the city. “Vague”, on the other hand, embraces meanings that come with adjectives such as inconsistent/moving, indeterminate, ambiguous and uncertain. The first use of the term Terrain Vague goes back to a photograph that was taken by the famous surrealist pho-tographer Man Ray in 1929 (Figure 1). The photograph shows an urban area that accommodat-ed various experiences earlier, but eventually lost its use value and turned into a sort of aban-doned place (Walker, 2002). Here the photograph functions as a time-image that presents an old story about the urban life. When art encounters a “terrain vague”, it tries to observe and under-stand its potentials.

For establishing the relationship between the terms “vague” and “uncan-

Figure 1. Terrain vague, 1929, Man Ray.

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ny”, it is both useful and necessary to underline the fact that the perception regarding the concept of uncanny in art differs from its use in psychology.

In art uncanny is synonymous with ‘with grabbing hold of collec-tive values that may become entirely alienated from the remembrance and memory of things held over from the past which, at the present, in a sense exist solely as a fragmented whole” (Akay, 2005). So the question is what are these collective values that have been constructed through the memory in question?

The urban space, which is produced in the process of modernity, is used until it loses its func-tion and then it is abandoned. Since the dwellers of the city are in a state of alcoholic palimpsest during this process, they are not able to form memories about the space and keep them in mind. The reason why space forces uncanny senses of a person is not about the physical conditions of the place; it is a result of self-alienation that steals from the memory of an individual. The abandoned urban space activates the sense of uncanny in the dwellers of the city and after a while, this quality of uncanniness just sticks to the place. At this point, it can be said that the loss of collective values within the context of Istanbul results from an inability to create new memories about the urban space in the modernization process.

All of the lost memories that cannot be stored in the memory are the lost collective values that were mentioned before.

Different actors adopting different evaluation systems approach to these disquieting uncanny industrial ruins in their own ways; however, the necessity of getting rid of the uncanny feeling is the common ground where all the actors meet.

Architecture perceives vagueness as something insecure, undefined or not productive. Upon encountering a foreign, undefined territory, the architecture always tends to impose limits, set rules and introduce familiar elements into it to make it recognizable, identical and universal (Mo-rales, 1995).

In the re-functionalization process of these spaces, the design idea that is fiercely defended emerges as a tool of

justification in the context of contemporary architecture. “The re-functionalizations that are realized as a result of common value judgments with standard pro-grams lead to the over-domestication of the eccentric nature of the production spaces. Trans-forming these spaces for human activities instead of mechanical processes is some sort “disori-entation” process” (Cengizkan 2006).

As it can be seen, this system works like a cycle. In order to break this cycle, it is necessary to introduce a different system of value to change the direction of the trajectory. At this point, Morales’s approach is significant.

“How can architecture act in the terrain vague without becoming an aggressive instru-ment of power and abstract reason? Undoubtedly, through attention to continuity: not the continuity of the planned, efficient, and legitimized city, but of the flows, the ener-gies, the rhythms established by the passing of time and the loss of limits... we should treat the residual city with a contradictory complicity that will not shatter the elements that maintain its continuity in time and space.” (Morales, 1995)

3.A terrain vague in Istanbul: Yedikule Gasometer Complex A special kind of industrial complex in the industrial landscape of Istanbul, gasometers have an important role in the city’s modernization process. Gasometers were established in order to light up the important buildings first, and then the urban spaces such as streets, avenues, and squares with the help of atmospheric pressure and air gas. This function of the gasometers is an im-portant phenomenon for the interior formation of the modern city. A city is a place where you can walk both during the daytime and at night thanks to the gasometers.

The first gas plant was founded in 1853 to lighten up the Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul. In time, the required gas for the illumination of streets in Beyoglu and Pera were also provided from that plant. Kuzguncuk Gasometer was also founded during the same period. The intention was to light up the Beylerbeyi Palace. However, it lost its function in the time when Kadikoy Hasanpasa Gasometer, which

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Figure 2. The locations of gasometers in Istanbul.

was established in 1982 to meet the demands of the Anatolian side, began to fulfill the needs of Üsküdar (Figure 2). The Yedikule Gasometer, which was also opened to use towards the end of the 19th century, is the first gasometer complex that was built for public service (Figure 3).

Located in close proximity to urban life, gasometers are made up of various buildings with spe-cial properties.

However, gasometers are the most important of these structures in terms of tec-tonics. Gasometers are machine structures that depend on a gas transmission principle based on the atmo-

Figure 3. The panoramic view of Yedikule Gazometer Complex, 2015 (Foto, E. Ozdemir).

Figure 4. Yedikule Gazometer, 2014, Emre Özdemir.

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spheric pressure. When the gasometers were first built in Istanbul, their minimalistic steel structures and the motions of the air boilers inside them were their distinguishing charac-teristics from the surrounding structures. In the memory of the city and its dwellers, gasometers are a sacred symbol/ image of the industrial complex that lights up the city (Figure 4).

Gasworks plants, which were active until the 90s in Istanbul, have been transferred to the Istan-bul Metropolitan Municipality and İETT as a result of a number of developments. They have come down from such a history. These facilities completely lost their functions. They hosted a countless number of events and situations that intensified their state of “vagueness.” They are seen as part of the “industrial heritage” and expect to be equipped with their “new” and “public” functions.

Among the gasworks plants in Istanbul, Yedikule Gasometer is perhaps the vaguest one both in terms of function and spatial background since it is the “uncanny” home of the urban waste, scraps, animals and Others (Figure 5).

Yedikule Gasometer is located at the corner where the land and sea walls of the Historical Pen-insula meet. The historical background of the area, its proximity to the dungeons and its location above the sea walls make this place a unique example of the region’s palimpsestic character. Currently owned by IEET, the open areas of Yedikule Gasometer are where the old buses, vari-ous sizes of metal waste and electronic junk are accumulated.

The presence of animal shelters within its boundaries and the number of stray dogs in the area intensifies the uncanny feeling of the space. Due to its nearness to the sea and the uncontrolled land-

Figure 5. Air photo of Yedikule G. Complex and the remnants in the area under preservation, 2015.

Figure 6. Yedikule Gasometer Complex, 2014, Emre Özdemir.

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scape that covers the whole place, the region also attracts various bird populations. Homeless people of Istanbul use various buildings of the facility as a shelter. At present, the gasworks complex does not have definite functional and physical boundaries as it once had.

Due to Marmaray Project, the suburb train line station that periodically disrupts the vague character of the region is abandoned to be opened in an unknown future (Figure 6). All of these different factors intertwine with the strong sensuality of the space such as the sounds of dogs and birds, industrial odors, the fragility of the remnants and wild landscape. All of these create the vagueness of the area and leads to an attractive, but unsettling aura. This aura covers the area like a blanket or a layer. It promises a vision of the complex record of what has happened there over the years and allows building dreams over a future that will never materialize.

With the current conservation policy, it seems unlikely to protect this vague state that creates this strange aesthetic. Given the possible commercial potential of the area, it becomes clear that this vague space disappears in a not too distant future.

How can architecture approach this vagueness, which harbors unique spatial potentials, without destroying it?

Can such areas trigger a different architectural approach? Can one imagine the city in different ways through the potential of these areas?

4. The continuity of “uncanny”: Talking about the surreal through the reality of archi-tecture The answer to this critical question can be looked for in the term “unheimlich” and its interpreta-tion in surrealism. The term refers to two basic points; the uncanny feeling that an individual experiences and the vague or abandoned urban spaces that create this uncanny feeling.

The way Surrealists deals with the concept could be inspirational in a different dimension. Con-trary to general opinion, the way Surrealists interpret the concept of uncanny does not comply with Freud’s definition of the concept. Surrealism takes a stand against

the “normal” forms that the modernism imposes. The “real” is the uncanny for surrealism and surrealist approach pre-fers provoking it rather than avoiding it (Vidler, 2014).

Surrealists try to understand the mechanisms of the unconscious through dreams and try to show the brilliance beyond the visible and the beauties that are on the brink of decay and extinc-tion (Artun, 2014). For them, the unison between the world and human beings is possible not through a compliance to an environment that establishes constancies, but through a purification from that very environment. When the individual gets out of “rationalist” and “unnatural” norms (by escaping to the imagination), s/he reaches a cosmic order.

An independent imagination will be a manifestation and part of a cosmic world that is based on symbols, allegories, and myths (Ojalvo, 2012). It seems quiet hard to talk about surrealism in architecture that currently reflects the reality of the rational boundaries of thought.

In the context of architecture, surrealism is not an effort for finding the most surreal image or achieving creative intellectual activities in the lengthy design process. The moment when archi-tecture gets closer to Surrealism is the moment when it arouses curiosity in the individuals who interact with space and enables the formation of different memories; so allow the occurrence of various images of thought in an individual’s mind .“ In this context, it can be said that the un-canny feeling that is stimulated by “Terrain Vague” indicates a surreal state. The memory that is numb to the experiences of daily life due to an inebriation of desire is not able to create affects like fear, curiosity and restlessness, whereas all these affects that are outside of the routine reali-ty are triggered upon encountering an uncanny space. At this point, the space (this space is probably an incidental space, not a space created as a result of a long architectural design pro-cess) has the potential for allowing “surreal images of thought” in between sleep and wakeful-ness.

An uncanny ‘Terrain Vague’: Yedikule Gasometer Complex

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5. Conclusion and evaluation Yedikule Gasometer Complex, with its uncanny and vague state, is considered as an example of this kind of space that is able to trigger un-familiar senses in an individual. When grounded with surrealist theory, this vague space creating a sense of uncanny requires a set of values that can be distinguished from the previous ones.

Is it possible for architecture (and maybe for the other actors) to approach this uncanny space by getting rid of all the other evaluation mechanisms and without ignoring the potentials of its ex-periences and vagueness?

The continuity of the memories is possible only when people transcend their concern of renew-ing the physical conditions of a space. The traces of a building’s past (not only the physical traces) can become sustainable when its present meets on a terrain of newness that is nourished by the past. On the other hand, the continuity of the uncanny feeling is probable in a kind of newness (and one can look for this newness only by getting rid of the common ‘new’ norms) where all the others can meet and collide as a result of unpremeditated coincidences. In this kind of newness, the industrial past of the building, the experience of the other and the uncanny sense evoked by the space could be transferred to the next present without denial or domestica-tion.

As long as the urban spaces with similar aging stories as Yedikule Gasometer Facility continue to be evaluated within the current evaluation system, which is based on the dialectic between the old and new, and as long as they are “renewed” or “demolished” as a result of this attitude, the memory will be the most important value to be lost beside the ostensible gains that are dressed with “new” clothes.

References Artun, N.A. (2014). Sürrealizm mimarlık mekan sanatı. Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları.

Baudelaire, C. (1860). Les paradis artificiels. Paris: Elibron Classics.

Benjamin, W. (1973). Charles Baudelaire: A lyric poet in the era of high capitalism. Londan: New Left Books.

Cengizkan, N.M. (2006). Endüstri yapılarında yeniden işlevlendirme, ‘iş’i biten endüstri yapıları ne işe yarar?

TMMOB Mimarlar Odası Ankara Şubesi, Dosya 3 Bülten 45, 9-13.

Dellaloğlu, B. (2013, October 22).

Türkiye’de batılılaşma ülküsü [Video File]. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zjg2oEibHhg. Lefebvre, H. (1991). The production of space. Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing.

Morales, S. (1995). Terrain vague.

In Davidson, C.C. (Ed.), Anyplace (pp.

118-123). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Ojalvo, R. (2012). Modernitenin iki yüzü arasındaki mimarlık: “Mesken tutmak”tan göçebeliğe. In Artun, N.A., Ojalvo, R. (Eds.), Arzu mimarlığı; mimarlığı düşünmek ve düşlemek (pp.

169-205). Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları.

Palmer, M. & Neaverson, P. (1998).

Industrial archaeology: principles and practice. London: Routledge.

Semple D. & Smyth, R. (2013). Oxford handbook of psychiatry. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Vidler, A. (1994). The architectural uncanny: Essays in the modern unhomely. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Vidler, A. (2014). Fantezi, tekinsizlik ve sürrealist mimarlık kuramları.

In Artun, N.A. (Ed.), Sürrealizm mimarlık mekan sanatı (pp. 101-125). İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.

Walker, I. (2002). City gorged with surrealism: Surrealism and documentary photography in inter-war paris.

Manchester: Manchester University Press.

ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • T. Özkan, E. Özdemir

ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • 39-50

Reviewing Istanbul’s urban structure through a local retail shop: Neco Cornet Ice Cream Shop

Zeynep TARÇIN TURGAY tarcin@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.57438

Received: October 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract The settlements of Istanbul started with a colony in 7th century BC, continued with becoming a “World city” in the 4th century BC and still go on by being a global metropolis. During the 20th century; the outwards of the urban space were structured by the addition of new big scaled layers over privatized public lands or gecekondu areas rapidly. In the same time, the inner old settlement areas were structured by the slow articulation of fragmental layers over each other in long time periods. This multi-component/straticulate urban structure of the city, which allows and inspires various researches, is handled by the term “palimpsest” in some contemporary studies. Kocamustafapasa Neighborhood of Fatih County reflects the city’s palimpsest character by enclosing the old urban processes’ spatial and socio-cultural traces and functions as a temporal cross section for the citizens.

In this study, Istanbul’s palimpsest character’s reflection over the urban space is scrutinized through a 25 years serving shop in Kocamustafapaşa: Neco Cornet Ice Cream. In the first section, Kocamustafapasa’s history and current state is presented. In the second section; the development of ice cream sector in Turkey is assessed. In the third and fourth sections; the data obtained from the case study is presented and the sectorial position of the case study subject is evaluated. In conclusion, the findings about the structural qualities of the small scaled urban retail shops, Istanbul’s palimpsest character are presented and potential contribution of similar researches to urban studies is emphasized.

Keywords Istanbul, Globalization, Old city, Small retailer shops, Palimpsest.

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1. Introduction The settlements of Istanbul started with a colony in 7th century BC, continued by becoming a “World City” in the 4th century BC and still go on by being a global metropolis. Throughout this urban structuring Istanbul survived with various effects of physical, social, cultural, political, geographical, technological and economic dynamics. The city sometimes kept these effects inside its structure, sometimes transformed them and sometimes was transformed with them to adapt to the new circumstances it was facing. These relationships with various dynamics left many traces transforming Istanbul into a multi-component/straticulate urban structure in the end. This structure which enables and inspires various studies has been handled through the term “palimpsest” in some contemporary studies (Turgut, 2013). Palimpsest is a term that refers to the existence of multiple and intermingled layers together in the context of a written paper.

In the urban context then, the term refers to the existence of urban layers – that bear the traces of every kind of local/global dynamics- together over the same spatial and temporal dimensions.

These layers combine and survive together on the one hand; and they carry those traces to the city’s present/future context on the other.

Even though the population of Istanbul had been decreased in the 15th and 20th centuries, throughout the full process, the urban space had continuously been expanding with an increasing speed. During the 20th century, the outwards of the urban space was structured by rapid articulation of new big scaled layers over the privatized public lands or gecekondu areas. At the same time, the inner old settlement areas were structured by the slow addition of fragmental layers over each other in long time periods. In recent history, this structuring continued with the city’s consumption oriented spatial and cultural transformations, the gentrification movements and big scaled urban transformation projects.

Although this process seems like an uninterrupted movement of renewal at first sight, many urban components of the past managed to survive in Istan-

bul’s old settlements areas. In the Suriçi district (Historically central peninsula of Istanbul), the Süleymaniye, Hatice Sultan, Yedikule, Topkapı and Kocamustafapasa neighborhoods survived by sustaining their social, cultural, physical and economical qualities partially; and managed to carry the traces of their past to the future. As one of these neighborhoods, Kocamustafapasa had the chance to be a scene for many urban transformation movements and had developed a unique, clear and certain characteristic which also reflects Istanbul’s palimpsest character explicitly.

Under the light of these reviews, the aim of this study is to present Istanbul’s multi-component//straticulate structure’s reflection over the inner urban settlement areas. To this respect, a twenty five year old ice cream shop in Kocamustafapasa was selected for the case study considering the scope of the long term serving retailer shops located at the inner of urban areas.

In the first section of the study, Kocamustafapasa’s history and current state is presented over literature research and observational data. In the second section; the development of ice cream sector in Turkey is assessed.

In the third section; the data obtained from the case study is presented under “Location, Proprietors, Operational Structure, Spatial Properties, Products, Sales Data, Formal Licenses and Customer-Business Relations” subtitles. In the fourth section, the sectorial position is evaluated by a comparison between the shop and the industrial manufacturers according to the products, marketing techniques and customer relations. In the last section, the major findings are presented and the potential contribution of similar type of researches to urban studies are indicated.

2. Place overview: The history and present of Kocamustafapasa There is only a little information about the condition of Kocamustafapasa district before 15th century. In the 4th century, there were cemeteries at Kocamustafapasa’s current area and that region was Eksokionion (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994a). At the south of that region was located Psamathi-

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on, a residential settlement area (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994b) (Figure 1). In the 5th century Psamathion was transformed into a religious center by the construction of Studios Monastery (Also known as İmrahor Mosque and İonnes Promodos Church). Following this, Ayios Andreas Monastery was constructed at Eksokionion in the 6th century. These two regions, intertwined in time, developed in relation with each other and gave rise to the urban settlements of Samatya and Kocamustafapasa.

In 15th century, in line with Ottoman Empire’s population policies, Armenians were settled at the south of Kocamustafapasa, along the seashore (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994b), and Muslims were settled in Kocamustafapasa’s region. To the end of the 15th century, the grand vizier of II. Bayezit, Koca Mustafa Pasa, had reconstructed the Ayios Andreas Monastery as a mosque (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V.,

Figure 1. İstanbul Suriçi district and Kocamustafapasa, 4th-7th Centuries (Müller-Wiener, 2007).

Figure 2. Samatya, Beginning of the 20th century (Yerasimos, 1997).

1994a). Afterwards, throughout the 16th century Islamic monasteries were established in the district to foster the Muslim population and Kocamustafapasa turned into a dense Muslim district. At the 18th century, Kocamustafapasa became one of the civilized districts of its period with its timber mansion houses, Islamic monasteries and their new settlers (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994a).

In the 19th century, Istanbul had spanned a spatial modernization period (Kurtuluş, 2007), but Kocamustafapaşa and Samatya could not reached the speed of this new urbanization process (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994a).

At the beginning and middle of 20th century, the upper income groups and non-Muslim settlers moved away from Samatya and Kocamustafapasa and it was resulted with a non-used residence supply all around the district (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994a) (Figure 2).

During intensive migration movements caused by industrialization Çavuşoğlu, 2014); the residence supply of Kocamustafapasa was started to be used by the Anatolian migrants, mostly from Rumeli and Karadeniz regions of Turkey (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994a).

Muslims belonged to middle income group became the major resident character in the district, living together with a little number of non-Muslims (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994a).

During 1970’s, the growing residence demand was fulfilled with a new transformation model called “yap-sat” (ing.

Build-Sell) (Çavuşoğlu, 2014). Almost all the timber houses transformed to multistory apartments (Kultur Bak. ve Tarih V., 1994a), and consequently average height of the buildings increased partly but the parcel dimensions were sustained.

In 1980’s, the urban transformations accelerated and radicalized as a result of the new neo-liberal politics. While the historical fabric of Suriçi was being destroyed by big scaled government projects (e.g. the coastal road and boulevards) (Çavuşoğlu, 2014), transformations in Kocamustafapasa had continued still with small scaled interventions. The physical and social characteristics that become clear in 1970’s were amplified; the “yap-sat” trans-

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formations continued. Afterwards, in 1990’s, Kocamustafapasa faced with a decrease in its public spaces as a reflection of the ongoing capital oriented transformations. All of the seven cinemas in the district were closed; six of them were transformed to commercial or privatized places and one of them was transformed into a Community Center of SHCEK (Turkish Social Service and Children Protection İnstitution). At the same time, the consumption pattern of the region was started to take shape with the growing number of small scaled retail shops serving at the apartments’ ground floors.

After 2000, the new legal regulations that were aiming to build new life spaces for the middle/upper income groups raised the land prices in Suriçi (Terzi & Bölen, 2008), while the urban transformations continued in small scaled interventions -except the Sulukule Neighborhood’s transformation in 2010-. In Kocamustafapasa, some of the apartments were repaired or reconstructed, and many restoration projects are started that include the small mosques, mosques and social complexes. A market building and the automobile industry zone were reorganized as public parks afterwards.

Consumption axes become significant as the small/middle scaled retail shops spread from the square to Samatya, Cerrahpasa and Capa neighborhoods through wide streets.

Today Kocamustafapasa Neighborhood consists of religious buildings, a square (Figure 3 and 4), 3 parks, 3-6 floor height adjacent apartments and many narrow streets. Along the Hekimoglu Ali Pasa, Kuvayi Milliye and Kocamustafapasa Streets many small scale retail shops line up that that serve mostly for 5-15 years and there are eight supermarkets (Figure 5 and 6).

Also, there are some long term serving local shops that opened between 19501980, such as Beyaz Saray Ice Cream, Senol Patisserie, Sumbul Efendi Bakery and NECO Cornet Ice Cream (Figure 7).

The social focal points are Kocamustafapasa Square (Figure 4), Cevre Theatre, Kocamustafapasa Sumbul Efendi Mosque and Complex (Figure 8), Surp Kevork Armenian Church (Figure 9),

Figure 3. Social focal points and public transportation stations.

Figure 4. Kocamustafapasa Square.

Figure 5. The distribution of the commercial spaces in Kocamustafapasa.

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Figure 6. The subsidiaries of national chain firms in Kocamustafapasa.

Figure 7. Small scaled local retail shops in Kocamustafapasa.

Figure 8. Kocamustafapasa Sumbul Efendi Mosque and Complex.

Figure 9. Surp Kevork Armenian Church.

Ramazan Efendi Mosque, Hekimoglu Ali Pasa Complex and Park and two other public parks. The public transportation to the district is supplied by four IETT bus lines and a “dolmus” line to Taksim for twenty four hours (Figure 3). Families belong to middle and lower-middle income groups are constituting the main population of the district. The rest of its population is composed of students, retired employees and a little number of Non-Muslim residents.

It is clearly seen that, Kocamustafapaşa encloses the old urban processes’ spatial and socio-cultural traces on the one hand, and functioning as a temporal cross section for the citizens with its long term serving consumption spaces on the other. The district achieved to transform in peace with its residents, in spite of the various powerful dynamics over the city. It is also remarkable that, the attached residents of the district use “Paşa” instead of Kocamustafapasa to identify the district in their daily life.

3. Sectorial information: Evaluation of ice cream sector in Turkey In the history of Turkey, ice cream appears for the first time with “karsambac” which contains snow or ice flavored with sugar, honey, fruit juices or nectars (Yaşar D. ve G. M., 2016).

This Ottoman tradition spread to Anatolia in the 17th century by the snow trades called “karcı” (Snow monger) Besides, in the 20th century, the Southeast of Anatolia ice cream followed a different way and Maras ice cream was born by the mix of goat milk, sugar and sahlep (İTO, 2006). Until 1970’s, ice cream was produced in artisan shops (ITO, 2006) where the producer gave his name to the product, such as Receb in Aksaray, Armenian ice cream seller near the Ali Efendi Restaurant and Albanian Andon in Fenerbahce (Alus, 2005). The first industrial production was realized by Atatürk Forest Farm Pasteurized Milk and Products Factory in 1957 and followed by İzmir Milk Products Industry Incorporated Company in 1970-1974 (ITO,2006). After 1984 the sector was expanded by the entrance of local/global firms. The increasing competition led to an increase

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in the product range, a decrease in prices and a significant change in promotion strategies.

In 1984, Has Gıda entered in the sector, with the brand Panda, as the first industrial ice cream manufacturer of Turkey. Panda met the supply deficit around the country and did not affect the small scaled businesses. The next firm Algida entered the sector in 1989 and expanded its market share to 60 percent in 2005 and it realized the first strike into the local small scale businesses. The second strike came from Golf, a brand by Ulker Group after its entrance in 2003. The other face of the ice cream sector is the patisseries. Mado (1993) is the frontrunner of them with its %20 market share, followed by Edo (1986) and Gullu Dondurmacı (1979).

The consumption rate of ice cream raised 3.5 times after 1990 with 74% of them being industrial packaged products (Figure 10) (İTO, 2006).

International brands -like Algida and Golf- transformed the content, manufacturing, variety, presentation, accessibility and promotion of their products to adapt the new citizens. This transformation also steered the reformation of the new lifestyles or corroborated them. Verifying Lefebvre’s (1991) argument on the process of industrial production; ice cream was abstracted from its producer’s traces, its actual ingredients and the meanings they bear; marketed over images that attribute it some secondary/third meanings such as a happy partner, beautiful girlfriend, peace or pleasure. A regular food product turned into a tool that shapes the consumption based life style of the city.

The transformation of the life styles accompanied by the transformation of the city; the urban space became a place gathering images of men/women whom enjoy themselves by consuming.

In the middle of this image oriented urban space, the connection between the consumed product and the consumer’s identity was strengthened (Zuckin, 1998). In the beginning, individuals started to define themselves through the symbols they were exposed in their daily life. This continues with the definition of places through the symbols, and some of the places lost their previously built identities correspondingly. Then, the loss of identities leads to the loss of citizens’ connections to significant places; or to the urban space in general (Tuna, 2009). In the end of this process, this rupture between the city and the citizens caused the disappearance of the citizen’s sense of responsibility towards the city in every dimension. As a result, the urban transformations directed by capital’s demands were made easier and speeded up.

4. A small scaled retail shop in Istanbul: NECO Cornet Ice Cream Shop In this study, NECO Cornet Ice Cream Shop is selected as the case study subject to present Istanbul’s multi-component//straticulate structure’s reflection over the inner urban settlement areas. The research data is collected from two interviews done separately with the two proprietors, literature researches and particular observations in 2010 and 20141.

The preliminary case study was prepared for the course “Paradigms on Architecture” in ITU Architectural Design PhD Program in June 2010. This case study was extended and rearranged for this study in November 2014.

1

Figure 10. Some product images of the brands Algida, Golf, Panda, Mado.

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In this section the research data is presented under the subtitles of Location, Proprietors, Operational Structure, Spatial Properties, Products, Sales Data, Formal Licenses and Customer-Business Relations.

4.1. Location NECO Cornet is located in the oldest region of Kocamutafapasa; at the east side of a Sumbul Efendi Mosque and right across the Kocamustafapasa Primary School’s main entrance. In addition, a new public park is built at the north-west side of the shop in 2010.

Shop is serving at the ground floor of an apartment like most of the small scaled retail shops in the neighborhood (Figure 11).

4.2. Proprietors NECO Cornet was opened as a family business by Necati Senol and Cemal Senol brothers born in Uskup. As a sequel of 40 years long migration movement, Senol brothers migrated to Bayrampaşa-Istanbul in 1979. Afterwards, Necati Senol settled in Karamursel County of Kocaeli and decided to continue his profession that he had

Figure 11. Location of NECO Cornet in Kocamustafapasa.

Figure 12. Spatial arrangements in summer and winter, 2010.

acquired by apprenticeship in primary school years. He got his certificate of mastership of ice cream production, and opened his first business at 1985 in Karamursel. He opened a subsidiary shop at 1989 in Kocamustafapasa, handed over the shop in Karamursel after a few years and moved to Kocamustafapasa in the beginning of 1990’s.

Today Necati Senol is married with 3 kids, and Cemal Senol is married with 2 kids.

4.3. Operational structure NECO Cornet always prepared, served and sold fresh products on daily basis. The family workshop in Bayrampasa had supported the production partially including the cornets and desserts. The apprenticeship tradition was maintained till 2010 with 12 young people. These children/teenagers were selected from relative or acquaintance families live in the neighborhood. Today, Necati Senol stated that they cannot find any apprentice to train and it is hard for him to do all the work by himself because of his grown age. He also remarked that they are concerned that their profession would be forgotten and their business would be closed after their retirement. Previous attempts to open subsidiaries were not successful but the proprietors’ researches for new subsidiaries is still continuing within the Marmara Region.

4.4. Spatial properties At the opening of the shop in 1989, the counter was placed parallel to the short edge of the open space and the rest of the space was used for service (Figure 12). In the beginning of 1990’s, the counter was turned to be parallel to the long edge, the storage was rearranged as a closed space behind it, and the rest of the elements were renewed with expensive materials. The floor was covered with granite, the lightings were changed and the facades were rearranged like a showcase (Figure 13). In summer time, the short facade always remained open and its front was used to place tables at the open space. In winter time, all the tables and the portable dessert counter were used inside (Figure 14).

In 2014, the counter was shortened

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Figure 13. Inner views, 2010.

and covered with black granite and wood patterned pvc covering (Figure 15). The rest of the counter was turned into a cold show case for desserts (Figure 16). The floor and the ceiling remained the same but the walls were covered with patterned wallpaper. The windows, external wall coverings, signboard and sunshades were renewed with similarly looking contemporary elements (Figure 17).

4.5. Products, sales data and formal licenses The major product of the shop always remained as the ice cream. The proprietors stated that they would not give the recipe of the ice cream, and that they prefer to hand it by apprenticeship. Today, 12 kinds of ice cream are produced with fresh milk, “sahlep” (orchid roots), sugar, fresh fruits or concentrated fruits approved by TR Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Livestock. The industrial preservatives, aromas or water are not used in any of the products. The production duration decreased from five hours to thirty minutes after the ice cream machines came up. The nutritional and energy values of ice cream are high because of its fresh contents. Cemal Senol’s answer to the questions about their products healthiness was “I do not let my children to eat ice cream anywhere but here.”

In 2005, NECO Cornet had received “Work Permit for Food Manufacturers Organizations”, “Food Certificate of Registry” and “Food Production License” one by one for every product.

For the food certificate, the health of the workers, the raw materials used,

Figure 14. Facade view, 2010.

Figure 15. Spatial arrangements in summer and winter, 2014.

the space for production and the tools used for production are controlled by the investigators once or twice a year.

These license procedures or similar certificate procedures usually seem disturbing, unnecessary or compelling for some proprietors and many similar retail shops did not have any license.

Unlike them, Cemal Senol evaluated these procedures as “necessary, appropriate and right” and stated that these licenses are in fact “the registration documents of their customers’ trust in them”.

In 1990, 300 kg of ice cream was produced and sold every day during summer season. This amount decreased to 70kg in 2010. Till 2011, “sahlep” (milk

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Figure 16. Inner views, 2014.

Figure 17. Facade view, 2014.

and orchid roots hot drink), “boza” (thick, slightly fermented millet drink) and various kinds of milky desserts were served in winter. After 2011, the product variety was increased with profiterole, éclairs, rice pudding, “kazandibi” (pudding with a caramel base) which are manufactured by Cemal Senol in Bayrampasa.

In 2014, the organic food trends and the shop’s relationship with the new public park increased the selling rates. The price of the products did not changed between the years 2004-2010, and raised 20-25 percent in 2014, but still stayed under the prices of patisseries’. Therefore the shop’s selling rates and income were increased after 2014.

4.6. Customer profile and customerbusiness relationships The customer group had come into being by itself, depending on the product’s low price and it is consuming style as fresh and with small portions. The general characteristics of the customers are consistent with the neighborhoods social structure after 1950’s; they belong to the middle income group, they are attached to the neighborhood’s life

style and history.

The customers and the proprietors are economically and socially bond to each other through the space of the shop. The bilateral emotional bonds that arose from this strong relations become the most powerful factor that supports the sustainability of the business. As a result of their emotions arose from personal memories, customers strongly objected to any changes when they are asked about their advices for new arrangements or products. Then, the proprietors act in this direction and sustained the same organization at the same place for twenty years. Besides, after the renovation in 2010, most of the spatial elements, the appearance and the main products were kept the same.

This stability assured the customers about what the shop may offer to them and encouraged them to share the product by their families, especially the young ones, in the first place. They talk about and suggest the products and pursue an unconscious spontaneous promotion movement which in the end enlarges the customer group from neighborhood to the city. This imponderable social promotion was -and isthe business’s most powerful means of advertising.

5. Reviewing a local retail shop in a global neo-liberal city The current lifestyles that is formed around speed and short term experiences built a social structure integrating/disintegrating around the products that people consume. The products and promotion techniques targeting this new social structure are transformed

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in every sector. The small scaled retail shops were advised to get transformed in the same direction; otherwise it is projected that they will disembark (İTO, 2006). NECO Cornet is one of the little numbers of small scaled retail shops that continue to serve in Istanbul. Even though it is in the same market with industrial manufacturers, NECO Cornet significantly differentiates itself over three issues: product contents, marketing techniques and customer-business relationships.

Beginning with the content of its products; NECO Cornet avoid all the industrial contents intentionally and prefers fresh and natural ingredients (such as milk, fruits and sugar). On the other hand, the industrial ice cream products contain many different raw materials, mostly aromas, preservatives or industrially refined materials such as whey protein, as written on their packages. The sector profile of Istanbul Chamber of Commerce defined the sweetening agents as cheap and dry material sources and remarked that red potato is used in the products instead of sugar and cocoa (İTO, 2006). At this point, it is possible to state that NECO Cornet’s products are more natural and healthy.

In terms of the promotion techniques, the industrial manufacturing firms come to the fore. Their promotions were pursued all over the city, through every kind of media and the scope of that promotions were expanded to contain all the places and moments of life. For example, Algida promised beautiful summer loves with “Cornetto”, and the pleasure of a Tango after a romantic dinner with “Magnum”, whereas Golf suggested its customers to eat Bravo to color their lives.

All of the actors in those advertisements have a contemporary life style, they are athletic, social, well-groomed and cheerful (Figure 18). On the other hand, NECO Cornet sustained its service, promotion and selling styles that are dependent on its location and space. The organization did not have any promotion budget or tool to compare with theirs except its signboard, the two price lists and the certificates on the wall. These components of the shop were its main and constant visual

Figure 18. Algida, Panda and Golf brands’ advertisement images.

Figure 19. NECO Cornet’s promotion images, 2014.

media tools for 21 years (Figure 19).

In terms of its customer relations; while the industrial manufacturers built their customer relations through some values that are predicted to be common for all of the potential customers; NECO Cornet built its relations with its customers over their personal experiences and values. While they were establishing economical, spatial, social and personal bonds with the customers, Necati and Cemal Senol built their own personal histories. Similarly, the customers internalized their experiences at the shop, built memories of the space, proprietors and products; and established mostly emotional bonds over that memories.

To sum up; NECO Cornet had taken place in the sector after a short time of its opening and was able to support two families in 1990’s. In 2000’s, this organization had lost 80 percent of its income, but nevertheless the proprietors did not take the decisions that the sector forced them to, and continued to serve exactly the same way. After 2010, the new public space arrangements in the neighborhood, the new struc-

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turing of the shop and the growing concern for organic/natural nutrition effected their income positively and strengthened their position in the sector. Along with those indirect effects of the economical politics, the social effects were the leading factors defining the sustainability of this organization.

NECO Cornet developed an integrated relationship with the neighborhood and sustained its traditional structure through its service.

For industrial manufacturers sectoral performance is measured by market share. However, Necati and Cemal Şenol believe that serving their long term customers healthy and delicious products and a modest serving is the actual sectorial success. Today, the most proud thing for Cemal Senol is to host the grandchildren of their first customers.

6. Evaluation and conclusion After 1990’s, the small scaled retail shops of Istanbul slowly lost their income, mostly depending on the factors grounded on economy politics, and frequently were closed and forgotten.

Specific to this study, one of these retail shops, a twenty five year old organization, “NECO Cornet Ice Cream Shop” is qualitatively analyzed. Three main findings of this analysis come to the fore that present the shop’s multi-component structure, Istanbul’s palimpsest character’s structural qualities and their reciprocal relationship that ensure the preservation of some urban components.

First of all, NECO Cornet appeared to carry and sustain the traces of the production/consumption/promotion styles of its sector, the spatial/social structures of the neighborhood, the national politics that direct these structures, countless personal lives and many other urban components that could not be revealed in this study all together. NECO Cornet sustained its bonds with its customers and values they assigned to itself through those traces, and consequently managed to preserve its relations with its customers despite the negative effects of global market economies and rapid urbanization. These findings indicate that similar urban spaces turn into a funda-

mental component of the urban social life by being experienced by numerous citizens every day. And above all, they exist as multi-dimensional urban components that hold the social, personal, spatial, temporal and economical sections of the city together, visibly or invisibly.

Secondly, the structural qualities of Istanbul’s palimpsest character are revealed through the analysis. The palimpsest layers, which refer to a horizontal structuring, formed by various urban dynamics became visible with a vertical temporal section through NECO Cornet. In this context, it could be stated that, these various layers of Istanbul built by national, regional, urban, cultural, social or personal dynamics can be researched through the long term serving small scaled commercial spaces. It is also projected that similar researches of public/semi-public urban spaces would contribute to the contemporary critical approaches that point out what is happening in and what is happening to the cities.

Thirdly, the reciprocal relationship between the two multi-component structures, NECO Cornet and Istanbul as a palimpsest city, appear to support the preservation of NECO Cornet. In other words, the relationships between the palimpsest layers on this urban place formed some bonds over/ in it that function as a structural system. These bonds are the main structure that contribute to the urban place’s survival by preventing the wearing down or collapse of it with rapid urban transformation processes. This evaluation also indicates the third dimension of the palimpsest concept strongly. In the urban areas the urban layers’ dimensions and togetherness are various in scale and form and this articulates the palimpsest concept a third dimension. As a result, it should be stated that the palimpsest concept can be handled through its three dimensional and multi-component structure in the urban context.

In recent years, the big scaled transformations in various cities of the world caused the reactions of large masses. During this process, even the most open minded citizens developed a conservative attitude against these

Reviewing Istanbul’s urban structure through a local retail shop: Neco Cornet Ice Cream Shop

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new urban restructurings. One of the reasons under this attitude is the struggle to protect an uncertain, unknown, unseen reality that attaches the citizen to the city. Here, NECO Cornet and many other surviving similar urban places are the unique places that contain these unseen realities, the invisible structural bonds that hold the city and the citizens together.

References Alus, S.M. (2005). 30 Sene Evvel İstanbul, 1900’lü Yılların Başlarında Şehir Hayatı. İstanbul: İletişim Yayıncılık. Çavuşoğlu, E. (2014). Türkiye Kentleşmesinin Toplumsal Arkeolojisi. İstanbul: Ayrıntı Yayınları İstanbul Ticaret Odası. (2006).

Dondurma Sektör Profili [Online].

Retrieved from http://www.ito.org.tr/ Dokuman/Sektor/1-29.pdf Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı.

(1994a). Kocamustafapaşa. Dünden bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 5, 36-38.

Kültür Bakanlığı ve Tarih Vakfı.

(1994b). Samatya. Dünden bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, Cilt 6, 430-432.

Kurtuluş, H. (2007). Türkiye’de Si-

yasi Otorite, Sınıflar ve Kentleşme Arasındaki İlişkiye Kentsel Arazi Bağlantıları Çerçevesinden Bir Bakış.

Mimarist, 25, 70-76.

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.

Müller-Wiener, W. (2007). İstanbul’un tarihsel topografyası: 17. yüzyıl başlarına kadar Byzantion-Konstantinopolis-İstanbul. İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları.

Terzi, F., Bölen, F. (2008). An analysis of spatial development tendency of İstanbul. ITU A|Z, Vol. 8, No. 2, 35-48.

Tuna, B. (2009). Güç İktidar ve Mimarlık. Mimarist, 33, 9-12.

Turgut, H. (2013). İstanbul as a palimpsest city and imperfection. ITU A|Z, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1-4.

Yaşar Dondurma ve Gıda Maddeleri A.Ş. (2016). Mado Official Web Site [Online]. Retrieved from http://mado. com.tr/mado-tarihi/gercek-dondurma-21/ Yerasimos, S. (1997). İstanbul 19141923. İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları.

Zuckin, S. (1998). Urban Lifestyles: Diversity and Standardization in Spaces of Consumption. Urban Studies, Vol. 35, 825-839.

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From borders to boundaries: Istanbul Land Walls

Elif Belkıs ÖKSÜZ1, Tuba SARI2 1 elifb8807@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 tugsar@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Bursa Technical University, Bursa, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.54366

Received: October 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract The city is a whole with its local, cultural, social dynamics, and built environment. From economics to socio-political, and contextual relations, it contains different kinds of topological relations. In time, these relations become hybrid layers in different ways; and play a decisive role in the change and transformation of the urban context. Therefore, the ‘palimpsest’ is an important notion that reveals the causalities and the relations behind the transformation of an urban context; and a palimpsest urban reading helps us to recognize and understand the dynamic relations of urban transformation by making an inquiry for the physical and contextual values. Through its layers, an urban palimpsest reading makes it possible to observe these characteristic changes and actors involved in changes.

Extending from The Golden Horn to The Marmara Sea, Istanbul Land Walls can be regarded as one of the distinct examples of the urban palimpsest. Since its construction, Istanbul Land Walls have been functioned differently from time to time; and played a critical role in macro-scale and mezzo-scale changes in the urban context. Today, besides showing the patterns of previous civilizations, these buildings also show the traces of a contextual transformation, a transformation from being borders to becoming boundaries. The study discusses the land walls and their impact on the hybridization of the urban context through a historic research, current observation, and photographs in the direction of Topkapı-Yedikule Gates.

Keywords Borders and boundaries, Istanbul land walls, Layers, Palimpsest, Urban hybrid.

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1.Introduction: Reading the palimpsest in the urban context The city is a whole with its local, cultural, social dynamics and the built environment. From economics to socio-politics, or even topographic relations, it contains different systems of different topological relations. From time to time, these relations become hybrid layers in various ways; and play a decisive role in the growth, change, and transformation of the urban context. Eventually, the urban context forms into a spatiotemporal combination of dynamic layers. As a sociologist Richard Sennett (2006) puts it into words: ‘Growth’ in an urban environment is a more complicated phenomenon than simple replacement of what existed before; growth requires a dialogue between past and present, it is a matter of evolution rather than erasure. Therefore, the conception of palimpsest allows us to recognize the causalities and the relations behind the spatiotemporal transformation of the hybrid layers of the urban context.

Although the word palimpsest refers to ‘manuscript in roll or codex form carrying a text erased, or partly erased, underneath an apparent additional text (The Britannica Encyclopedia, 2014)’; in architecture, it may refer to describe the physical, conceptual and contextual changes of a building or an environment (Thomas, 2010).

Within this regard, a palimpsest approach to reading the urban context not only reveals the physical changes in the urban pattern but also it exhibits the aspects and actors involved in the urban’s contextual transformation.

Consequently, the urban growth and its transformation for that matter may cause interactions among the physical and contextual values in different ways.

The urban palimpsest makes it possible to recognize these characteristic interactions and the actors involved in them. In every palimpsest, when a new situation is written, the previous one is not completely erased or removed (Thomas, 2010). In this study, contextual differentiations in the urban pattern are discussed through its changing layers with a palimpsest approach; and, the notion of palimpsest is used as a metaphor to refer to the hybridization

of contextual layers. For that, the article focuses on the chronological layers of Istanbul Land Walls. Extending from the Golden Horn to the Marmara Sea, the land walls play a significant role in the growth and transformation of Istanbul’s urban context. Since their construction, the function of these walls has changed for different purposes and from macro-scale to mezzo-scale, they have caused drastic changes in the urban pattern.

Regarding their physical conditions and their roles in everyday life, Istanbul Land Walls may be considered one of the unique architectural examples for studying an urban palimpsest. Besides they carry the patterns of different civilizations, these architectural pieces also represent the traces of Istanbul’s contextual transformation. Regarding that, our study focuses on the contextual change and transformation between Topkapı-Yedikule Gates. With a palimpsest approach, it highlights the major actors of this transformation and unveils the hybridization of its contextual layers through a historic research, site observation, using maps and photographs.

2. An urban palimpsest reading: Istanbul Land-Walls, their borders, and boundaries As architectural structures, the function of land walls is to restrict and control the city entrances, to protect civilizations for physical, political and military reasons. With their unique forms of construction, land walls are very determinant in urban growth and transformation. As opposed to that, Istanbul Land Walls also have played a significant role in the urban growth of the city and affected the practices of everyday life in several ways. Because of the natural causes and/or economic and political decisions of different civilizations, these buildings have been through numerous interventions. Yet, some of these interventions caused significant changes in terms of their contextual meaning in the urban pattern.

In particular, some of them changed the contextual meaning of the walls from borders to boundaries. The transition from being traditional city to modern city affected the use of the walls in

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everyday life and caused a contextual transformation for Topkapı-Yedikule area. In other words, the borders of former Istanbul have become boundaries

Figure 1. The typical plans and sections of the land walls, Turnbull, 2004

Figure 2. The significant changes of the kale-yards Kaldjian, 2004: p.289.

Figure 3. The settlements outside the walls Kayra, Maps of Istanbul, 1990.

From borders to boundaries: Istanbul Land Walls

for the current inhabitants. Here, the contextual description of borders and boundaries is borrowed from Richard Sennett’s ‘Quant: The Public Realm’ (2009). In his essay, Sennett (2009) emphasizes these notions in the following words: while the borders are likely the walls which the foreign settlers use to escape from the central control; boundaries dominate the modern city.

In this context, while borders refer to a physical division, boundaries refer to artificial division in the urban system. Referring to Sennett’s assumption (2009), this paper examines that how Istanbul Land Walls turn into boundaries for its urban context.

As a traditional city architecture, while the walls were built to separate inside and outside life, perform as a border for its central control mechanism, ensuing interventions during the urbanization period has turned them into artificial boundaries. Within this frame, this study aims at introducing the actors and events of this contextual change of the walls with a palimpsest approach.

While first part begins with reading the historical layers of the walls within the urban texture in a chronological order, the second discusses how the hybridizations of these layers have caused the contextual transformation in the perception of borders and boundaries.

It documents how these hybrid layers created the boundaries for the current everyday life, examining the land walls between Topkapı-Yedikule Gates through site observation, using maps and photographs.

2.1. Reading the “urban palimpsest” through historical development of land walls As architectural structures, land walls are built with three different parts (Figure 1): the main wall on the natural topography, the front wall, and the ditch (Müller-Weiner, 2007). Extending from Golden Horn to the Marmara Sea, these structures (Figure 2) have been through four major physical interventions since their first construction. The first intervention is held in AD 196 by Septimus Severus to extend the city borders (Kuban, 1970). And the current traces of the walls belong

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Figure 4. The changes of the land walls and their built environment Sur-Bostan- Kopru, 2014.

to the Period of Theodosius II, the time when the Byzantion gained a strategic importance as a capital of Byzantium Empire (Kuban, 1970). In that period, the walls were expanded to protect the growing population (Turnbull, 2004).

During the Byzantium Period (AD 405), these walls were built to describe the inside and outside of the city and to protect the citizens inside. While the inside the walls was reserved for the settlements, the outside was reserved for agricultural production for these citizens (Kaldjian, 2004). Yet, some of these areas are still used for agricultural production as Kale-yards (Figure 3.)

From the Byzantium period (405) to the Ottoman Empire, the contextual meaning of these buildings referred to borders, because they were mostly used for the defense and protection. After the conquest of Istanbul (1453), the damaged walls have partially lost their contextual meaning as borders (Kuban, 2010). After the conquest, the expansion of the settlements behind the walls has changed the contextual role of the walls permanently. During this period, the city had spread out of the city walls, while the protection and defense lines between the two states were abolished. Within the opening of the gates thoroughly, the walls have been used neither for the protection nor for the defense. Instead, the active use of the gates as trade points, which gives a per-

Figure 5. People who comes to park and who lives in the park - 1, Topkapı, 2014

Figure 6. People who comes to park and who lives in the park - 2, Topkapı, 2014.

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Figure 7. The silhouette of the new settlements, behind the walls, Silivrikapi, 2014.

Figure 8. Topkapi as UNESCO’s World Heritage. Istanbul Historic Peninsula Site Management Plan, 2011.

Figure 9. Stills from the kale-yards - 1, Silivrikapı, 2014.

meable character to the structure, has created a new layer for an everyday life experience (Figure 4). Thus, the layer of Istanbul took over the layer of ConFrom borders to boundaries: Istanbul Land Walls

stantinople, neither of them attached to each other; instead, they replaced each other (Kuban, 2010).

The disappearing of the need for protection has integrated the life inside and outside the city; it increased the participation of the walls in daily life. However, as a boundary, the city walls continued to have a decisive role in the urban fabric, limiting the city’s development in the West. Outside of the walls, the settlement for mainly production continued. In this process, with the growing population, an imperial decree was issued in the Ottoman period related to the use of the stones of the city walls in the construction of houses around them (Kuban, 2010).

In addition, at the beginning of the 1870s, the construction of a railway has become a cause of destruction for some part of the city walls (Ahunbay & Ahunbay, 2000). Thus, with the overlap of cultural, social and structural layers belonging to two different states, hybridizations have appeared in the urban fabric. In this context, such a change in the face of the daily life conditions by the modernization and growth of the Black Walls has played a triggering role in the transformation of these structures from creating a border element into boundaries in the urban tissue.

Until the end of the 19th century, while the land walls were one of the important actors in urban growth, with the differentiation of daily life conditions in the region since the 20th century, the directing power of the city walls in urban areas has gradually decreased. In the first years of the Turkish Republic, these structures lost almost all of their border and defense functions; they were regarded as part of cultural heritage in need of protection. In this context, since 1935, many urban planners, including Proust, have provided a master plan for protection for the city walls and built environment (Arabacıoğlu & Aydemir, 2008).

However, to return to Richard Sennett’s debate on the border-boundary dichotomy as the starting point of the article, “…the 20th planning motion has served as the instrument for making boundaries rather than borders (Sennett, 2006).” Sennett’s argument

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was also notable for Istanbul’s Land Walls and their close surroundings; the major actors of Istanbul’s contextual change, such as industrialization, population growth and new large transportation routes, accelerated with the concept of modern city have transformed the role of the land walls in the periphery to create boundaries.

2.2. The hybridized layers of Istanbul Land Walls: From borders to boundaries As an implication of the Western model of urbanization in the 1950s, some parts of the walls were demolished to build wider roads and open new arteries. While these changes stimulated the growing population to spread out of the city; the transformation of Fevzipaşa Avenue into a boulevard and the heavy use of Vatan and Millet Avenues for vehicle transportation have remarkably affected the urban pattern and damaged the walls.

Relatively, the outcomes of a modern urbanization, —the characteristic changes in the economic route and the unbalanced population of inside and outside the walls— caused an emergence of different types of settlements and created new morphological layers of the urban pattern (Figure 5).

In the early 20th century, the emergence of large industrial buildings on the East Side of the walls had increased the number of new settlements; and the profile of the newcomers caused a contextual change in the urban context.

Additionally, some of these industrial buildings caused a demolition of the walls (Ahunbay & Ahunbay, 2000). As a result, the aspects of all these modernization interventions have caused an emergence of new morphological layers.

As the agricultural fields outside the walls were turned into industrial zones step by step, the architectural pattern of new settlements and the profiles of their inhabitants started to change significantly. On the other hand, these significant changes dominated the role of the walls in the experience of everyday life. Today, these architectures have become actively involved in everyday life for different purposes. However, it is important to mention that, with

Figure 10. Stills from the kale-yards - 2, Silivrikapı, 2014.

Figure 11. Stills from the kale-yards - 3, Silivrikapı, 2014.

Figure 12. A still from the parking lot inside the walls, Silivrikapı, 2014.

the urban transformation intentions in the following years, these industrial layers would soon turn out to be large/ neglected gaps in the urban texture

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Figure 13. A still from the children’s area outside the walls, Silivrikapı, 2014.

Figure 14. A still from the pedestrian road inside the wall, Silivrikapı, 2014.

(Figure 6). Therefore, in 1980, right after UNESCO’s declaration of Land Walls between Topkapı and Yedikule Gates as a World Heritage, several urban interventions, and transformations were brought to the scene. (Istanbul Historic Peninsula Site Management Plan, 2011). As a part of an urban transformation, some of these large buildings were moved to different locations around the city; and the gaps they created in the urban texture From borders to boundaries: Istanbul Land Walls

were re-functioned for different purposes (Istanbul Historic Peninsula Site Management Plan, 2011). Later, the walls and their near surroundings were defined as ‘Buffer Zones’ in the current development plan of the Municipality (Istanbul Historic Peninsula Site Management Plan, 2011). Although the walls and their nearby areas were designated as recreational areas for the inhabitants, some of their parts are used as shelters by homeless people (Figure 7). Consequently, the hybrid structure of these conflicting layers constituted new boundaries for human-environment relationships. Currently, these hybrid fields are creating a great divergence between people who visit the park and people who live in the park (Figure 8). By the 21st Century, the walls, which played an active role in the urban growth for a long time, gradually had lost their contextual meaning as borders.

Another critical intervention that caused a change in contextual meaning for this region involves the transformation of the kale-yards. Since the Byzantine Period (405), kale-yards had been the inseparable characteristic features of the walls (Kaldjian, 2004; Shopov & Han, 2013). During the Byzantine Period, the walls provided nearly half of the goods for the citizens (Shopov & Han, 2013). However, because of their loss impact in the trade market, the demand for kale-yards has decreased considerably over time. Until today, only the small traces of these kale-yards near the roads have survived from the urbanization; and they have been preserved as symbolic parts of this cultural heritage (Figure 9-11).

One of the protagonists of the public spaces is to play an active role in everyday life to encourage the inhabitants to socialize. However, the idea of transforming the walls’ area into parks and recreation areas for a public space does not seem to work efficiently because of the hybrid layers of borders and boundaries. As seen in the following figures, the current condition of the land walls and their environment as a public space does not seem as effective as it is expected to be in the everyday life. (Figure 12-13). In order to encourage the use of this area as a public space,

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most of the urban renovation and restoration projects have focused on the outside of the walls while neglected the inside of them. For that reason, as neglected spaces, the built environment inside the walls —unplanned and abandoned parking lots, storage areas, and heavy vehicle traffic— prevents the park outside from reaching out its potential users (Figure 14-16). Regarding the lack of porosity of the walls in this sense, and their obstruction the access between two sides the current condition of these architectures stands as the new boundaries of the urban context.

3. Conclusion: The hybrid layers of Istanbul Land Walls An urban palimpsest reading, the transformation of physical layers is not independent of the conceptual and contextual layers of spatiotemporal relations; and Istanbul Land Walls are the unique architectural examples for that matter.

As mentioned in the previous chapter, the progress of transforming from a traditional city to a modern city has affected the role of the land walls in everyday life and caused a significant contextual transformation; a transformation that changed the role of the land walls in its urban context. Yet, this conflicting relationship of borders and boundaries created a variety of spatial hybridizations for the land walls and its built environment.

Once the walls lost their contextual meaning as borders, they have gained the new contextual meaning as boundaries; and that emerged the initial reflections of the hybrid layers. As a result, these hybrid layers have caused a damage in the inhabitants’ everyday life-built environment interaction at certain points. Lack of permeability depending on different lifestyles and functions seen on both sides of the land walls, vehicle-based development around the land walls disordered the pedestrian traffic, and the superficial and inefficient structural improvements made in this direction, have triggered the perception of walls as boundaries and the transformation into abandoned areas in the urban pattern. In conclusion, the planning of an

Figure 15. A still from the pedestrian road and the gate, outside the wall, Silivrikapı, 2014.

Figure 16. A still from the gate, outside the wall, Silivrikapı, 2014.

urban transformation should be considered not only the physical aspects of the built environment but also it should focus on the everyday life of the inhabitants. In this framework, once the land walls become integrated into everyday life, they will be seen no longer as boundaries in the urban context.

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References Ahunbay M. & Ahunbay, Z. (2000).

Recent Work on the Land Walls of Istanbul, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 54, edit. Talbot, A., Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C., 227-239.

Arabacıoğlu, F.P. & Aydemir, A.I. (2008). Sur ve Kent İlişkisi Bağlamında İstanbul Kara Surları, T.C. Anandolu Bil Meslek Yüksekokulu Dergisi, No:10, Nisan, 2008, 49-64.

Britannica Encyclopedia (2014).

Retrieved from http://global.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/439840/palimpsest Çorakbaş, F.K., Aksoy, A., & Ricci, A. (2013). A Report of Concern On The Conservation Issues Of The Istanbul Land Walls World Heritage Site With A Special Focus on the Historic Yedikule Vegetable Gardens (Yedikule Bostanları), based on Kıvılcım Çorakbaş’s research on “The Preparation of a Site Management Plan for the Istanbul Land Walls World Heritage Site” at Koç University’s Research Center on Anatolian Civilizations (RCAC) “Istanbul Historic Peninsula Site Management Plan”, (2011).

Retrieved from: http://www.alanbaskanligi.gov.tr/files/Y%C3%B6netim%20Plan%C4%B1_24%C5%9Fubat2012_k.pdf Kaldjian, P. J. (2004). Istanbul’s Bostans: a millennium of market gardens, Geographical Review, Sayı: 94(3), Eylül, 2005, 284-304 Kuban, D. (2010). İstanbul, Bir Kent Tarihi: Byzantion, Konstantinopolis, İstanbul, İstanbul: Türkiye Ekonomik

From borders to boundaries: Istanbul Land Walls

ve Toplumsal Tarih Vakfı Yayınları.

Kuban, D. (1970). İstanbul’unTarihi Yapısı, Mimarlık, No.79, Mayıs,1970, 25-48. Retrieved from: http://dergi. mo.org.tr/dergiler/4/398/9338.pdf Maps of İstanbul, (1990). (İstanbul Haritaları), Editors: Cahit Kayra, Türkiye Sınaî Kalkınma Bankası Müller-Wiener, W. (2007). İstanbul’un tarihsel topografyası: 17. yüzyıl başlarına kadar Byzantion- Konstantinopolis-İstanbul, çev. Ülker Sayın, İstanbul: YKY. Sennett, R. (2006). Housing and The Neighborhoods: Open city. Retrieved from: http://downloads.lsecities.net/0_ downloads/B erlin_Richard_Sennett_2006Sennett, R. (2009). Quant The Public Realm, Retrieved from: http://www. richardsennett.com/site/senn/templates/general2.aspx?pageid=16&cc=gb Shopov, A. & Han, A. (2013). Osmanlı Istanbul’unda Kent İçi Tarımsal Toprak Kullanımı ve DönüşümleriYedikule Bostanları, Toplumsal Tarih Dergisi, No.236, Ağustos 2013, 34 - 38.

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Strolling through Istanbul: A Guide to City, İstanbul, Redhouse Press.

Sur-Bostan-Köprü (2014). Retrieved from: http://serbestiyet.com/sur-bostan-kopru/ Thomas,A . (2010). Prague Palimpsest: Writing, Memory and the City: University of Chicago Press.

Turnbull, S., (2004). The Walls of Constantinople AD 324-1453, Oxford: Osprey Publishing Ltd.

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Istanbul: A landscape in-between virtual and real

Merve GÜZEL mervegzl@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.42103

Received: November 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract Istanbul as a landscape… We are experiencing the city through an imaginary forest. That landscape which in flux in-between virtual-real is reproduced in the personal memories again and again.

This paper discusses Istanbul as a landscape. It offers to approach through micro scale that discovery begins to understand that Istanbul is defined as a landscape that consist of virtual-actual folds. It is mentioned in this paper that a new layer which has begun to exist on micro scale in Istanbul.

A new micro-creation has started in the city state in Istanbul. A new interface, a virtual layer which actualizes place to place. This layer which extends in between the real- virtual, is a transition space where people can freely express themselves, can encounter and can create temporal spatiality on the city.

‘The new layer’ that has begun to exist in city on micro scale and in-between virtual- real is author’s own reality as a new view to notion of ‘palimpsest’, it’s a future projection. The expression of the text should be evaluated by taking into consideration this personal reality, the state of being in virtual-real. The streets of the mental city of person and the streets of the physical city start to intertwine.

New layer covers on the city, penetrate of the city and correlate antagonistic relations with physical, virtual and other layers, so it is open to discovery.

Keywords Inbetween space, Landscape, Microgeography, New media, Virtual-real.

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1. Introduction Istanbul as a landscape… Along the folds of a geography which consists of imaginary forests, we walk through a landscape which is created by an urban memory. As we walk in the landscape, which is in flux constantly by historical, cultural, sociological, economic, technological dynamics. We are on a topography which occurs of animate, inanimate, virtual and real folds, heights and hollows. When we are walking, urban memory accompanies our individual memories. Overlapping, palimpsest Istanbul… A forest, which is full of images…

If we look at landscape from above, we notice some defined regions on macro scalewhere the effects of different dynamics become dense on. The plots which are splitted by sterile line, aren’t sufficient to give us information about the meaning and memory of place. It will be needed to lean closer. When we converge increasingly to micro scale, we are faced with a more complex pattern. Layers nested like a spiral pattern which constituted by a complex record, recorded during centuries, interrelate with each other on different ways. Unexpected reactions occur by these spontaneous encounters. Surprising and amazing structure of Istanbul comes out of it. We face with different perspectives, when we look at pattern which consists of overlapped brought by palimpsest structure. The depth formed by overlapping as slide of each layer is important and is understood as enter into, as roam in streets of it. Not predictable by planning, relations established as a result of unexpected juxtapositions are one of the key points which create the city landscape. When you decrease to micro scale more, the details will proliferate more. It must be dug to understand.

It is necessary to take care of sounds, surfaces, smells, people, conversations as well.

When some cells of a living tissue are proliferate and form new folds in the tissue, some cells will die. An organic renewal is experienced on the scale of cell, on microscale. Results will be recognized on the macro scale in time. Istanbul that we mention as a landscape is an organic city because of

its intertwine tissue. In time, damaged tissues renew themselves, also tissues which have new features are designed and added to system on micro scale.

Changes in the city occur no longer by a decision of a certain authority.

Each person is effective in this regard.

The transparent layer added to city, creates corridors on streets, some of it wraps of building surfaces, the others inflates like a balloon when it rises towards the sky and creates a volume.

This transparent layer manipulates the city’s existing pattern by a virtual one.

This manipulation is created as a result of the encounter of a digging in the city’s existing pattern and the memories of people. A new interface is created in-between the city and people. Also, this interface is a new space in between the physical city and virtual world, space of hologram, space of multi- dimensional image, space where the image of people’s own memory gained public visibility momentarily. The new interface is a new meeting space, a new type of encounter in between the city and people. The environment, belongs neither to virtual nor to real, it is the space of transition.

Through the corridors, surfaces and big volumes of that transparent layer, unpredictable encounters and poetic spaces come out. The new layer that comes on the interrelated pattern, which constitutes the city, and manipulates it, place to place changes the method of seeing and perceiving of people. The streets of person’s imaginary city and the physical streets of city start to interrelate. New habits begin on the flow of daily life. These habits effect administration and decision methods of city, communication between people, person’s way of thought production and the way to express himself. The new layer covers the city, interpenetrates and opens to discovery.

2. Why is Istanbul a landscape, How is it a landscape?

Landscape is alive, fluid and in-flux.

Each fold it has is in relation with each other. It is four dimensional, one of which is time. Each fold that landscape has curl up into each other in time, fold open and a new species comes out. Landscape is a system which deITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • M. Güzel

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velops horizontal, there is no hierarchy.

Interrelates and meshes which have been created by these interrelations are more appropriate to describe this system. The motion dynamics like life that live and decay in each part of it and relations among these parts define the whole structure.

As a landscape, the fold of Istanbul is in motion from virtual to real and from real to virtual. Historical, cultural, economic and digital folds, personal and mass folds oscillate from virtual to real and real to virtual. Interrelations are experienced from place to place. New folds exist in between the folds.

In fact, rather than considering the

Figure 1. The subject who oscillates between his/her different existances, as well as experiences of different existance of the city, Merve Güzel, 2014.

Figure 2. The landscape of the city, multiplies and reproduces in landscapes of each mind, Merve Güzel, 2014.

Istanbul: A landscape in-between virtual and real

existence as a superior existent that will establish the stability of the other perceived existents, we should consider it as a gap in which singular transformations play with each other in its transparency or a nonexistant, “an imaginary versicolor kaleidoscope” (Jarry, NA).

As a landscape, a city Istanbul can be thought as a gap which oscillates in-between virtuality and reality. That being which is in-flux is created in memories of each citizen by different images. It turns into personal realities by wrapped on each mind’s own kaleidoscope. People create their own images out of their perceptions and generate new folds from these images on their own personal landscapes.

Personal landscape is virtual geography where its folds are created by transformation of sensations of images during personal experiences. It is the virtual space where people can perform their the most free and the most creative thinking free from authority. A person creates the boundaries of space by himself/herself. Freedom is also a state, which requires awareness, and people can unconsciously create walls on their microgeography. This person always carries his/her microgeography, perceives from inside of that landscape that surrounds him/her. “The fact that all the rich images, perceptions and ideas are underestimated, indicates the abilities of people to carry the burden of operating in an universe that shows great respect to the differentiations among real, imagination and virtual but at the same time contains their contradictory relationships.”(Calvino, 1988). The person is in becoming, oscillates between different states according his/her movements in his/her landscape (Figure 1). The city is also in becoming through all its dynamics.

The personal experience of the city is in the antagonistic knit which is created by the person’s own microgeography and physical city.

The space, that is created by intertwine situation of the personal landscapes and the physical spaces of city, can not be seen through eyes for now maybe, but it is still important, it is the city itself. The person who relates in-between the images which create

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the personal landscape and physical space, does translations in between these spaces when he/she perceives them, actually (Figure 2). He/she creates his/her own reality.

Istanbul, is not a single entity, it has more than one body which are created by different curves on each memories, it is a being. It creates different reflections in each mind. It gains new meanings in people’s own memories. Therefore, Istanbul can be defined as the sum of all memories, digital bits and physicality, temporalities, interconversions and relations of them only.

The economic curves which show the inside of historical curves have been carried out in Eminönü. In Karaköy, culturel curves separates the historical and economic curves. Digital curves have been carried out in park. Spaces and people intertwine. Streets, full of images. The memory of city is different from temporalities which belongs to citizens and spaces. A knit is created by transition between memory of city-citizen. That is an imaginative knit.

“The final image of the imaginary is the tangling of a virtual image to real object and the real object’s tangling to the virtual image. It is not enough that the real object, real view reminds of similar or close images; it needs to reveal its own virtual image, the virtual image at the same time, gets connected to the real by following a way through which each of the two factors follow each other and swap as a imaginary view.” (Deleuze, 2002).

The person who moves in situation of historical, cultural, sociological, economical, a jungle that is charged with personal images, besides physical environment, when he/she walks in the city, oscillates between the images that fill his/her mind, images circulate in his/her mind and different states of his/ her existence. That’s because, the person is also a landscape, and when his/ her body is roaming in-between the city’s virtual-real curves, his/her mind is also scud on the curves of his/her own landscape.

While the city actually has much more layered structure, the person who walks through all memories and streets of city, still experiences on the physicality of city, in the reflection of virtuality of city to his/her own person-

al landscape. “When you get rid of rallying, integrative imagery of eye, you encounter a foreign, different aspect of daily life. This aspect of daily life doesn’t rise to surface so much or its visible surface consists of a border area that forward a certain direction, it is a coastal area on the border of the visible.”(Certeau, 2008). The streets, the places in the city where the encounters are taken are place of spontaneous surprises, actually have got many more virtual curves which have not been physically framed yet.

The imaginative knit formed by memory of city-citizen, the situation of intertwine is virtual. Here, during this intertwine, a new layer occurs in the city. That layer was inevitable for the discovery of virtual curves of city and trigger the exciting confrontations. The landscape has created that layer on its own. That layer revealed itself on micro scale at first, by the increase of curves, it evolved into macro scale by creating new folds on the city landscape and personal landscapes.

3. A drift from ‘macro’ to ‘micro’ For an object, a city, a geography, a person, an essay, when viewed from macro scale, it will prevent to see its difference from any other ‘thing’. It maybe be able to put it into some overall categories, to make comparisons. It may be possible to have observations roughly about shape, color of an object, general structure of a city – like to be answer for some questions such as, is it a coastal city?, does it have such a dense structure?- physical characteristics of a person, the length-shortening of the text.

Split parcels by sterile lines are not enough to give information about the meaning and memory of place. When we look closer, we can see the connection between the intertwined endless layers. These connections have details that can be explored in micro scale.

To be able to recognize the differentiations on macro scale requires a long time. Because, the confrontations and encounters that start transformations, occur on micro scale. Then it expands to the macro scale. Unlike the atoms constituting the object we consider as not moving, the particles constituting the atoms are in continuous moveITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • M. Güzel

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ment.

As general characteristics of the features to be noticed on macro scale, the decisions which are taken on macro scale can only be general decisions.

As the one mentioned is a living tissue, the city that we define as a landscape, a transformation that will be made should connect on micro scale. Micro scale is micro memory, micro space, micro time. It is a personal thing, point space, moment.

“Planning the city both by thinking of being plural even in reality, and to give effect to that plurality idea, so to know and to do articulation.” (Certeau, M. De, 2008).

Who plans the city? If production of space continues with experience of space, also city reflections occur on personal virtual landscapes and personal realities reflect from personal landscapes to the city is an example of re-production of urban space. On micro scale, person is the one who produces the city. Besides the macro scale of control mechanism, micro scale is important.

The walking action has the potential of confrontation. A linear section of city is received while walking. This section is the section of all intertwined layers of city (Figure 3). When body moves on physical section, the mind

Figure 3. In Istanbul on a section of a virtual walking, micro images which belong to personal landscape encounters and create perception of the city, Merve Güzel, 2014.

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moves in imaginary curves which are created in the personal landscape by virtual curves of the city that the section passes through. “The relationship that person has with him/herself, leads internal changes in the space (games between of its layers) or the scattering (circulations and travels) of stacked stories by actions of pedestrians.” (Certeau, 2008). Confrontations during walking are also virtual confrontations as well as physical confrontations.

Movement speeds up encounters. It helps to connect relations which are not able to connect on state of immobility. There are the possibilities to experience spontaneous situations which have not been designed before.

Istanbul’s surprising and amazing becoming comes from intertwined structure more than plurality of layers and sterile divisions. Although there are outstanding features of the region, defining and categorizing them in a word is not possible. But it has been tried anyways as generally the authority lays down rules on macro scale, works with sterile and clear lines more than intertwined things.

A layer starts to exist by spatiality occurs by micro behaviors in the city that is planned by authority. It creates ‘metaphoric’ city in a planned city (Certeau, 2008). As his dream, Kandinsky states Michel De Certeau (2008) in the last paragraph of ‘Walking in The City’, “A big city which is built according to all rules of architecture but suddenly shake from foundation by power which made upside down all calculations.”

The new layer which occurs through the proliferation of micro creation will affect both the architect and the architectural practice as well.

4. A new network: A new tissue emerges on micro scale, a geography in-between As a new layer the tissue which starts to become a new part of the city, is a geography in-between the virtual-real. It is in-between space, hybrid space, parallax space.

Andre Breton (2009), believes that, in dreams and reality, these two states seems very contradictory at first glance, in future, so to speak, integrates a kind

of absolute reality, and thinks that this state would be surreality. The new layer which starts to exist in city aims to create absolute reality that let to be intertwine of the virtual curves of personal landscapes and to actualize on points of city instantly.

If perceptions of the city have different realities on each personal landscape, the new layer which is started its existence in micro scale is the sum of all personal realities, place-nonplace where these realities intertwine and create new realities. The micro scale that become on city, citizen scale, moment scale can actualize by new layer on the city.

The new layer, interface, has potentiality to drift people to hallucination. Hallucination, is a situation that develops by drifting of perception to an exceptional situation, is created in exceptional ways of seeing the reality.

Hallucination drifts to virtual by the manipulation of reality. The space of hallucination is the in-between space.

It causes mental bending. The person who experiences cognitive bending will start to bend her/his environment.

This interface which can be though as a cognitive kaleidoscope, lets people to develop exceptional perceptions about the city. The drift to an exceptional perception is possible.

In addition to being a kaleidoscope of the interface itself, it is also possible to design new kaleidoscopes on the interface. Architect designs kaleidoscope. Architect is who designs perception, creates algorithm. Spaces are algorithms. This algorithm is a kaleidoscope that can transform into a new space by the imaginative input of each mind. Bended cognition starts to bend the space.

The interface is the place of making connection among people and also spaces. It works with network logic.

Now, when the architect designs the space, he/she thinks on to incorporating the space to network and to design the methods of actualization of flux instantly. In this way, space is becoming a part of flux and participating in the endless transformation.

The person who roams in the Istanbul streets creates new connection corridors in his/her cognitive by the ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • M. Güzel

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Figure 4. When flaneur is walking on physical streets of city and virtual streets of personal landscape, the spaces of hallucination in-between virtual and real appeared instantly as spaces, streets which belong to the new layer, Merve GĂźzel, 2014.

instant perspectives occur by overlaps which are created by interface on micro scale. Spontaneous confrontations go beyond the physical streets of city, In-between spaces that can exist in-between the virtual-real instantly, can occur on every time every place of the city (Figure 4). Thus, the micro encounters that will be experienced among people and situations will be enough.

The images belong to people who generate space and images of cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s other layers, create new spaces by manipulation.

The dynamics that create the existence of city are the dynamics which continue horizontally and have so many participatory, in the truth of city, under the decisions of authority these dynamics are disregarded. The new layer aims to have a say of all dynamics which generate the city landscape on the instant spatiality.

At the tip of interaction in between the people and the layer, the whole city can be transformed into an organism which occurs from streets, virtual streets. Instant corridors can be existed in-between the people. The time can gain spatiality by folding. This can be possible by the actualization of temporal bends in cognitive citizen.

The tools through which people experience that interface might be glasses, lenses or any other technologies that can be improved over time.

Spaces are created algorithmically and instead of physically existing at any moment, they are potentially pending.

On the interface the images that will be Istanbul: A landscape in-between virtual and real

created by a confrontation among people transformation spatiality instantly by the algorithm which is defined for the space.

The material of these spatial situations is generally immateriality. These instant spaces which will occur on the interface then can be blended to virtual curves of landscape and also can be transformed into reality in the physical environment by dressing up to materiality.

5. Conclusion For a living landscape potentials are concerned more than rules and precise situations. On the other hand, to estimate that the future will not be same is not very difficult. When the city which is in development, the subject that is in development is discussed, the reality is fluid.

It is provided for the interface a geography in-between virtual-real, which is stated as a future prediction, would have to begin itself as a new layer on micro scale, transforms to a layer of city on a macro scale which is created by combination of micro scales.

Comments have been made on how it is an interface, how it is existed as this suggestion is generated by some particular encounters in the personal landscape of author and for now it is a reality that belongs to her.

Inside of that new layer which will connect all layers generates the city and all people live in the city, it is possible to produce new ideas, to re-think about production of space, to create new ex-

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ceptions which is uncertain for now. It is open to curious minds to explore.

Acknowledgement The ideas that are discussed during essay were written by the motivation of the topics that writer has discussed her thesis titled ‘Hallucination spaces: Architecture in-between virtual and actual’ by counselling of Dr.İrem Mollaahmetoğlu and Dr.Hakan Tong in ITU MsArch Architectural Design Program. The thesis can be seen to further readings.

References Breton, A. (2009). Sürrealist manifestolar. İstanbul: Altıkırbeş Yayın.

Calvino, I. (1998). Six memos for the next millennium. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press.

De Certeau, M. (2008). Gündelik hayatın keşfi-I: Eylem, uygulama, üretim sanatları. Ankara: Dost Kitabevi Yayınları.

Deleuze, G. (2013). Kritik ve klinik. İstanbul: Norgunk Yayıncılık.

Jarry, A. (1970). Etre et vivre.

Charleville: College de ‘Pataphysique.

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Transformation of mental maps during urban reconstruction in the Tahtakale District considering safety and gender İrem ANIK1, Mehmet Akif ÇELENK2 1 iremanik@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Interdisciplinary Urban Design Program, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 mehmetakifcelenk@gmail.com •Department of Estate Development, Interdisciplinary Real Estate Development Master Programme, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.59389

Received: November 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract İstanbul, a city with over 14 million people, is invaded by its own inhabitants every day. With the maps in their minds that have the borders drawn by themselves, millions of vehicles, pedestrians, street animals are reaching from one point to another. During these changes, sometimes city fails to protect its original shape, yet sometimes manages to remain the patterns. Transformation of space is based on the economic and political backgrounds of the country and a new real-estate centered culture is forcibly applied. The isolating approach of politics is leaving traces on urban land. İstanbul, being a palimpsest city and a living organism, has been going through the most active phase of its history. But at the same time, lack of interest in urban esthetics and architecture has led many new problems.

Individuals can only adopt and accept their social and physical environments as long as they’re able to give a meaning to it. But the extremist operations reflect on the memory as ruptures, and this causes an unclear future perception and lack of sense of belonging. Tahtakale District which has going through social and physical changing phases is selected to be the case study area. Incidents of near past will be examined in a safety and gender perspective. For the inhabitants, urban land has become the crime scene for harassment; one of the main goals is to study how the change of mental maps will affect the future assumptions and individuals’ behaviors as well as their sense of belonging.

Keywords Palimpsest city, Tahtakale District, Urban transformation, Gender, Mental maps.

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1. Introduction Cities are dynamic areas with a continuous change in which different groups live together in terms of sex, age, origin, beliefs, social and economic means. This multi-cultural system is one of the most significant elements for enriching the city life and cultural structure. But especially in recent years, increasingly, cities are being subjected to an intense attack, living spaces are being narrowed, instead of enabling the cultural mosaic of different life-practices available in cities, it becomes a discrimination tool.

Problems occurring due to the constantly growing cities and increasing urban population as a result of the transformation taking place in social life, affect the social harmony. Rise of individualism and increasing urban scale cause citizens to be alienated from their own living area, transition of public spaces reduces the communal areas and this causes indifference to the city’s general problems.

Istanbul has undergone massive transformation in the past 30 years, especially desire to be involved in world markets by increasing the articulation and assertion in the last ten years which is closely related to the basic trend of being a “world city” that are compatible with a significant conversion rate (Keyder, 2000). In terms of city’s economic development, Turkey goes beyond the borders of itself regarding the access and impact and reaching out to the world.

Turkey has started to carry out outward-oriented policy Since 1980s’, and made regulations after 2003s’ regarding the REIT and housing finance which also enabled foreigners to have possessions. Due to the lack of planned housing policy unlike these regulations, citizens try to solve the problem by informal housing. Turkey tries to solve the lack of secondary market means in property sector by enlarging the position and authority of Housing Development Administration. High valued projects which discoursed first as creating healthy and modern life areas resulted ignoring the intellectual, cultural and craft accumulation, and unfortunately continued only as land development studies. The government,

which is expected to put an effort of preventing the speculations with its constructive forces, becomes a tool for generating speculation.

Housing Development Administration tries to reorganize the areas for the citizens who are in need of solution due to unplanned areas in accordance with the law which was entries into force regarding the Transition of Disaster Risk Areas in 2012, with the issue no 6306.

Within the scope of this law following decision in 2012 was taken; Tahtakale Quarter, which is included in Avcilar border and subject to the case study, identified as the urban transformation area.

Determination of socio-cultural and real estate sector effects in this area, which is in the middle of speculations regarding the urban transformation and Canal Istanbul Project, has been presented by analyzing the data taken from the state institutions and organizations and also site-audit.

Social gender-based approaches, diverged from other practices, enable the opportunity to provide information about the religion, social class, age, and of similar criteria and different fields in everyday life, relations with the intersection of social, political and economic dynamics.

This article is prepared on the basis of analyzing the continuously produced inequalities in the city within the perspective of social gender which will put forward more meaningful results. Although social gender concept emerged from women movement it consists of all gender and sexualities.

But in the context of article especially the results of case study discussed and evaluated in terms of a gender approach to women.

Study is prepared under two main titles including subheadings. Under the main title of urban restructuring processes; Dynamics of Spatial Change, Dynamics of Social Change, Mental Maps and Their Fundamental Dynamics and Urban Violence and Gender Roles; under Case Study – Tahtakale Neighborhood Survey and Face To Face Interviews and a general Conclusion part are included.

Literature research is used as study method as well as case study and face-

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to-face interview techniques are used.

By obtaining data from the official agencies there has been various analyze maps are formed.

2. Urban restructuring processes Urban space can be defined as a set of layers formed in a certain historicity. (Şengül, 2008) Each period constitutes own texture within a certain contradiction and interacts with the layers formed in the previous period. In this context, urban restructuring, in which the each period being in relation with the previous period, is emerging as creating its own or updating existing layer process.

An area gains an urban sense if it can create a holistic system with its users as well as its built environment. A city is a chain of places which are attributed to different meanings and functions by many users. It can be mentioned of urban sense and integrity only when the people interact with the environment living in directly or indirectly and give meaning to it. Therefore urban restructuring is a process that will go with the built environment and its users together. Most of the time it is not possible to differentiate that where the spatial or social change begins or where it ends in restructuring, or which one is followed by the other. These changes take place in such a way that together and influencing each other.

Nevertheless, spatial and social dynamics of change in the restructuring process, taking into account their influence on each other, are discussed separately.

2.1. Dynamics of spatial change Cities all over the world are going through a functional and spatial transformation. In this process, on the one hand new form of construction and new urban spaces are emerging and on the other hand urban life is changing drastically. Behind this quest there is a new economic, social and political understanding and that understanding, also referred as new urban policies, is effective in the reconstruction of urban life and the remodeling of the city. Urban projects are seemed to be forefront in the process of remodeling of the city.

While the cities grew as an oil stain by

the addition of individual structures in the 1980s and before, larger scale urban projects began to be added after that year. (Tekeli, 2008) These large-scale urban projects vary in terms of functions such as housing estates, education or health care campuses and organized industrial zones.

The articulation of these areas away from the city center, has led to relocate the functions in the city center in time.

As coming until today, the city continued to grow spatially also undergoes a transformation in the scale of both structure and the large projects within the boundaries of these areas.

Urban spatial growth, proliferation and transformation processes have begun to differentiate in last 10 years.

Now the cities are not managed with long-term strategies, planned development setups, the estimation of needs and demands for the different sectors of society, but with the supply-side urban policies, income-oriented urban projects which are the products of those policies and urban expansion and transformation processes required for these projects. (Penpecioğlu, 2013) Istanbul’s increased activities related to the service sector such as financial, real estate and counseling has led to the rapid rise in the prices of urban lands by increasing the rate of commodification and bringing some areas into prominence in the city center. This is also brought about a separation of the urban space. Direct and serious interventions have affected the urban space and citizens’ lifestyles. A slum demolition on the agenda during the 90s comes to the agenda again in the 2000s, this time in the axis of urban renewal projects. In this process, “urban renewal projects” carried out in the urban centers and surrounding neighborhoods stands out as an important intervention tool.

2.2. Dynamics of social change Social change and spatial change are the processes that are in strong interaction with each other. Events that occurred in recent history and their reflections on everyday life of individuals are the causes of social change and changes in the related dynamics. Social reconstruction in societies, while in-

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teracting directly with changes in the physical texture, is taking place with the effect of a chain of events taking especially the recent history as reference and settling in the collective memory.

At this point, for the example of Istanbul, it is important that the reconstruction or replacement case to come up as a project shaped by radical interventions outside, not taken place with its natural dynamics. (Aslan, 2010) Rapid and not-holistic transformation in urban space and demolish-and-redo approach instead of preserving leads to a vandalized urbanization and creates lack of memory for citizens. City silhouettes changing dramatically in short periods of time, causes the problem of lack of spatial belonging sense.

The disappearances of the area related to the memories in connection with the space not only weaken the memories about past relationships but also blurs the perception of the future. Individuals who have difficulty in forming a relationship with the past, will have discontinuity in time on spatial context and will adopt the sense regarding future would not be permanent since the past is perishable. The individual who cannot leave marks on space or whose relationship between marks he left and time is blocked, will feel isolated and will go in a way of reducing his relationship with urban space.

2.3. Mental maps and their fundamental dynamics Mental maps, founded and improved by Tony Buzan around 1970’s, are a way of analyzing and observing a concept by using diagrams and schematics. They also enable to visualize the concept and make associations with different subjects. The key to the mental maps is to put a selected main topic in the center and arrange supporting branches radial or non-linear positions. However, urban mental maps are quite different from what Buzan has defined; they include both space and experience. Urban mental maps or behavioral maps are a subject of geography. By the reveal of human-environment engagement importance, space perception and its effects on human behavior was started to be studied. According to this study, the

information that is gathered from the surroundings is refined by one’s experiences and learned skills. As a result, each independent’s respond to the same case differs in various ways which is formed by information, experience and one’s own imagination and create a unique image. (Özgüç, 2013) Each person has a behavioral geography for themselves and which has strong relationships with social qualities such as age; gender etc. and leads to urban perceptional maps. (Aliağaoğlu, 2007; Bunting, Guelke 1979) Urban perceptional maps are shaped and rebuilt by the physical and social events. Individuals update their mental maps and daily habits subconsciously.

It is only possible to learn and perceive a neighborhood by interaction. Urban land hosts big scaled and versatile environments that are defined by its inhabitants daily. This situation brings additional parameters to creation of mental maps such as topography, pattern, and climate to social ones. This leads to a meaning which shows that there are limitless mental maps, one for every individual depending on the physical and social parameters. As usual as it is to expect that, it creates a misconception because in spite of the social and physical differences; mental maps tend to resemble. They shape and effect from each other and create a collective image.

2.4. Urban violence and gender roles Urban land offers a patriarchal built environment. In the urban place, users from both gender types are oriented by unwritten directions and signs. The fast and desultory construction of built environment helps to causes a more striking diversion between genders.

Throughout the history the segregation between genders and the areas that they use is visible. Inside the houses, backyards and courtyard are often associated with women while urban public spaces are dominated by men.

(Atauz,2004) Frequency depending on the cultural backyard; urbanization has let women to use public spaces that are now transition areas with public services and mostly open for everyone during day time relatively freely.

Inequality in usage of space might be

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partly overcome in big cities but most of the time it still is a big problem.

Around the 80’s, decentralization caused rise in unemployment and migration which followed by serious changes in family structure. Alienation and socio-cultural problems came to fore. These problems result an increase in urban violence. Safety problems of built environment and unpredictable future perception have united with undesired social events and described a new pattern in the city. Cities, which are the heart of economic and social life, became the providers of criminal atmosphere. Different kinds of violence may occur and relate with each other. The main crimes that are seen and caused fear are the ones against women. Sexual harassment, murder, physical abuse and tangible damages such as robbery and mugging are most common urban crimes that women face every day. (The World Bank, Violence in the City; Understanding and Supporting Community Responses to Urban Violence Report, 2011) This violence also harms the feeling of safety.

Fear of crime becomes as real as the crime itself. Individuals fail to gain the feeling of security. Thus, visible precautions in private and public spaces are taken in order to deal with fear of crime.

Anxiety being created by that violence, that is fear of crime, plays a role in taking visible measures in spatial sense. These measures are seen as the security emphasis in the segmental and large-scale real estate projects and as a new setup for life in the example of Istanbul. The security setup is located at the top in restructuring the physical environment. The ‘security’ themed structures reconstructed on the field erase the previous traces and lead to spatial segregation. They also reduce the communication between urban areas, threaten the presence of limited common transition places available to all genders, and also raise the doubts about the safety of the rest of the city.

As a result of spatial restructuring, the individual who finds himself in “safe” constructions continuously enhance a subconscious perception of other places as unsafe. (Jacobs, 1962) Thus, the increase in the visibility of urban

violence is being accepted as a normal situation in these ‘unsafe’ areas and the victims of the normalized violence choose to change their everyday lives and their way of life in a more radical way. Therefore, when examining the urban structure of Istanbul, urban violence emerges as the most important factor in the fiction of relationship between gender and space. It is possible to be said on the basis of the increase of crimes committed against women in urban environment that the router gender codes on the built environment in Istanbul have been changing and getting sharpened. The threat and the fear of urban violence are a factor that affects the urban life negatively as well as urban violence. Fear of urban violence in Istanbul shows itself in many stages of everyday life like choosing time to go out and the road to be used and, for an individual walking on the road, the way handling the bag in her arm with the concern of snatching. Today’s cities and especially metropolises like Istanbul have been becoming centers in which increasingly growing and diversifying crimes have been most widely committed. (Firat, 2008) There is no doubt that this evolution has urban and social backgrounds. However, it is a problem that worth to investigate that exactly when and in what form the individual’s state of being female or male got ahead of his identity and became the main element determining the life practices.

Presence of urban violence and the fear of possible violence when analyzed with spatial restructuring and social change processes, censorship and self-censorship concepts are emerging on the urban space. Censorship literally means “pre-inspection of all kinds of publications, films and dramas by the government, strict control” (Turkish Language Society). In this sense, censorship in urban context can be described as blocking and / or controlling the access to certain places. Although the implementers of the urban censorship are basically the state and the state security forces, the state-funded capital groups may also be.

Censorship in urban areas is applied under different exposure times as to be temporary and permanent. Temporary

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censorship is imposed on public areas in the city showing a variety of reasons by the government. As an example of recent history it can be shown that to block access of citizens to parks and squares multiple times, by the state, citing violence and security concerns.

Temporary censorship can also occur at certain times like large investment projects and construction sites, construction works of public spaces. Those constructions sourced temporary restriction leads to environmental problems such as noise, traffic and dust as well as affects the mobility of people in urban areas. In both cases, daily routines and urban spatial perception of citizens are changed by interfering in their spatial use. Self-censorship, different from the censorship in urban areas, is for someone to feel that he has to obey some certain rules without a clear pressure. It makes an individual to restrict his movements based on the past experiences or the collective memory of the area, and use of space by creating unwritten rules. Self-censorship, which can be described as common sense, is to affect the behavior codes by finding the spatial equivalent of general judgments about the urban areas.

Since faced censorship in urban areas corresponds to a definite restriction it is possible to examine or eliminate the effects that are to struggle more with the existing restrictions. However, self-censorship is in much more complex structure since it does not include visible constraints and it is directly associated with mental maps of an individual that is individual perception of space. This situation makes it difficult to detect the actions to be implemented to identify the existence of the self-censorship in the area and to eliminate it.

Physical and social constraints which could lead to self-censorship in urban areas and disturbance of mental maps are exemplified by case study.

3. Case study – Tahtakale neighborhood Case study was applied to south eastern part of Tahtakale Neighborhood which is located in İstanbul, Avcılar region. Study area is selected big enough to cover residential quarters that resemble with each other.

The fundamental reasons to study Tahtakale district are; • The current situation of the constructions is unplanned and most of the buildings are without a license, • The area is established as a high risk area according to 6306 Law, • The rating of archeological site that is nearby has been changed to 1.

Degree, • The neighborhood is located in a strategically very important position where Canal İstanbul and Küçükçekmece lake meets, • It has vista points over Küçükçekmece Lake and Marmara Sea.

Figure 1. Photos taken from the site.

Figure 2. Location of Tahtakale Neighborhood in İstanbul.

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Figure 3. Study area and route of Canal İstanbul. Source: İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality.

Figure 4. Topography and vista points.

Figure 5. Nearby luxury housing projects.

Figure 6. New Highway and rail system that are planned. Source: Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality.

• Ongoing urban transformation projects held by Housing Development Administration (Toki).

These reasons put Tahtakale neighborhood in a very delicate situation and make it a perfect candidate to observe both spatial and social reconstruction processes.

The northern part of the neighborhood there is another neighborhood called Şahintepe is located with similar conditions, only with legal licenses for the buildings. The highway and new luxury housing projects in Ispartakule which causes more pressure on the neighborhood are located in the south part.

The topography of the study area is generally sloping. The area is steeper on the northern parts. Being a highly speculative project, Canal İstanbul goes just next to the area.

The size of the study area is nearly 153 hectare. Most of the existing houses have a strong view over Marmara Sea. Locational qualities increase the value and the pressure on the neighborhood and trigger the reconstruction processes.

New luxury housing projects in Ispartakule make the area investment wise but also stress the existing houses in Tahtakale. The plans of Housing Development Administration (Toki) shows that construction and new real estate projects will continuous to take place around the neighborhood which makes it for the existing condition almost impossible to remain the same.

The analyses from the site show that public services such as hospitals and schools, commercial buildings are insufficient.

The quality of the motorways usually lack in the whole area and does not meet the needs of inhabitants. There is no direct connection European Highway which secures a direct connection with the central parts of the city. İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality is planning to improve the highways and their connections by new cross roads and rail systems as shown below.

The history of the settlement does not go back from the 80’s, till that time the neighborhood was an empty land.

Around 1980, by land subdivision, the quarter was partly sold to individuals

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and so the settlement was established.

Fast construction actions were followed by population increase. In the year of 199, the population was 10.557 people.

This number has reached 34.722 people in 2013. The land and the property usually belong to the oldest male member of the family. Related families tend to stay in the same buildings and try to keep on their country habits.

The figure ground map of Tahtakale is given below to explain the current situation.

The ownership belongs to individuals who are residents of the neighborhood and the buildings on the lots belong to the stakeholders.

Like Avcılar, Most of the inhabitants of Tahtakale are immigrants from eastern cities of Turkey. This creates a friendly environment for those who come from same cities. NGO’s help the residents to continue their relations with their home land.

The urban transformation project that is managed by Housing Development Administration (Toki) and Canal İstanbul Project brought more attention to the neighborhood. With the pressure, real estate market has reached its limits with expectations which cannot always reflect the reality.

The uncertainty of upcoming projects like Canal Istanbul causes disturbance among the inhabitants. The archeological site located next to the neighborhood confuses minds and creates new gossips that suggest the archeological site will be used as an excuse to evacuate the area from current residents but legal planning and licenses for the buildings will be allowed for next projects. Like many other urban transformation projects, real estate purchase and sale has stopped. Some of the stake holders have high expectations about the price of their property and want their part of the increasing market. Urban Transformation Law for Risky Areas, 6306 has been used as a market tool to control the reconstruction process of the built environment instead of serving its own purpose.

3.1. Survey and face to face interviews In addition to studies made in Tahtakale quarter, face to face inter-

Figure 7. Examples of illegal housing in Tahtakale.

Figure 8. Satellite images of Tahtakale from 1982 and 2014. Source: İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality City Guide (http://sehirrehberi. ibb.gov.tr/map.aspx).

Figure 9. Figure ground map of Tahtakale. Source: Avcilar Municipality and satellite image The empty lots are quite a lot in the total. But the current pattern has been changing due to illegal constructions and density is increasing in the filled lots.

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Figure 10. Ownership Division. Source: Avcılar Land Registry Office. Source: Avcılar Land Registry Office.

in Tahtakale. Source: Municipality and Avcılar Land Registry Office.

Figure 11. Ownership

Avcılar

Figure 12. Duration of residency.

views were conducted with the residents. With the help of these interviews, users’ daily habits, sense of belonging, their relation of the space and possible changes analysis are aimed to be determined.

Interviews are carried out with 24

people that include 19 female and 5 males. Interviews were conducted outside of households, in the public spaces. 16 of the interviewed person (%67) are mostly between 18-35 year-old and predominantly young adult group. 7 of the interviewed people (%29) are 33-35 years old and 1 person is between 1218 year-old.

Adult women have at least one child who is having education of the first or secondary level.

Majority of interviewed people (%58) have lived more than 10 years in the same neighborhood. This indicates that majority of the people resided in the same area since the establishment of the neighborhood.

In order to analyze the daily activities of the individuals, the frequency of their mobility outside the house is asked.

Accordingly, during the day the rate of people who leave the house more than once is 62%.

All interviewed adult women leave the house more than once in a day. But the reason of women’s leaving house is to take their children to school or pick up their children from school.

It is found out that women carry out their market or similar needs after the school. In this case, it is understood that the daily activities of women inhabitants are depending on the house and family based needs which are priority.

In order to analyze the relationship of participants with their neighborhood as well as nearby districts of Istanbul, their frequency visit of different districts or city center are also asked for examination. Three different frequencies occurred every day, once a week or once a month, amount of person who have never visited or intended to visit different districts or city center observed to be quite high.

The high ratio of people who do not get out of the neighborhood indicates the low mental and physical connection of participants Istanbul-wide. The high out-of-Istanbul birth rates in the Tahtakale indicate that residents are suffering from alienation after starting to live in Tahtakale.

Most of the participants (%87) stated that their children are going out for

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playing games in the street. In this case, it should be stated that children are also accepted as user of public spaces. Mobility of the children in the mentioned area is bordered under the supervision of their parents. At this point, participants who only favors their children to play across the street near to their house is %85, though remaining %14, favors children to play around the whole neighborhood. This shows the limits of the public area for children users. Parents mention that their reason of bordering their children’s play area is the security concerns. All of the individuals that put limits for play area expressed that they do not make any distinction regarding the gender of their children.

People interviewed In Tahtakale told that stockbreeding and garden works based on rural lifestyle are one of the most important habits that they are unable to sustain due to the spatial or social changes occurring in lifestyle changes.

This case did not occurred during the first years when the neighborhood structuring level was low, rural habitude residents were pushed to a mandatory change as the structuring increased and partially integrated with city life. As other changes, female interviewers’ lack of sustaining their premarital habits became evident.

Different leisure time of the participants significantly differs according to their gender. Men define their outof-home and leisure time activities as going work and mosque. Generally women prefer indoor areas including home and relative visits. Women’s urban area usages are identified as front of the doors or gathering in the vacant plots in the Tahtakale residential sites.

All these activities are limited for only daytime and can change accordingly weather conditions.

Participants are questioned regarding the physical elements which will describe the environments that they are living, by this way spatial triangulation and apparent mental elements can be identified. In response, it is observed that men mostly take reference as the mosques near their homes. Women take the gas station along the main road and market within the neighbor-

Figure 13. Frequency of mobility.

Figure 14. Frequency of city center visits.

Figure 15. Play area of the children.

hood as reference in order to describe their positions in the space. Women participants whose houses located differently take gas station as a reference point indicates their lack of place domination and current weakness of their mental maps.

Also, due to the rapid structuring of the neighborhood after 1980s, there is lack of natural or historical reference

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points for defining the area along with the square or meeting point appealing to collective sense. Using subsequently created commercial units as special determinants shows the lack of historical background of the neighborhood and spatial connection.

There has been general gender-based tendencies emerged regarding the positive and negative dominant catchy aspects of Tahtakale neighborhood.

Generally specified negative aspects are higher than the positive aspects.

Positive aspects were not defined one by one, described as general satisfaction from the neighborhood.

Family relations, low- story structured housing, stable soil and low risk for earthquake can be counted as positive aspects of the neighborhood where the negative ones are mainly about the security issues. Thievery and restriction of going out at nights are the main problems mostly affect women. More than one participant claimed that drugs and illegal stuff was being sold visibly in the public spaces. Exposition of these illegal activities made the area less safe than before.

Especially in the last few years, events based on political and social background caused violence and increase in urban tension and crime are mentioned by women users. The increase in the number of foreign nationals and immigrants in the neighborhood are a big part of social conflict and tension.

The most important common negative feature is the lack of urban services and infrastructure which are expressed by both women and men individuals.

Playgrounds, primary schools and police station are common services that are stated as missing ones by the users.

4. Conclusion Cross section study of the urban texture samples throughout Istanbul were carried out by the case study conducted in Tahtakale. Accordingly, the rapid construction of spatial change along with the effects of the daily life and mental maps of individuals is targeted to put forward a gender-based approach.

People interviewed in the area of Tahtakale put restriction to their chil-

dren play area due to the safety concerns. At this stage, parents do not make any distinction between girls and boys. Throughout childhood phase, urban open spaces are used within the framework of equality between the sexes. At the end of the childhood phase, gender differences appear related between the social gender roles and spatial usage.

All interviewed people express that they do not have any activity apart from house and unable to go out of the neighborhood without the consent of or companionship of their peers.

Front of the doors, small spaces between homes are all within the border of neighborhood and limited available areas defined and used by women.

Gender division becomes very visible in all other areas and women are not accepted as equals, their usage is limited by unwritten rules by the community. Correspondingly, there are some differences emerged regarding the womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s use of day and night.

The vast majority of the neighborhood find safety and violence as a big problem preventing women go out at night. Women give up their rights in public areas during nights and leave the front doors, street heads to the menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s usage. Male individuals who can use all the neighborhood area freely at day time become the dominant user of the area at nights as women stay at home. Female users claim that this situation creates difference in behaviors of male inhabitants in terms of daytime and nights. According to the observations of neighborhood women, during night men talk louder and behave abusive as compared to daytime, listening loud music. When men users become the dominant users, the change in their behaviors makes the outside more intimidating for women.

Few of the interviewed people expressed that restriction of going out at night turn into more aggressive oppressions such as banning women to look from the window. An individual who is constantly exposed to those constraints starts to internalize this behavior unaware thus shapes the mental map accordingly.

Main residence time in neighborhood is 10 years and more. In this sit-

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uation, neighborly relations, spatial dependence and sense of belonging are expected to increase. In Tahtakale example, neighborly relations is increased as expected whereas sense of belonging and spatial dependence decrease. The interviewed residents, do not feel secure in the neighborhood where they resident and founder.

Common answers of both women and men regarding the negative aspects of the neighborhood are urban services and lack of infrastructure. Social based negative features perceived differently in term of different gender and vary order of precedence is to be changed. Time will show if the spatial renewal will follow the traces of past or not, these concerns will either go or add new to the previous ones accordingly.

Spatial restructuring processes’ quick and complete break down and rebuild phase cause lack of reminiscence and rootlessness concepts in users. As well as breaking the past relation of one, this situation, also undermines the future envisagement.

Even recently, individual who has a voice in determining the future own has the feeling of losing the planned future due to changing environment.

Recent past’s recent future provision has changed, replaced by the new and short term actions. Past-disconnected individual, do don’t have future aims, or same as in Tahtakale example, desire to be more active. Individual is not part of a rapid spatial change. Thus, previous spatial and social interactions reduce.

Istanbul will have a physical and social changes transition same as the palimpsest cities around the world such as Rome, Paris and Berlin. Tahtakale neighborhood, which is a living organism in Istanbul and case study area, is pushed to a mandatory conversion process. Since the 1980s, carrying the unplanned development concerns, this neighborhood remain under the failed urban renewal applications and speculation pressure of the projects like “Canal Istanbul”. These pressures, combined with the transformation of social structure in the neighborhood, define new daily life forms and mental maps especially for women users in the

neighborhood.

Urban development of Istanbul did not occur as planned and foreseen. Assumption of a future that is planned from today is not a realistic point of view. Istanbul has the most of physical variable form than ever and have continuously renewing social dynamic.

In this case, it is not wrong to say that future will not fit in today-planned patterns, different spatial and social structure formation shall be applied rather than the previous envisages.

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Akış, T. (2009), Türkiye Mimarlık Akademisinde Mekân Algısı ve Bilimselleşme: 1970’lere Yeniden Bakış, Ankara Mimarlar Odası Yayını, Dosya 17, 17-23.

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Avar, A.A. (2009), Lefebvre’nin Üçlü – Algılanan, Tasarlanan, Yaşanan Mekân – Diyalektiği, Ankara Mimarlar Odası Yayını, Dosya 17, 7-16.

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Buzan, T. (2006) The Mind Map Book, London: BBC Active.

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Random House.

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Penpecioğlu, M. (2013), Büyük Ölçekli Kentsel Projeler, Mekanın Üretimi ve Neo-liberal Hegemonya: İzmir Örneğinde Karşılaştırmalı Bir Araştırma, Megaron Dergisi, 8(2): 97-114.

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Recording the landscape: Walking, transforming, designing

Nazlı TÜMERDEM ntumerdem@gmail.com • Architectural Design Programme, Graduate School of Science and Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.00821

Received: November 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract The article explores how the act of walking, used as a tool of transportation, perception, mapping and design; transforms the face of the Earth. The study considers the practice of walking both as a necessity of survival and as an aesthetic practice that constantly (re)constructs the landscape. As humans utilized walking in order to alter their surroundings; architecture, sculpture and manmade landscapes emerged and walking became an art form in itself (Careri, 2007). In this regard, the initial part of the study is a theoretical text about walking, exploring its history and transformation from a tool of transportation to a way of leaving aesthetic marks on the Earth. In the second part, walking is presented as a method to assess the ongoing operations in northern regions of Istanbul. The primary aim is to analyse how the recently imposed transport infrastructure affects the natural form of the city from the lens of a pedestrian. A series of one-day walks, following the route of Northern Marmara Highway, are performed by the author and later transformed into a walking log. As a result, narrative records are created from varied data collected during and after the walks. These records constitute an authentic base study for understanding and designing the city. The practice of walking, always leaving an impact upon the anthropic environment, is considered to be an architectural and aesthetic act, an innate design tool. Therefore, these walks themselves are considered as minor marks and traces that are directly imprinted on Earth’s surface.

Keywords Designing by walking, Natural and built environment, Practice of walking, Transport infrastructure, Walking method.

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1. Introduction The article discusses how the practice of walking can be used as a research method in order to explore, record, map and transfer the natural and built environment of today’s city.

Composed of two main parts, it initially refers to the archaic form of walking where walking is taken as a means of transportation that is bestowed upon almost1 everyone. Later on, the article tackles with how walking transforms into a way of ‘becoming’ which emerges from the interaction between the environment and the body as it ceases to be an inherent obligation to survival. Following this, approaches to the practice of walking are discussed; simultaneous functioning of body and mind during walking and how this bodily movement turns into a way of perceiving, recording, mapping and transforming is mentioned as well. Subsequently, within the scope of human-scale transformations engraved on the surface of the Earth while walking, the state of walking as a creative practice is addressed. After dwelling upon theoretical and artistic approaches, the emphasis is put on how walking in the scale of transport infrastructure can be used as an alternative and experiential method that allows us to recognize, explain and design the city. The conclusion discusses the outputs of the study, pitfalls of current design and what kind of possibilities the walking method can lead to in the exploration of cities. The second part is composed of the records of three walks performed on or parallel to the route of still-incomplete Northern Marmara Highway on the city’s Anato-

lian side in 2016. While the first part is formed as a theoretical text about the act of walking, the second part is designed as a complementary part denoting personal experience. Thus, it is written within a freer format and approach that consists of the documentation, transfer and representation of walks conducted by the researcher.

Since these walks ranging from 6 km to 12 km were performed in northern regions of the Anatolian side of Istanbul in areas referred to as rural due to the fact that underpopulated villages, agricultural lands and forests are situated in these parts; the experiences and encounters the researcher went through happened to be mostly with the physical environment itself.

Therefore, unlike an ‘urban’ walk in the city that is performed with fellow pedestrians or a ‘transect’ walk done in a settlement for an anthropological or ethnographical study with community members, these walks done in these regions are performed alone or with several walking companions.

Moreover, in the process of recording these walks, it is the natural and built environment itself that informs the walker/researcher, transfers an experience and triggers a self-narrative of the place rather than the nearby ‘informants’ (Pink, 2007). As a result; maps of the routes traversed, photographs and videos (visual notes) taken during the walks, field notes, descriptions and narratives of the walks are produced.

Thus, the experiences and encounters occurring with the movement of the body through space and time is documented, recorded and eventually

This emphasis belongs to Sarah Pink (2007).

1

Figure 1. Northern Marmara Highway – photos taken under a viaduct. The photos were taken by the author during Walk 1.

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Figure 2. Northern Marmara Highway (left) and Anadolu Feneri Road passing above the Highway. The photos were taken by the author during Walk 2.

Figure 3. From quadrupedalism to bipedalism.

represented. In this context, instead of the tendency of current contemporary architectural and urban approaches of looking from above (Kohler, 2016), a view from inside the space is proposed.

Since the practice of walking can be technically performed by anyone, at any scale, on any part of the city; it is proposed as a method to explore the rapidly transforming urban-rural regions of the city (Kohler, 2016).

A city like Istanbul, formed by myriad of historical layers yet simultaneously having a very complex and rapid urbanization process, cannot be analysed only through generic tools and methods. The multi-sensual personal experiences (Kohler, 2016) resulting from walking within the city, considered as a method allowing multiple perceptions, offers an authentic approach to the researcher to perceive the city. In this regard, within the scope of this study 28.5 km on and around the route of Northern Marmara Highway on the Anatolian side has been walked in multiple days. These walks and their outcomes are proposed as a complimentary and alternate method for understanding, recording and eventually

designing these regions of the city that has been recently exposed to a deux ex machina network of transport infrastructure. On one hand, by walking as a participatory observer, the walker/ researcher creates a visual record by photographing, filming, taking notes and observing these regions of the city.

On the other hand, she transforms these areas by walking on and through them. The act of treading on the Earth enables an understanding and making sense of place, a transformation of the ground by actually being-there (Pink, 2007). Hence making the space into a place is taken as an archaic deed of design. Therefore, as transformations are engraved upon the Earth, no matter how small their scales are, their marks and traces will be added to the myriad design layers of the city.

2. Walking on the face of the Earth 2.1. Walking as a means of transportation The act of moving on two legs in order to get from one place to the other, in other words walking, is a way of moving on and in the world that the humankind has gained through evo-

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lution about four million years ago (McHenry, 2009). It is the most archaic and natural way of transportation which is considered to have emerged in order to enable the use of hands for making tools, bring the eye on a higher level due to climate and habitat change and eventually to be less exposed to sunlight (McHenry, 2009). This primitive and sustainable practice that is utilized without the need of a vehicle or fuel has become the most inherent way of transportation for humankind.

Since this mode of transportation can be performed gratis by almost everyone using one’s own energy and body in every geography and country, without any distinction for class, gender or age, it can be considered as the most ancient everyday practice and fundamental right. Indeed, the fact that the Turkish word ‘tabanway’, meaning sole-way, generated in a witty manner to express the act of going somewhere on foot made it to the Turkish Dictionary reassures the importance and naturalness of this mode of transportation (Türk Dil Kurumu).

2.2. Walking as ‘Becoming’ The act of walking around results in an interaction between the walker’s body, walker’s mind and natural and built environment. It is the existence of the pedestrian that determines the emergent spatialities and generates certain relationalities in the city. Primarily, the pedestrian gets in touch with her/himself while walking. Unlike driving a car or riding a bike, which requires a different kind of concentration and set of motor skills, walking is a transportation mode performed almost involuntarily like breathing or looking around. The pedestrian wanders/wonders, contemplates and mentally maps out the city and thus identifies a space-time. Another relation that is spawned while walking in the city is the one that the walking individual develops with other pedestrians. These coincidental urban encounters can occur by being in the same place at the same time, yet they can also be formed through the interactions of temporary traces like footsteps, leftovers, smells and sounds. De Certeau claims that these ‘things that amount to nothing,

or almost nothing’ direct the pedestrians’ steps (1988). As these encounters start to be performed collectively for a specific purpose, they become a movement of resistance done by the citizens in order to say or claim something about the city. Finally, another encounter generated while walking in the city that encompasses all others is the interaction between the individual(s) and the environment itself. The interaction between the walking individual and the natural and built environment operates in a manner that is neither directly designable nor fathomable on paper. Through this mutual relationship, as the environment recreates the individual, the individual transforms the environment. This reciprocity is an interactive process since both the environment and the individual have to transform into each other for a certain period of time. In this manner, Earth’s surface that is already in a constant flux is recreated as it is being trod on. Simultaneously, the walking individual becomes altered and transformed as well.

These interactions that are constantly changing, shaping through the ‘rubbing off ’ of certain behaviours of people and having no hierarchy between each other indicate an open-ended multiplicity that can best be explained by the Deleuzian concept of becom-

Figure 4. The interaction the pedestrian has with her/himself: Walkman (upper left), the interaction the pedestrian has with other pedestrians, urban encounters: Ara Güler, 1954 (lower left), the collective movement of the pedestrians: Bruno Barney, 1968 (upper right), the interaction of the pedestrian with the built and natural environment: Nabokov’s map for Ulysses (lower right).

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directions, the free intensities and the nomadic singularities (Grosz, 2005).

Within this rhizomatic network, every time the individual traverses through space, both s/he and the space transforms. The spatialities created between the walking individual and the landscape are assembled over the space in time. As the narratives of the space and the people who have traversed through this space accumulate, these spaces gain a genius loci. Therefore, the walking individual inadvertently creates an urban text, subsequently an the urban identity is formed through these walking palimpsests of the city. Eventually, these palimpsests constitute the city, its architecture and its text.

Figure 5. Possibilities of going from point A to point B. The image belongs to the author.

ing (Grosz, 2005). If we approach the practice of walking performed in any natural and built environment within Deleuze and Guattariâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s idea of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Body without Organsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;; the wandering, travelling, loitering, walking people will form the unstable matters flowing in all

2.3. Approaches to the practice of walking To walk, as in the physical activity performed by the human body in order to reach from point A to point B, also has other significations such as to ambulate, meander, parade, march, tour, linger and loiter. This bodily movement pertaining to the bipedal human beings brings about a mutual interaction between the body and its surroundings. Hence, by walking around; sensorial, perceptive, mental and meditative outcomes are gener-

Figure 6. Songlines: The map depicting the oral walking system of Australian aborigines constituted on a continental scale. Taken from Walkscapes by Francesco Careri, 2007 (left).

One of the archaic traces left on the face of the Earth by walking, Formby Footprints (5000 BC), survived for 7000 years until present-day (right).

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ated as well. Walking has always been one of the primary components of perceiving and discovering the city and existing within it. Beyond any doubt, this mode of transportation and communication performed by human beings had fundamental impacts in the development of the city. Of course, the bipedal treading on the world primarily aimed to find food, shelter, mating partner and avoid predators to ensure survival in an instinctive, hunter-gatherer kind of way. However, in order to persevere this quest, one had to navigate on the territory, interpret the signs of the surroundings and actually recognize the physical environment. This is achieved through walking. As people roam around the Earth, the spaces they traverse are internalized and an idea of this space appears in their mind’s eye.

The ground holds all the signs, paths and tracks that have occurred as one has drifted on the territory through space and time. The superimposition of the narratives of each saunterer that has browsed these grounds creates a common narrative of the territory and through these accumulations on the ground, the territory eventually transforms into a place.

As the act of walking is used as a form of ‘becoming’ that transforms the walker and the environment, it evolves into an aesthetic practice that can be considered as the linchpin of architecture, sculpture and manmade landscapes. In order to comprehend the manifestation of this interaction, one has to take into consideration the natural and built environment of the period when walking was performed solely to survive. According to Careri, rather than the spaces produced for staying, it is the spaces produced for going, in other words nomadism that triggers the origin of architecture (2007). For example, the navigating of the shepherd on the landscape can be considered as the preliminary examples of mapping the territory. Moreover, as these navigations attribute the antecedent symbolic and aesthetic values upon the territory, they can also be acknowledged as the origin of landscape architecture. The tracks left by walking on infinite, uninhabitable and unnavigable territories are most pos-

sibly the only distinguishable human signs on the face of the Earth in that period. In this manner, in the Palaeolithic Age, the journey itself becomes the path and the signs engraved upon the Earth as humans walk, no matter how minute and evanescent, form the architecture within these natural spaces of emptiness (Careri, 2007). Therefore, as the territory is walked upon, it is also perceived and experienced.

During the ‘becoming’ between the roaming pedestrian-nomad and territory that is in constant flux, the space is interpreted and geographical signs are imprinted on the mind. The continentally constructed walking system of the Australian Aboriginals can be given as an example to this phenomenon.

As a consequence of myriad of walks that has been transferred into generations orally through songs, the geographical and topographical elements such as mountains, valleys, pitches, rivers and lakes were mapped out by these narrative-paths. Every path has a song of its own and knowing this song signifies perceiving and being able to walk on the terrain, that is to say being able to survive. Narratives and geographies exist simultaneously in space and time. Thus, a complex narrative network covers all the continent. The narrative-paths produced by the hunter-gatherer Aboriginals in order to traverse their desertic continent and produce a continental mapping develops both theirs as well as the continent’s oral history. In this manner, the physical environment is recognized, defined and recorded. The aboriginals walk on and through this environment and transform Earth’s surface. This system that enabled the recognition of the walked territory, the elapsed path and the traversed landscape on a continental scale can be applied to any piece of land of any size anywhere in the world (Careri, 2007). As the territory is perceived, it is recreated and as it is read, it is rewritten. Eventually the mental maps are formed. The gigantic standing stones of the Neolithic Era can be given as a symbolic way of mapping the territory. They could be considered as the first examples of physical signs that are constructed and positioned on the ground by humans, a fundamental arITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • N. Tümerdem

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tefact (Careri, 2007). Therefore, while specifying a certain place or denoting a significant event, they also create manmade landscapes that manifest the mental map upon the face of the Earth.

Since there is an anthropic intervention upon the archaic environment, the territory is spatialized. In time, the paths followed on the territory find their counterparts in the natural and built environment. As the menhirs are erected, the artificial is constructed inside the natural and the first architectonic spaces are created. Instead of performing a mimetic art inside what is natural, executing explicitly artificial works exemplify the beginnings of architecture, sculpture and manmade landscapes (Careri, 2007). Consequently, the transient signs that are the result of these nomadic wanderings are engraved on the face of the Earth. In

Figure 7. The Bedolina Maps, situated in Italy’s Camonica Valley and considered to date back to 1000-200 BC, are an example to a mental map being transferred to a stone. Thus the representation of a settlement is engraved on the face of the Earth. Taken from Walkscapes by Francesco Careri, 2007.

time, these signs turn into paths and the paths evolve into roads. Thus, the foundations of architecture of the city is laid. The paths that are created by passing through the terrain become an aesthetic way of being-in-the-world.

Therefore, it is not quite possible to differentiate architecture from the pursued paths and the shapes they take as they evolve. These transient marks that are formed as a result of these nomadic wanderings are imprinted initially on the mind as mental maps and in time symbolically on Earth’s surface through architectonic elements like the menhirs. Later on, these maps that represent and avail to comprehend the Earth are engraved directly upon its surface. For instance, as in the Bedolina Maps of Camonica Valley of Italy that go back to 10th century BC (Careri, 2007), the mental maps are transferred directly and permanently on the ground and the space is represented through a transformation of the Earth itself. Consequently, the traditional maps emerge when what is hidden inside the mind is transferred on the paper with the help of the hand. Now instead of Earth’s surface, the medium of representation is the ‘paper’ which is in fact another derivative of this surface.

2.4. Walking as a creative practice The prominent symbol of 19th century European city, the boulevard, was Haussmann’s invention and it was used in the planning of modern Paris. However, it is the flâneur himself that spatialized the boulevard. As the flâneur enjoys the delights and amusements of the modern metropole, he simulta-

Figure 8. People walking on the boulevard Caillebotte, Rue de Paris, temps de pluie (left), postcard of Boulevard des Capucines (right).

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neously deciphers what is mysterious and incomprehensible at first sight in the built environment. Through elaborately reading these unnoticeable indications, s/he transforms the built environment into a discussable and ambulatory landscape, an urban text.

As the flâneur ‘botanizes on the asphalt,’ he recognizes the faces of the passers-by, their characters and pasts.

Attributing the role of a city detective to himself, he comprehends the initially ungraspable signals the city offers (Gilloch, 2002). The symbiotic relationship between the flâneur and the city creates a place, a landscape out of the built environment (Benjamin, 2010). Though the physical and mental walk of the wanderer/observer, the city’s static spaces recreates themselves as socially interactable places.

In 1921, Dadaists had their first visite in front of a mundane church in Paris.

This act marked the passage from the traditional interior spaces of spectacle where art is performed and exhibited outside in the open air which laid the foundation that movement in itself is an act of art. Now instead of representing the concept of motion through the object of art, the interactions that occur by moving through real space, becomes art per se. Walking emerges as one of the prominent modes of performing art. Such that, the tradition of the idle flâneur dawdling around the city starts to be perceived as an aesthetic operation in itself. The forms of moving about outdoors, which were initialized with the Dadaist visites also underpin the Anti-art movement that continued throughout the 20th centu-

ry (Careri, 2007). Few years after the visite, the Surrealists organize a deambulation, another attempt to walk as a form of art. Unlike the Dadaists, instead of walking in dense and central urban areas of the city, they choose to walk in the scattered rural environments.

Through these walks that are done in consecutive days by navigating around in a real space without a particular aim, an automatically created text emerges.

Therefore, an ambulation performed on real ground is simultaneously imprinted on the face of the Earth and on the mind of the saunterers as a mental map. By roaming around the unconscious areas of the city, the Surrealists utilize the practice of walking, the most natural and quotidian practice of the human kind, to explore and uncover these previously neglected parts instead of the familiar areas of the city (Careri, 2007). In 1950s, the Situationists employ the practice of walking to observe the city through dérive or drifting as their method. They claim that drifting around the ordinary spaces of the city will trigger the formation of ‘situations’ and adventures. The psychogeographical maps that are created after these driftings are the representations of the city that are filtered through the subjective experiences of the drifters or walkers. As the Situationist make the walks performed in the city more defined and regulated, drifting around the city develops into a game-like act.

They invite everyone who is walking about the city within the guidance of psychogeographical maps to be open to all possibilities and coincidences and to get lost within their own phys-

Figure 9. First Dada meeting in 1921 (left). Breton’s book Nadja printed in 1928 (right).

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ical and mental drifting (Sadler, 1998).

The application Dérive, taking its name from this invitation to get lost, aims to merge the ideals of Situationists with digital space and is defined as a creative tool that is designed like a game in order to explore urban space randomly without having a certain plan by means of a smart phone (Dériveapp).

Furthermore, Constant’s New Babylon brings the concept of dérive to the third dimension and transforms the mobility of humankind upon the face of the Earth into a form of nomadic architecture. With the proposal of a planetary camp, he approaches architecture through a holistic lens where it is not a singular object but the whole landscape and environment that are designed (Careri, 2007). Thus, as the landscape and environment get to be explored through dérive, they are also transformed. The physical and mental driftings around the city are translated into architectural forms.

Of course, walking has been represented on many fields of art since then.

Duchamp’s Nu descendant un escalier n° 2, Caillebotte’s Rue de Paris, temps de pluie or Giacometti’s L’Homme qui Marche series are only few of the many examples. In 1960s, the process precedes the product and walking starts to be performed and perceived as art.

The land artist Richard Long’s 1967 work entitled A Line Made by Walking can be considered as one of the first examples where walking is performed exclusively as an artistic act. This is a work that is created by walking continuously back and forth on a grass surface and then photographing the path that emerges where the grass is trod on.

Here the artist steps outside the museum and its wall and goes outdoors to leave his mark on the Earth via his feet.

Just like drawing with the hand on a canvas or hewing a statue from marble, the act of walking is considered to be a larger scale drawing upon the Earth or sculpting its ground. Thus, an altered surface, small in scale yet fabricated, is constructed. This underpins the foundation of Land Art. The intention is

Figure 10. Debord’s The Naked City (1957), a pyschogeographical map (left). Constant’s study for New Babylon (1959-74), sector network (right).

Figure 11. Long, A Line Made by Walking, 1967 (left), Cerne Abbas Walk, 1975 (right).

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not to model objects but to physically transform the territory. A new nature and an artificial environment is created as walking becomes a form of art in itself (Solnit, 2014). Long harnesses map as a tool of expression in his 1975 work entitled Cerne Abbas Walk that was realized through a 6-day walk done in a circular area in order to aesthetically transfer his art that is formed by walking. As he employs his body to imprint his path on the Earth, he also forms a cartographic representation of this movement.

There are handful examples of works created through walks performed as art. For instance, Marina Abramović and Ulay’s work of a 90-day walk performed in 1988 on The Great Wall of China entitled The Lovers – The Great Wall Walk emerged through the video recordings of these walks. There are also many artists, such as Hamish Fulton, who describe themselves as a ‘walking artist’. Within such approaches, artists pay attention to how they measure the scale of the Earth through their own bodies (Solnit, 2014).

Whether the walk is used as a means of transportation, a tool of research or design, or as an act of art; the bodily roaming, perceiving and transforming is essential. Treading on the ground, one draws certain paths on the surface of the Earth. Even though these paths are mostly ephemeral forms, they still map out the territory. Thus, narratives of walking are created. The territory is transformed symbolically. However, it is not only the territory that transforms. The encounters between people in urban walks and the direct encounter of the walking individual with the environment in rural walks reforms

and enrichens the body and mind of the walker, moreover shapes the social and physical environment. As the Earth becomes a sketchable surface through walking, every walk adds another layer to the geological, geographical and historical layers that already exist. What the pedestrian feels, hears and smells; the situations, obstacles and the topographical differences of the territory s/ he encounters compose the journey’s narrative. This narrative is recorded on the landscape and in the mind of the walker (Careri, 2007). This recording describes and represents these areas in a space-time continuum. In this manner, in architecture, urbanism or landscape design or any other practice that transforms the planet, walking stands as a creative act and a tool used for spatialization of place (Lang, 2001).

Even though these approaches that provide a new perspective to the practice of walking are mostly observed in fields of art, walking has been utilized in urban research by diverse disciplines. For instance, the walks done by the Stalker Collective, composed mostly by architects and researchers, in 1995 around marginal regions and periphery of Rome can be given as an example (Akcan, 2000). These walks that lasted for four days and were referred as transurbance were done on mostly unknown ‘actual territories’ of the city. Therefore, these walks are presented as a participatory and nomadic method for urban research and a new tool to map the city and its transformations (Spatial Agency). On one hand, these walks document the movement through space and time with videos and photographs, on the other hand they also trigger the representation of

Figure 12. Abramović and Ulay, The Lovers – The Great Wall Walk (left), Fulton, A 31 Day Road Walking Journey, 1994 (right).

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the whole experience. The collective advocates that in order to really recognize the rural and industrial areas, marginal regions and periphery of the city that face urban transformations, one has to directly experience these areas. It is only through this direct experience, collecting and archiving that it becomes possible to map these regions that are generally neglected by architects and planners. Hence, the familiar deed of architecture and its conventional representations are abandoned and the conceptual boundaries of the discipline are transcended. By employing multiple media and methods like audio-visual recordings, photographs and planned happenings the experiences spawned through these walks are documented and designed in innovative ways (Lang, 2001). Eventually, a new language is constituted in order to represent the walk, map the territory and render an accessible knowledge.

The pedestrian milling around the terrain makes the walked path visible. As

Figure 13. Stalker, 4-day walk of Rome, 5-6-7-8 October, 1995.

the territory is mapped out through this drifting, the intrinsic characteristics of the landscape become clearly signified. The highways that are followed, the hard and soft scapes that are trod on, the marks that are tracked on the ground and the agricultural fields, forests, green areas that are traversed, in other words the inherent complexity and authenticity of the natural and built environment becomes manifested (Lang, 2001). Thus, the nuances that cannot be captured through traditional field surveys are experienced and recorded through the walkers’ feet and transferred to diverse mediums. This approach triggers the emergence of a performative architecture ‘in the making’ and enables the use of a previously unimplemented methodologies that offers a critical platform for conceptual urban research.

2.5. Walking in the scale of the highway Having a significant position amongst the global cities today, Istanbul has always been considered as an essential world city due to the cultural, historical, social and infrastructural values it carried throughout its past.

Bridges, dams, aqueducts and fortification walls has been built in order to serve the city and its citizens for many centuries. This indicates the enormous scale of infrastructure systems in Istanbul. Through these constructions, manmade landscapes have been created within the city. Thus, as the natural and built environment intermingled with each other, the geography and topography of the city recreated itself through a continuous process (Tümerdem, 2014;

Figure 14. Valens Aqueduct (left). Marble Tower (right), beginning of 20th century.

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Tümerdem, 2017). However, with the leap experienced in scale and intensity by the end of the 20th century, the transport infrastructure imposed upon the city triggered such transformations that the previous shape of the city changed perpetually. An initial transformation started after the construction of two essential highways with bridges crossing the Bosphorus which were completed respectively in 1973 and 1988 (Güvenç & Yücesoy Ünlü, 2009). The E-5 Highway and Trans European Motorway that are built with the bridges triggered informal growth on areas that were previously considered to be outside the city (Keyder, 2009). The earlier littoral orientation of the historic city that was in harmony with the natural geography and topography and followed Golden Horn and Bosphorus was abandoned and the city grew on a highway-orientated manner.

Therefore, the macroform of the city expanding north was shaped according to transport infrastructure. The urbanisation of Istanbul based on highways and other infrastructure systems, still subject to many research, took another dimension by the next leap that was experienced after 2000. Now, a socio-politically very intricate urbanisation that only deals with megaprojects is prominent and this cannot be compared with earlier periods in terms of scale, speed and intensity. By bearing in mind the aftermath of the construction of First and Second Bosphorus Bridges and their connected highways, this study proposes to employ walking method in order to explore the possible impacts of Northern Marmara Highway and Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, brought to service in August 2016, and make a record of the current state of its route and its surroundings.

It is believed that the exploration of these regions is critical in order to focus on the impacts of placing a new transport infrastructure that favours transport network through a harsh intervention on the city’s ‘natural’ regions that contain the rural and agricultural areas, water reserves, floodplains, and forests. Moreover, a thorough investigation is also necessary for making future projections for the natural and built environment that is to emerge.

Figure 15. Northern regions of the city where the walks are performed in order to explore and make future projections about the effects of Northern Marmara Highway. Image belongs to the author and a different version of it has been used in articles published in 2014 and 2017 respectively.

According to geographer Donna J. Peuquet, in order to gain knowledge about a place, one has to encounter and experience it. It is only then that this place is recognized and a name is attached to it (Peuquet, 2002). Instead of looking at these northern regions of Istanbul only within the common approach of an architect or planner that flattens the city through a map, this study advocates that the addition of traversing these regions by walking in the scale of the transport infrastructure will enable an utterly different perspective to recognize, perceive and explore these regions. Kohler proposes to employ walking as a ‘poor methodology’ in order to explore metropolitan areas that are facing a rapid urbanization process (2016). He uses walking method, that he suggests is to be composed of ‘poor’ methodologies in terms of tools, rules and typologies, in order to investigate certain regions of Istanbul that has recently experienced a rapid urbanisation. Surveying the southern parts of the city, he makes a 72 km walk that starts in Sabiha Gökçen Airport and ends in Atatürk Airport. Considering that an overarching urban theory for all world cities does not exist, Kohler also advocates that the experiential approach Stadtwanderungen, or Big Urban Walks, made in metropolitan areas can be used as an open-ended method in urban research to explore and perceive cities that are in constant flux and interaction (2016). Another work that intends to make an exploration of Istanbul by walking is Serkan Taycan’s ‘Between Two Seas’. This work invites ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • N. Tümerdem

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the participants and walkers to walk for 60 km following the route of Kanal Istanbul starting from the rural areas in the northern regions towards the industrial areas on the southern regions of Istanbul. Therefore, he aims to make an observation of the transformation of the city and create a new perspective about this transformation and these regions (Taycan, 2013). In this manner, this study proposes to investigate the impacts of the transportation infrastructure project Northern Marmara Highway which cuts through the city in east-west direction through the experience of traversing these areas by walking in them and make a recording of these journeys. Moreover, the study also argues that the micro-scale transformations occurring through these walks will be added to the infinite design layers of the city.

3. Northern Istanbul walk(about)s For this study, 28.5 km along the Anatolian route of Northern Marmara Highway has been traversed by the anthropic mode of transportation; walking. Through this act of traversing the route of the highway, which might have taken minutes with a car but took approximately 8 hours on foot, the city is explored within the alternative approach of walking method.

The flexible scale of the body that can adapt to every condition is stretched and examined on the scale of transport infrastructure and by walking around an area that is designed exclusively for wheels, a perspective that could not be achieved with a vehicle, is captured.

The experience of the walks and the

journey narratives are presented as a sort of recording that includes the representation of the routes traversed on satellite images, photos taken during the walks and descriptive texts written after. This nomadic research method that offers a unique base for the terrain vague areas of the city that has recently been open to speculation by the new transport infrastructure are also considered to be aesthetical and architectural acts that changes the Earth as its surface is trod on. No matter how minute, transient and insignificant the scale of the walking body next to the colossal scale of the transport infrastructure may be; traces left on the ground, dents marked on the soil and paths travelled are added to the endless anthropic layers of the planet. In this manner, the practice of walking is taken as a method to perceive the northern regions of the city and as an inherent design tool. The Walking Log is designed as an complementary text that aims to transfer the experience of these three walks that were done between June 2016 to November 2016.

This section is written subjectively in a manner that Jane Rendell defines as ‘site-writing’ (2007) which elicits from the thought that a ‘site-specific’ text needs to have an authentic expression due to the dual interaction between body and place.

4. Walk log 4.1. Walk 1: Alibahadır – Kaynarca Date: 20.06.2016 Who: 2 Commute: Kuzguncuk-Beykoz with bus number 15, Beykoz-Alibahadır

Figure 16. The satellite image showing the routes of Walk 1, Walk 2 and Walk 3. The satellite image is obtained from Google Earth [November 2016], the final image belongs to the author.

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Figure 17. Satellite image showing the route of Walk 1. The satellite image is obtained from Google Earth [June 2016], the final image belongs to the author.

with bus number 136, Alibahadır-Kaynarca on foot, Kaynarca-Beykoz with bus number 15D, Beykoz-Kuzguncuk with bus number 15 Statistics: Length: 10.2 km Steps: 15,599 Duration: 2 hours 30 minutes Average Speed: 3.5 km/s Devices: iPhone 6 Applications & Programmes: Google Maps, Google Earth, Pedometer, MapMyWalk Weather: Quite a warm summer day with a clear blue sky. The highest expected temperature is 34°C. The ground is dry which makes it easier to walk on, no bothering about mud. Since we did most of the walking on open areas like paved roads, forest tracks and roadsides, we were not shaded. Not much wind as well, so generally it felt quite hot.

Brief Description: The objective of this walk was to start from Alibahadır Village, follow the construction of Northern Marmara Highway as much as possible and continue northwest and arrive to Kaynarca Village. For a while we followed the route of the Highway.

The experience of walking along the route of the highway was predictable.

Giant excavation trucks, humongous viaducts, columns and plates. Manmade Ballardian landscapes situated directly in the middle of small villages, agricultural lands and forest areas…

Even though at the start of the walk, following a path adjacent to the highway was possible, about the middle of the walk it became impossible due to physical barriers. Thus, the walk had

to continue on the fire paths inside the forest areas and then we reached to Kaynarca Village. Unlike the walk next to the construction site, walking inside the forest was pleasant and surprising. Since there were no landmarks or any recognizable marks around, we could only follow the paths and roads as much as the topography allowed us.

After climbing up to a hill, we came across about 50 beehives with their beekeeper present, which was an interesting experience. After all, incidents like this are unfathomable from the satellite images of mapping services!

Later on, we came by a vehicle road and proceeded. The walk ended in Kaynarca Village which is situated on the valley between two forest hills and stands on the intersection where Fener Road meets with the Northern Marmara Highway. Of course, the highway is not level with the road but passes about 20 m above it.

Navigation: The existing paved roads, dirt roads and safety tracks (paths inside forest done to hinder the spreading in case of a fire) could be pursued from the mapping services so this walk can overall be considered as easy to handle. However, walking adjacently to the construction of the Northern Marmara Highway became impossible after a while since the mapping services do not reflect the latest condition of the site and there is no sign whatsoever on the map or on the ground that delivers the information of which area is walkable and which area is not. After 3 km of following the construction site, it became quite impossible and dangerous to traverse the highITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • N. Tümerdem

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way due to viaducts, heaps of sand and fences. Therefore, we had to walk back in order to follow the forest track until the next penetrable intersection of the construction. On applications like Google Maps, the forest areas are not shown in detail, so this time our navigation had to be based on a hunch, personal skill and/or general experience.

After the forest track ended, we walked over the paved vehicle road until where the village intersects with the highway’s viaduct, of course only when looked from above. After reaching to the intersection, we continued walking down to Kaynarca on a paved village road, the end point of this peregrination.

Challenges & Obstacles: It was uncomfortable walking in between the construction vehicles and trucks entering the site on the points where existing village roads intersect with the highway. After walking adjacent to the highway for 1.5 km, the manmade and topographical obstacles could not be surpassed. Therefore, instead of walking parallel to the highway, we preferred the forest and its tracks. The previously planned path had to be extended and the construction site had to be skirted.

Walking along the forest safety tracks was rather easy. The only part of the walk that could have been dangerous was walking through wooden beehives with active honeybees inside the woodland. However, we experienced no incidents with the honeybees during this walk. After the forest track ended, we followed Fener Road, on which several hamlets of various sizes are scattered around, until Kaynarca Village. When compared to walking on the desolate forest tracks where no other encounter was experienced other than the one with the beekeeper and his bees, it felt much safer to walk around the hamlets with the only possible danger being the passionate watchdogs in several pastures. Yet, it also felt much less exciting.

Natural Characteristics & Land Use & Field Notes: We started the walk from the bus stop in Alibahadır on a paved road. This is the only bus stop where the only bus line passes. Alibahadır is seemingly an underpopulated village and as it can be figured out from the agricultural fields, greenhouses, cattle and poultry; the main occupation of the village is agriculture and animal

husbandry. Upon some street lamps or on the entrance of some private houses you can see some signs or writings claiming to sell ‘buffalo yogurt’ or ‘farmers’ eggs’. The signage of Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge could be seen behind the fence that separates the highway from the area. It is interesting to note that even though the construction of the highway still needs some time to finish, the contractor has already started watering the plants that are placed on the sides of the highway with street sprinklers. On the other side of the fence are trees and scattered groups of late spring flowers which create a lush natural atmosphere. As it became impossible to continue on the path running parallel to the highway construction, it became inevitable for us to walk back in order to continue on a forest track. This prolonged the walk, however it was always a fathomable possibility that the walk could not entirely be led adjacent to the highway construction.

In one open area on the way to the forest we came by a tortoise, he was eating yellow flowers that we saw around, when he saw us he retreated into his shell. The forest tracks are 2-3 meters wide and follow the increases and decreases in the terrain. At the highest points, the highway construction is seen from afar. However, at lower parts, the forest feels completely secluded without any sign of urbanization. The trees and vegetation were very lush due to the season and centauries, bay trees, cherry laurels were noticeable while walking. Thus, coming across wooden beehives is not really surprising in this area far away from the hum and noise we left behind. Along the way there are tiny hamlets, pastures, and a family farm which makes it possible to forget about the city out there. As we leave the forest and continue south, the highway viaduct could again be seen. We came across several ‘for sale’ signs as we passed small and picturesque hamlets on the way to Kaynarca.

Significance: A significant walk since it connects two rural settlements on the inner regions of the Anatolian side of Istanbul through the route of the highway. Main occupation in both settlements is agriculture and animal husbandry and at the moment, both seem

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unaltered by the current infrastructural operations. However, this imposed highway definitely creates a threat of expansion in this area. Both of the villages are in Beykoz, the municipality that houses the most amount of public land that are currently considered to be 2/B lands1. This means that, construction can start at any given time. Considering the aftermath of the construction of previous highways and what has happened to the regions around these highways, it is not very hard to make

educated guesses for the future of these northern areas. Therefore, it is quite essential to understand, recognize and document these territories that are on the verge of transformation by walking through them.

4.2. Walk 2: Anadolufeneri Poyrazköy Date: 02.11.2016 Who: 2 Commute: Koşuyolu-Üsküdar with minibus, Üsküdar-Beykoz with bus

Figure 18. The visual notes of Walk 1 [20 June 2016]. All the photos are taken by the author.

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2/B lands are the lands that have lost their qualification as a forest and the current legislation allows cadastral surveys which can lead to the zoning of these areas for development.

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Figure 19. Satellite image showing the route of Walk 2. The satellite image is obtained from Google Earth [November 2016], the final image belongs to the author.

number 15, Beykoz-Anadolufeneri with bus number 15D, Anadolufeneri-Poyrazköy on foot, Poyrazköy-Beykoz with bus number 15D, Beykoz-Bağlarbaşı with bus number 15F Statistics: Length: 6.2 km Steps: 8,144 Duration: 2 hours 20 minutes Average Speed: 2.6 km/s Devices: iPhone 6 Applications & Programmes: Google Maps, Google Earth, Pedometer, MapMyWalk Weather: A quite warm autumn day with a clear blue sky and only few clouds. The highest expected temperature is 17°C. The ground is dry which makes it easier to walk on. Apart from the shores of Anadolufeneri (can be translated as Anatolian-lighthouse) there is not much wind. Most of the walk is done on paved roads and paths which were not shaded, apart from the part done in deep forest which is naturally shaded. Yet it still felt very hot after a while since this was the most physically exhausting part of the hike.

There was not much wind and no signs of any rain. Eventually it was the perfect weather to walk, never too cold and never too hot.

Brief Description: The walk is a continuation of Walk 1 and it aims to connect Anadolufeneri to Poyrazköy, two villages situated at the northern end of the Bosphorus, via the highway route.

It is a significant experience to walk in a dirt road or a path surrounded by agricultural fields, prairie, brambles and forest trees and barge into colossal viaducts, columns and plates. Again,

from picturesque landscapes where one thinks ‘Am I really in Istanbul?’ to Ballardian formations where a feeling of extreme concern takes over. At the intersection point of the dirt road coming from Anadolufeneri with the viaduct of the highway hovering up in the air, it became impossible to move forward due to physical boundaries. Thus, some of the path was walked back and then a route inside the deep forest had to be taken. This was the hardest part of the whole walk and our average pace decreased to 1,6 km/h until we came to Poyraz Road. After passing over the highway via Anadolufeneri Road, we walked parallel to the highway for 1 km. When we reached to intersection of Poyraz Road with the highway, we continued northwest all the way down to Poyrazköy.

Navigation: Walking from Anadolufeneri, initially on a paved road and later on the path towards the agricultural fields, was quite easy but as we reached to the intersection of the highway we could not proceed due to physical boundaries. We walked back for a while and came to a green plain.

The only possibilities were to walk all the way back or traverse the forest and make a ‘shortcut’ until we reach the next walkable path or road. We chose the latter option. The forest was very thick and full of thorny brambles everywhere. Naturally, there were no paths since no one has passed here for a very long time. We had to navigate with the help of our smartphones. After a while, even though we did not see it, we started hearing the highway humming so we knew we were on the right track.

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Finally, we arrived to Anadolufeneri Road and after that navigating was very easy since the highway was right in front of our eyes the whole time.

We walked on the trimmed earth for a while, parallel to the highway route. As we reached Poyraz Road, we continued northwest and reached the village.

Challenges & Obstacles: Continuing southbound from Anadolufeneri towards the woods, the highway started to become both visible and audible.

At one part, we had to use a branch as

a small bridge to get over a small water puddle. As we started seeing the highway afar we encountered physical barriers like thorny brambles, ivies and branches that seemed to be positioned there by someone(s). Even if we could traverse this barrier, it was not possible to overpass the embankment reaching up to the highway. We walked back on the same path and entered a more plain-like area by crossing over a fence that surrounds it. This area was also surrounded by metal and wooden

Figure 20. The visual notes of Walk 2 [02 November 2016]. All the photos are taken by the author.

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fences that formed a border with the forest. After finding a crude wooden step, we entered into the forest jumping over a small stream. The walk through the forest was about 500 m and yet it lasted around 45 minutes. The forest was so thick that the application MapMyWalk lost us almost the entire time while we were inside the forest. It was full of thorny brambles, which made walking very hard and slowed us down to a great degree. After reaching to Anadolu Road, the main challenge was over and rest of the walk to Poyrazköy was quite hassle-free.

Natural Characteristics & Land Use & Field Notes: The walk started in Anadolufeneri. Since the village is situated on a peninsula where the Bosphorus connects to the Black Sea, there is a lighthouse at the very end of the peninsula. This positioning of this lighthouse and the nearby mosque creates a poetic essence in the village. We headed out from the village square and continued southeast towards the highway. One side of the road was entirely filled with blackberry brambles and on the other side was a picnic area and a tea garden.

When we reached a junction, we chose the path towards the bottom of the valley instead of following the paved road.

Along this path were agricultural fields and several private houses. Some cattle and ovine tracks could be noticed on the dirt road. After reaching the valley between two hills covered with trees, we proceeded southeast and at this point the highway humming became pretty audible. A little later the viaduct of the highway crossing over the valley became visible. As we finally came under the viaduct, we realized that it was impossible to continue any further so we walked back and entered the forest. Since it was autumn, the forest ground was carpeted with dry leaves and weed. Some mushrooms and berries were also present and I could identify oak, hornbeam and of course bay tree since its aromatic smell could be sensed from a distance. Only after we exited the forest we could spot the highway. There were almost no cars on the highway going towards or coming from the Third Bridge. Following the Anadolufeneri Road, we passed over the highway, entered the construction

site and walked adjacent to the highway. This time we saw the trimmed forest areas with our own eyes directly from the ground, a sight we are normally accustomed to see through satellite images. Even though most of the construction site seemed abandoned, there were still some work in progress in an area where several cranes, cars and some people could be seen. No one questioned what we were doing there.

After reaching to the intersection of the viaduct with the Poyraz Road, we headed north and eventually reached the village.

Significance: Since the route connected Anadolufeneri to Poyrazköy, two villages on the Bosphorus, it differentiates from the ones connecting inner settlements. Even though these two fishing villages seem quite rural and their surroundings are composed of some agricultural fields and mostly forests, the recently built highway in their vicinity impends the danger of expansion. The fact that both villages are situated in Beykoz again create the possibility of further development.

Therefore, this walk constitutes an essential documentation that records the state of an area that will most possibly change in a short period of time.

4.3. Walk 3: Poyrazköy – Anadolu Kavağı Date: 22.11.2016 Who: 2 Commute: Askerlik Şubesi-Beykoz with bus number 15F, Beykoz-Poyrazköy with bus number 135, Poyrazköy-Anadolu Kavağı on foot, Anadolu Kavağı-Beykoz with bus number 15A, Beykoz-Askerlik Şubesi with dolmush Statistics: Length: 12.1 km Steps: 15,704 Duration: 3 hours Average Speed: 4 km/s Devices: iPhone 6, GoPro Hero 5 Applications & Programmes: Google Maps, Google Earth, Pedometer, MapMyWalk Weather: The weather was overcast all throughout the walk. There was no sunshine whatsoever. Due to the clouds, it felt like rain could come any moment, but it never did. The average temperature was 14°C. The ground was

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Figure 21. Satellite image showing the route of Walk 3. The satellite image is obtained from Google Earth [November 2016], the final image belongs to the author.

mostly dry so it was quite a comfortable walk. High altitudes were quite windy.

Brief Description: This walk is a continuation of Walk 2 and the intention is to connect two strategically positioned villages on northern regions of the Bosphorus, Poyrazköy and Anadolu Kavağı, by cutting the route of the highway. Starting from the Third Bridge-viewed beach in Poyrazköy, we walked up from the village, reached to an altitude of 218 m and finally came to an underpass going under the highway.

Then we headed southwest towards Anadolu Kavağı. We deviated from our path in order to approach the bridge and see its abandoned construction site. Later on, we returned back to the forest track and proceeded on a paved road. We made one stop in Yoros Castle and finally, we arrived to Anadolu Kavağı. Fishing village, dirt roads, small hamlets, viaducts, bushes with berries, gardens, emerging Bosphorus (and Bridge) vistas, under passage, abandoned construction site, the highway, forest area, military zone, abandoned buildings, cemetery with a view, trash pile, Ottoman-era castle, fishing village.

Navigation: Even though this was a mid-length walk, we did not have any navigational problems. Since we did not come across any obstacles along the way, we did not have to alter the route we planned with Google Maps.

Only the additional route towards the construction site of the bridge that was impossible to foresee through mapping services was added to our walk. This was an essential experience for us and

an important documentation. We used the help of smart phones because we were mostly following the routes that were readable on the map. Even though the highway and the bridge were not always in view until reaching the paved road, they would appear in vistas that would pop up from now and then after making turns. While we were walking on the paved road, the bridge was always visible. Since most of the forest areas seemed to belong to the army, it was not possible to have any off-road adventures along the forest tracks.

Challenges & Obstacles: The most problematic part of this walk was that it had to be performed on roads that are mostly in between military zones, areas that seem to be former military zones and abandoned construction site of the bridge. Since we could not previously or during the walk make sure through mapping services that the direction we were following was penetrable for the ‘ordinary’ person, we walked without having a clue if we could proceed. Not knowing if taking photos or filming was possible, it was also pleasing that we did not face any problems. Probably it was because we did not run into anyone for the whole 12.1 km, if you don’t count our encounters in the villages and in the paths around the villages.

We were also not sure about entering the abandoned construction site but it was also the nearest spot to the bridge.

Natural Characteristics & Land Use & Field Notes: The walk started in Poyrazköy. There was a lot of talk about this small fishing village in the last years since the route of the highway and the bridge passes over it. The ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • N. Tümerdem

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3 As a reference to Borges’s short story ‘On Exactitude in Science’ (1975).

main occupations are, predictably, agriculture and animal husbandry. Even though it seems to be frequented only by street dogs and seagulls at this time of the year, the beach with the newbridge-view and various restaurants and cafes implies how the place would look in warmer times of the year. Due to its naturally protected position, Poyrazköy also has a harbour, which looks pretty abandoned too. We start from the beach and follow Koruyucu Ahmet Road up towards to first ridge. Even the piers of the bridge are mostly in sight, sometimes the road is so steep that the piers disappear and we only see Bosphorus vistas from time to time. As we pass through an opening to get a better view, we realize that we just entered a private vegetable garden. Probably the garden with the most beautiful view. Both sides of the road are full of blackberry brambles, rose hip and other types of berries. When we reach the highest point. This is where we can see Garipçe, the village where the other end of the bridge piers are situated on the European side can. Finally, as we reach to the intersection of the village road with the highway, we pass through two underpasses and continue our walk. As we pass an area surrounded by barbed wire and protected by guard dogs, we enter into the forest track.

Even though it’s fall, it’s all so green.

As we plod on for 500 m, we come up to a junction and we change our route and head up towards the bridge along a dirt road. Walking for 1.5 km on the abandoned construction site, we stop at a point where we get really close to the bridge and we can look at it from above. It’s not possible to go further anyway. Here, the highway humming is at its highest. We walk back to the junction and move southeast through the forest. Apart from several abandoned buildings, there are no other structures around. All of a sudden, we come across a very big location point painted on the ground. We assume it is used for combining satellite images.

It is as if we encountered the manifestation of the map on the territory3. At some places, trash piles are waiting to be decomposed in nature after millions of years. Eventually the forest track ends, we reach the paved road

heading towards the village. Exactly at this point we notice the sign showing that this is a military zone. As we start going down this road, two street dogs start leading the way. Especially one is so enthusiastic that even when we stop occasionally for taking pictures of the Bosphorus (and of course the bridge), he stops, looks back and waits for us.

He is very loyal. We come across an old graveyard along the way. It is one of those Istanbulite graveyards, the ones that have a spectacular view. The first part is a derelict Ottoman graveyard, which makes it even more mysterious.

The enthusiastic dog also enters to the graveyard and waits for us. We help him drink some water through a fountain.

A little bit further is the new part of the graveyard. It does not have the feeling of the old one. When I stop to look at the view, I realize it is the same place I came last spring to take photos when the last plate of the bridge was being placed. Then it was extremely crowded, now there is no one. Following the pack leader, we exit the graveyard and continue downwards towards Anadolu Kavağı. After walking less than a kilometre, we come up to the Yoros Castle.

It is a very impressive structure due to its position, location and form. As we linger around a bit, we lose our loyal friend. Then we continue our path. A little down, we see ruins that were most probably a part of the castle at one point. Finally, we reach the picturesque village. It is an old Bosphorus village, there are ancient oak trees around and there is also a small passenger pier. Just like Poyrazköy, Anadolu Kavağı is also a fishing village.

Significance: Since the route connected Poyrazköy to Anadolu Kavağı, two villages on the Bosphorus, it differentiates from the ones connecting inner settlements. It is also important since it starts from Poyrazköy where the piers of the bridge are located and proceeds on a route with a lot of bridge vistas. Just like other walks connecting Bosphorus villages, this walk also passes a lot of picturesque sights, rural and forest areas, so it is rather noteworthy that a gigantic transport infrastructure is passing above and around these villages. Unlike other areas in Beykoz, since most of the areas here belong to

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Figure 22. The visual notes of Walk 3 [22 November 2016]. All the photos are taken by the author.

the army, the 2/B problem might be non-existent. However, with dynamics and possibilities of extraordinary situations in this geography, everything is imaginable.

5. In lieu of conclusion An open-ended and experiential method is proposed through walks that are done on and around the Anatolian-side route of the Northern Marmara Highway in order to understand, recognize and design the city. These walks are not done in the already ur-

banized parts of the city but on the rural northern parts that have recently been threatened by an imposed transport infrastructure. Within the frame of current urban theory that advocates that the dichotomy between urban and rural is blurred in today’s city where the centre and periphery is not seen as two different entities as the whole planet is going through a process of urbanization (Brenner & Schmid, 2012), the fact that this study is performed in the ‘rural’ underpopulated areas of the city will be beneficial to perceive the city

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The almost emphasis belongs to Martin Kohler (2016).

as a whole rather than a divided entity.

The significance of the study lies in the fact that actual research was initiated directly on the site. Unlike the accustomed instinct of the architect or urban planner who might start the design or research process on paper or on screen, the site was taken as the medium and the process started as the walking researcher trod, paced, and transformed the face of the Earth. As a result of this experience, the researcher/participant architect composes a narrative record based on the encounters, settlements, structural elements, land use, flora and fauna, texts, maps and visual notes of the landscape and environment that eventually present a section of current northern Istanbul. While this section is giving physical information and hints on the gender, location, body type of the walker (Kohler, 2016), it also reflects her background and history based on the elements she is interested in while walking. In this manner, this section is subjective. Since the walks have both physical and digital extensions; a geocoded, cartographic narrative record is achieved as a final product (Bissen, 2014). Therefore, these narrative records that is produced at the end of these walks can be considered to be more than the sum of the texts and their visuals. It is planned that these records will be transformed into open-ended base studies, an opensource that can be accessible to everyone through digital platforms. These phenomenological records that can also be defined as almost4 raw data will be open to be processed, transformed, multiplied and re-used in other mediums. This is why it is the ‘almost’ raw quality of the study that gives it its potential (Kohler, 2016). Walking in the northern parts of the city triggers an intrinsic knowledge that was not acquired previously through maps, satellite images, academic studies. However, this knowledge that comes through walking becomes meaningful when it is used as a complementary method and when it is combined with other sources. Seeing the city from a different perspective, it becomes possible to ask questions and develop design scenarios and strategies. Moreover, it is thought that this study will also act

as a socio-spatial source that will assist to understand what is happening and what can happen in northern regions of Istanbul in the near future. Since the city is studied by various disciplines ranging from architecture, urbanism, sociology, philosophy etc., this study provides researchers with a base study that will provide data that could be essential for another phase of a different study. Moreover, the walking method that is practiced within this study is flexible enough to be easily adapted to different scales, locations and disciplines. Since the act of walking is a practice that is open to everyone, it has the potential to be used as a common method by all the disciplines that explore the city. By being open to everyone and all disciplines and having the possibility to allow transitioning to different scales, walking is used as a multi-faceted tool for urban studies.

In conclusion, since these walks transform the face of the Earth, even if in a very small scale, due to the fact that they are done directly on the surface of the Earth, they are taken as an archaic practice of design. Therefore, they are added to the endless anthropic design layers of Istanbul and thus transform the city.

Acknowledgement This article is based on an essay entitled “Walkabitlity: Urban and Mental Pedestrianism” written by the author in Spring 2012 for the doctoral course MTS 612 Paradigms in Architecture instructed by Prof. Dr. Semra Aydınlı and Doc. Dr. İpek Akpınar at Istanbul Technical University. An updated version has also been presented and reviewed at the IAPS-CS Network Symposium in 2016.

I would like to thank Igor Medarić who participated in all three walks and enlightened me with his thoughts during our long conversations.

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In K. A. Franck, & Q. Stevens, Loose Space (pp. 193-209). New York: Routledge.

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263). Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

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Tümerdem, A Case Study of the Third Bridge: An Exploration of the Impacts of the Transportation Infrastructure on the City’s Geography, 2014 Tümerdem, Ad Hoc Geo-Urbanism: An Exploration of the Impacts of the Third Bosphorus Bridge on the City’s Geography, 2017

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The (re)production of space with a practice of everyday life in the layers of the city İstanbul; The case study of ‘Conversation space’ Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah Gizem ÖZER ÖZGÜR arc.ozer@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.73693

Received: October 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract Spatial situations of ordinary actions encountered in everyday life and spatial practices occurred related to these phenomena are mostly ambiguous in the city layers. When examining İstanbul as a ‘palimpsest’ city, the spatial practices in everyday life, how they work and affect society and culture are questioned together in the scope of this study. The aim of this study can be summed up as to discover the characteristics of ‘conversation’ as a simple/ordinary form of dialogue in everyday life that produces space. In the research the meaning is attributed not to the place; to the spatial practices that have emerged in that place and the spatialities are being tested. In this regard, theoretical back ground has been built, enabling us to explore the spatial features appeared about the practice producing the space.

This study has been searched the spatial practices and the dynamics triggering the production of space regarding daily life of an urban layer in İstanbul; Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah known as ‘Conversation Space’.

The emphasis of this study is that it will argue that conversation may create an interview environment, that this interview environment may both carry the potential of creating an alternative ‘living dialogue space’, and may be grasped as a channel of an alternative social fact/communalism. With establishment of the links with urban strata, revealing the palimpsest urban spaces have been changing and transforming continuously, relationship networks appeared in these spaces and the characteristic features will begin to be explored.

Keywords Conversation, Dialogue, Social space, Spatial practices, Reproduction of space.

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1. Introduction The everyday life styles in urban areas and corresponding spatial practices and the relationships with the city are generally ignored when analyzing the changes and transformations of the cities. The temporal and spatial conditions of spaces (re)produced in dynamic cities are discussed by distinguishing the sociocultural and social segments. However, in İstanbul, which is a palimpsest city that has been (re) produced in different ways during the centuries and has the potential to be (re)produced, it is possible to see the traces of those layers. The users of the city having the highest contribution to this stratification are the ordinary individuals playing role in the stage of city’s daily life and their actions. The urban spaces that can be (re)produced in accordance with the spatial practices, attitudes, habits, and practices of ordinary people include many clues about the analysis of transformation in cities.

Being one of the stations on Divanyolu, Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah as a part of an urban, which has a court lived and shaped in the rhythm of daily life, is a right place to discuss the spatial practices regarding dialogue and the dynamics triggering the production of space. In direction with the spatial practices occurring under the effects of ‘conversation’ that is an ordinary act within the daily life, the court of madrasah is (re)produced in a sense and transformed into a ‘space for conversation/conversation for space’.

During this production, the dialogue has significant role in creation of “conversation” that is the action activating the sociocultural arrangements shaping the spatiality.

This study aims to reveal the answers of how the conversation, which is a way of establishing dialogue and an ordinary speech act, creates the “attitudes, habits, and practices”1 regarding that space, and how it managed to make them livable and to (re)product them by providing the spaces with new layers. Within the scope of this study, first of all, the theoretical background will be established based on the ongoing discussions, especially on the studies of Henri Lefebvre (1974; 1991) on the production and layers of space and also

the spatial practices. From the aspect of theoretical perspective of the production of space, it is examined how the dialogue-establishment means and the dialogue playing role in production of space acts as a spatial practice.

Through these discussions, the analysis of ‘conversation’ act as a way of establishing dialogue based on the “speech act” and its relationship with the production of space are questioned. Through the analyses of temporal and spatial situations in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah, the status of being a part of palimpsest urban space (re) produced as the space of conversation is being discussed. The spatial practices produced by the dialogue and the dynamics triggering the production of space are revealed via the diagrams, mapping, section and montage studies.

The fictions established using the snap shots taken at the moment of dialogues reveal the continuously changing and transforming conversation environment and the network of established relationships. In a study carried out in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah, the conversation seen as a daily life activity is internalized through the production of “living conversation spaces” by the individuals playing role as speaker, audience, viewer, operator, employee, and habitué by establishing sociocultural and social segments. By revealing the dynamics playing role in establishment of open-ended dialogue (conversation) and also by linking the theoretical connections, it would be possible to reveal the urban spaces continuously changing and transforming within the layers of a palimpsest city.

2. The (re)production and layers of space One of the problems about knowledge and implementation branches of architecture is to recognize the space in two dimensions – on a map –, and to ignore the social and historical background. According to Elden (2004), the reason for this is based on the beginning of the process of theorization of the space in the social and cultural studies carried out by ignoring the multilayered structure of space. Until a very recent time, the space as an object has been identified with the status ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • G. Özer Özgür

In the book of Michel De Certeau titled “The Practice of Everyday Life” (1984), the section called “ways of operating” is translated into detail as “action, practice, and production forms”, while the “practice” was translated as “habits, attitudes, and implementations”.

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of against the subject as an object and needed the fiction and arrangement of the subject or, in other words, to be shaped under the pressure of subject.

This has determined the frame of space perception and the behavior toward the space, and has remained as is for long time.

“The space is alive and included in the circle of life. It lives and make live.

It lives and is produced. This indicates the fluid, variable, and complex core of it.” (Lefebvre, 1991)

According to Merrifield (2000), the space defined by Lefebvre is not a static or stable subject or a thing. Conversely, the spaces integrate with each other through various temporality dimensions and take their actual form. And this indicates the organic, fluid, and alive nature of it and clearly shows that it can be produced again and again.

From this aspect, according to Lefebvre due to the ongoing relationship of spaces with the subject at different points of time, the space is both concept (theoretical) and reality (practical) with all of its dimensions and layers; in other words, it is social and a social production. For this reason, the space is whole of the layers and relationships among the subjects. “From social aspect, the space is produced via the processes, which it included, perceived, conceptualized and experienced in its multi-layered and multi-dimensional structure” (Lefebvre, 1991). Lefebvre defines these processes as the paths and layers of the space. The trialectic structure of space includes “spatial practices” (perceived), “representations of space” (conceptualized) and “representational spaces” (lived).

Spatial practices include the physical and material flows and the (re) production of the space via them and it also implies the bilateral relationship between the space and subjects in social order. From the aspect of social formations, the spatial practices lay the foundation of fundamental dynamics of the sociality on one hand and also prepare ground for the performances of subjects as actors on the other hand.

“The spatial practice of a society prepares its own space” (Lefebvre, 1991).

The spatial practice that is social, acts

as the conveyor of all the complexities emerging during the daily life. From the aspect of material recreation, the knowledge of individuals is functionalized / turned into action together with the spatial practices. Within the frame of dialectic relationship, it corresponds to the production of a space by the social subject on one hand and the suppression and usage of it on the other hand. From this aspect, covering the interpretation process of subjects’ actions, the spatial practices enable us to find the “perceived space”.

Because of the visual cannotation of the term of “perceived”, in order to prevent defining as “visual space” that doesn’t encompass the action, Shields (1999) expressed that it is better to understand this term as “practical perceptions” and “common sense”. Corresponding to the perceived space, practical perceptions are in fact the perceptions of actions varying from the individual routines to the creation of systematic regions. Such spatial practices become concrete in form of constructed environment within the frame of subject’s perception. For instance; a Mall represents a social subject group/ spatial population both encouraging and requiring – for commercial dynamism – a specific type of “practice of crowd”.

Representations of space have the characteristics of conceptualization and definition of experienced space and the establishment of “space discourse”. Thus, as stated by Soja (1996), the representations of space are the representations of authority, ideology, control, and authority. As the mental spaces, they encompass “the ideological codes of the conceptualization of spaces, theories, and the logic and codes of information form”. The symbols of spatial discourse, so the symbol of mathematics, accompany the construction of space (physical) by the authority’s representatives having knowledge regarding the production process.

Thus, as the conceptualized spaces, representations of space are the “abstract spaces” appearing with the power, control, knowledge, and ideology.

In this respect, the space of architect, real estate developement, and any sort of administration, management and

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financial fund makes us find the abstract space. According to the trialectic structure of Lefebvre (1991), within the scope of relational configuration with other layers of space, the abstract space is the space of those designing and defining the perceived and lived space.

Representational spaces are the spaces, which are lived through the relationship between images and symbols, and thus the space of “residents” and “users”. Besides that, it makes reference to the imagination and mental dimension.2 Representational spaces overlap with the production of mental space regarding with the experience, perception, and comprehension that Lefebvre didn’t completely state at all, but showed in form of traces and signs left in the space – the memories, forgotten ones, misunderstood ones, opinions, and beliefs during the interconnected relationship of time and space. So, through the knowledge of subjects regarding the space produced politically and socially, that space is related with the individuals’ perception regarding those relationships and reinterpretation at a cognitive level.

Lefebvre (1991) clearly defines this: The space of user is the lived space, not the representations of space (conceptualized space). When compared to the abstract space by experts, the lived space is the tangible space of daily life activities, so it is subjective. The trialectic relationship between representations of space (conceptualized space), representational space (lived space), and spatial practices (perceived space) transforms the space into a “process/ existence/product” produced both by the authority and subjects.

“A social space starts emerging with its complex structure (in daily life): The individual units and characteristics, relative (related) consistencies, motions, flows, and waves; some of them interlock, some contradict, and etc.”

(Lefebvre, 1991).

Lefebvre’s (1991) studies on the relationship between the socially constructed space and its representations through the social life at different layers emphasize the importance of our actions in daily life. The social life, our experiences, leaves traces in the space

by accumulating in the course of time.

We are transformed together with the time-space. Social dynamics (especially those affecting our daily lives), all of our practices pass into this time-space and are represented in both there and its narrations. The principle of interlocking and overlapping situations of social space carries an important information; an action producing a space includes the pluralism emerged by the process and the status of being palimpsest, not a social relationship. This pluralism has many different aspects such as visible and invisible, perceived and experienced, and practical and theoretical ones. There are only the ambiguous traces left by the events on and in the space and in its layers; the results and products of social actions are seen.

But, by pursuing those traces left in the space, the spatial practices, those recorded in spatial one, and those involved in the process of social action occurring in that space can be decoded. The importance of remarkable and characteristic practices, traces of which can be pursued in urban space, is emphasized by Barthes as follows; “[...] city is a discourse and this discourse is a real language; we talk to those living in the city, we talk about our city [...] only by existing, walking, looking in our city “ (Barthes, 1982).

These determinations of Barthes regarding the city indicate both how important the spatial practices are for the urban spaces and how linguistic those spatial practices are. Defining a city as a “discourse”, so handling it as a way of speech reflecting a specific perspective and having a meaning, emphasizes that it has a common language system.

He states that the urban spaces interact with the individuals constantly and encompass, represent, and reflect the constantly developing and transforming spatial practices. In almost all circumstances and all the time, the urban space has the potential of being a “discourse” since it adresses (spatial) situations continuously developing and transforming throughout the time loop of daily life. The subjects experiencing the city reconstruct it through their spatial practices, and establish dialogues. The analysis of dialogue, which ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • G. Özer Özgür

2 According to Ian Borden (2012), Lefebvre ignores the terms “users” and “residents” of a space since they make reference to the marginality and impossibility.

Instead of these terms, he uses the term “subjects” meaning the creatures doing and playing role in social construction process. From this aspect, the space is turned from an intellectual projection into a sort of practice.

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is in fact based on the verbalism, and the act of conversation, which is used in our daily lives, and the relationship with the production of space should be questioned.

3. Dialogue’ as an action producing the space and ‘Conversation’ as manifestation of it in everyday life

“Verbalism (action taken via words) is the main space of society” (De Certeau, 1984)

As long as the humanity has existed, the verbalism has remained determining the social exchanges and arranging the way of receiving those “messages”, so transforming them through the usage styles (via speaking). Verbalism is everywhere, because the speech infiltrates into anywhere. According to De Certeau (1984), the low theoretical status of speech possibly originates from the fact that it is natural and required in everywhere. He alleges that there would be no communication in a society without the verbalism.

All of the ways of establishing verbal communication (monolog, dialog, negotiation, polyphony/open-ended dialogue, conversation, and etc.) originate from the act of speaking. As an action, speech allows the transfer of information among the individuals through the verbal traditions, practical creativity, and performances of everyday life and ensures a social exchange. According to De Certeau (1984), the social exchange “builds an action against and action and a body, voice and emphases against a body and it requires a complete supplementary information hierarchy required for interpreting a message beyond a simple statement – counseling and saluting rituals, stereotyped statements, nuances added with toning, and the mimics”. The dialogue established immanently to this exchange bring the temporality and spatiality together with the requirement of unconscious and fundamental relationship type between voice, meaning and body enabling the individual to introduce himself/herself and to individualize.

The act of establishing dialogue, with an epistemological reference to Piaget (1977), has the “set of balances” that are the “individual and interper-

sonal coordination, the most fundamental structures of the coordination of actions”. In other words, it is a method of ensuring the connection, harmony, and order among various tasks and establishing the coordination in order to achieve a specific objective. In its nature, the dialogue is a way of speaking, while the conversation is a type of distributed dialogue that is multifocal, representing different perspectives, emerging independently from the “moment” – individuals, space –, in which it occurs, by wandering off and making come-backs when necessary; it is an action distributed into the time and space. Although it is the speech act that forms the dimension of time and space, which is at the root of dialogue building, what is expressed in the space is the ‘language’. Foucault (2006) argues that the “distance, intermediary, distribution, fraction, and difference” dimensions of language in process of establishing dialogue are not the themes of today’s literature, but it is what the language is given us in, what enables the language to speak, it is the spatial practice.

“It is the power of language: the language bonded by space excites the space, gives it to itself as a primary explicitness and leaves a part of it in order to include it again.” (Foucault, 2006).

Language – of the time and space – has never removed these dimensions from the things (time or spaces) and replaced them with their analogues.

The dimensions are common among the things (time or spaces) and language’s itself. According to Gergen (1985), the meanings shared culturally are also closely related with the common language system. Dialogue has the power to transform the information that originates from its flexibility and plurality in the process of occurring in form of conversation, as well as its ability to provide alternatives to cultural productions in given order.

As a way of establishing dialogue, the conversation creates an action transforming and shaping the use of common language in dialogue through the reuse, and it, as a practice regarding the daily life, establishes a private domain for the subject within the im-

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posed order. Because it is a daily practice, it is related with the authority relationships structuring the social area, as well as the information domain. By granting the individual with privileges such as achieving knowledge and ordering and subjectively integrating them, it enables the subject to have an authority on it, and thus the imposition of ready and prearranged information becomes ineffective. The conversation, which is the speech of daily life, produces an alternative space by having the antiauthority character of liberalizing thought. Regarding the production of space by the conversation, the point where the autonomy emerges and creates itself is the “narration”.

“Narration […] is the establishment of universe self-determining its own dimensions and limits, its own time, its own space, and having its own public, objects and myths (narrations)” (Barthes, 1989).

According to Barthes (1989), the narration is the speech act through the “moment” independent from the existential roots of experience and directed towards the rational connection via different acts. The narration is basically the built “discourse”, but the dialogue constitutes the “fiction” in narration.

According to Foucault (2006), the fiction is the way of organization for narration or, in other words, the different organization types in which it is “told”.

The dialogue places the components of narration into a specific order. Without this order, the position of narrator with regard to the thing he is telling (for instance if he is a part of the adventure or if he is excluded or not or if he externally captured or not) cannot be known. The inclusion of entire narration into the perspective of an individual, a group or nobody is fictionalized through the dialogues. In sum, the dialogue constructs the relationship between the narrator and the narrated subject established through the itself of discourse. The practice of conversation that enables the overlap of multiple narrations in daily life is capable of producing the spaces again and again.

A channel of conversation that reproduces itself in specific forms is the ability of individuals from different

Figure 1. The relationship network established by conversation practice. Considering the relationship network of conversation practice, it can be seen that, as in figure, different conversations become a pattern through the interaction of them focusing on a common point. The pink and green circles represent the individuals in conversation, while the change in size indicates the intensity of interaction. The empty circle in the middle indicates that 3 conversations around it are related with the same topic. Even if all 3 conversations are about the same topic, they can be established in different manners depending on the positions, perspectives, tendencies, backgrounds, and etc. of the participants. Especially the conversations in daily life become a practice, the conversation practice, by constantly establishing such interactions. (Özer, 2015).

Figure 2. Different ways of establishment of dialogue and the spatial practices occurring in these processes; (a) Tree system (speech act), (b) Semi-cage system (establishment of narration), (c) Network-like Cage System (the trace of life experiences left in the time and space)3 (Özer, 2015).

cultures to create the dialogue forms that can redesign many different cultures. In its nature, the conversation as a speech act has the residing, embodiment, openness, closeness, and thus the capacity for change. The production of space by the conversation occurs in form of space, potential of which is shown and shaped and constructed via ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • G. Özer Özgür

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In case of the speech act, in exchange depending on the positions or locations of the individuals, one may mention about both physical and social “network”.

In sociology, the network is the structure constructed by the interactions, exchanges, or relationships between the persons or institutions (Borlandi et al., 2011). At this point, references will be made to the subjects, who perform the speech act, but the transfer into social types is also possible. In addition, according to Alain Degenne (1999), analysis of a network requires defining all of the things in relationship or interaction. In order to establish the limits of whole, it is necessary to define the contacts, exchanges, and relationships, as well as the observation methods. All of the speech types within the time and topic are the products of interactions or exchanges and define different relationship networks. (a) Tree system and (b) Semi-Cage system diagrams were modified from the original depicted in Christopher Alexander’s (1965) article titled “A city is not a tree”.

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physical and social occupation of the shared space.

The conversation, the spoken language of daily life, is the art of conversationalists. According to De Certeau, “the rhetoric of ordinary conversation consists of practices which transform “speech situations,” […] a provisional and collective effect of competence in the art of manipulating “commonplaces” and the inevitability of events in such a way as to make them “habitable “ (De Certeau, 1984). The act of conversation manages the habits, attitudes and implementations regarding the space. It emerges the styles of being the habitué of a specific place. It is an art of word making them livable by including numerous desires and interest games into the spaces, manipulating them, and enabling us to joy them.

It becomes the spatial practice in this way; the production of space through the spatial practice is unique and specific, it is remarkably different from other production forms.

As a result of the performed analyses, the dialogue is a spatial practice as speech act (a). It is the spatial practice in the process (b) of establishment of narration, where this speech act transforms into cognitive and literary representation style. This is a spatial practice maintaining its traces of experiences, which constitute the establishment process, on the time and space (c). The space is produced through the transformation of these various processes of dialogue into spatial practices and the integration and overlap in form of network-like pattern.

The spatial and social construction of dialogue will be discussed over the space, where the dialogue occurs in form of spatial practice in daily life and where we can pursue its traces in the urban layers of İstanbul. The spaces, where we can see the daily life sections, are the “spaces being produced again and again for questioning the operations of users, and to tell the stories of ordinary individual’s ordinary habits, attitudes, and implementations” (De Certeau, 1984). Space-specific timespace and physical dimension shaping all these dynamics initiating the production of space will be discussed in terms of interpreting the spatial prac-

tices occurring in an urban space in İstanbul within the context of daily life.

Similarly, the Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah, which is discussed in this study and defined as “conversation space” is a space that has been constructed by the users through their bodies and lives by living in accordance with their own perspectives and habits, attitudes, and practices. Through the empirical approaches, it is aimed to explain and reveal which spatial practices regarding the daily life this place has today, and how a process the users pass though while producing this space again and again.

4. A place regarding the (re)production of space via dialogue in everyday life; Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah as ‘Conversation space’ Çorlulu Ali Paşa Complex is located in the most crowded, touristic, and protected region of İstanbul; on the Divan axis that is the most important axis of Historical Peninsula. The mosque part of this complex is still functional today, while its classrooms, madrasah cells and court are a coffee house that is generally preferred by the tradesmen of Beyazıt, the university students, and tourists. But, defining this space only as a coffee house would be to totally ignore the relationship between the space and its users. The court of this madrasah that has 300 years of history is a space that is like the summary of İstanbul. It is a part of palimpsest urban space, where the completely different individuals gather and establish conversation because of their common tastes and, most importantly, (re)produce the space again and again. The plans seen in Figure 3 cannot explain how these spatial practices occur, stratify, and produce the space; they cannot explain the status of being palimpsest. It is not possible to understand or explain such an urban space only through the language of signs. In order to reveal the dynamics of spatial production in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah, it is necessary to reveal the actions, attitudes, and habits of the individuals.

The spatial practices in this madrasah and the dynamics enabling the production of space will be explained layer-by-layer. The narghile-smoking

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habit involved in the conversation as a form of dialogue in everyday life, the regularity (being habitué) that might be considered as an attitude or a social formation, and the timeliness that keeps all of them together will be considered as the most decisive dynamics ensuring the production of space in the Madrasah.

4.1. Layer 1 – Actions Madrasah can be seen as a typical bordered urban space considering the time, when it has been constructed, and the attributed architectural program. But, regarding the form of active use today, the space and form enables the freedom in terms of spatial organization by being degraded / evolved.

This freedom reflects on the positions of users and thus on the distribution of spatial practices. Regardless of being user of the space, when entered into the space, any subjects in this city can easily adopt himself / herself to all of the spatial practices. In Figure 4, it was tried to represent all of the spatial practices of Madrasah in the map. As a “representational space”, Madrasah is the space that is excessively lived. The leading one among the spatial practices in Madrasah is the spatial routes built by the actions of employees (distribution of shisha, cinder, beverage, and etc.). These routes were analyzed after long observations and, as seen in Figure 4, they were analyzed by using the diagrams.

In process of the production of space, the spatial routes of employees and the seating arrangement of the users are superimposed in different manners at different points of the space. As seen in diagrams in Figure 5, there is a nesting due to the positions of seating units in the space. The relationship of subjects with space and each other and the spatial routes of employees interact with each other in a harmony.

Although the positions of users have been determined by the business managers in order to arrange the space, they also provide a physical flexibility.

This tight pattern made the subjects feel like a part of this urban space – the organization of space, employees, habitués, and spatial practices enable the space inhabitable easily – thus it

Figure 3. (Left) Plan of Çorlulu Ali Paşa Complex: 1-Mosque, 2 & 4-Sadirvan (water tank with the fountain), 3- Cells of dervish monastry, 5- Madrasah cells, 6-Library, 7- Classroom. (Right) The madrasah, court, and classroom sections of the complex are mainly used as coffee house today. In this study, the focus is mainly directed on these places (Adopted from İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, 1994) (Özer, 2015).

Figure 4. Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah, the operational map representing the production of space. The characteristic spatial routes of employees in the process of production of space: 1. Loop, 2. Ruffle, 3. Slalom, 4. Surf, 5. Twist. (Özer, 2015).

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helps with establishing a strong relationship of belonging with the space; many of the conversations originate from this layout. As a part of urban space that belongs to everyone, Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah do never impose a single subjective position to its users – the subject that is built in an arrangement such as Starbucks that is accepted to be a public space but is in fact a mass subject in an institutional arrangement established with a global approach.

Figure 5. Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah, the diagrams indicating the betweenness among the spatial routes of employees and spatial practices of users in the process of the production of space. 1. Astra, 2. Meander (Özer, 2015).

Although the conversation is a speech act, the priority given it in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah is related with not the word or sentence but the situation, context, and mutual existence situations of narrators, audience, and viewers. The relative autonomy of conversation practice or, in other words, its social history from the everyday life indicates that the conversation creates unique experiences on its own. In its simplest form, the conversation practice is to be the partner or witness of the story, narration or improvisation of another individual – anyone, everyone, or no one – through the dialogues established throughout the daily life.

The manipulation of the space by its users depending on the conversation arrangements of subjects using the space at different points of madrasah is presented over the sections and map in Figure 6. The dialogues in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah can be established in many different ways. The most remarkable spatial relationships in madrasah determined by the conversation are: (a) the section indicating the inout relationship of madrasah cell, (b) the section indicating the back-to-back relationship of madrasah cell, (c) the axonometric drawing indicating the in-out crosswise relationship of madrasah cell, (d) the axonometric drawing indicating the tripartite outer space relationship. The flexibility offered by the free organization schema of the space enables the visual and auditory

Figure 6. The map, section, and axonometric drawing representing the subjects using the space in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah and the possible conversation arrangements. (Özer, 2015).

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relationship of the subjects with each other and with the space. The openings on the walls of cells are generally used in order to participate into the conversation. These spatialities in establishment of dialogue in madrasah can be considered as the channels (re)producing the conversation in specific forms again and again.

In sections seen in Figure 7, the full circle represents the active individual in the dialogue during the conversation practice, while the empty circle represents the passive individual. In the first section, two individuals sitting side-by-side are in active dialogue, while two individuals outside sitting back-to-back are in passive position.

In the second section, the passive individuals can participate into the dialogue under favor of openings on the wall, but there are two dialogues in this case. In the third section, the conversation arrangement continuing under favor of the ease offered by the physical conditions of space is seen. Because of his position, the individual inside the cell cannot participate into the conversation and enter into the passive position, while others continue the conversation.

The set of photos in Figure 8 is the collage of sections of the establishment of bilateral conversations in madrasah. In this fiction, it is aimed to have different rhythms of the space, and the method employed enables the exploration of the axes, networks, and configurations of the interpersonal relationships. The observation and analysis of the interactions reveals the meaningfulness of conversation and nargilah-smoking among the everyday life practices. The conversation might provide us with alternative time-space relationship especially when we considered it as means that is multi-focal and multi-source and that represents different stories, provides perspectives and implies the respondent due to its nature. The mentioned features originate from the configuration, process and everyday-life-relationships of the establishment of conversation in the madrasah, as well as the characteristics of conversation’s itself.

As seen in Figure 11, another action triggering the production of space in

Figure 7. The sections representing the spatial situations created by the interactions between active and passive individuals in a conversation process in in-out betweenness of a cell in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah (Özer, 2015).

Figure 8. Set of the photos representing the axes, networks, and configurations of interpersonal relations (re)producing the temporality-spatiality of conversation in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah (Özer, 2015).

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court of Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah is the act of smoking shisha (nargilah) – maybe before the conversation – because the encroaching smell and voice during smoking shisha dominate anything in the space including the visuality. In madrasah, the act of

Figure 9. Photos taken with blurring-clarifying method in order to (re)produce the time-space of dialogue (Özer, 2015).

smoking shisha integrates the practices of habitués and other subjects, who come to madrasah for conversation, with the space, as well as it creates a unique and pure language; this language is the overlap of voices whistling to each other. It sometimes is a part of conversation as an act and sometimes the conversation’s itself. These photos help with the presentation of the conversation in space and the accompanying dynamics. On the contrary with the objective approaches and classifications developed based only on the space, it is never attempted to aestheticize the space as a meta. The important point here is the actions, spatiality, and relationships between the subjects.

4.2. Layer 2 – Social formations The act of conversation in madrasah constitutes interpersonal interactions and formations, while managing the habits, attitudes, and practices regarding the space. In one dimension of the production of space, the relationships between individuals (employees, habitués, and other subjects using the space) come into play. The special one in madrasah shows itself through the “invented subjects – the habitués”.

According to Goffman focusing on the management of social roles within the changing conditions of everyday life, “being a habitué” is not only to go somewhere or to do something constantly but it is the formation of a different social identity emerging as a result of operational situation developing within the scope of habits. This identity model (being a habitué) developed in

Figure 10. Photos showing the spatial change depending on the position listener during the dialogue, a conversation space in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah (Özer, 2015).

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madrasah emphasizes the social character of identity and the presence of relationship between self-acceptance and social acceptance as a process occurring within the pluralism of private interactions (Goffman, 1959; 2004).

The relationship network of habitués in madrasah is a fact that one can understand or explore only by observing their social meetings or having a conversation with them. This brings the situation of “being a habitué in a place”; that is the point, where the spatial autonomy arises and creates itself.

The group gathering at the point called ‘front of 9’ (the edge in front of Room 9 in madrasah) confirms this argument shown in Figure 12.

The status of being a habitué of any place, which was defined by Lefebvre (2014), is the “spatial practice encompassing the spatial clusters and the places that are specific to each of social formations ensuring the production, (re)production, and consistency within a relative commitment”. In Madrasah, the habitué, who is an individual and collective subject and aims to be a member of a group and to own that space, come before the spaces. At this point, the spaces exist depending on the subject’s existence, action, discourse, competence, and performance; the conditionings, where the space is assumed to exist before, disappear. The spaces in madrasah do never prevent the spatial practices of subjects, there is no space that is considered – represented – as a resistant to objectification. Since there is no strict rules, it encourages the individuals for making transformative contributions to those spaces. A palimpsest space structure, such as the one in madrasah, does not only give place these space-independent social actions but it also includes the spatial practice, and collective and individual sue determined by the individuals. Such an urban space can be considered as the space for re-invention of individuality or social individuals.

Then, being a habitué of somewhere is the individual’s relationship with the space and other individuals rather than visiting a place continuously or frequently; it is based on the creation of social interaction. As in the conver-

sation, the conversation can be considered to operate in a complex manner firstly. After visiting the space for many times and spending more time in that space, it is realized that there is a simple but implicit agreement among the subjects in that space – and specific to them; it is the agreement of reciprocity and common use laying the foundation of dialogue. This agreement adds value

Figure 11. The set of photos taken with blurring-clarifying method presenting the bilateral interaction regarding the space, subject, and ritual of smoking shisha in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah (Özer, 2015).

Figure 12. The photo of the habitués of “front of 9” point of Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah and their spatial distribution (Özer, 2015).

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to the specific relationships of subjects in certain spaces (the spaces that have been the parts of urban spaces such as squares, malls, cafes, and theaters) and an agreement is come regarding those spaces; there is no room for stress in such spaces, it is requested to visit calmly and feel better (Pope, 2009).

The photos seen in Figure 13 represent such conditions. In madrasah, there is an eclectic complexity seeming very open-ended due to the pluralism

of actions taken and originating from the heterogeneous or different spatial practices, where the “different” occurs.

4.3. Layer 3 – Temporality-Spatiality The temporality and consequently the spatiality of all the characteristic events in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah are in mutual circulation as a whole.

During the acts of smoking shisha and having conversation in this space, the time-space relationship occurs. The

Figure 13. Different actions of habitués observed in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah (Özer, 2015).

Figure 14. Section-state studies representing the conversation arrangements and different rhythms of subjects, who use the space, together with the temporality regarding Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah.

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freedom offered by the organization of space ensures the openness and timelessness and the type of present time by reflecting on the action. The habitués, who are the products of spatial actions, occurring social relationships, and long time they spent in space, emphasize the importance of social space pattern they constituted. The present time re-gains its character and social importance again. The superiority of space to the time doesn’t apply to this case.

The repetitive conversation practices and the spatial relationships originating from this repeat are reflected on the cross-sectional stage works seen in Figure 14. The subjects, as seen in scenes, generally stay together, but their positions and action durations shall be continuously changed. There are specific speeds and specific rates.

These actions and their durations are processed and it is aimed to represent the operating conditions of different conditional situations of the same place at different rhythms. Thus, more permanently the more temporally used locations within the space are revealed.

Another channel, which is used form of various dialogues, of conversation in madrasah is the capability of creating various dialogue congigurations. For the change/difference in the nature of conversation, this capacity is something, which we see over the dialogue practice starting, restarting, continuing, cut, and restarted within the madrasah. So, the different points of the madrasah witnesses the production of different spatial configurations throughout the day shown in Figure 15.

In Figure 16, the operational mapping studies carried out at different time periods over the segment of madrasah covering certain divisions of madrasah are presented. Using these maps, the intensity of individuals using the space in the course of time, the path of the routes of employees determined based on this intensity, and the arrangements of established conversations can be decoded. Thus, the change/difference, production capacity of space, different rhythms and conversation orders can be easily seen.

In the period of production by the included subjects, what are real in the space are the actions having the tem-

Figure 15. Drawing-mapping study indicating the phases of “front of 9” within a day in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah.

porality and thus the spatiality. The observation and analysis of interactions reveal that how meaningful the conversation action among everyday life activities and the accompanying dynamics can be regarding the production of space. In a part of palimpsest urban space, many ordinary subjects perform actions that can be considered excessively ordinary; they have conversation and thus produce the living dialogue spaces.

5. Result; Living dialogue spaces Through the studies carried out on Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah chosen in order to emphasize the importance of dialogue in (re)production of space, the distinguishing characteristic of conversation as an everyday life practices in ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • G. Özer Özgür

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terms of social spatiality is discussed.

In this study, there are rich approaches for understanding the instrumentalism of dialogue: it is argued that the establishment of dialogue would not only

Figure 16. Mapping studies indicating the time-spatiality of different rhythms and conversation arrangement of space constructed by the subjects using the space in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah (Özer, 2015).

Figure 17. Photo representing the social spatiality produced by the individuals having conversation in Çorlulu Ali Paşa Madrasah.

As the dialogue parts, the living dialogue space is both of the result and cause, the product and manufacturer, and the space of actions (Özer, 2015).

ensure the social construction of spatiality but also the spatial construction of socialization. A “reciprocal” relationship can be considered between the socialization and spatiality. It is seen that the social spatiality that occurs in everyday life through the “reciprocity” and is formed over the real, natural, and overlapping dialogues creates the “living dialogue spaces” (Özer, 2015).

The difference, complexity, variation, and coincidence network that is hidden in the “attitude, habit, and implementations” of urban life seeming ordinary, uniform, and uninterested can be revealed in living dialogue spaces. The subjects leave both abstract and concrete traces via their everyday life activities in urban spaces. By pursuing the life experiences leaving its marks on time and space, these (re)produced spaces can be found. In a palimpsest city like İstanbul, the social relationship networks cannot be analyzed by taking single layer. Considering that there are different dialogue configurations and parts established continuously by the subjects everywhere, it would be an appropriate approach to analyze the spatial layers via the act of speaking based on practice and reciprocal interaction. Thus, the nature of spaces should be examined through their interaction with humans, culture, and spaces such as the dialogue. This enables us to repetitively perform the analysis of everyday life practices at different layers of space within production processes.

The fact that the environments in everyday life in urban system are the regions experienced by the subjects and they contain different lifestyles and multi-layered cultural and social structures is what “the speech act means in language and in statements added into the language” (De Certeau, 1984). The life strengthens the time-space relationship, and establishes a dynamic structure. Similarly, the dynamical structure of speech-based practices occurs in a world/location, where the characters play role in and where the events and spaces actively participate into and which are open to change and placed within the time. The experience emerging through the vales within the sociality emerging during

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the conversations between the individuals via open-ended dialogue (conversation) means is social, as well as it is very personal; so, it is very dynamical.

“Dialogue” dimension of living dialogue space emphasizes the open and multiple nature of dialogue establishments at the level of conversations and the private or – such as regularity – social formations. In the living dialogue space, the dialogue, which is characterized by its potential arising from the conflicts and differences without the clear mandatory resolution is very reflective and embodied. The dialogic dimension is the point, where the social formations and the production of living dialogue space become visible around the configurations of conversation. In the union of individuals included in the dialogue due to wider social formations and (re)productions of space, the effects, limitations, and opportunities are experienced in unexpectedly repeatable way; thus, the living dialogue space does never lose its dynamism. Considering the dynamical structure of it, the “space” dimension of living dialogue space is not a constant or hierarchical space. On the contrary with that, this space dimension is socially and culturally very important as the space (by borrowing the Derrida’s term “spacing”) for counter-possibilities, where the conceptual, emotional, affective, identity and other searches can be made.

The living dialogue space, where the actions are taken locally, as an observable, decodable, and photogenic “moment” during the movement cannot be degraded to a tailored sample. But, at this point, what I recommend is to articulate the open-ended dialogue establishment means, the transcription of action’s itself, and the theoretical connections in the way allowing us to better understand the characteristics of living dialogue spaces constantly changing, transforming and having the potential of working. It should also be expressed that, as in palimpsest sample, the production of living dialogue spaces is not homogenous. Depending on the everyday life and many conditions (economic, politic, cultural, and etc.), it has a non-linear character. Which

spatial or temporal layer transformed another one during the production or under which circumstances the spatial practice gains functionality against the sociocultural and social formations are the results of specific conditions of that city. Continuous change and transformation of the conditions initiate the production of spaces again and again.

Thus, as long as the city will exist, this endless design cycle would continue forever. Thus, “our species stands, communicates, and subsists between the infinite design layers.”

References Alexander, C. (1965; 2013). A City is Not a Tree. The Urban Design Reader.

2nd ed. by Michael Larice and Elizabeth Macdonald. USA, Canada: Routledge, 152-166.

Barthes, R. (1982). Göstergebilim ve Şehircilik. Mimarlık. Çev. Korhan Gümüş ve İhsan Bilgin. 82 (11-12), 1519.

Barthes, R (1989). Yazının Sıfır Derecesi. Trans. Tahsin Yücel. İstanbul: Metis Yay. Borden, I. M. (2012). Beyond Space: The Ideas of Henri Lefebvrein Relation to Architecture and Cities. Journal of Chinese Urban Science. 3 (1), 156-193.

Borlandi, M. ve diğ. (2011). Sosyolojik Düşünce Sözlüğü. Trans. Bülent Arıbaş, İstanbul: İletişim Yay. De Certeau, M. (1984). The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Degenne, A. ve Forsé, M. (1999).

Introducing Social Networks. London: SAGE Publications.

Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi (1994). Çorlulu Ali Paşa Külliyesi. Vol. 2. p. 527. İstanbul: Ana Basım AŞ.

Elden, S. (2004). Understanding Henri Lefebve: Theory and the Possible.

London: Continuum.

Foucault, M. (2006). Sonsuza Giden Dil. Çev. Işık Ergüden. İstanbul: Ayrıntı Yay. Gergen, K. J. (1991). The saturated self: Dilemmas of identity in contemporary life. New York: Basic Books.

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Height, C. Hensel M. ve Menges, A. (2009) En Route. Space Reader: Heterogeneous Space in Architecture. UK: Wiley. Sf. 7-35 Lefebvre, H. (1974; 1991) The Production Of Space. Trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith. Oxford: Cambridge, Blackwell.

Merrifield, A. (2000) Henri Lefebvre: A Socialist in Space. Thinking Space. Edt. Mike Crang ve Nigel Thrift.

London: Routledge. Özer, G. (2015) “Diyalog mekanları: Diyalogun mekan üretimi ve gündelik hayattaki mekânsal pratiklerinin deşifre edilmesi” (Unpublished master’s thesis, Advisor: Assoc. Prof. Aslıhan

Şenel). İstanbul Technical University, Graduate School of Science Engineering and Technology, İstanbul.

Piaget, J. (1977). Epistemology and Psychology of Functions. Holland: Reidel Publishing Company.

Pope, A. (2009). Mass Absence.

Space Reader: Heterogeneous Space in Architecture. Edt. C. Height, M. Hensel ve A. Menges. UK: Wiley. (52-71).

Shields, R. (1999). Lefebvre, Love and Struggle: Spatial Dialectics. London: Routledge.

Soja, E. (1996). Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Realand-Imagined Places. Oxford:Cambridge, Blackwell.

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Memory layers, porosity and montage as representative interfaces of anamnesis and forgetting Tuğçe GÜRLEYEN tugcegurleyen@gmail.com • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.75002

Received: October 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract Geographical conditions affect behaviors, habits, relationship, mental and emotional orientations of people. The subject that forms the platform for the living memory creates the details of the urban space in the process of experiencing through evoking of the recollection of the memory as it forms the urban spaces.

Besides, the role of layering is determinative in relation to memory with spatial organization. This study draws attention to urban places that allow their selves for the possibilities of forming associations and multiple-reading of the memory, and representative interfaces. It will be discussed how the past lived, gained continuity and formed the sense of time in the practices of the present. While the coexisting is emphasized on holistic memory, the effects that layers and pores have on subjects will be addressed through representations. Within this scope, it has been envisaged to combine memory layers, separated from different contexts with porosity and montage metaphors. The concept of porosity is defined not only as spatial and temporal but also as the mobility of social codes, and transitivity between past and future. The montage in the layered unity of the space also relates to the issue of how two or more different parts form a whole with each other. In this context, the issues of how the relationships between different parts will occur during memory montage, which subjects or acts will define and increase the interval of space-time relationship will only be solved by taking the parameters of memory’s spatial and temporal contexts into consideration.

Keywords Layering, Memory, Montage, Porosity, Reproduction.

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1. Introduction The destruction, fragmentation and radical changes in the urban fabric cause significant ruptures in the memory of the city. This rapid change increases the “feeling of loss and displacement” over people and the city (Boym, 2009). Consumption culture and the exchange of commodities give a new direction to the projects which are fictionalised on the concepts of absence and losing, beyond clarifying the traces of the cities. In this way, it reinforces forgetfulness to impose upon culture. At the present time, forgetfulness has played a vital role in ensuring the continuity of consumption-oriented innovations and opening the way to the production of new objects. People are systematically and regularly directed towards consumption. When evaluating the consumption phenomenon in the context of memory, the rapid change of the objects and their short life span means that new recollections are not transferred to the memory for a long time and lead to amnesia. Besides, the sphere of objects of modernity is located at the center of people’s everyday living space. It points to a systematic memory impairment process within the structure of modernity (Connerton, 2009). The interconnected temporaries that move forgetfulness begin to produce their own space. At the point where modern life has evaporated everything that is solid, the particles of crystallizing time in space give momentum to this dullness and disappear as a deterritorialization. These crystal particles represent imagery and memories in time and space. The struggle to break away from the ties of modernism with the past and a discontinuous postmodern present continues to carry the uncertainty of the future. For this reason, time and memory cannot lead to the future as a projection. There is no possibility of existence of a past in the present. The situation of having an acquaintance with and social relations become blurred as the memory shifts temporary thresholds between the past and the future. In this context, “cultural amnesia is not necessarily accidental, it is necessarily produced by nature” (Connerton, 2009: 124).

The void character of memory con-

struction shows the lack of a theoretical, methodological and spatial bridging system between remembrance and recollections. Principles restricting the field of remembrance, urban traumas, judgments leading to the evaluations prevent the surface from recollections (Sarlo, 2007). This void that expands in progress of time creates openness, fragmentation and impossibility of resolvability in space. At the same time, if memories do not accumulate in a city, timelessness and prosperity can be seen. The superseded recollection is non-franzlingly consumed every passing day. It also melts the boundaries between today and the future by destroying another new substitute past. Boyer’s (1998) description of amorphousness in the city destroys all the components that remind and give meaning to the space. The articulation of different systems and traces into the physical space reveals an unlimited, complex and unrelated environment.

The moment when the life experiences and memories disappear demonstrates amnesia. The images and meanings that are erased from the memory are overextended. Amnesia is like falling into the void, it is unclear what is in it and being invisible. In order to get out of here, it is necessity to recall and recollect from the voids. It is important in this respect how the forgotten ones in the city will be remembered and how the retrospective narration formed the city.

Istanbul, which has memoirs of the rich porosity resulting from the experience of different traditions and experiences, transforms people’s recollections, feelings and perceptions into a differentiated network. Besides, these mental paths have begun to change over time under very different circumstances. Thereby, memory as community and individual have not been reminded of continuity, but proceeded to be reproduced by remembering the discontinuity. The past has started to overtopping and disappearing as stacked with conversion points and temporary thresholds. In this respect, the concept of memory will be dealt with in the context of subject and theme relations and with perception of time and space on the purpose of esITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • T. Gürleyen

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tablishing new connections that have broken past and future ties but do not foresee. Montage and porosity will be used as a tool for re-remembering of the city. “With disappearance of the real memory environment, the consciousness that has been broken from the past with realm of memory as the attempt to revive the memory based on past and embody it by crystallizing it will ensure to continuity” (Uslu, 2016).

Thus, the resistance to urban forgetfulness and potential of presenting to the opening of memory’s representative spaces of Istanbul will capture the reality of the amnesia. As creating venerable representatives between present and past which are keeping as stored, the physical, social, cultural and historical values of the city and the traces of emerging in its mind will shape the urban memory. The experience of the space will show a social structuring path that is equipped with the personal meaning and memory of the space.

In this context, it is laid emphasis on a sense of design in which are maintained by traces of everyday life practices and urban spaces defined as based on one’s memory. “It is the pre-fiction of the representation space that imagination will penetrate and is a sensible core” (Lefebvre, 2012: 41).

2. Timeliness of memory residuals and realms of memory According to Rossi (2006), “every piece of the city contains the city itself and its memory, making the spatial relation between people visible”. Memory is the point at which are the recall event, remembered by the subject and the place of the recall. It is a consciousness that is the source of the forms of perception and actuation. Perceived situations and experiences in the consciousness of the individuals, point out to the memory residuals. At the same time, indefinite images between layers are reproduced in one’s mind. Thus, memory becomes a union of experiences and dreams. Each layer viewed from the present to the past and the future indicates the re-enactment of memory (Huyyssen, 1995). Memory reproduces of recollections by using time and subject, conserves and works its magic. It is an active and dynamic

process because it is constantly reformed.

The past is not volatile, even during the times in which remembering is impossible, and some images stay alive.

As a result of the effects due to moving images, a rapid movement within the beginning of today. Traditions, experiences and habits are made meaningful by means of memorable documents.

Space is a bridge between image and memory. However, maintaining the whole of the present moment and the complete preservation of all memory indications are not possible. It is also impossible to pass a common judgment on what to remember. In this context, memory has a reconstructive role instead of retrospective reference source of recollections.

The past is not just a thought in our minds. The remnants in memory of what is remembered are now the past time in their own way. This indicates that your memory does not fully understand the past. It is the place where the past lives now. According to Nora (2006: 256), “cohesiveness of now and memory has replaced solidarity of the past and future”. The direction of the memory space facing the past and the future is emphasized.

Places of memory are the whole of layers in which the new overlapping the old which are not completely lost.

It sits on top of each other and at times commingles traces of different periods (Al, 2011). Space, as a cluster of relations and forms, gains meaning in networks. According to Crysler (2012), the past and the future disappears as melting into “eternal now” so that time expands and spatiality is reproduced, designed into this eternal now. Memory is reproduced continuously in the perception of time and space according to needs and dynamics of the present moment. Design of the spaces defined in the context of memory of individuals and the relationships between different layers is depend on the reproduction of ‘present’ by using the ‘past’.

Places of memory have an abstract unity and formation that remains standing with multi-part perceptions.

They are transferred to another space and time when they are mentioned for rituals, in other words, including

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symbolic, experiential and functional meaning. At the same time, urban memory begins to maintain its continuity and activates the space when it finds its concrete counterpart in its everyday sections. Thus, there are concrete results and projections. According to Nora (2006), the substance place of memory is itself in everyday life, memory get into the places, tradition and language of everyday life. Everyday life which is supported by experiences, perceptions and sensations, is associated with memory, stored and kept for recall. The places of memory are making the continuity seem coherent by creating a timeline based on node points and deconstructions.

They reconstructed as center on the recollection of rights (Sarlo, 2009). For this reason, the preservation of memory places is important in that the aggregate commemorative here can be stored and recalled when necessary.

3. Dialectic of remembrance and forgetting Memory has the dialectic of forgetting and remembering. Memory, which has the ability to collecting, reporting, preserving and retrieving, is the bearer of recollections. The nature of the experience of remembering and forgetting was questioned at a time-spatial dimension. According to Pösteki (2012), remembering and forgetting actions refers to the process of picking, selection and reconstruction.

It is the sum of values that make human beings, besides life experiences and tentative. Space is a means of linking to society with emotions and memories. It is necessity for evoking the place to bear in mind. Memory is always held in a place (Assmann, 2015).

The place has all the makings of experiences. Nora (2006), states that remembering and forgetting performances of memory are directly related to everyday practices, experiences and spaces.

The place which memory inhabits is not only a physical environment, but also a realm that forms and characterizes with the intangible properties containing images, associations, perceptions and information, intuitions.

Thus, memory sends a set of images

for bearing in mind. “While the images allow some information content to be sensually memorized, the spaces also facilitate to re-emerge” (Sayın, 2002).

Personal engagements and experiences play a decisive role in remembering of places. At the same time, the practice of remembering and forgetting is a matter of choice. As a result of individual choices, they are stratified as those that are visible in the mind and in the subconscious, those that are thrown into the background and tried to be suppressed.

The mechanism of remembrance is nearly equal to the process of redefinition, and it is more than simply recalling the past. It takes action for a special reason. Each recollection reinterprets and builds for the history. It explains the meaning of emotional components.

In this way, reductions and insertions take place. Recording to the memory is continuously reproduced since it is an instant and dynamic process. According to Casey (1987), the remembrance process transforms one experience into another. It is a new memory that occurs in every remembrance mechanism. The memory automatically contacts with the place. In this context, memory depends on remember ability and prosecution of ongoing experience. Bachelard (2014) says that “Both recollections and evanescing take shelter at one point.” It is also important for those who are forgotten as much as they are remembered. It is supposed to know about forgetting in order to transform the present moment and the expectancy turn into a recalling capacity. Auge (1999) thinks that forgetting is a necessity for memory. Past is constituted by remembering and remembering is a form of forgetting. Amnesia, which is the forgetting age, starts in the event that the remembrance effort is overturned. Even though forgetting is a mental action that is not designed, it turns into a phenomenon that can be targeted under certain conditions.

Nevertheless, there is a need for a new recollection mechanism that will cover the void abandoned of unforgettable and a memory of a new space in which the subject is involved.

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4. Layering and traces of memory The city cannot be boiled down to geometric measurements, it needs a multi-layered view. Layers of the city create the possibility of coincidence between different times, structures and people. Within a multi-layer structure, each piece reflects its own specificity and continuity. In this respect, memory allows multiple readings and associations. The memory and reminiscence action play a principal role in the process of understanding the urban strata.

In the formation of memory, the contributions to the recollection possibilities of layering with the role of perceptions, intuitions and experiences are being investigated.

The content of memory and the perception of space are emerged from stratified integrity that sounds, textures, tastes, smells, memories are intersected by overlapping, protected by accumulating and transmitted to someone else. “The role of the sensation is determinant that memory builds relationship with cultural structure. It is stated that memory is connected to the process of perception, and that the subject is influenced by the way learning knowledge and the ability to reconstruct-grasp that knowledge in the future” (Thompson, 1999: 98).

In the subject-space associations, it comes into existence of fold marks and extensions which are drawn to the memory, accumulated by experiences, spatiality and memories at their ends came off an infinite interaction in every motion instead of the stagnant and stratified traces. Bruno (2007) defines cities as “sedimentary layers”. These cross sections are the sum of each images, impression and sensation by carried when we live or pass. In addition to this, life and experience in the integrity of the space with common relevancy are layered together.

In cities with multi-layers, urban life constantly changes (Amin and Thrift, 2002). The constantly changing nature of cities and their inclusion in dynamic social networks make it difficult to read clearly the layers and continuity of time. In the process of articulation of layers, imbricative memories do not exist independently of each other. The new arriving on the old, without wip-

ing out the old, accumulates on it and is connected to each other in meaningful forms.

The coexistence of memory traces in the layer must be preserved. Sleuthed and preservation of the permanent traces in the city and the layers enable to understand of how the space has shaped its memory. “Preservation of voids allows the traces and layers of elapsed time in urban spaces to be transmitted to the future. The void is not a shortage in urban space which means openness to be filled. These voids, which accumulate information about the city, put out of sight through memorial traces as subjectifying the memory of the urban space they are in” (Doyduk and Can, 2012). Thus, the subject brings about a multi-layered reading. Reading of the place is a dynamic action. Past, present and future times are containing within stratified.

Those who lived with all these times, commemorative and images are also among these layers. “Allegory describes a structure which is comprise of symbolically a more layered meaning. It has expanded in the manner of including the trouble-free layers of meaning.

Each reading is made over the other, and this chaotic relationship is the memory of being erased and re-written” (Owen, 1856).

5. The relevance with traces and layering of subject in the converting fictionality of the memory According to Rossi (2006), the subject of memory is the city. The subject is a transition tool that creates and controls the urban space. It brings together different living and perceived spaces. The space evolves around the subject against all variables. Memory is the function of social construction in the process of self-actualization of the subject. It establishes linkages that revive the temporal memories. Presently and past, proximity and distance, feelings and dreams are intermingled. The body of the subject is not just a physical presence. Reminiscences, feelings, moments and future are constantly articulated and memorized (Pallasma, 2005).

Pallasma (2005), notes that there are two types of city in memory. While one’s tracks are composed of scattered

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and fragile pieces, the other contains movement and rhythm. Places of memory teach us our own rhythms. Then, we configure and store our memories, our dreams and therefore ourselves.

The interaction between the place and the subject ceaselessly continues as if it were a process of its own production.

At the same time, the spaces of subjects are in constant interaction of the tendency to remember and imagine with the perception. This association provides new spatiality that is articulated in memory (Pallasma, 2005). The subject creates its own memory places.

The area of everyday experience is based on subjective habit memory. Social conventions and rules are shaped through it (Connerton, 2009). The daily experience of the subject and the use of space correspond to a production.

The space is reproduced in the process of experiencing by the subjects. The relationship between the everyday life practice of the subject and the space is not static, but points to a dynamic and fluid formation process. “There is a choice of memory to take into account the motions to which the subject is influenced” (Bergson, 2007). A motion documented by the subject at each moment is not stored in memory with its absolute condition. Memory is which in the cases of articulated and intensified states on top of each other or side by side.

With the expression of “our species is the diagram that our memory shapes and every sites that we live in reinstall with this diagram”, Bachelard (2014) points out that subject creates the detail of space as a result of the connotations which are produced in mind, memory and perception. Thus, spatial fiction finds meaning with the help of actions of individuals. Fictionality of the memory -which is changed and transformed gradually in the process of spatial experience, is- reproduced by means of strata, emotions, thoughts and intuitions. The relationship between the subject and layers creates a new person. In other words, memory recreates person constantly. Space transforms into a breathing subject.

The decision of how to make a selection of things that should be forgotten or remembered is defined according to

the subject. Thus, the formation of subject is also reproduced with the space.

These two situations connect each other paradoxically. The endless expansions of design strongly relate with the issue of which memory sensations will be recreated. With the expression of “clock’s itself is space, it’s walking is time and its setting is person”, Tanpinar (2015) emphasizes that space is interpreted with the actions and presence of individuals. Thus, memory strata which are not only a physical perception process but also the ones allowing the feeling and bonding- are also created.

6. Further expansion of place representative of memory It should be reminded that memory and transformation in flux of past are indicators of representative. Memory is based on a process that cultivates with mental representations. They remain open to change and transformation since representations are broken in context. They inhabit a position between mind of subject and space, as mediators. They are in the mind of the subject and contain a relative that does not allow for absolute opinion. The illusion of representation has become clarified to understanding, remembering, and interpretation in different ways by the subject.

Bergson (2007) deals with memory through perception and representation. The world of original imagination and the perception of subject enable the revival in the mind of the past as a representative. This situation is understood not as a recall of the representations, but as the reproduction of the representations of the past. Memory is defined as the representation of these experiences. This means a reproduced and constructed reality. According to Terdiman (1993), reduction is a prerequisite for representation. The content of the past turns into change at moment and becomes profoundly palliated and diminished. In the past, it does not accumulate now. It is transferred to the present by representations as defined in memory cross section. The past is an agency condition, living in present. Huyssen (1995: 13) states that “The memory itself is based ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • T. Gürleyen

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on many representations, on behalf of leading us to a genuine beginning or a verifiably accessible one. It is not in a simple circumstance the past in memory, it is necessity to verbalize in order to become reminiscence. Even if each remembrance depends on a past event or experience, the temporal status of any remembrance is now.” by emphasizing the linkage between the memory and now, rather than the past.

Lefebvre (1974) describes the production of social space; perceived (spatial practice), created (representation of space) and living space (representative space). The space is reproduced by this triple dialectical structure which is included in itself by its multi-layered and dimensional structure. Representations of space point to schemes, codes, and information that dominate the places of production relations and the places where the social is embodied. The reality of these representations coincides with the perceived sociality and memory of space. Representative space is the whole of the layers experienced with imagination and memory.

The relationship between the representation of the places and the representative spaces it is reproduced through the symbols. The subject reproduces the place through the representative spaces. Spatial practice is the practice

Figure 1. Architecture and montage, Aldo Rossi.

for retrieval of memory and preservation in memory simultaneously (Basa, 2015). In the context of these triple spatial expansions of the memory; representation creates a new reality for design. It becomes a tool that is being fed by the process and supports production by enabling the maintenance from the beginning to of the production. Every representation that have been produced creates similarities and differences with what will be produced afterwards. This production is an endless process. Thus, the designed will be incorporated into the memory of the experimental with the interaction potentials. Layers of open-ended experience; will enable the reproduction of representative spaces as stimulating remembrances and images.

7. Montage as representative interfaces of memory Montage is the way to transfer ideas.

These thoughts, which are conceived as a whole, are the result of the unification of the images. It is experienced the emergence of images and the dynamic process of its formation. Perceptual legibility is also a significant parameter apart from the visible property of the images. The images are stored in people’s mind, stratified and perceived with instant section. Thereby mind associates with images like a montage technique; it reinvents memory and remembrances of people. Each combination is reproduced with articulated structure. The stratification of production becomes a subjective value. According to Allen (2000), montage is a substantial tool in the construction of a new reality and images.

Components of montage, which are means of cinematographic ideas and producing of the meaning, enable alternating with different times, places and feelings and connect memories with space. “Montage is about finding divergent sequences of events and extracting and assembling some of them” (Ercan, 2013). Thanks to the montage, different memory sequences which seems to be distant and inseparable, and distant come together. In this context, methods such as iteration, inversion, addition and subtraction are used.

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Montage, as a new representation tool and a way of production, offers a multi-view for the expression of memory. It relates the issue of how two or more different parts form a whole with each other. While it is creating the dimension of temporality, it also composes the meanings by stratifying them. The effort of signifying experiences through the memory is directly related with the recording and fictionalizing an event. The issues of how the relationships between different parts will occur during memory montage, which subjects or acts will define and increase the interval of space-time relationship will only be solved by taking the parameters of memory’s spatial and temporal contexts –such as social, political, cultural and historical- into consideration.

“The spaces are not only joined together, but also are brought together by the articulation of each other to each other, enabling parts and layers to make sense in this context” (Tschumi, 1994: 196). The relationship establishing with each other of different layers allow for new spatial and temporal transformations. By breaking down linearity, it has a collision between independent pieces. The spatial order and fragmentation which are built on a discontinuous time is reconstructed and reproduced through montage.

Divisions among the intercellular and the relationship between each other are re-established. In this context, it may mean that each montage is restructured by fragmented. Time, space and memory make sense in this montage.

The montage protects the past against the pleasure of imagining as a settled whole, in this context it is the most important deconstruction tool. Debord (1960) looks at the montage from an episodic perspective that it reproduces the possible situations corresponding to the instant situations that occur in the city.

The montage, exhibits a separate layer sequence for the subject. This layer system transforms itself into a qualification that is fictionalized instinctively, apart from the images which are encountered in the rhythm of everyday life and formed its own frameworks.

Subject assembles perceptually to col-

lect images. Colors, voices, textures and thoughts appear in your mind.

Perceptual montage is stratified by performing a continuous production within itself with its conceptual richness. It creates a mental influence in our memory and makes a sudden impression by pushing it into space. It brings the contact points between the different places to each other. It creates a temporal synchronicity against spatial breakdown. “Montage is adopted as a functional and architectonic concept that corresponds to the design and implementation processes, rather than a metaphor in modern thinking” (Serim, 2012: 46). It is one of the intellectual and transformative tools of design. It contributes to the design process with associations. It offers an explicit integrity within the variability.

8. Porosity as representative interfaces of memory Walter Benjamin describes the physical formation in the city with reference to the concept of porosity. By doing this, he connects the city and the subject in terms of porosity. This porosity is not limited to spatial experience, urban struggle and socio-political reflections are also implicitly inspired by urban porosity memoirs (Benjamin, 1985) and motivate these challenges through collective memory experiences and remembrances (Stavrides, 2006). They transform urban borders and recollections into pores through the struggle to create a new life.

Porosity means connecting, intertwining, exchanging and establishing

Figure 2. Dialectic occurring in memory.

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with communication in terms of principal purpose. According to Stavrides (2006), porosity does not only define the situation of communication established by spatial regulation but also works with time and space. Porosity as a temporal conception in spatial determinations emerges as a contradictory form of the structure. Porosity, which shows temporal intellection with spatial determinations, confronts with the formed one as deconstruction. It becomes a form of experience, which takes a relatively relational action from time-spatial separation. Urban pores, when actuated by those who use them, are among these above mentioned experiences. Although, the urban pores are separated from each other, they are also simultaneously connected to each other. This paradoxical situation precludes the regulation of the control sequences of the environments surrounding the urban pore. “Porosity becomes a prerequisite of relational politics of the place” (Massey, 2005: 181).

In Goodwin’s (2007) porosity test, functional boundaries indicate the physical dimension of the urban public space. It tests the functional boundaries that are based on the physical dimensions of the public space in the city.

In addition to this, new possibilities for urban metamorphosis derive from the understanding of the social dimensions of settled forms are predicted. In the metamorphic cities, new facilities are also envisaged which lead to a social and cultural understanding. The pores play an active role in the social construction and reproduction of the city in order to increase its anticipatory talents and to reveal associative images in their mind in respect of memory and mobility of people. Besides, pores works as a process through the system for representing transitivity between layers of time-space. According to Row and Slutzhy, “pores means that different places can be perceived simultaneously. The space is not only restless, but also a mobility with a constant movement. The overlying porous surfaces have an evocative qualification of a much more experiential and vital event than a physical porosity” (Doyran, 2011). Urban porosity points out a possible property of spatial arrangements

and a qualification that corresponds to spatial practices that constitute settlement experiences. Porosity is not only a physical feature of the place, but also a part of a dynamic process. Mobility and variability describe the pores. Porosity is related to everyday life. In other words, the rhythms of everyday life describe the pores. They produce the threshold ranges. These distant fields are much related to each other. It is filled with actions that overlap. These voids, ignoring explicit boundaries, are separated by porous boundaries that are shaped in everyday life and are reconnected simultaneously (Stavrides, 2007).

In the rhythm analysis, Lefebvre and Regulier (2004) draw attention to a multilayer urban mobility in which space and time are intertwined. The concept of porosity is defined not only as spatial and temporal but also in relation with the mobility of social codes such as habits and memories and transitivity between past and future. “Rhythms are not only related to measurability, but also to memory” (Lefebvre, 2012). The role of porosity in the context of layering is to erase dissimilarity and division and to set interrelations between spatial and historical relationalities. In this framework, properties, probabilities, relations and distinctions between cross-layers are defined. Every unfolded layer reveals other cultures, emotions and habits.

Re-conceiving the porosities of city is possible with memory methods that are convenient to make semiotic connections (Boym, 2009). Using memory techniques, he reveals the pores of the cities lived and visited in the past.

The pores are in the laboratory path for reading the layers of the city. These pores, which determine the common memory of the city, bridge between the past and present. The pores provide a formal characteristic in the space, the memory being visible again and intermingled with the different cross-sections. Intersections articulated with the recalling of pores reveal hidden traces in our memories. The recollections reinterpret the traces. This intertwining is based on a fairly clear association between porosity and memory.

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9. Conclusion and evaluation The transformation of living spaces on the grounds of inadequacy and non-functionality rests upon an absolute desire for getting rid of the certain memories. The effort of eliminating experiences from its respective representatives images and reminiscent of the past is the cause of mental destruction and anamnesis. In this way, city’s mental appearance begins to fragmentize as the result of the perceptual fractures that cities have been experiencing from past to present. As experiences in the memory fade away, cities lose their content and origins. The loss of the depths of the representations layering and melting in each other interrupts the continuity of space and time.

It arises as an unlimited, complex and unrelated environment within the consequential relations of edited, directed and fragmented perceptions. The images and meanings that are erased from the memory are overextended. It is worth noting that, how the forgotten ones in the city will be remembered and how the retrospective narration formed the city.

The reasons of diffractions and disengagements experienced by the amnesia process are approached about the production procedures of the objects, the culture of consumption and the attempt to break the bonds of the modernity with the past. Montage and porosity have been used as important interfaces in the re-remembering of the city in order to resist urban forgetfulness and to offer an insight into memory’s representative spaces.

The concept of memory, which incorporates layers of different meaning, is at the center of interdisciplinary studies in this day. “Memory is not just hiding of moment and recollection; but also is sum of experiences in terms of psychological, historical, and cultural aspects and of those values that make humanity to human as a whole” (Pösteki, 2012: 2). In addition to this, the space establishes a connection between societies with the individual memory, the sensation and the experience of remembering of the subject.

It is formed by the theoretical framework of this multidimensionality of the memory, how it holds continuity

in vital practices and how it perceives time perception. In the perception of memory’s time and space, the process of formation of representative spaces established a connected by layers and traces of the subject shows a significant social structuring path.

That the parts in the multi-layered whole have a unique chain of relationships, and that all the time, the living and the senses are among these layers of the network are important in the way of experiencing the extension of the memory. “While looking like a living organism of place, Rossi interests with the whole of meaning that adds value to it rather than being physical residuals” (Graham, 2002: 1004).

Closely protected of the layers enables the pursuit of traces, remembrances and temporal cross-sections, and readability of how urban space shapes the memory of the city.

Istanbul, in which urban space has been changed with the memory and being remembered with this notion, is constantly transformed, decayed and reproduced. In this context, strata of Istanbul and its various results and possibilities is explained over the temporal intersection points and reproduction of the memory. The idea of that palimpsest structure of Istanbul is not articulated by independent platforms, instead; its pluralization with the memory sections which reveal the interaction between cross-layer and move it into the present and future is foreseen in the paper. Keeping the memory alive with the new spatial representational methods of layering, porosity and montage will bring the concept of explicit-finiteness to the design phenomena.

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Evaluating the playground: Focus group interviews with families of disabled children

Sima Pouya1, Öner Demirel2, Sahar Pouya3 sima_pouya2002@yahoo.com • Landscape Architecture Department, Karadeniz Technical University, Trabzon, Turkey 2 odofe01@gmail.com• Landscape Architecture Department, Karadeniz Technical University, Trabzon, Turkey 3 pouyasahar22@yahoo.com • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey

1

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.99608

Received: April 2016 • Final Acceptance: May 2018

Abstract As landscape architects deal with the design of environments for children, the inclusion of children with disabilities in their peers should be one of the core goals in designing natural settings. They often times face problems while working in public playgrounds, parks and green landscapes mainly due to lack of adequate provisions to meet their special needs. The purpose of the present study is twofold: to investigate different kinds of problems and specific needs of disabled children in natural settings including parks and playgrounds in Ankara (Turkey), and also to offer solutions for solving these problems. This study that is of case study type consists of parents with disabled children aged between 8 and 12 years old. Parents were investigated and interviewed in the research to obtain their perspectives. The findings revealed that there was a necessary need to improve and construct equipped natural settings specialized for children with disabilities.

Keywords Disabled children, Playground environment, Playgrounds, Landscape architecture, Ankara

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1. Introduction A large body of research has demonstrated the importance of interaction with nature for human health and well-being. Aspects of nature such as trees, grass, water, visible sky, rocks, flowers and birds were mentioned as particularly helpful (Olds, 1989, Cooper-Marcus & Barnes 1995, Ulrich, 1999, Kaplan & Kaplan, 1990, Pouya & Demirel, 2015). In a similar vein, Wilson (1984) hypothesized that such responses to natural settings might be of evolutionary significance in that modern humans innately respond to the characteristics of environments favorable to pre-modern humans. Lynch (1977) in an international study of the experience of growing up in cities found that children generally appreciate vegetation. Lynch also reported that such natural settings, which are preferred by children, also have beneficial effects on their well-being. Natural environments represent dynamic and rough playscapes that challenge motor activity in children. The topography, like slopes and rocks, afford natural obstacles that children have to cope with. The vegetation provides shelters and trees for climbing. The meadows are for running and tumbling (Wells & Evans, 2003). Description of physical environment usually focuses almost exclusively on forms (Fjotoft, 2001).

All children, including disabled children, have the right to play in green space, to have fun and to take part in recreational activities. This is important as play has a very important role in a child’s growth and development.

Research indicates that children in natural settings play and learn with more vigor, engagement, imagination, and cooperation compared to those playing on artificial surfaces (Broadhead, 2004; Moore,1989; Day & Midbjer, 2007). Playing in green space could help develop speech, sensory skills, imagination, independence and social skills. It is crucial that all children, whatever their abilities, be given the opportunity to play and access leisure facilities (Sutton, 2008). Research has found that use of, and access to outdoor spaces can also increase social interaction and that this too can have a positive effect on health and wellbeing.

Being active is a key part of the development of every child (Murphy & Carbone, 2008). Parks and recreation programs support positive youth development, decrease negative behavior and help them to develop into healthy children (Wells & Arthur-Banning, 2008). Spending time outdoors is thought to be related to child development, for example, in relation to motor development – with the types of physical activity associated with outdoor play being beneficial to children’s development of strength, balance and coordination (Fjortoft, 2004). It is often the natural elements within outdoor spaces that are conducive to creating these benefits as Fjortoft (2001), for example, demonstrates through the advantages gained from features such as “slopes and rocks”, “vegetation” and “trees” in terms of facilitating opportunities for particularly active play. All activities have proven to be beneficial to children with disabilities (Law, King, King, Kertoy, Hurley, Rosenbaum, Young & Hanna, 2006). These activities provide social, emotional and physical benefits (Murphy & Carbone, 2008). Researchers have also shown that people with disabilities who are physically active: “(a) are better adjusted and more satisfied with life, (b) report having fewer days of pain, depression, anxiety, sleeplessness, improved vitality, and (c) substantially increase their life expectancy” (Krause & Kjorsvig, 1992, p. 561). Frost (2006) also links activity within outdoor playgrounds to the development of “strength, flexibility and coordination” due to the types of activities facilitated by play equipment, such as “climbing”, “balancing” and “swinging”. Such children have been shown to be particularly slow in language development and social skills” (Wolff, 1979). Ample free play opportunities establish children’s disposition to take risks and to believe that they are competent, capable learners.

Unfortunately, even a cursory examination of current play environments indicates that children with disabilities are often merely occupied in the play environment. In order to provide meaningful play opportunities for all children, especially those with disabilities, it is necessary to understand the

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needs of children and the implications of a disability on the child.

The UN Convention on the Right of the Child states that disabled children have the right to be included in thier local community and to do the kinds of things that non-disabled children do.

They have the right to take part in play and leisure activities, the equal right to access cultural, artistic and leisure opportunities and the right to support to help them to do this (Khalife Soltani et al. 2012). The Disability Convention is an agreemant to help make sure that those children and adults with disabilities are treated fairly and can equally participate in all aspects of life. The rights in the Disability Convention are the human rights for all children and adults. The Disability Convention is needed to guarantee that these rights are respected for persons with disabilities (UNICEF, 2007). Social barriers such as fear, embarassment or discriminatory attitudes also need to be dealt with. An accessible natural setting can be an alternative in which disabled children are able to impove their social skills and feel welcome. Furthermore, a careful attention to landscape design can help to ensure those natural settings are inclusive, comfortable and appealing to disabled children and thier families.

2. Rationale for the current study In most parts of the developed world, different assessment tools have been used to describe the developmental achievement among disabled children. However, in Turkey, there has been no study as to needs of proper public park or playground among children with disability. According to the UN statistics (2006), more than 500 million people in the whole world have diffirent disabilities. In 1992, Euro stat showed that 11% of the Europen population had different disabilities (Anonymous 3, 2003). According to the World Health Organization (WHO), children with disabilities could be defind as any child unable to ensure by himself wholly or partly, the necessities of a normal individual and/or social life, as a result of a deficiency either congental or not, in his physical or mental capabilities.

The WHO alse states that 10% of the

population in each country around the world has people with disabilities.

It has been estimated that among the 10% of the population with disability, one third are among children less than 15 years old (Khalife Soltani et al.

2012).

It has been reported that 12/29 percent of the population in Turkey has mental or physical disabilities (Uslu 2008) and out of this percentag, 9 million people are at the age of 1-12 who have special needs. According to the Ministry of Education,there are 1 million and 100 thousand disabled children agred between 4 and 18 and among them 45 thousand ones have vision impairment, 130 thousand ones have hearing impairment, 500 thousand of them have mental and emotional disabilities, and 300 thousand of them suffer from physical disabilites.

Enrollment rate in Disabled Children School is around 2%. The number of disabled children who benefit from primary education including special education is 28 thousand (Shirin 2002; Ĺ&#x17E;afak & Pouya, 2016). Given the enormous number of children with disabilities in Turkey especially in metropolitan Ankara where landscape designers have recently paid special attention to the disabled children conditions and needs, the main objective of this study was to evaluate the satisfaction of this group of children and also to examine the efficiency of the extant parks for them.

This study, in fact, makes an attempt to determine the satisfaction of parents who have disabled children; demonestrate the lack of provisions specialized to the disabled children in urban spaces such as green places constructed in Ankara city, idendify possible reasons caused such situations,and finally, suggest some ways and means for improving the current situation.

3. Methods and materials The current research study used quantitative data to find the values in numerical forms and questionnaires was also used as statistical analysis.

The questionnaire was administered to parents of disabled children. The reason of choosing parents for doing the survey was their abilities to write,

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read, and understand the issues related to their disable children. Therefore, parents’ help to gather the intended data was essential and it could provide more accurate and reliable answers for the questions. Parents whose children have been studied in Dogan Chalar School (elementary school), the largest and most advanced primary school in Ankara, were the participants of this study. The school consists of three subschools (orthopedic impaired school, visually impaired school, and hearing impaired school). In this way, the questionnaires were prepared for parents with children of all kinds of disabilities.

Children at this school usually attend the school with their parents and their parents spend many hours with each other in the yard of school until the end of the courses. Therefore, the break time was the best time for the researcher to gather the data. As it was already stated, a questionnaire form was designed by the researcher for answering the research question. Questionnaire comprised two sections; the first section asked about demographic information of the participants and the second section consisted of a set of questions to examine the parent’s satisfaction having disabled children about facilities and provisions existining in parks and playgrounds in Ankara (Figure 1).

The sample of the study was parents with disabled children aged between 8 and 12 years old. Overall, 35 parents of disabled children volunteered to respond to the questions. The data collected from questionnaires was then

analyzed and discussed.

3.1. Financial statement of families Financial status of families affects many activities such as going outside and doing outdoor activities which need considerable payments. In this study, the sets of research questions were used to determine the relationship between family financial status and their ability to visit the park. They were asked to indicate family’s monthly income. According to Table 1, the results of these questions showed that 37.14 percent of families had low income and in fact they were poor families who might be deprived of the basic amenities due to financial problems.

Hence, financial statement of families could significantly affects the findings of the study (Table 1).

3.2. Frequency of visits to the natural setting The participants were also asked about how often they go to parks or playgrounds. The options to answer the question were; More, Once a day, Once a week, Once a month, Never.

The analysis of this question showed that the third option (once a week) had received the highest percentage (42.8 %), the fourth option (once a month) had received the second highest percentage. It means 42.8 percent of parents having disabled children go to parks with their children once a week and 28.5 percent of them take their disabled children to parks only once a month. Moreover, about 5 percent of parents had not gone to any the public place, parks or playground with

Figure 1. Some of the parks photos in the Ankara.

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Table 1. Financial status of families with disabled children.

Table 2. Frequency of visits to the natural setting.

Table 3. Time spent in the natural setting.

Table 4. Ways of access.

their children. This deprivation and restriction is disappointing in Ankara as a city that has the highest number of parks and playground in the country.

According to the results achieved from the first part of questionare, 30 families among 65 families never go outside to parks with their disabled children. As with the other questions were related to the parents who had experiences of going to public places with their children, just 35 families could participate in answering the rest of questions and we continue the research with these 35 families to complete the questinaire in pursuit of the research goal (Table 2).

3.3. Time spent in the natural setting The next question that helped to obtain correct results for this study was

how long they stay with their children in the park or other places. Options included; under half an hour, 30 minutes, 1 hours, 1-2 hours, 3-4 hours, and half a day. The analysis of this question uncovered that most of the participants stayed in park from 30 minutes to 1 hour (43%). Therefore, children are usally taken to parks just once a week or once a month for at most one hour.The point to note, however, is that, all kinds of activities such as sports activities such as walking, playing in playgrounds mostly take time more than one hour especially for children with disabilities who spend more time to have access to their desired locations compared with normal children (Table 3).

3.4. How to access public places?

The next question concerned about how families go to the park or other public places. Options included; by walking, by bus, by car. The analysis of this question indicated that the first option (on foot) received the highest percentage (63%). This result proves that these families, for speacial reasons to be explained below, choose the nearest park to go, even though the selected place has fewer facilities in comparison with the other convenient and wellequipped places (Table 4).

3.5. The most distinctive problems of the park The main purpose of this study was to find different problems that children with disabilities might encounter in the parks and playgrounds of Ankara.

Problems usually prevent them from enjoying more and better in the parks and playgrounds. Therefore, questions were asked to detect these problems.

The options included principal problems that families often encounter.

According to the answeres, most of troubles and problems were related to parks. However, the highest percentage is related to question 1. (Paths that were made in the parks or other public places are not fit and suitable for our child). This problem is due to understimation the crippled or disabled children in draws and designs of architects.

The width and length of paths are designed without attention to those children. The ramps of path are not good

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Figure 2. Paths that were made in the parks or green space are not fit and suitable for disabled children (Pouya, 2016).

Table 5. The most distinctive problems of the park.

for crossing by wheelchairs which is an obstacle to prevent families from going to the parks (Figure 2).

The play equipment and facilities

in parks or playgrounds are often designed for normal children and no deserved attention is paid to the needs and conditions of disabled children

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Table 6. Preferences for activities in the natural setting.

which makes it hard for them use and play with them (question 2). Moreover, people consider and treat them in offensive and sometimes pejorative ways that is annoying for them and cause them to feel more separated from the society and as a result, they might become more reserved (question 3). This problem stems from the culture and lack of the public’s awareness about the issue of disorder and disabilities. Ankara is an over-crowded and bustling city in Turkey where designers have recently built numerous parks and play grounds (question 7). Accordingly, nowadays Ankara is famous for its parks. People come from other cities to its central parks and accordingly the parks are often crowded and populated. The general problems are summed in the table below (Table 5).

3.6. Preferences for activities Children, both normal and disabled ones, at special age groups like to do certain activities at parks or play grounds. Current conditions, however, do not let the disabled children do their interesting activities. To understand their favorite activities, questions focused on which activities or playing attract your disabled children’s attention and which play they can do? Even though the requirements and interests of disabled children don’t differ from the normal children’s ones, because of some physical disorders, their needs might be changed slightly. thus, taking into consideration these children’s interests might help designers to devote specific places for disabled children in their plans so that their satisfaction

could be achieved.

Among answered questions, the highest percentage was related to the A option (Playing with the ball) showing that 83% of those children like to play with ball. Providing play grounds and a condition where they can play with a ball can lead to their satisfaction.

Moreover, one of the other options selected by the children was playing with the skating rink and swinging (88%).

Therefore, the color, size, materials, and numbers of these tools should also be adequate and appropriate for disabled children. The third activity selected in the questionnaires was swimming. Supplying specific pools or places for them in order to make them able to swim is another consideration which should be considered by pertinent designers. Furthermore, others activities which was opted by children were playing with water, Paintings on the wall, and playing with toys respectively (Table 6).

4. Discussion The development of children starts at birth and continues into adulthood.

Children need to develop in five crucial areas for proper growth: social/emotional, intellectual, sensory, perceptual-motor, and physical development (Ministry of Education 1993). All children, regardless of their abilities, pass through the same developmental stages in the same sequence; only the timing and rate vary (Federlein 1981).

The crucial concept to understand is that the similarities between children with disabilities and able-bodied children are far greater than the differences. Furthermore, differences in the rate of development may occur in one, or more, developmental areas according to the child’s disability: social emotional disabilities, perceptual-intellectual disabilities, and physical disabilities (Potter, 2001, 2002). These disabilities should not, however, lead to their separation from other children or the underestimation of their needs in public places.

The disabled children have greater need for recreation or play services because their limited circumstances prevent them from exploring opportunities for themselves (Ellis 1973). Ad-

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ditionally, “many [children with disabilities] spend a disproportionate part of their time in [an] environment, such as a school or institution, where play tends to be structured, organized and restricted. In order to provide meaningful play opportunities for all children, especially those with disabilities, it is necessary to understand the needs of children and the implications of a disability on the child. Children need a place to play and they also need space with informality, and freedom to move around and make noises. They should express themselves through expreiment and investigate the world around.

Disabled children need this freedom even more than others. In surroundings which stimulate thier imagination and challenge them to face and overcome risks, they will be given opportunities to build thier self-confidence and independence (Khalife Soltani et al. 2012).

The most common result of any child’s disability is peer isolation. As landscape architects involved in the design of children’s play environments, the inclusion of children with disabilities among their peers should be one of the principal goals of the design of outdoor play settings. Understanding children with disabilities, and what they are capable of is the first step toward designing truly ‘inclusive’ environments.

The issues to review fall into two broad categories: social issues and technical and physical factors. Reviewing social issues involves thinking about how to creat opprotunities for disabled and non-disabled children to play together.

For disabled children and thier families who are often not visible in communities, there are many benfits for being involved in consultation. Inclusion in consultation processes is often valued in itself as it raises the self confidence of individuals and group and affirms entitlement as community members and organizations. Parents of disabled children report that being consulted about the nature of a play space and involved in its development is one of the factors which increase the likehood that they will take their children there (ODOM, 2002, 2003).

Society has often viewed people with disabilities as less attractive, helpless

and needy. These societal attitudes and perceptions have caused people with disabilities to be less likely to partake in recreation programs (West, 1984; Herbert, 2000). “Lack of participation does not make them ‘less of a person’ (a common perception of utility measures) as the cause may well be environmental or societal.” (Forsyth & Jarvis, 2002). This feeling of inferiority of children with disabilities is one factor that may limit participation in recreation programs. There is an inconsistency of the inclusion of children with disabilities in recreation programs due to a host of other barriers (Scholl, Smith & Davison, 2005).

In fact, every child receives rewards from play and activities in the garden and park but for children with disabilities it provides particular benefits. It may help to improve: 1. Communication and social skills; as a result of being involved in group and community activities, 2. Fitness; it is a great form of physical activity, 3.Confidence; provides an opportunity to develop a range of new skills, 4.Well-being; gardening is a great way to relax and reduce stress levels, 5. Physical ability; improved motor skills, 6. Knowledge; about the environment and nature, 7. Enjoyment of life; a wonderful leisure activity in which tasks and routines can be varied and shared (Horticultural Therapy Association of Victoria Gardening, 2015).

5. Result The frequency analysis of the proportions of the inventories showed that 48.2 % of the parents went to playgrounds with their children one day a week, 48.9 % of them spent nearly one hour in playgrounds and 50 percent of these families go to the parks with their children on foot and they mostly complain about the inappropriate paths of public places (such as the high stairs, harsh ramp, and narrow ways), the inconveniency of the playgrounds (such as irrelevant bed materials and tool’s sizes), the annoying behaviors of the public, and the crowdedness and noise of the parks. The most fascinating and exciting sports for disabled children were also determined to be playing with the ball and swimming.

The results of this research

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showed that facilities in public playground are not sufficient to accommodate children with social needs.

The facilities of the modern day public parks are not appropriate. It asserts to increase government to make well equipped public parks which accommodate the needs of children with disability. It also stated that government decisions regarding disabled children should be based on knowledge about their special needs in public playground. In this research, it was shown that the current design of playground does not amuse the children with disabilities and the concept of modern day public playground does not satisfy their needs in Turkey. It was also recommended that the design of the public playground should not be discriminatory, and the playground should accommodate the physical needs of disabled children. Designers and builders should keep the disabled children needs into their mind while providing public facility such as play areas.

Providing play equipment and other facilities in public parks increases the possibility that parents come and enjoy along with their disabled children. As a result, placing disable children along with other normal ones enhances the culture of the society and improves their manners toward those children.

However, consideration of educational instructions and natural rights for these children, as members of the society, by the governmental organizations and other institutions will help people to accept and respect them in the society. Every child in the world looks different ideas, experience, traditions and abilities. These differences create new possibilities, new hopes, new dreams and new friendships. The differences among the people of the world are a treasure for all to appreciate and share.

Each child is part of the world family and contributes own unique abilities (Khalife Soltani et al. 2012).

The study of gardens demands research in both the environment and behavior because they must be designed, maintained and managed to fulfill the users’ needs. In order to meet those needs, landscape architects should undrestand how these users behave, use and engage with the attributes in the

garden (Hussein, 2009a). During the preliminary site studies, the researcher discovered that there are many precedents set for natural seting but none of them are designed to fulfil the users’ needs (Hussein, 2009b). Thus, environment and behavior studies that include systematic investigation of the relationships between the environment and human behavior, and thier implication in the design of green landscape is of great importance.

References Broadhead, P. (2004). Early years play and learning: developing social skills and cooperation. Psychology Press.

Cooper-Marcus, C. & Barnes, M. (1995). Gardens in health- care facilities: uses, therapeutic benefits, and design recommendations. Martinez, CA: The Center for Health Design.

Day, C., & Midbjer, A. (2007). Environment and children. Routledge.

Ellis, M. J. (1973). Why People Play.

Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Federlein, A. C. (1981). Play in Preschool Mainstreamed and Handicapped Settings. Saratoga, CA: Century Twenty One Publishing.

Fjortoft, I. (2001). ‘The Natural environment as a playground for children: the impact of outdoor play activities in pre-primary school children’, Early Childhood Education Journal, 29 (2), 111 – 117.

Fjortoft, I. (2004). Landscape as playscape: The effects of natural environments on children’s play and motor development, children, youth and environments, 14 92, pp. 21- 44.

Frost, J. (2006). The dissolution of children’s outdoor play: causes and consequences, presented to The Value of Play: a forum on risk, recreation and children’s health, 31st May, http://www. ipema.org/Documents/Common%20 Good%20PDF.pdf Forsyth, R., & Jarvis, S. (2002). Participation in childhood. Child: Care Health & Development 28, 277-279.

Horticultural Therapy Association of Victoria Gardening, (2015) People with disabilities www.horticulturaltherapy.com.au.

Hussein, H. (2009a). Sensory gardens. access by design, 118, 13-17.

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Hussein, H. (2009b). Sensory garden in speacial schools: the issues, design and use, Journal of Design and Built Environment, 5, 77-95.

Kaplan, R. & Kaplan S. (1990). Restorative experience: The healing power of nearby nature, in the meaning of gardens, ed. Francis M, Hester R T, 238244. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Khalife Soltani, S.H., Abbas, M.Y. & Amang, M. (2012). Disabled Children in Public Playground: A Pilot Study, Asian Journal of Environment- Behavioral Atudıes. Volume. 3, Number 8.

Krause, J. S. & Kjorsvig, J. M. (1992).

Mortality after spinal cord injury: A four-year prospective study. Archives of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, 73, 558-563.

Law, M., King, G., King, S., Kertoy, M., Hurley, P., Rosenbaum, P., Young, N., & Hanna, S., (2006). Patterns of participation in recreational and leisure activities among children with complex physical disabilities. Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 48(5), pp. 37-42.

Ministry of Education. (1993). The Universal playground: A planning guide.

Victoria, British Columbia: Queen’s Printer for British Columbia.

Moore, R. C. (1989). Playgrounds at the crossroads. In Public places and spaces (pp. 83-120). Springer US. Murhpy, N. A. & Carbone, P.S. (2008). Promoting the participation of children with disabilities in sports, recreation and physical activities. Pediatrics, 121(5), 1057-61.

ODPM. O.o.t.D.P.M. (2003). Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM ODPM. O.o.t.D.P.M. (2002). Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Olds, A. R. (1989). Nature as healer.

Children’s environments quarterly, 6, 27-32.

Potther, P. & Bradbury, H. (2001).

Handbook of action research. London: Sag Pouya, S. & Demirel O. (2015), What is a healing garden? Akdeniz University Journal of the Faculty of Agriculture, 28(1): 5-10.

Scholl, K. G., Smith, J. G., & Davison, A., (2005). Agency readiness to

provide inclusive recreation and after-school services for children with disabilities. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 39(1), 47-62.

Shirin, Mr. (2000). Children’s foundation, digital child alert, world children’s day new millennium world’s children: Digital Child Warning Report.

Sutton, L., (2008). The state of play: disadvantage, play and children’s well-being’, Social policy and Society, 7 (4), pp. 537 – 549.

Safak, P., & Pouya, S. (2016). Evaluation Of Disabled Children In Turkey With The Aim Of Their Needs To Green Space. Journal Of Environmental Protection And Ecology, 17(4), 1575-1581.

Ulrich RS., (1999). Effects of gardens on health outcomes: Theory and research. ın healing gardens therapeutic benefits and design recommendations, ed. Clare Cooper Marcus and Marni Barnes, 27-86. New York: John Wiley & Sons.

UNICEF. (2007). Child- friendly text UN disability convention. United Nation. Webb, R (1965). Oiga magazin, Lima, circa.

Uslu, A., Shakouri, N., (2008).

Friendly play area and outdoor designDisabled children, Erciyes University Institute of Science and Technology Magazine, 28(5):367-374.

Wells, N. M. & Evans, G. W., (2003).

Nearby nature: A buffer of life stress among rural children. Environment & Behavior, 35, 311-330.

Wells, M., & Arthur-Banning, S.G., 2008. The logic of youth development: Constructing a logic model of youth development through sport. Journal of Park & Recreation Administration, 26(2), 189-202.

West, P. C., 1984. Social stigma and community recreation participation by the physically and mentally handicapped. Therapeutic Recreation Journal, 26(1), 40-49.

Wilson, E. O. (1984). Biophilia.

Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Wolff, P. (1979). The Adventure Playground as a Therapeutic Environment.”

In Designing for Therapeutic Environments: A Review of Research. Chichester, Great Britain: John Wiley and Sons.

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Solar heat transfer in architectural glass facade in Semarang Indonesia

L.M.F. PURWANTO1, Karsten TICHELMANN2 1 lmf_purwanto@unika.ac.id • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Soegijapranata Catholic University, Indonesia 2 k.tichelmann@twe.tu-darmstadt.de • Department of Architecture, Structural Engineering & Building Physics, Technische Universität Darmstadt, Germany

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.50465

Received: September 2017 • Final Acceptance: May 2018

Abstract Semarang is a city in Indonesia with humid tropical climate. It stays hot and humid all year round. Ironically, many office buildings in Indonesia, including in Semarang, are beginning to use International Style or Glass Architecture. The sun can penetrate such glass facades, raising the room temperature in the building and thus the energy consumption for air conditioning. With the help of the Simulation Program WUFI-2D, this research provides insights on the amount of solar heat transfer that occurs on glass facades. The result shows that the heat transfer in various types of glass facades significantly increases the room temperature inside the building.

Keywords Glass architecture, Solar heat transfer.

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1. Introduction In countries with humid tropical climate such as Indonesia, is necessary to decrease sunlight penetration in buildings. Sun shading installed on windows functions to limit sunlight penetration and heat increase inside the buildings.

Anwari Dananjaya, 2013, examined the tropical architecture facades of office buildings in Jakarta. High rise buildings built between 1970-1990 have relatively good forms of sun shading (see. Figure 1). Santoso, A.K., & I Gusti Ngurah Antaryatama, 2005, analyzed the effect that glass facade in high rise buildings in humid tropics have on energy consumption. They showed that the increase in sunlight, because of missing shading on the facade creates a higher heat transfer and therefore a higher energy demand for cooling. The energy needed to cool the building’s rooms far exceeds the energy needed to light the rooms in buildings that use sun shading.

In the study of Gratia E. and De Herde A., 2007, the factors that influence the greenhouse effect in a Double Skin Facade (with glass facade) were identified using a one-dimensional approach under various operative scenarios. By analyzing the global behavior of a building with a Double Skin Facade, they found that the greenhouse effect is quite beneficial to the building en-

Figure 2. Yearly monthly averages of the outdoor air temperature in Semarang in the period from 2000 to 2015.

Figure 3. Hour by hour daily curve of the air temperature in Semarang in the period from 2000 to 2015.

Figure 1. Wisma Dharmala Jakarta, one of the buildings in 1982 with a good forms of sun shading.

Figure 4. The monthly means of solar radiation in Semarang in the period from 2000 to 2015.

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ergy balance. Double Skin Facade is of course applicable to subtropical countries that have four seasons. Research on the effect of glass facades on heat transfer and the thermal comfort in the room, has yet to be conducted for the humid tropics.

A humid tropical climate is characterized by humid and hot weather all year round including both dry and wet seasons. The temperature data in Semarang, Indonesia as the object of observation, is shown in Figure 2 and 3. (Purwanto, L.M.F., 2016) The Meteorology Climatology and Geophysics Council in Semarang proposed the solar irradiance measurement as shown in Figure 4. The solar radiation in Semarang is considerably high.

The Simulation Program WUFI-2D was used in this research. It required data sources about glass to provide accurate calculation input on the differTable 1. Physical & mechanical properties of glass (P.T. Asahimas Flat Glass, 2008).

ences between two types of glass used as the objects of observation in Semarang buildings. Table 1 presents the Physical and Mechanical Properties of Glass, while Table 2 shows the Technical Characteristics of Glasses.

2. Research materials and methods Two buildings with different types of glass were examined in this research (see Figure 5 and 6). The first is clear glass, the second is heat and solar-resistant glass. The clear glass has optimum transmission without shadow effect, also providing optimum natural light gain. The second type of glass is floating glass with heat and solar resistance. It is colored during manufacturing by adding coloring metals such as cobalt, iron and selenium to the raw glass. With the both buildings, the temperature of the outside air, the outer glass surface, the glass surface inside the building and the room temperature were measured.

WUFI-2D analysis is generally conducted when the object of research requires different heat and humidity responses. It is specifically required for complicated geometry, such as building corners, window locations and foundation connections, and when there are non-uniform sources/sinks of heat and moisture. In the study with WUFI-2D, GuimarĂŁesa. S., et.all., 2016, revealed that the moisture transfer in the inner parts of the materials and construction building elements and components is of great importance for its behaviours characterization, especially for its durability, pathology, waterproofing, deg-

Table 2. Technical characteristics of glasses (P.T. Asahimas Flat Glass, 2008).

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Figure 7. Building with clear glass facades.

Figure 5. Building with clear glass facades as research object.

Figure 8. Building with heat and solar-resistant glass facades.

Figure 6. Building with heat and solarresistant glass facades as research object.

radation appearance and thermal behaviour, causing changes with difficult performance prediction.

Arregi, B. & Joseph Little, 2016, used WUFI Pro and 2D to analyze the Hygrothermal Risk Evaluation for the Retrofit of a Typical Solid-walled Dwelling. There have not been many studies conducted on glass using WUFI-2D. 3. Results and discussion During the measurement of research object, it can be seen that sunlight penetration into buildings with clear glass affected the room temperature significantly. At 11.00 to 15.00, the temperature of glass surface inside the building was higher than that outside the building, the glass absorbed the heat and transferred it into the building. It can be seen too that sunlight penetration into buildings with heat and solar

resistant glass facades, the influence of solar heat can be slightly retained by the use of glass. At 11:00 to 15.00, the solar heat can be slightly retained by the heat and solar resistant glass. As a result, the room temperature as shown in Figure 7 and 8 was affected.

During the observation of WUFI-2D Simulation, data input on glass materials was determined by the score differences on Specific Heat Capacity, thermal conductivity and porosity (Givoni, B., 1998). The results of data processing indicate a degree of density on temperature chart in Figure 9 and 10. Heat and solar-resistant glass has a higher density than clear glass. The heat transfer rate was affected as a result.

The results of the WUFI-2D Simulation regarding glass heat transfer show differences as can be seen below in Figure 11 & 12. With clear glass, the temperature of the glass surface outside the building ranges from 29.4°C to 39.2°C, while that inside the building reaches 39.2°C to 44.1°C. With heat and solar-resistant glass, the temperature of the glass surface outside the building ranges from 33.5°C to 39.2°C, while that inside the building reaches 39.2°C to 44.8°C. The results of the above measurements, showed the same results as Ji-

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Figure 9. WUFI-2D temperature chart with clear glass.

Figure 10. WUFI-2D temperature chart with heat and solar-resistant glass.

Figure 11. Result WUFI-2D with clear glass.

Figure 12. Result WUFI-2D with heat and solar resistant glass.

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ru’s research. Jiru,T.E., Yong-X. Tao and Fariborz Haghighat, 2011 study in heat transfer experiment on two different types of glass yields significantly contrasting results. To minimize heat transfer, glass facade can be treated differently. In his study, Jiru placed a ventilated air cavity between two glass facades, thus conserving energy for cooling.

The findings of this study support those of Manz. H., 2004. Factors influencing the heat transfer process in glass are as follows: • the absorption value of clear glass (22 to 35 percent) is lower than that of heat and solar-resistant glass (60 to 75 percent); • thermal transmittance (U-value) of insulating glazing unit is low.

Clear glass has a low absorption value; thus it cannot prevent heat transfer.

This leads to an increased temperature on the inside glass surface and on overall temperature inside the building.

4. Conclusions Sunlight penetration into buildings affects the room temperature significantly despite the use of heat and solar-resistant glass. The increase of heat in a building is directly proportional to the level of transmission, reflection and absorption of glass with absorption being the most important factor to decelerate the heat transfer into the building. The higher the absorption level, the less heat can transfer through the glass into the building.

Acknowledgements This research was supported by the KAAD (Katholischer Akademischer Ausländer-Dienst) Scholarship and Technische Universität Darmstadt, Germany.

References Arregi, B. & Little, J. (2016), Hygrothermal Risk Evaluation for the Retrofit of a Typical Solid-walled Dwelling,

Journal of Sustainable Design & Applied Research, 4(1), 18-26.

Dananjaya, A., Priyatmono, A.F., & Raidi, S. (2013), Identifikasi Fasad Arsitektur Tropis pada Gedung-gedung perkantoran Jakarta (Studi Kasus Pada Koridor Dukuh Atas-Semanggi)- Identification of the Facade of Tropical Architecture in Jakarta Office Buildings (Case Study In Dukuh Atas-Semanggi Corridor), Surakarta, Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Journal Sinektika, 13(2), 125-135.

Givoni, B. (1998), Climate Considerations in Building and Urban Design, New York, John Wiley and Sons, Inc. Glass, F. (2008), Architectural Glass, Jakarta, P.T. Asahimas Flat Glass Gratia, E., & Herde, A. D. (2007), Greenhouse effect in double-skin façade, Journal Energy and Buildings, 39(2), 199-211.

Guimarãesa. S., Delgado, João M.P.Q., & de Freitas, V. P. (2016), Capillary Absorption in Monolithic and Multilayer Stone Walls: Numerical and Experimental Results, International Journal of Fluid Mechanics Research, 43(5), 404-417.

Jiru, T.E., Tao, Yong-X., & Haghighat, F. (2011), Airflow and heat transfer in double skin facades, Journal of Energy and Buildings, 43(10), 2760-2766.

Manz, H. (2004), Total solar energy transmittance of glass double façades with free convection, Journal of Energy and Buildings, 36(2), 127-136.

Purwanto, L.M.F. (2016), Pengaruh Iklim terhadap Desain Bangunan di Semarang- Climate Influence on Building Design in Semarang, Semarang, Research Paper, Universitas Katolik Soegijapranata.

Santoso, A.J., & Antaryama, I G. N. (2005), Konsekuensi Energi Akibat Pemakaian Bidang Kaca pada Bangunan Tinggi di Daerah Tropis Lembab - Consequences of Energy Due to the Use of Glass Fields in Tall Buildings in the Humid Tropics, Journal Dimensi Teknik Arsitektur, 33(1), 70-75.

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Latest status of hydropower plants in Turkey: Technical, environmental policy and environmental law from the perspective of the evaluation Osman ÜÇÜNCÜ oucuncu@ktu.edu.tr • Department of Civil Engineering, Faculty of Engineering, Karadeniz Technical University, Trabzon, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.79664

Received: January 2018 • Final Acceptance: May 2018

Abstract Hydropower plants (HPP) works only with water. Water; vaporized in the presence of sunlight back to earth as rain come again in favorable weather conditions.

Here, the water formed in this way is transmitted to the user by depositing After precipitation and flow. This state is one of the most reliable and sustainable energy sources and hydroelectric power plants. But hydropower is also very tight to the fact that the area in which the water cycle as a renewable energy source that is very strictly linked to the global as well as climate change have in some minds.

All disciplines interested in this direction with respect to these facilities (all engineering departments, politics and economics and administrative sciences etc.) by drawing lots. In this study, starting from the feasibility stage HEPP construction and operation stages as a whole and in detail. HPP construction of environmental regulations in this area are discussed taking into account the environmental ethics and environmental policy.

Keywords Hydroelectric power plant (HPP), Environmental policy and ethics, Turkey.

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1. Introduction The increasing population of Turkey and water amount that is consumed by industry, agriculture and domestic areas is on the rise day by day (Jongerden, 2010; Bilen, 1997). Capitation water was determined to be approximately 1500 m3 in Turkey. However that amount is in decline each passing day, and assumedly it may become 1200 m3 in the next 10 years (Gökbulak & Özhan, 2006). In Turkey, it was emphasized that water is not a commercial commodity, it is unsalable and cannot be purchased, and it is an essential part of human life

by Turkey Water Council in 2010. This is because water is frequently in the agenda (Turkey 2010 Progress Report, 2011). A structure, which has corporative integrity, that can control water completely and can conduct it cumulatively has not been established in Turkey as yet Fragmentary in nature in our country. This is because many contradictory situations can be seen in water management policies. The need of electric energy is increasing day by day due to the increasing population of Turkey, social changes, and different changes in industry. However, our country still remains behind in gradation in comparison with other countries in the world (Eroğlu 2007). There exist an energy gap as of today. In addition to Turkey’s having various types of energy sources, the share of energy that comes from HPP constitutes the biggest (Kaygusuz & Sarı, 2003). It is known that electric energy coming from HPP is the least amount among those various types of energy sources. As a result of facrs such as rapid population growth, rapid emprovement and industrialization in Turkey, the energy gap makes itself significantly apparent. The energy that is needed is provided in various ways.

Only 59,2 % of the energy that is generated in Turkey is coming from Turkey’s own resources since the year of 1999.

Most part of the foreign-dependent energy generation is provided from petrol (8,9%) and natural gas (31,9%), and in spite of the developing export of Turkey, most part of the export revenue is spent on petrol purchase. Besides, foreign-dependent energy generation that affects external economic balance negatively is not at any price confidential.

That is why hydraulic potential, which is among the country’s own resources for energy generation, takes place on the top because of reasons such as being renewable, requiring less operation and maintenance expenses, not creating environmental pollution or creating the least, and being the source which provides supply for reliable electric energy with its national quality (Environmental Impact Assessment Report on HPP, EIA) (TMMOB, 2004 and 2009).

Hydroelectric energy generation has many effects on natural, historical and cultural assets, and on socio-economic environment, and those effects change according to the HPP projects. The effects of projects with dams (collecting water) and regulators (temporary bloating and surrounding water) reveal itself in immovable properties that properties remain under water, resettlements of locals, damaging, declining or destroying forests, impacting rare and endangered species of fauna and flora. The financial, sociological and psychological aspects of this work are topics for other examinations. In addition to this, there needs to be further and detailed examinations in projects, not only site selection of HPP, all constructions should be together, but also the existence of other facilities and settlements on the same river, the present and future water need of the locals etc.

Water should not be approached only from hydrologic perspective. If projects are approached from cumulative behavior in river basins, the possible future disputs regarding water can be prevented. In this way, taking projects, which are designed in detailed and with broad scanning, to the administrative courts can be prevented (Hoppes, 1924; Stummer, 2014; Abou-Raphael, 2006; Henry, 1939).

Hydroelectric as a term; is a nice reference to the generation of electric with water that flows from higher level to lower level in a waterway with the help of gravity force. “Hydroelectric power plants (HPP)” represents the whole structure, which contains all of the constructions (regulator, sand sedimentation basin, transmission constructions, surge chamber or basin, power conduit, HPP building), that ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • O. Üçüncü

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generate the electrical energy (Dursun & Gokcol, 2011; Balat, 2007).

HPP simply generate electric energy by flowing of water from a certain height level to lower level (the difference between levels is the gross head height), in other words, lowering water with power conduit into turbines that are in the HPP building and high speed of that water discharge turning the turbines. The generated energy is transmitted into national and international interconnected energy transmission line with an energy transmission line (ETL) after switchyard. These lines can usually be near HPP as well as tens of miles away from it. Therefore transmission with ETL is being passed through from different places (Dayson M. et al, URL 1).

In the projects, water that is taken from water intake structure is transported to HPP buildings with transmission constructions (tunnel, pipe, open channels etc.) with gravity. The length of those transmission constructions can be 15 km and more, and sometimes transport between valleys can be possible. In these kinds of situations, discharge (m3/sn) of the water, which is called ecological/sap/life water, is left to tributary from regulator between Regulator-HPP Building, is not enough for the fauna and flora around. This situation can be seen in cases that have been filed to the court by residents.

Besides, in a HPP exit, a regulator for another HPP in tail water is built and collects more water due to the fact that water-bloating levels are exceeding DSI’s permitted levels, and that causes the change of gross head height which is important in energy saving (Dayson M. et al, URL 1). Besides, the changes in the places and levels of regulators open other unlooked-for water resources and gross head height to use.

2. General information about HPP HPP’s are built for the transducing of the potential energy of water into kinetic energy. Electric energy is generated through turning the turbines with flowing of collected water mass from higher level into lower. Hydraulic potential depends strongly on the precipitation regime. Those facilities

depend on the least operating cost and longest service life. Generation and amount of the water strictly depend on meteorological conditions of the region where HPP’s are located. As a part of HPP project, water was transmitted from water intake structure (regulator) to HPP turbines through closed or open pipes, tunnels or channels, with free-flow tunnels as with gravity or pressure to surge chambers/pools or a valve chamber and afterwards with the help of power conduit. In a field of HPP Project, experts from Civil, Mechanical, Electronic Engineering, Geologist, Economist, Environmental Engineering, City and Regional Planning and Landscaping etc. are working in all operations. In the fields that require too much construction work; the guarantee of scraping the vegetable soil and storing it in favorable place and conditions is given by taking opinions of various institutions and organizations within EIA reports. In addition to these, there are stages of ground extracting, rock breaking, transporting and storing. Besides, there reveals roads, bridges, viaducts, studies of river reclamation, retaining structures of watercourse and roads, other protection constructions etc. that are needed to be constructed in the field. Materials (aggregate) such as sand and gravel are needed for concrete production so that all the stages can operate. Aggregates that are to be used in concrete production can be provided from dredgers from the field of projects but there is also need for other quarries. However, permission should be taken from industries and organizations as part of EIA reports for quarries, too. Therefore, there is a need for concrete production facility in the fields. This situation is originated also from the region that HPP’s are located. These regions might happen to be far from other concrete production facilities, and condition and situation of the roads might be difficult. The production of those materials must be handled in the field.

There is an obligation for establishing a crusher facility in the HPP field for this job. In this case, it is claimed that the material that comes from various aimed excavation activities (tunnel excavation, channel excavation etc.) can

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be used. The residual over material is said to be stored in convenient place for a temporary time or permanently in HPP field and according to the science and technical rules. There are certain risks in those storage places such as landslide, washout, closeness to water areas, sediment that emerges from leakages and the negative effects of troubled waters on the watercourse.

Even though the service life of HPP’s is stated as approximately 50 years, this life can be decreased or increased, depending on the watercourse and the changes in the river valley. However, the given term of the license is usually up to 49 (one HPP 49 years and 6 months) years. That kind of long term of license is not found appropriate in terms of not only climate but the structure and technical operation of those facilities. It was seen that some regulators expired in a short time and/or problems with wear-out failure due to the reasons like a few structural conditions’ not being fulfilled and a mistake originating from watercourse management.

It is generally accepted worldwide that hydroelectric power plants are one of the energy generation methods, which gives the environment the least damage. The matter in the HPP operation is the water. Therefore, what comes in and goes out from the facility is also water. Of course some changes occur in the quality of the water. There seems no problem with its current state in the operation. Those energy-generation facilities are known to be the ones that are more eco-friendly in comparison with others. There are no types of pollution like wastewaters, solid waste, exhaust air, which means greenhouse gases (COx, SOx, NOx, etc.), as a result of the generation.

Because of those reasons, this is another type of renewable energy along with the sun, wind and geothermic resources. However, HPP’s are not that innocent in terms of the damage that is given to environment. Especially the construction process of HPP’s can have huge environmental effects depending on the fields and regions they are in. Regulators, which are head works, behave like small dams and ruin the integrity of the watercourse. The oxygen levels and temperature of the accu-

mulated water is affected negatively. By taking a big amount of money between the headworks and the fields that water is re-given to the watercourse, it changes the natural flow of the watercourse.

It is certain to be more economic and more ecological by examining the effects of HPP building starting from headworks to the tail water on natural environment and people (social, psychological, financial and ecological), defining in detailed the facilities total established field and handling watercourse basin as a whole, emphasizing vulnerabilities and producing really good solutions (Both economic and ecologic), making the operation very good after construction, making the operation in harmony including operation stages in construction phase, making measurements and observations in the operation stages and editing where it is necessary etc. doing those particularities in a coordinated manner and controls being supplied. This should be the expected and the desired.

The most important effects of HPP projects in the construction phase; HPP is seen as a dust and noise that consists of traffic, heavy construction equipment and crushers by its closest fields and the fields around and in the roads. However, the huge amount of excavation that occurred in the construction can constitute a problem in terms of how to put it out of the way, how to transport it and where to store it. There can be impacts like vegetation in between is getting damaged due to pouring the excavation into stream bed and alteration of structure of stream bed, which arises in the process of water transportation that is executed with conduit, which is made in order to pass through valleys, regulator that especially in the dip slopes and channel/tunnel/piped system that has an open transmission structure with surge chamber/pool. In the impact of the operation stage, there can be seen a decrease in water discharge in the streambed which is between regulator and HPP structures because of using the water of stream bed that it was built on.

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ty of the river and partially affect the stocks, microorganisms, fish way and the movement of migration in the river, water transportation lines that was constructed in a kind of open channel affect the other land animals’ wandering freely, and affect some lands as making them to be awash. It causes a habitat division by effecting the migration of the land animals, when the soil surface (mainland, vegetable soil) is scraped in all construction areas there occurs huge destructions in the land, plants cannot grow, pollen generation is delayed and besides, whole soil surface is exposed to erosion, all aquatic life is endangered due to the change in the flow velocity and flow rate. Water is broken off from its bed and taken immediately into channels, piped systems and tunnels, and detracted from nature and people. This case comes into view as the biggest strike that effects the balance of the valley and the region. Besides, there is decrease in the agricultural production in parallel with the agricultural irrigation distress, and microclimate of the region changes accordingly with the water entrapment, also stock chain is interrupted for a long time in regulator.

It can be understood that HPP investors mostly make their determination of locations from the map or from the web page of DSI (State Hydraulic Works) and after seeing the location non-exhaustively they make their cost benefit analysis at short notice. It can be understood easier with tens of HPP existence according to the length and discharge of the water on a river. Water comes out of HPP’s and before reaching its own bed again, it is immediately taken into another HPP regulator for storing. Since the ecological water/ sap that is left from regulators is established and operated by HPP owners, their controls cannot be executed well.

Event though DSI established a control team, there remains deficiencies.

Sometimes rivers are dried up and the ground water is retreated. So there occurs too much erosion in the streambed. Those kinds of deteriorations cannot be recovered easily.

A river is not only water, not arriver to the sea after the transmissions like pipe, channel, tunnel etc. A river is an

important part of the ecological system and transmits the water and stock matters within itself to everywhere. If this condition collapses, since that would mean the collapse of basic life support of the fauna and flora in the system of that river, fauna and flora will collapse and be destroyed in time.

Privatization of the water and tubing of the rivers was realized in Turkey through the process listed : in 2011, a law is introduced for privatization of each type of energy generation facility, in 2002, HPP is made public as clean energy generation facility, in 2003, establishing financial possibility, which investments and incentives about energy are given, is started, the right of water usage is given to private sector, in 2006, Energy Market Regulatory Authority (EMRA) started to expropriate the immovable, in 2008, Environmental Impact Assessment (ÇED) is constituted and apart from this, expertise started to constitute, until 2023 water potential is expected to take with 100% help of HPP with planning HPP by 2009 State Planning Organization, in 2010 Turkey, dams can be constructed in all natural conservation areas and HPP can be constructed, the permission will be given to establish electric generation facility depending on renewable energy resources with the condition of taking the opinion in favor of necessary organization of protection area in National Park, Natural Park, Natural Monument and Natural Conservation Area, Protection Forests, Wildlife Development Area, Specially Protected Environment Area, Natural Protected Area; and those will lead Turkey’s nature to be damaged, lost of flora and fauna, and conflict with the locals that live in nearby. The most objective parameters should be determined while giving the permissions in those sensitive areas.

In 2011, proposed law about conservation of nature and biodiversity were brought out. In addition to this, the encumbrances about investors (infrastructure, HPP and barrages) and development projects were tried to be abolished (infrastructure project, HPP’s and barrages). In addition to this, it was assured that it was licensed from somewhere central. Some people

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from rural area start to talk about this issue. Many legal modifications continue about this issue.

On some rivers, there are operations with varied purposes and those operations still continue. Rivers were employed with many usages. On some rivers, water bottling factories were allowed, and the number and capacity of those were improved. Huge fertile (agricultural land and forested land) lands were submerged due to the reason that finished and planned dams for some rivers covered extensive area. Organic substances that accumulated in those dams turns into coal gas in time and since there emerge huge water surface area, vaporization and loss of water started to emerge in those regions.

It is possible to cutting the trees which has a risk to submerge in the reservoir lake or submerge as a result of the rise of the water depending on the size of the project in HPP region, and this situation causes decrease in the quality of forests. There are changes in other habitat as a result of this decrease in the quality of forest. In addition to all of this, there emerge changes in the regime of ground water in that region. Increase in the ground water start changes in aquifers (ground water carriers) hydrogeological and that condition affect fauna and flora on the surface.

It is stated that HPP’s low emission of CO2 is an important tool in the struggle with the climate change by governments and scientific experts of energy sector.

However, its place would be discussed when considering all the negative environmental effect in the systems it creates, and considering “ecological foot print, therefore carbon footprint”.

Ecological footprint is a unit of measurement that reveals the reproduction of the natural resources that we consume and at the same time, how much land and water area we need to recycle the released waste. In a way, it describes the burden that is on the sustainability of ecosystem of consumption of the energy resources of humans in order to live on this earth. Carbon footprint, on the other hand, is the measurement of harm that human facilities give to environment in terms of produced

greenhouse gas that is measured in class of unit carbon dioxide. Carbon footprint consists of two main parts; direct/first footprint and indirect/secondary footprint. First footprint is the measurement of direct carbon dioxide emission that generated from burning fossil fuels. Secondary footprint is the measurement of indirect carbon dioxide emission that is related with whole lifecycle of the products that are produced and consumed, manufacturing and at last, spoilage. Along with the cost of transmission line, it is necessary to consider the following as the secondary footprints; forest destruction where it passes through, high rate of electric leakage during the transmission and nature destruction to the area that those lines connect with the national grid. When we approach to the product as energy, HPP aims at producing a product and launching it to the market. Even though the product has no negative effect on the carbon dioxide emission after being produced, a reference can be made to the process of the production of the product, which means generation of the energy, (building the facility and operating it) there are carbon dioxide emissions to the nature. Therefore, it can be concluded that HPP makes its contribution as a carbon dioxide emission to the nature in terms of secondary footprints. Apart from all of these, if a tertiary footprint definition would be done as developing a new concept; product that reaches the consumer as a result of generated energy has pioneering role in initiating carbon dioxide emission (like energy use in the sectors of transportation, agriculture, industry, tourism etc.).

When we compare carbon footprint and ecological footprint that was created by HPP, fundamentally, it would be revealed that ecological footprint can be at much higher rates.

In terms of the socio-economic effects of HPP, it has certain contribution to internal economy such as; intensive employment, enrichment of the commercial life, recovery in agricultural activity, developments in forestry and tourism. However, during the construction according to the quantity of electrical power, approximately 50-60 people, during the operation 8-10 peoITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • O. Üçüncü

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Figure 1. Map of Turkey hydroelectric power plant.

ple on averge will be employed in the facility that will be built. Personnel that will work in operation stage are generally coming from out of the field of HPP since they mostly have technical and qualified specialities. In addition to this, more indirect effects like flood and landslide, carbon cycle, to natural life and ecosystem cycles, even though their measurements are hard to calculate quantitatively, it is estimated that serious distresses will emerge in the future regarding providing the benefit that is claimed by HPP firms.

2.1. Condition of HPP’s in Turkey It is known that HPPs are preferred among various energy resources due to their being nature friendly and having low potential of risk. These kinds of power plants can respond immediately to the sudden changes in demands.

That is why they are called peak power plant (satisfies the sudden demand) in Turkey. DSI General Management defines HPP as having the following benefits: “environment-friendly, clean, renewable, able to satisfy sudden demands, higly productive (over 90%), no fuel expense, has insurance role on energy prices, long-lasting (200 years), investment’s payback period is very soon (5-10 years), low running cost (approximately 0,2 cent/kWh), domestic resource not foreign-dependent (DSI-Hydroelectric Energy Report, 2010)”.

In Turkey, 172 HPP’s are in operation. Those HPP’s has 13.700 MW installed power and 48.000 GWh annual average production capacity which

corresponds to 35% of the economic potential. 148 HPPs are still in process of construction, which have 20.000 GWh annual production capacity that corresponds to 14% of total potential and has 8.600 MW installed power. To use the remaining 72.540 GWh/year potential, 1.418 HPPs will be built and the number of hydroelectric power plants with additional 22.700 installed power will increase to 1.738. It is possible to use all the economic hydroelectric energy potential in the rivers of the country with the future HPP’s that are 1.738 HPPs and corresponds to Turkey’s total power of economic commission which is 45.000 MW (DSI, Hydroelectric Energy Report, 2010).

It is seen in Figure 1, the Map of Hydroelectric Power Plants in Turkey that HPP’s usually and mostly are in Middle and Eastern Black Sea Area and South-Southern East side of Anatolia. Main reasons of this is the climate (rapid flow, continuous rainfall etc.) and geographic (deep valleys etc.) conditions that are most suitable to economic yield for HPP projects are those areas.

3. Legal process for HPP operation and matters not provided for According to Turkey’s priorities, the institute that in responsible of planning all water resources, managing, developing and operating is DSI. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs coordinates the making and following of the national and international water policy of Turkey. The license of HPP and Regulators that finalized its projects, Water

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Use Right Agreement, making final design, facility, allocation, construction plan and construction license are in the framework of following rules and regulations.

•“Regulations about Procedures and Principles Regarding Entering into Water Use Right Agreement in order to Do Productive Activity in Electricity Market” that went into operation in Official Gazette in 26.06.2003, • 17. article in the Forest Law No. 6831, • “Regulation about Allocation of Forest Land” that went into operation by being published in Official Gazette in 22.03.2007, • EIA Regulations that went into operation by being published in Official Gazette in 16.12.2003, • Soil Conservation and Land Use Law No. 5403, • Pasture Law No. 4342, • Provincial Special Administration Law No. 5302, • Construction Law No. 3194 According to the Electricity Market Law No. 4638, all construction of the electric generation facilities are given to the private sector. The electric generation license and essences of Water Use Right Agreement in order to design HPP project were determined in “Regulations about Procedures and Principles Regarding Entering into Water Use Right Agreement in order to Do Productive Activity in Electricity Market”. The purpose of this Regulation is to determine procedures and principles in the framework of the provisions of Electricity Market Law No. 4628, signing process of “Water Use Right Agreement” for auto producer and auto producer group license in between DSI and juristic persons, and in establishing energy generation facilities, production related with operation for juristic persons that are still in business in the market or will be. The statement of Combined Facility, which is in definitions part of Regulations, is actually very important for our topic.

Because it states that as a HPP, usage of the water, which was transferred into capital in long time intervals, is not only for energy generation but also “facility that aims many purposes such as providing irrigation, potable and tap water, and also it is surge protector along with energy generation” as it is stated in the definitions section. So it is clearly stated that water whose impor-

tance as a commodity is increasing day by day is not only being used to generate energy but also for storage and other purposes. The purpose of the Electricity Market Law is to; create electric energy market that can operate according to the private law rules, financially powerful, stable and transparent in order to provide electricity which is sufficient, of good quality, continuous, budget-friendly and environment-friendly to consumers, and which provides an independent regulation and supervision in the market. Law aims at mobilizing the existing but unused potential in the market by pointing out the necessary mechanism for “creation of an electric energy market”. Mobilizing the potential may be the clearest but the most technical statement. Any kind of neutral/technical language that points at releasing the potential, which means the things that are non used but supposed to be used, is unfavorable.

The firms that gained right to sign the Water Use Right Agreement and Electricity Generation Right start preparing their EIA reports later. According to EIA Regulations, the previous installed power is 50 MW and more river type power plants (RTPP) are in the Appendix-I list of EIA regulations, the ones whose installed power is 10 MW and more RTPP are counted in Appendix-II list while the HPP projects whose installed power is 10 MW and less are exempted from EIA process. With new EIA Regulations that were published in Official Gazette No: 26939 in July 17, 2008, HPP projects in between 0,525 MW came under the Appendix-II. Appendix-II projects are tributary to preliminary EIA, it does not require the processed of public participation and information. However, the projects that were accepted before that date are tributary to the old regulations and exempted from EIA process. While it is necessary to complete the EIA process first according to the 6th. article in EIA regulation, the condition of EIA process is being started after signing the Water Use Right Agreement and taking the license of electric generation from EPDK is a contradiction. While starting EIA process after signing Water Use Right Agreement and determining the investors and giving the allowance ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • O. Üçüncü

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of electric generation according to the result of the process is a much more accurate method, Ministry of Environment and Urbanization leaves the EIA evaluation to the end of the process, when investor made various expenses and that turns the EIA process to a kind of approval of the EPDK process. It is a serious and important absence not to include the electric transmission lines (ETL), which are used to transport the generated energy and is an inseparable part of HPP projects, to EIA reports about HPP projects. Along with the cost of transmission lines, where it will pass through and the forest destruction it will create in the areas it will pass are also not included in the projects. In fact, the nature destruction those lines create until the part where they will connect to the national grid is in very high level. High-tension lines mostly passes through above the settlements, ravines so it may have negative effects on human health. Since it is possible that EIA would not allow the electric transmission line after the construction of the power plant ends, and it is possible to spoil all investments; having EIA to electric transmission lines afterwards is becoming a factor that can affect public will. In this case, EIA report that is taken for transmission lines after completing the construction of HPP is not credible and should be evaluated considering electric transmission lines are thought to be the same project with HPP. However, the situation is the opposite.

Besides, the process about HPP’s in Turkey is for profit and it is shaped according to the market so many missing things or mistakes were encountered in the process of preparing EIA reports.

Especially the Environmental Consulting firms, which are assigned to prepare EIA reports and complete the relating procedure, prepare reports negligently, with copy-paste method and mostly without examining not even project field with the encouragement of ministries. Ministry of Environment and Organization, which has authority to inspect the related processes and report, and make decisions, encourages projects to be accomplished rather than preventing the effects project cause to environment, Therefore, Public Par-

ticipation Meetings that are practiced in the project field and Examination-Evaluation Commission (EEC) Meetings that are performed in related units of ministries are only shows.

The inspections about HPP’s should continue during construction and after operation Inspection should be executed in relation to whether protecting public resources is achieved or not and whether science and engineering requirements are met or not.

The false evaluations causeing natural destruction which is hard to recover such as leading water to operate as one-sided, leaving fisheries near the river in a difficult position and making local people confronted with migration should be corrected. Adjudications should be ensured to be performed, and despite the local people, one should scrutinize in the stage of allowance for the profit-oriented HPP construction.

Any HPP that is going to be built should not have a judgment or allowance like “No Need for EIA” since there are HPP’s that were built and were engaged in a lawsuit afterwards. All legislative regulations and legislations that provide an infrastructure to this condition should be changed.

4. HPP’s evaluations in terms of environmental policies with regards to political tools and principles 4.1. Conflicts with national regulations In the Constitution of the Turkish Republic No. 2709, in article 17, it is stated that everyone has right to live, protect and develop its own material and nonmaterial existence, in article 56, everyone has right to live in a healthy and balanced environment, it is State’s and citizens duty to protect the environmental health and prevent pollution. Besides; according to the Environmental Law No. 2872, in article 1, it is stated that the aim of the Law is protecting the environment, which is all citizens common asset, healing it; land and natural resources in urban and rural areas should be used and protected most appropriately; preventing the pollution of water, earth and air; the actions to be taken and regulations to be held should conform with

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the economic and social progress goals and should be organized according to certain legal and technical elements in order to ensure today’s and next generation’s health, civilization and standard of living to be developed and guaranteed by protecting flora and fauna, and natural and historical wealth.

Ministry of Forestry and Water Affairs is assigned to find water resources, design integral basin plans to use them according to the Law of Establishment of Ministry of Forestry and Water Affairs, article 9,item ‘c’. There is no such plan for any basin in Turkey. It contradicts with Ministry’s law of establishment that before designing any plan for basin and finalizing the issue that conditions of utilization of resources would be for superior public interest (after detecting what the region has as resource value), just considering HPP projects which are designed only for generation of electricity. Ministry of Environment and Forestry, which was closed and sheared off as ‘Ministry of Forestry and Water Affairs’ and ‘Ministry of Environment and Urbanization’ after general elections in June 12, 2011, has an Environment Condition Report that was published in 2007, and in there it was determined that main goal of Turkish Environment Policy is protection and development of the environment with sustainable development (Evaluation of Environmental Issues and Priorities of Turkey Reports, Ministry of Environment and Forestry, 2014). In the same report, the main strategy of environment policies is determined as management of natural resources, providing sustainable development with the condition of protecting human health and natural balance and transferring next generations natural, physical and social environment.

However, designed HPP projects are in a level that can spoil the natural balance in the project field and may affect the environment sustainability integrally.

For us to have an idea about how HPP’s are managed in terms of energy policies, we need to examine “Law of Organizations and Functions of General Directorate of State Hydraulic Works” and Law of Organizations and Functions of Ministry of Energy and

Natural Resources”. In the DSI Law of Establishment, article 2, item ‘f ’, the job definition is “Make reforms in the river and make the possible ones navigable” plays the biggest part for HPP’s to be implemented. In Law of Establishment of Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, article 2, item ‘e’, the job definition is “Determine the production, transmission, distribution and consumption pricing policy and when it is necessary, determine the prices of the products that are produced with underground and overland natural resources” and this definition legitimizes the legal process of HPP’s. The energy policies in Turkey were established on managing mostly the supplies rather than demands. This approach causes the energy investments focus on generating as much energy as possible and causes the practices like “productive usage of energy” to remain in the background. For example, losses and leakage of electricity while transmitting is up to 20% and this makes our energy usage impoverished. Besides, General Directorate of Electrical Power Resources Survey and Development Administration (EIEI) states that by only making the necessary saving precautions, there can be a saving of 3 billion USA dollars value energy per year.

Besides all of this, another problem related with HPP’s is that ignoring participation principle in projects while preparing EIA reports. Passivize the local people who will be affected by the project is another common incidence.

Local people is not even asked for an opinion for the projects that are under 25 MW. In the projects over 25 MW, Public Participation Meetings are organized while EIA process continues, however, these are mostly the company officials of project informing people about the project rather than meetings.

In that case, both the meetings and EIA Report preparing process remain weak. While examining HPP process in terms of Turkey’s Environment Policy, it would be beneficial to examine National Environmental Strategies and Action Plan, 9th Progress Plan, Government Program Action Plan and Manifesto of the parties that are governing and their opinions about energy issue (URL 3).

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In National Environmental Strategy and Action Plan (SPO, May, 1998), it can be seen that in the light of approaching HPP’s, it is in phase with Progress Plan and Government Action Program when examining “ encouragement of using resources in a sustainable way” and “supporting the sustainable practices that are related with environment”, “integrating strategic goals and economic rationality in productivity”.

In addition to these, it was on the agenda to include “management of integral water resources”, policy making about protecting and managing the water basins, aquifers (carrier of groundwater) and wetland. Even though it was recommended that preparing “Regulations about Management of Water Basins” Law’s brought into force, evaluating wetlands, mountains, summer ranges and coasts as parts of the environmental protection policies as they are ecosystems on their own by considering the ecological, economic, social and cultural conditions in water basins (National Environmental Strategy and Action Plan, SPO, 1998, Appendix-6, p.6), how those rules and regulations contents’ will be organized is not mentioned. While detecting eco-basins in accordance with sustainable resource usage goals are put on the agenda; “decreasing sedimentation can extend the economical life of barrages and hydraulic power plants (National Environmental Strategy, Through UÇEP, SPO, 1998, p.62)” statement is conflicting. According to that statement, it can be said that goal of using sustainable resource within Action Plan gest ahead of the goal of protection of the environment.

While expecting more articles and goals about protection of the environment in an environmental strategy, we confront with impression that goals like “Encouraging Clean Technology and Energy Resources”, “Harmonize the Environmental Protection and Policies about Production and Consumption of Energy (National Environmental Strategy, Through UÇEP, SPO, 1998, p.61)” are prioritized.

In the 9th Progress Plan that was prepared for the years 2007-2013, there is no article about protection of the water. When we look at the statements

about HPP’s, “The projects that are included in public investment program, especially the HPP projects should be completed with minimum cost and quickly to be brought in the economy.

That is why, it will be attentive to reflect the truth in investment costs, not practicing cross-sectoral cross financing and prevent the cost increase that can be originated from the delays in the projects, we can say that it was emphasized that HPP’s should be productive in terms of economy. In the 60th Government Program Action Plan, under the title of “Increasing Competitive Power”, given with “benefiting from renewable energy resources at their maximum level” and “supply security of electricity will be increased” facilities under the title of “Developing Life Quality”; under the light of the facility “The studies about using water resources in a more sufficient way will continue”, there is a coherence with 9th Progress Plan. The things that are intended for protection of the water is “afforestation, struggle with erosion and continuing the recovery studies, more livable cities will be created by developing green belt cities.” in this facility (URL, 4; URL, 5; URL, 6).

Even though it is directly emphasiezed, protection of the water can be provided indirectly with creation of forests (60th Government Program Action Plan, 2008, p. 25-27-32-34). Lastly, present management in the titles of “Energy and Environment” in the evaluations of HPP’s, it is said that “About the hydrogen energy, which is the energy of future, serious scientific and technical projects will be started, and necessary studies will be performed in order to cutover with other developed countries”. It is crystal clear that new hydroelectric power plants and stream power plants that will not make any harm to environment, have high sufficiency, equipped with new technology and based upon local coal will be encouraged to be built by private sector along with the energy types such as solar, wind, geothermal and biomass.

There are few attempts to built stream power plants mainly in some certain places in Turkey.

In addition to other energy resources, HPP’s were adopted very well. On

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the other hand, all the damage in the end of that process will harm the local natural condition and the living things around will be harmed. River basins and fields that were built upon the HPP’s are usually turned into private properties. After transferring “right to use” with the privilege coming rom EIA reports, changes start to occur in the region. There are disputes between local people and operators and also the ones that defend all the lives in the river. The producer companies have much more investment from public on the occasion of HPP planning. In this case, the public is at loss. The arising losses are supplied by state and this case returns state back as public loss.

4.2. Discussion of the HPP’s in Turkey with regards to jurisdictional decisions There are many HPP plans made in Eastern Black Sea region and about the ones that are completed, close to completed, not started yet; there are finalized, adjudicated or still continuous cases in administrative courts. It is very hard to say that there will be no cases for HPP’s any more. Because the prepared EIA reports are far from reflecting reality and whatever the reason it might be (for example local people may change their minds and decided to make agriculture, more water demand due to the change in the agricultural products, water amount that will be left from regulator in the river for fauna and flora around because of dry seasons etc.), if the given promises are broken, then cases will be opened in courts.

In some EIA reports, economy is highlighted and natural resources are desired to be used by showing the situation that it is the concern and benefit of the whole society and using in legal parlance “best public interest, public health, national security” so that it can be an answer to rising demand of people and supplying the energy gap of Turkey. However, this situation does not entirely reflect the truth. It is a totally different topic that energy production is transmitted to industry areas that are really far away rather than using in the region where it is generated. All in all, ecology on which everyone has a share

is sacrificed for the sake of economy.

All these thoughts should be reflected upon the term ecology (environment, biological diversity to survive, sustainability of life cycle). If there is a common interest of the society, only public interest dhould be considered. However, economical cycle can be provided in this ecological cycle. There can be seen negative conditions in antecedent precipitation index in the places whose ecology is spoiled and meteorological conditions are not as in the past. The speed of river flows have decreased causeing the dams beneficial volume and reservoir originating from regulator to be fulfilled in a short time. Briefly, what is aimed at ecological reports is to protect biological diversity (fauna and flora). That is public interest.

HPP projects are designed for all parts of our country and projects are being constructed. In this topic, there are projects that are performed with both DSI General Directorate Head of Department of HPP and Dams and DSI Regional Directorates, and EPDK is also a side of this topic.

In Turkey in the HPP context, the most discussed topic about this term and other policy principles are the Court Decisions about related HPP’s and among those, the ones that are approved in Chancery and returnees.

When those decisions are examined, it can be seen that the decisions were from various sides, it can also be understood that environmental policy principles are not practiced in terms of Project Description File (PDF) and topics from the projects that EIA reports come out as Positive and most importantly in terms of environmental policies.

It would be beneficial to examine a different examples before passing to the examples of those cases. In the case of Muğla 1. Administrative Court in March 30,2010, Docket No. 2010/342; the project of “Yuvarlakçay Regulator and HPP” that has 3,40 MW and was planned to be built up in Yuvarlakçay that is located in Muğla Province, Köyceğiz District was decided to be cancelled since its power is under 10 MW and based on related EIA Regulations so that project can be excluded from EIA with the operation numbered 262 ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • O. Üçüncü

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in January 01, 2008. The main reason for this decision to be made is that even though the operation is under the defined values (10 MW), the matter in dispute will create irreversible destructions to the environment. The most important principle in this case is ‘precautionary principle’. Even though it was foreknown scientifically, and help of other methods, that power plants that will be built up with related value (10 MW) will not relatively harm environment, the decision taken will prevent the possible problems.

These kinds of cases were opened also in Trabzon, Rize, Artvin, Giresun and Ordu in Black Sea Region and it was seen in many courts that rather than PDF, a more detailed EIA report was required. However, it was also seen that in the Ministry defenses in judgment books, there are kind of statements like ‘if that was in the regulations, then everything is okay’.

In other examples; in the case in June 30, 2010 Docket No. 2008/769 and Decree No. 2010/313; Cüneyt IA, IB, IIA, IIB, III, IV HPP Projects that were planned to be built in Artvin Province, Şavşat District Meydancık Town, has been decided to be cancelled since it is conflicting with core and aim of EIA Regulations and there at no best public interest in such kind of project by Rize Administrative Court. Again in a case Docket No. 2008/536 and Decree No. 2010/312 about the cancellation of EIA Affirmative Decision in June 30, 2010

by Rize Administrative Court about HPP Project “Dereköy Regulator and Dereköy HPP” that were planned to be built in İkizdere District of Rize Province; EIA Affirmative Decision were decided to be cancelled on account of the facts that EIA process were operated wrong, acted contrary to legislations, approved the HPP studies without making integral basin planning, did not take necessary precautions to protect flora and fauna, did not detect or examine about continuity of water ecosystems and aquatic living beings, has insufficient precautions while conducting the project and in that way, EIA Affirmative Decision was contradicting with both regulations and responsibilities that were accepted with international conventions.

In another case, Docket No. 2008/369 in Rize Administrative Court in December 11, 2009 was related with the cancellation of EIA Affirmative Decision; EIA Affirmative Decision about “Paşalar Regulator, HPP and Borrow Pits” that was planned to be built in Rize Province Fındıklı District was required to be cancelled because it was clearly contradicting with the law in terms of authority, feature, reason and topic, and best public interest is all about protecting the valley and transferring it to the next generations.

In the related project, EIA Affirmative Decision was decided to be cancelled based on that related decision was ignoring the 1st , 9th , and 10th articles of the Environment Law and principles of environment and sustainable development, and also not practicing participation principle, related project was not made based on the basins, not coherent with the existing Environmental Plan and City Development Plans, and the projected values for aquatic life and aquatic ecosystem were inefficient.

When we put all the pieces together; we can see that jurisdictional decisions regard precautionary principle, responsibility for next generations, providing other living beings right to live by protecting biological diversity, prioritize the protection of the nature rather than economic interest, best public interest etc.

4.3. Evaluating international regulations in terms of HPP’s in Turkey Specific to HPP’s, equivalent of Turkey’s water policy in international field can be approached from negotiation process with European Union (EU). In the pre-accession process of Turkey to EU, Turkey should practice and adopt Union’s regulations at any cost. One of those regulations is Water Frame Directive (WFD-2000/60/EC) which is characterized as a general umbrella regulation in water management.

WFD requires all water bodies to be the in condition that as natural and unspoiled as possible in terms of quality and amount by making basin management plans in river basins scales.

Water Frame Directive requires the existing aquatic ecosystems to be in a

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good condition in terms of quality and amount by making management plans on the basis of basins. WFD allows new hydraulic constructions under certain conditions (Article 32), however, this allowance is provided under certain strict conditions; all measures should be taken to prevent negative effects, these necessities should be for public interest (for example; control of overflow and landslide), new developments should not block reaching existing EU environmental standards that aimed at protecting environment. For reflecting strategic environmental evaluation on national regulations, the studies that are conducted by Ministry of Environment and Urbanization were started with the undertaking the developments that will be followed and the necessary studies will be done for EU National Cohesion Program under the EIA title in terms of strategic environmental evaluation. “Template of WFD Regulations Preparation and Application for Turkey Project” contains a template of WFD regulations prepared based on EU WFD Regulations after those undertakings. Even though this study made important contribution by revealing certain aspects, it could not ensure creating a desired legal ground.

In the process of HPP projects, it is possible to have a situation that is contrary to law since various wild living beings’ (otter, wolf, coyote, bear, rupicapra rupicapra ornate etc.) lives are under the protection of many international contracts like Ramsar Contract (the Convention of Wetlands of International Importance), Bern Contract (Contract For Protecting Wild Life and Habitat of Europe) and CITES Contract (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora), and if the living space of those animals can be disturbed due to the HPP constructions and this resulted in mentioned species to leave the space or decrease in their species. Opening roads, dynamite explosions, noise due to the construction equipment night and day may lead those species to leave their living space and feeding ground.

Even though in related EIA reports, this situation attracted attention from time to time and various measures of conservations were recommended,

investors do not take any notice on those since those recommendations require additional costs. Operations of environmental monitoring of HPP projects are conducted under the supervision of Ministry of Environment and Urbanization. Ministry provides the option to any active company that has license of efficiency to work with any Environmental Consulting Firm.

This situation leads to false monitoring reports that are not objective since company officials generally agree with Environmental Consulting Firms that prepare the EIA reports for the related projects. On the other hand, DSI officials of Provincial Directorate of Environment and Urbanization who have the authority to inspect the practices the area of activity make their inspections either insufficient by claiming not having enough number of personnel or make those arbitrary and for show when there is pressure of civil society.

There are also difficulties in sharing authorities between institutions.

It is also beneficial to examine Natura 2000 Regulation that can be counted in international regulations since it was prepared by EU in order to control environmental effects of HPP’s. Natura 2000 is a natural environment protection network that was determined in the borders of European Union. Each country that is a member of European Union has to compile the most important natural habitats in its own territories and species of flora and fauna that lives in there. Afterwards, this list should be delivered to European Commission. If a space is observed that should be in protection among those lists that was evaluated by relevant authorities, than those spaces are taken into Natura 2000’s protection network.

Various adaptation studies were started in order to be included to Natura 2000 network, however, there is no regulations or formal studies yet apart from the related adaptation projects, meetings and conferences.

Convention of Biological Diversity has another importance, which provides guarantee of principles that other living beings right to live and sustainability of lives, in HPP studies. In this convention, it was recommended to have “ecosystem approach” in the ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • O. Üçüncü

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projects like HPP. Ecosystem approach is based on practicing the proper scientific methods by focusing levels of biological organizations and including important structure, processes, operations and interactions between organisms and their environments. It is accepted humans as interiorly component of many ecosystems with their cultural diversity. Ecosystem approach provides an integral environment in practicing the goals of the Convention of Biological Diversity. Approach includes 3 important evaluations. The first one defines the management of living components as not focusing on the species and management of habitats but considering organization with economic and social evaluations in ecosystem level. The second article advises if fair management of the earth, water and living resources should be sustainable, than it is necessary to study with natural limits and natural operation of ecosystems needs to be used.

Third and lastly, it should be understood that ecosystem management is a social process. There are many communities to be included so that effective and sufficient structures and processes can be developed for decision-making and management. The article “Equal and fair share of the benefits that comes from genetic resources” in the convention is being ignored due to the practices that is brought by “Shared Facilities” term which was in the regulation “Water Usage Right Agreement”. At the same time, while the related convention refers performing integral basin planning in construction of HPP’s, Turkey has not actualized a serious study about that issue. As a different example, we can examine United Nation’s Convention for Combating Desertification, which focuses recovery of land productivity, recovery, protection and sustainable management of land and water resources and enhancing living conditions of especially local communities in combating desertification and drought. Turkey, which became a side of the convention in 1998 with Law No. 4340 that was published in Official Gazette No. 23258 in February 11,1998; in the strategies it developed regarding the convention, the part about recovery and protec-

tion of the water resources was omitted in the convention, therefore, it can be defended that convention has no motive for enforcement in Turkey in terms of HPP’s. While examining the international regulations, we can reach expectations about HPP process from “Agenda 21 Action Plan” which is the ultimate statement of global negotiation and political commitment in making actualizing the term “sustainable development” that targets balance within whole world’s countries and environment. In the road that opens to the future century, starting point of the Agenda 21 themed “sustainable development” is United Nation’s Environment and Development Conference which was called “Earth Summit” that was performed in Rio de Janeiro in June, 1992. We can look at the section “Providing Fresh Water Bodies and Protecting Quality: Practicing Integral Approaches in Development, Management and Usage of the Water Resources (Section 18)” in “Protection and Management of Resources for Development (Part II)” in the Agenda 21.

There is emphasizes in there to both integral basin plannings and principle of protecting-using the resources. Apart from those information, when we examine EU Integral Environmental Harmony Strategy (UÇEŞ 2007-2023, ÇOB-2006) by Ministry of Environment and Forestry and, in return, EU 2010 Progress Report, we can have an external point of view about our policies on HPP’s. In the EU Integral Environment Harmony Strategy, principles like cross-sectoral integration, pay as you pollute, sustainable development and protection of the natural resources attract the attention. Among the strategies that was defined in WFD context, the statement “It will be ensured that natural water resources and water ecosystem’s usage will be sustainable (4.

Aim)” is aimed. However, ministry’s goal under this purpose digress and tend to go to very different way; “Action plan will be prepared until 2010 in order to prevent the pollution caused by drainage water due to the irrigation”.

Apart from these, there is no evaluation related with HPP or Hydraulic Energy under the title of Water Market inside UÇES. In response to the UÇES

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and the developments in Turkey, the EU 2010 Progress Report that was prepared by EU, there are comments such as to summarize all discussed process related with HPP’s until now. First of all, it was stated that investments on renewable energy came to a good point and bring investors from private sector into the field. Secondly, the problems about inefficacy of institutional framework about water management, the distress of not being organized in the level of river basin and not being able to practice the management plans. Lastly, it was reported that there are concerns about construction of the new water and energy infrastructure in the eastern side of the country like potentially negative effects on protected species of flora and fauna and possibility to remove existing protection level of many areas that could contribute Turkish Natura 2000 network which was sent to TBMM (Grand National Assembly of Turkey). Briefly, when the report is examined generally, it can be concluded to “A well progress was achieved in the renewable energy. A limited progress was done in the quality of water.

There is no progress in the protection of nature (URL 7; 8; 9; 19; 11).

5. Conclusion It is a fact that Turkey as a developing country has an increasing energy demand and foreign-energy dependency in these days. In recent years, there is a huge tendency towards hydroelectric energy so that increasing energy demand can be med and foreign-energy dependency would be decreased. Benefiting from hydraulic energy at its utmost efficiency will decrease the foreign-dependency in energy, and also it is important for clean energy resources to be activated. However, with “Electricity Market Law No. 4628” and referring to that law, “License Regulations of Electricity Market” and “Regulations about Procedures and Principles Regarding Entering into Water Use Right Agreement”, HPP practices reached to very different dimensions. This process ended up with many legal entities, which is not an expert of this job, like food firms, medical firms, or even sport clubs, tried to establish HPP.

The most convenient scale for protection, which different sectors and source users are thought to be together, threatens and possibilities are evaluated in long-term, watching the positive and negative effects of the intervention somewhere inside the basin, would be organization of basin based upon hydraulic limitations. First of all, in the fields that HPP projects are planned in, integrated basin plans should be designed and various values and usage components in basins should be determined. It is definite that total environmental effects of the projects is at a scale that will spoil integrity of the ecosystem considering the number of projects to be built, the power of the project and topographic conditions of those projects. That is why, there needs to be an integrated EIA that involves each project on the basis of basin, and integrated water usage regulation plans based upon basins. It is inevitable for HPP’s that were put into operation without making integrated basin planning to cause irreversible environmental disasters like landslides caused by HPP’s in the Eastern Black Sea. Besides, water detection studies of the rivers where HPP projects will be constructed should contain longterm observations and should include public seasonal water consumption amount. Those rates should be compared with the sap amount that was planned to left in project files, and sufficiency should be questioned by including the ecosystem needs. EPDK and DSI General Management should definitely inform the related local institutions and organizations before giving the necessary allowances and should request an opinion from related institutions. Each project in the process of license and EIA should be evaluated in its own effect. There should be an integrated evaluation. Allowance and EIA processes should be performed much more captiously. In those stages, the opinions of the institutions and organizations should not be undertaking but the project should be seriously examined and possibilities should be written accordingly. The responsibility should not be left only to the producer firm in most of the possibilities. After completing projects, a presentation should ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • O. Üçüncü

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be made not only to local people but only to science committee in the city center that project will be constructed and a voting should be performed in an atmosphere of question and answer.

The people that have limited participation to the rural EIA meetings listen to the presenter and cannot ask any question. Because they are not familiar with the topic and there are also some other cultural issues. For example, they could be intimidaded by the power exerted by companies. At least 70% of the people should participate. Public Participation should be postponed in the lower situations than that rate. When the participation reports are examined, it can be understood that participators are mostly from firm, project team, MEU city delegates. Without accepting submittal EIA project by performing two-stage Public Participation Meeting, there should be no construction work in the field by no means.

In the stage of license giving for project and right after starting to the construction, every step should be controlled (video, photograph, document etc.) with great details. There should be established a special inspection team, which is expert in its topic and can be independent/sworn, that opens the room for inspectors to be taken to independent jurisdiction.

The environment law that is defined in constitution can be a beginning of reaching an integral line of environment policy by developing right to live as a purpose with interpretation. However, while this right is being used by society, an administrative organization that will practice the court decisions in order not to damage society’s feelings about security of the legal order is a must. Besides, the environment policy’s, which was developed in the decisiveness of international firms, tendency that approach environment as a tool for one-day and development should be abandoned. Public good and sustainability of the environment should be in the foreground in chosen policies, and first target should be applicability in the decision of economic vehicles and justice.

To conclude, water, first of all, is a matter ethically that has its own intrinsic value (along with the ability

to sustentation, physical and chemical features), in addition to his, it is a source that indispensable for all lives and ecosystems and all society benefits from. For that reason, all attempts aimed at usage of the water should be performed in the framework of public good. Mechanisms that will provide people’s access to the environmental information and being involved in the decision-making process should be established. Not supply but demand should be managed in the plans for using water economical and for handing water down the next generations with quality and sufficient amount. Turkey’s water and environment policy should contain the principle that water does not go to waste; all kind of precaution should be taken to prevent interruption of natural water cycle due to any investment.

Many firms, which formed water usage contract with DSI, take national or international partners, or revolve HPP’s to totally international firms.

This situation may leave Turkey in a difficult position due to the future possible legal problems. This situation will reveal the existed commercial arbitration laws, and international firms getting right of disposition in Turkey’s water resources will bring this topic to international platform.

Rivers cannot be evaluated integrally. The classification of HPP’s are being done like kind of from the smallest to the biggest type (under 100kW power is micro, 101-1000kW power is mini, 1001-10000kW power is middle sized and 10000 kW and more HPP’s are large capacity power plants).

There are HPP’s with various magnitude of power on every river. Whether this much of HPP’s are economical or not is not a thing that is examined deeply. Some of those are done by PTD, Final PTD, Snap EIA Report and Final EIA report, and in each of them, it is obvious that those economic analysis were done due to the obligation. The maximum number of HPP in each river and tributary of that river were made, being made and planned to made in East Black Sea Basin due to its features. Some landslide lakes were taken into evaluation for HPP construction. In Sera Lake, a HPP is oper-

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ating. However, a HPP is being thought in Trabzon-Çaykara Uzungöl.

It may be not right to oppose collecting water (reservoir, barrage lake) type of HPP and the type that works through transportation of water to turbines with the help of open or closed channels or tunnels without collecting any water but bloating and with a structure of deflection. However, it is certain that using natural resources with commercialism will result in negatively. Besides, it should be known that there is a global climate change in the East Black Sea region (Üçüncü & Çanlı, 2015; Çanlı, 2015). This condition is very important from planning to the operation stages. While one tries to develop the economy, he should be aware of the ecological balance that is an inseparable part of him and should also try to protect it. The HPP projects to be held should be done magnificently and should both protect economic and ecological balances, and this attitude should be supported.

Studies should speed up in order to increase the share of TEMSAN, which is making turbine production in domestic manufacturing in HPP sector.

While using the natural resource values riches, the best evaluation methods should be searched, the most suitable tools must be used, the method, essentials and techniques that will give the least damage to the environment should be chosen.

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sel İklim Değişiminin Doğu Karadeniz İllerinde Hissedilmesi Örneği”, İTÜ Atmosfer Bilimleri Sempozyumu, Bildiriler Kitabı II: 771-780, 2015. Çakmak, B., Uçar, Y., & Akuzum, T. (2007). Water resources management, problems and solutions for Turkey. In International congress on river basin management (Vol. 1, pp. 867-880).

Dursun, B., & Gokcol, C. (2011). The role of hydroelectric power and contribution of small hydropower plants for sustainable development in Turkey.

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Dyson, M., Bergkamp, G., Scanlon, J. (2003). IUCN-Waterand Nature Initiative; The Essentials of Flow Report; “http://data.iucn.org/dbtw-wpd/edocs/2003-021.pdf ” (Data Accessed: August 01, 2015).

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Water loss through evaporation from water surfaces of lakes and reservoirs in Turkey. Official Publication of the European Water Association, EWA. EROĞLU V., (2007). Water Resources Management In Turkey, International Congress On River Basin Management, 321-332.

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Kaygusuz, K., & Sarı, A. (2003). Renewable energy potential and utilization in Turkey. Energy conversion and management, 44(3), 459-478.

Kaya, D., (2006), Türkiye’de Yenilenebilir Enerji Kaynaklarının Potansiyeli ve Çevresel Etkilerinin Karşılaştırılması, TÜBİTAK Marmara Araştırma Merkezi s.11,25.

Stummer, M. (2014). U.S. Patent No. 8,857,166. Washington, DC: U.S. Patent and Trademark Office.

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URL 1. General Directorate of State Hydraulic Works (DSI), Hydroelectric Energy Report, “http://www.dsi.gov. tr/hizmet/enerji.htm” (Data Accessed: August 18, 2010) URL2. https://www.google.com.tr/ search?newwindow=1&biw=1536&bih=703&tbm=isch&sa=1&q=dsi+turkiye+hes+haritasi&oq=dsi+turkiye+hes+haritasi&gs_l=mg.3...109697.

110958.0.111365.4.4.0.0.0.0.338.862.2 (Data Accessed 12.10.2015) URL 3. The 9th Progress Plan(20072013); “http://ekutup.dpt.gov.tr/ plan/plan9.pdf ” (Data Accessed: July 18,2015) URL 4. AKP Manifesto, “http:// w w w. a k p a r t i . o r g . t r / p a r t i - p r o grami_79.html” (Data Accessed: August 18, 2015) URL 5. Sixtieth Government Program Action Plan (January 10, 2008), “http://ekutup.dpt.gov.tr/plan/ep2008. pdf ” (Data Accessed: August 15, 2015) URL 6. http://www.dogaka.gov. tr/Icerik/Dosya/www.dogaka.gov. tr_442_CU5U25VC_Ener ji-S ek-

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URL 10. EU 2010 Progress Report, Turkish Translate, p.90 (Data Accessed: September 07, 2015) URL11.“http://www.abgs.gov.tr/ files/AB_Iliskileri/AdaylikSureci/IlerlemeRaporlari/turkiye_ilerleme_rap _2010.pdf ” (Data Accessed: August 25, 2015).

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University rankings on architecture and built environment: The case of Turkey

Orhan HACIHASANOĞLU orhan.hacihasanoglu@ozyegin.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Ozyegin University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.62681

Received: October 2017 • Final Acceptance: May 2018

Abstract Stakeholders of universities like students, faculty, administratives, prospective students and their parents; always looking at rankings of the universities to benchmark the different factors. Faculty, administrative staff and the existing students use rankings to search the quality and the status of the university and the programme, on the other hand prospective students and their parents trying to find out the best university and programme to suit their expects. This paper aim to explain the programme rankings in architecture and also architecture and built environment subjects in the case of Turkey. Istanbul Technical University and Middle East Technical University Architecture Programmes were in the first 100-150 ranks in QS Architecture and Built Environment ranking and also in the first 100 in URAP Architecture ranking in 2017 reports. The paper try to make comparision to the other architecture programmes with these two cases form Turkey on different parameters like age, academic reputation, research, number of students, country, city. The study also aims to consider a projection for the following years in Architecture programme rankings. The prospective schools of architecture which considered as new candidates for the following years also evaluated in this paper. The methodology of the paper is based on the bencharking by using different parameters. The main idea of the paper in conclusion show that these two cases from Turkey had a success story in architecture and built environment programme ranking in these two university ranking systems.

Keywords University, Ranking, Architecture, Built environment.

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1. Introduction Although there are many issues to be discussed with respect to university rankings in terms of their positive and negative aspects, they are assessments that are used by various stakeholders for different purposes. Systems that monitor universities according to various parameters and make and sort them according to these parameters, and which enable them to make comparisons according to years or criteria, have been continued for a decade. The institutions that make university rankings are evaluating universities around the world, which are about ten years old. The evaluations of the field subject ranking are made by differentiating the weights of the general criteria according to the fields or adding new criteria. Providing transparency about the quality of our universities is an admirable goal. Increasingly, students in our more commercial and international higher education environment are demanding qualitative and quantitative information that can help them make more informed choices, and most would agree that students should be able to access this kind of information (Thompson-Whiteside, S., 2016).

The quality in higher education is in close relation with accreditation. An institution which provides architectural or engineering education is considered to be accredited when evaluated against certain quality studies.

Accreditation had been generated for the first time in Illinois within the context of institutionalization of professional practice. Accreditation is a voluntary, generally non-governmental process of peer review. It requires an educational institution or program to meet certain, defined standards or criteria. Accreditation is sometimes confused with certification. In general, Institutions and programs are accredited, and individuals are certified (Hacihasanoglu and Hacihasanoglu, 2004).

On the other hand as Blanco-Ramírez and Berger, (2014) stated like many other phenomena in our increasingly global world, quality practices in higher education have become increasingly internationalized. Accreditation and quality assurances are very effective factors in assessments of universities

and especially rankings for the subject field areas.

While world-class universities, global rankings, and transnational accreditation have become hot topics within different fields, the potential of researching these topics is significantly limited by the lack of theorizing about what quality means and how it relates to other essential values. Quality must be at the center of the research agenda in international higher education and the first step in that agenda must include revisiting our notions of quality (Blanco-Ramírez and Berger, 2014).

More universities around the World are actively concerned with competing to improve their institutional position on international ranking scales (Zilwa, 2010). University rankings in national level realized for decades. However global university rankings first appeared only in 2003, when a team of researchers at the Shanghai Jiaotong University (China) produced the Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU) to ‘benchmark’ Chinese universities with top universities in the world (Wachter et. Al.: 2015). The Shanghai ranking used a very simple methodology in the beginning. The data for ranking used directly obtained from available public information sources. The ranking called “worldclass universities” evaluated by ARWU, focusing primarily on research outputs and awards. This methodology caused new debates worldwide and attracted a number of followers who pledged to produce global rankings that would better measure and represent the ‘real quality’ of universities (Wachter et. al.: 2015). Among these are Times Higher Education–QS World University Rankings (THE- QS), published in 2004, which was split into Times Higher Education World University Rankings (THE) and QS World University Rankings (QS) in 2010, and U-Multirank, a multi-dimensional university mapping and ranking project funded by the European Union since 2009 (Wachter et. Al.: 2015). The other international university ranking system which is titled as URAP which was organized by Middle East Technical University prepare both general university ranking and subject based rankings of universi-

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Table 1. Ranking Systems - adapted from (Wachter et. Al.: 2015).

ties. The other ranking system “CWTS (Center for Science and Technology Studies-Leiden University) Leiden Ranking” which also had both general and field based rankings of the universities. This article mainly focused on three rankings which had architecture field ranking to find the best relations in between the schools of architecture in different countries.

2. University rankings There are many critiques on global university ranking systems. One of the major criticisms of global university rankings is that they primarily focus on research. Ranking systems use different data sources for research findings. ARWU, THE, Center for World University Rankings (CWUR), CWTS Center for Science and Technology Studies/Leiden, U- Multirank and URAP use the research database of Thomson Reuters’ Web of Science and Thomson Reuters Incite. THE have further adopted Thomson Reuters Reputation Survey in its ranking methodology (Wachter et. Al.: 2015). QS derived research data from SCOPUS, a product of Elsevier, a Dutch-based research items and publication index. Research indicators often dominate in rankings, simply because precise measurements of teaching and learning quality are quite difficult. Broadly speaking, there are three different ways to measure teaching and learning quality: by gauging the caliber of prospective students, or the amount of value added by the learning received, or the success graduates have obtaining employment and impacting society (Thompson-Whiteside, S.,2016). These three different types of learning and teaching quality evaluation are included university

ranking systems with annual academic reputation survey on teaching and learning or global survey of academic experts. Hazelkorn (2015) identifies eight academic indicators often considered by ranking systems: beginning characteristics, learning outputs, faculty, learning environment, final outcomes, resources, research, and reputation. Some of these parameters like faculty, research, reputation had been extremely affective on ranking systems.

This article selected three ranking systems which have subject field rankings of universities on architecture.

These systems are THE, QS and URAP. As seen in Table 1. THE and URAP use bibliometric database of Web of Science, on the other hand QS use SCOPUS. THE and QS organize surveys for academic reputation and also QS organize employer’ s survey.

Studies of the impacts of rankings on student recruitment and admission are mostly related to national rankings (Wachter et. Al.: 2015). However today general international rankings of universities and subject field rankings getting more importance as stated by different authors (Wachter et. Al.: 2015), (Zilwa, 2010). Media coverage of the rankings heightens public interest in the performance and quality of universities, although critics found that rankings have created more public confusion than reflecting the real quality difference because of the simplistic picture they present and the arbitrary definition of quality. The research question of this study is based on the question of “why universities give references of quality of their education in general and also in different subject areas?” The second question of the articles is “how the Turkish case in the field of architecture exist in 2017?” The article tries to answer these two main questions by using the data drive form databases of tree selected university ranking systems.

3. Methodology of university rankings Times Higher Education (THE)’s ranking on architecture; QS (Quacquarelli Symonds)’s subject area ranking on architecture and the built environment and URAP’s ranking on

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architecture cover assessments and rankings both in general and also in the fields defined in international level.

The main theme of this article is based on the inclusion of two Turkish universities in the QS architecture and built environment and URAP architecture rankings in 2017 for the first time then ever in the history of Turkish architectural education. The objectives of the article to get the potentials of this ranking results in the near future of Turkish architectural education and profession.

Thefore benchmarking is happlied to all assessments of three different ranking systems with all parameters.

Times Higher Education THE started to make universal rankings for universities in different areas, while also ranking them in general. Among the ranking according to subject, the field of architecture is defined under the classification of Arts and Humanities.

In the evaluation of THE, 13 different criteria are listed under 5 main headings and different weights are given in different areas. Criteria defined as: 1. Teaching (learning environment) %30 a. Reputation Survey (%15) b. Staff - to - student ratio (%4.5) c. Doctorate–to–bachelor’s ratio (%2.25) d. Doctorate – awarded – to – academic –staff ratio (%6) e. Institutional income (%2.25) 2. Research (volume, income, reputation) %30 a. Reputation survey (%18) b. Research income (%6) c. Research productivity (%6) 3. Citations (Research influence) %30 4. International outlook (Staff, students, research) %7,5 a. International – to – domestic – student ratio (%2.5) b. International–to domestic–staff ratio (%2.5) c. International collaboration (%2.5) 5. Industry income (knowledge transfer) %2.5 QS university rankings use some parameters as similar to other university rankings.

QS like THE also make ranking for universities according to the subject fields. QS prepare ranking of the uni-

versities for “Architecture and Built Environment” filed subject, “Art and Design” field subject.

The following parameters are used in general ranking and also in architecture and built environment field by QS ranking system: • Academic Impact: A survey of 74,651 academics worldwide had been asked to write at least 10 universities from her/his country and at least 30 internationally recognized universities in 2017. The academics who did survey do not permit to suggest their own universities in their answers. The weight of academic effectiveness is taken as 70% for architecture and the built environment field, • Employer impact survey: This survey is based on the results obtained with a surveillance such as academic impact. In 2017, 40,643 employers were asked to submit the questionnaire according to evaluation of the graduates of 10 national and 30 international universities. The weight of employer impact survey for architecture and built environment is taken as 10%.

• Number of articles / number of citations: The number of articles published in the past five years is indicated in the journals indexed in SCOPUS for each field, because the number of articles and the number of citations received vary according to the fields. This number is 30 articles for the field of architecture and environment. Universities that have surpassed this number are assessed in this area. For architecture and built environment the weight is taken as 10%.

• H-index of citations: H index has been started to be used since 2013.

H index has been developed to measure the productivity of scholars and the scientific effect of scholarship. H index covers the number of articles indexed in WoS or SCOPUS is evaluated together with the number of citations received by these articles (for example, H-index equals to 1 if a cited article is cited once, 2 if thereare two articles and each cited article has two cited references). The weight is taken as 10%

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for the field of architecture and built environment.

The academic effect and the employer effect are the parameters used in art and design ranking which is also included as a ranking field in QS. Art and Design ranking system based on academic impact (90%) and employer impact (10%). Art and design ranking very strongly in relation with being a member of international collaboration networks, reputation and strong historical backgrounds, having wellknown graduates and academic staff that the schools have. There isn’t any university from Turkey in the first 200 in art and design field ranking made in 2017. It is more likely that the art and design programs of universities that try to enter international networks and try to be affective in international organizations are likely to enter this ranking in the near future.

URAP is a non-profit institution that makes general and field-specific university rankings by URAP Research Laboratories established by academics and researchers in Middle East Technical University. The number of articles per academic member, the number of citations, the number of citations per academic member, the total number of scientific documents, the total number of scientific documents per academic member, the number of doctoral graduates per academic year, the number of doctoral students, the number of students per faculty member are the criteria used in the URAP ranking. URAP university ranking system also has field specific ranking. Architecture is one the field specific ranking area.

ITU has become world’s 97th and Middle East Technical University has become the world’s 100th in architecture ranking of URAP. ITU and METU Architecture Schools achieving the best places in all fields when we consider World University rankings, (URAP 2016-2017 Alan Sıralaması Basın Bildirisi-15 Mayıs 2017). METU and ITU also existed in URAP architecture ranking list in 2016 78th and 79th respectively. These two cases of QS and URAP are the main subjects of this article.

3.Case of Turkey: Success of Istanbul

Technical University (ITU) and Middle East Technical University (METU) Architetural education in Turkey had more then hunderd years history and had many important successes in the past with faculty members, graduates, sicientific and technological organizations. International accreditation of architectural schools is among these successes. When we look at Table 2, we can see that two architectural programs from UK, eight programs from USA in the first ten place as a result of evaluations made with the above parameters.

Non of the architectural programs of Turkish universities existed in THE architecture field specific ranking. When examining the evaluation criteria of THE, it is a point that some state and foundation universities of Turkey will take place in this ranking in the following years. It is expected that architectural programs likely to be included in the rankings are universities that give importance to research, pay attention to the high level of international student and faculty members, and attach importance to doctoral programs and teaching members. ITU and METU existed in the first 100-150 built environment and architecture areas of QS ranking and in the first 100 in architecture area ranking of URAP for the first time in 2017. Other universities are expected to be ranked in the following years besides these two universities, such as İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University and Gazi University which already rank in other related areas like engineering and humanities in THE, QS and URAP ranking systems.

University College London (UK) and University of California Berkeley (USA) existed in the all 3 ranking system when we look at Table 2. MIT, University of Cambridge, ETH Zurich ranked in two ranking systems. When all the rankings of the three ranking institutions (THE; 100, QS; 200, URAP; 105) are examined, the number of schools entering the US ranking is much more than the universities from others. It should be seen as a great success that the two universities of Turkey take place among the first 100-150 and the first 100 among the leading education institutions in the field of architec-

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ture. This situation is very important both in terms of the future of the architectural departments demanded by a large number of people on the one hand in Turkey and on the future of the Turkish architectural environment.

QS ranking of architecture and built environment had been evaluated with a parameter of number of universities from different countries in Figure1.

USA had 41 schools of architecture as the leading country. The following 3 countries are UK with 22 shools, China with 16 schools and Australia with 14 schools. The third group consist of 8 countries those are South Corea (9 schools) Italy, Germany and Japan (8 schools), Canada (7 schools), The Netherlands and Malaysia (6 schools), Sweden (5 schools). The countries like Brasil and Spain (4 schools), New Zeland, Protugal, Taiwan, Denmark (3 schools) are in the following group.

South Africa, Swisszerland, Chile, Thailand and Turkey had two schools in architecture and built environment ranking. The last group which had only one school of architecture in this ranking consist of Argentina, Austria, Czech Republic, Egypt, Finland, France, Greece, India, Iran, Ireland, Israel, Lithuania, Mexico, Norway, Saudi Arabia and Singapore.

The second evaluation depends on the cities of architectural schools which have campuses in the same cities. This evaluation was selected since the challenge in between the schools in the same city will cause better quality at the end. When we look at Figure 2.

Titled as Cities which have schools of architecture in QS Architecture and Built Environment ranking; We saw that some cities like New York and Boston in United States of America and some cities like Seoul (8 schools), Shanghai, Hong Kong, Sydney and Melbourne had more than one school of architecture in the ranking.

We can add London, Lisbon, Newcastle from Europe to these cities. In case of Turkey two universities are settled in two major and big cities of Turkey; Istanbul and Ankara. These two schools of architecture are listed in the top four places in the age list of Turkish architecture schools just like the others which ranks in these different ranking

Table 2. Top ten universities in THE, QS and URAP ranking systems in the field of acrhitecture and the universities that rank from Turkey.

Figure 1. Countries in QS architecture and built environment ranking 2017.

systems in especially USA and UK. To make a comparision two architectural schools from Turkey ITU and METU with the other universities

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Figure 2. Cities which have schools of architecture in QS architecture and built environment ranking.

Figure 3. Countries which ranks in between 101-150 in architecture and built environment.

Figure 4. Academic reputation of the universities rank in between 101-150 in architecture and built environment of QS.

which share 101-150 ranks in QS ranking evaluated with parameters of following items: Number of universities in different countries; academic impact of universities in the same ranks, employer affect survey, number of artciles/Number of citations, H-Index citations.

In the first evaluation for QS architecture and built environment field ranking is number of universities in the same country. This evaluation shows us that 5 universities from USA, 4 universities from UK and Japan, 3 universities from Italy and China and finaly 2 universities from Turkey, Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, Colombia, Canada, Brasil, Belgium existed in this ranking level. The second evaluation for academic impact of the same ranking scale universities seen in Figure 4. When we look at academic reputation or impact of the universities in between 101-150 ranks at QS we find the lowest academic impact as 50,2 over 100 and maximum academic impact in this ranks as 67,8 over 100. ITUâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s academic reputation existed as 56,7 / 100 and METUâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; s acedemic reputation existed as 54,2 / 100. These academic reputation may be considered to take place in the mid-low part of 101-150 ranking universities.

The second parameter is employer reputation in QS ranking system to evaluate with benchmarking ITU and METU with the other universities.

Figure 5. shows us the results of employer effect survey for the universities in the same ranking scale.

Employer reputation covers the evaluation of the employers about graduates of different universities. Employers permit to select 10 national and 30 international schools according to their satisfaction on these univerities architecture graduates. The lowest score in the ranking between 101-150 of architecture and built environment ranking of QS is 36,1 over 100 and the highest score is 86,9 as shown in the Figure 5. ITU got 60,5 and METU got 59,5 wihch are evaluated as mid scores all together.

Following assesment covers number of articles and number of citations for the same ranking in QS. This assesment can be seen in the following

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Figure 6.

The following assessment is related with citations per paper which were published in the journals indexed in SCOPUS. When you look at the below Figure 6. The lowest score is 46,3 and the highest score is 95,9 in this evaluation. METU got 84,9 and ITU got 73,6 in this evaluation which can be place in mid – upper classification for citation per paper.

H-Index assesment of the universities which rank in between 101-150 in QS’ s architecture and built environment field is explained in the following Figure 7.

METU’ s score is 73,3 and ITU’ s score is 66,7 when we considered the H-Index assessment of QS architecture and built environment ranking.

The lowest score in this ranking existed as 42,9 and the highest value for H-Index existed as 92,8. ITU’ s score is approximately equals to mid value, METU’ s score for H-Index little bit higher than ITU. 5. Conclusion When a general assessment is made, the results of academic reputation studies that have entered university rankings since the second half of the twentieth century affect the order as well as other rationally measured parameters (Davis, 2016). As researchers in architecture schools determine the best architecture schools, they start with the history of the school as it is in other university rankings. Then comes the standard of high-level student admission.

In the third place, there is a recognition level of the school, which is identified with the name and has a high cost. The curriculum, the number and quality of academic staff, the physical possibilities and research outputs are determined as important criteria. Networking, finding an internship location and finding job opportunities are the secondary ranking criteria of the learning program.

Another criterion group is the integration of new disciplines such as sustainability, automation, and numerical design into the program. The fact that schools are well-known graduates is another important criterion in the preferences of the students and therefore in the order. Student satisfaction is im-

Figure 5. Employer survey results of the universities rank in between 101-150 in architecture and built environment of QS.

Figure 6. Results on number of articles and number of citations of the universities rank in between 101-150 in architecture and built environment of QSS.

Figure 7. Results on H-Index assesments of the universities rank in between 101-150 in architecture and built environment of QS.

portant in terms of student stakeholders among the criteria. When the results of student satisfaction studies conducted in recent years are examined, it is seen that the same universities have been replaced and placed in the top 10. In 2017, Özyeğin University, İYTE, Sabancı University, Koç University and İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University were ranked (URL TÜMA 2017).

Although Turkish architecture edu-

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cation has received negative criticisms in various environments, the fact that two Turkish universities among these top universities are included in the first 100-150 in the order of architectural and built environment, the number of publications and citations of other universities which want to join this order, by registering their qualifications with accreditation and striving to improve their international reputation, will increase the reputation of Turkish architecture in general terms.

References Blanco-Ramírez G., Berger, J. B., (2014) Rankings, accreditation, and the international quest for quality: Organizing an approach to value in higher education; Quality Assurance in Education, 2014, Vol. 22 No. 1, pp.

88-104 Buela-Casal, G., Gutiérrez-Martínez, O., Bermúdez-Sánchez, M.P., Vadillo-Muñoz, O., (2007), Comparative study of international academic rankings of universities, Scientometrics pp.1-17 Davis, M., (2016) Can College Rankings be Believed?, She Ji: The Journal of Design, Economis and Innovation, Vol. 2, No 3, pp 215-230 Hacıhasanoğlu, I., O. Hacıhasanoğlu (2004), Accreditation and Assessment Studies of Architectural and Engineering Education in Turkey, International Conference on Engineering Education and Research “Progress Through Partnership” 2004 VŠB-TUO, Ostrava Hacıhasanoğlu, O, (2017), Mimarlık Alanı için Üniversite Sıralamaları; İTÜ ve ODTÜ’nün Başarıları, Arkitera, 12 Temmuz 2017, http://www.

arkitera.com/gorus/1058/mimarlik-alani-icin-universite-siralamalari--itu-ve-odtu-nun-basarilari Hazelkorn, E., (2015), Rankings and the Reshaping of Higher Education: The Battle for World – Class Excellence, 2nd. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015 pp.

QS World University Ranking Architecture and Built Environment, https://www.topuniversities.com/ university-rankings-articles/university-subject-rankings/top-architecture-schools-2017 Thompson-Whiteside, S., (2016) Zen and the Art of University Rankings in Art and Design; she ji The Journal of Design, Economics, and Innovation, Volume 2, Number 3, Autumn 2016 pp. 243-255, URAP Dünya Alan Sıralaması Raporu (2017) t r. u r ap c e nt e r. or g / 2 0 1 6 / URAP_2016-2017_DUNYA_ALAN_ SIRALAMASI_RAPORU_16_MAYIS_2017.pdf URL TÜMA 2017 https://docs. wixstatic.com/ugd/779fe1_df4bc17412614459a0bc18222ca7e433.pdf URL URAP: http://urapcenter. org/2016/Architecture.php Wachter B., M. Kelo, Q. K.H. Lam, P. Effertz, C. Jost, S. Kottowski, (2015), University Quality Indicators: A Critical Assessment; Directorate-General for Internal Policies Policy Department and Cohesion Policies European Parliament Report Zilwa de Deanna (2010) Academic Units in a Complex Changing World: Adaptation and Resistance, Springer: Dordrecht, Heildelberg, london, New York.

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Urban transformation through property-led regeneration: A case of building renewals in Istanbul

Elif KISAR KORAMAZ1, Turgay Kerem KORAMAZ2, Özlem ÖZER3 1 ekkoramaz@ticaret.edu.tr • Department of Interior Architecture and Environmental Design, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Istanbul Commerce University, Istanbul, Turkey 2 koramaz@itu.edu.tr • Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey 3 oslemoser@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering and Architecture, Okan University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.95815

Received: June 2016 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract Urban transformation is a prominent topic within Istanbul’s urban planning agenda. Transformation process of the city falls under the scope of academicians and the related authorities; and is a focus of debate from different perspectives in daily life. In this atmosphere, centralised policies promote construction facilities as the leading economic sector, and the legislation sets the legal framework facilitating transformation processes. This transformation in Istanbul occurs in two forms; as area-based regeneration projects and single building renewal processes. Area-based regeneration projects have long been examined due to their widespread effects, however single building renewal also leads to transformation over the long term. The motivation behind this paper is to examine the single building renewal process by means of a case study – Bakirkoy, which is one of the sub-centres of Istanbul. In this context, the paper aims to construct an analytical evaluation of the regeneration process in Bakirkoy and tries to evaluate the process linking it with critiques of property-led regeneration debates worldwide. This paper covers a periodical evaluation of this process by attempting to understand the urban transformation pattern by means of a descriptive spatial analysis, and a discussion of recent policies in Bakirkoy case.

Keywords Urban transformation, Housing regeneration, Building renewal, Urban planning, Istanbul.

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1. Introduction Urban transformation in Istanbul, which has significant social, economic, political and ecological dimensions, has recently been a focus of debate within the local urban agenda and a prominent topic in academic studies in Turkey (Kuyucu & Unsal, 2010; Lovering & Turkmen 2011; Dincer, 2011; Balaban, 2012; Angell, 2014).

Throughout its recent history, the transformation of Istanbul has taken place within neoliberal policies and has parallel characteristics with other global experiences elsewhere. However lately, the transformation through the urban regeneration process in Istanbul has set a significant example among World cities in terms of the legislative and procedural framework of the urban regeneration implementation.

Urban regeneration is currently a controversial issue in Turkey. Especially after Kocaeli and Duzce earthquakes in 1999, urban planning and renewal agenda in Turkey has been focusing on physical and structural upgrading and consolidation based intervention types more than ever before. Consequently legislative and procedural changes emerged in the national planning system. However, these legal regulations also operate beyond the particular purpose of mitigating the risks from earthquakes, but also are used for redevelopment and regeneration of buildings and areas. In most cases, urban renewal implementations, especially in Istanbul, which are legitimized with the earthquake risk, have been accomplished in order to respond social and economic decay in deprived and deteriorated housing estates, as well (Koramaz, 2018).

Following Van earthquake in 2011, Law on Transformation of Areas under Disaster Risk” (no: 6306) was approved in 2012, and it is one of the most peculiar legislative regulations of all. This law establishes a dualistic legal basis that operates both through single building renewal implementations and area-based regeneration projects.

However this law is also criticized for using the earthquake risk just for legitimizing the implementations, while the most prominent scope of both of these implementations is mostly structural

upgrading and an increase in the economic values. Most of the problematic regeneration cases in Istanbul so far indicate that both area-based regeneration implementations and building renewals have various triggering factors, mainly in the economic and social dimensions, rather than only the risks associated with earthquakes.

Both the urban renewal implementations and area-based regeneration processes have significant effects on the physical environmental quality, social fabric and economic property values of residential areas in which they have been applied. For this reason, analytical considerations before, during and after regeneration processes are necessary. However, as the implementation of single building renewal is subject to rapid changes and uncertainties, and especially influenced by populist political propaganda to be transformed into large-scale programs, a sound basis for analytical considerations that would guide both regeneration practices in Turkey is not usually provided.

The motivation of this paper is to highlight the process of urban transformation of residential areas of Bakirkoy, a sub-central district in Istanbul, by focusing on single building renewal implementations in particular and further trends on area-based regeneration. To this aim, the paper firstly explains the urban renewal agenda of Istanbul in terms of the legislative and procedural framework. The paper also demonstrates an evaluation of the these practices in the case area – the Bakirkoy district, which is one of the oldest housing neighbourhoods in Istanbul to have a formal planning background, thereby making it different from the large number of settlements having a formation of squatter development. As one of the relatively well-organised and advantageous residential areas in terms of public services and infrastructure in Istanbul, Bakirkoy has been going through a spatial transformation process, which has been mainly conducted through single building-renewal implementations, which are in most cases organised by the deal between property owners and contractors. The paper covers a periodical evaluation of the process in the

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Bakirkoy case area; first by offering an understanding of the pattern of single building renewal implementations by means of descriptive spatial analysis, followed by a discussion of recent policies regarding urban regeneration in Bakirkoy through participatory observations and the analysis of the discourse.

2. Regeneration agenda of Turkey and Istanbul - legislative and procedural framework and their effects Neoliberal policies consider urban land as a source of capital through which economic benefit can be maximized and distributed. Within this approach, structural and legal regulations considering urban land are taken as useful tools, as they enable the processes of reshaping the city and redistributing the sources through urban development policies and planning regulations.

The neoliberal development approach regarding urban issues has always been the main determinant for urban planning policies in Turkey, and it has been closely linked with stateled populistic politics and economic restructuring policies. However, and particularly since 2000, neoliberal policies have also become the major determinant for urban development and regeneration policies in Turkey and in Istanbul especially.

Due to the effect of centralized power in Turkey, severe legal and institutional restructuring regulations regarding the urban planning and development issues have been adopted.

This has resulted in a radical spatial transformation of urban land in terms of both social and economic factors (Kayasü and Yetişkul, 2014). A major outcome of the institutional restructuring is the centralization of power concerning urban planning and development through the constitution of new institutions under central government bodies and the transference of urban planning and development authorities to these new institutions. Herewith, currently the Ministry of the Environment and the Urbanization and Housing Development Association (TOKİ) have received substantial powers over

regeneration projects.

Particularly in the Istanbul case, the expedited urban development occurs in two major forms; on one hand high scale infrastructure projects with sizable investment costs are carried out on the outskirts of the city; on the other hand, the city centre is undergoing a redevelopment and regeneration process through refunctioning and renewal projects.

The city centre is facing a transformation through urban projects that aim to redevelop the existing land and buildings. These redevelopment projects result in a rise in property and land values, a change in the functional characteristics and user profile in the area, and a radical increase in urbanized land and construction density.

From high scale infrastructure projects to building renewals, all of these projects reshape the city while also acting as a tool for redistributing urban resources, property and rent values.

The economic outcome of these urban projects is inevitably accompanied with severe negative impacts on the ecological, functional and social dimensions of the urban system (Lovering and Turkmen 2011; Kayasü and Yetişkul, 2014; Özkan Eren and Özçevik, 2015). In addition, as the construction sector comes into prominence within this transformation process, development and redevelopment projects at all scales are encouraged as a state policy due to the construction facilities’ positive effects on the national economic indicators and unemployment rates (Balaban, 2012).

Moreover, since the approval of the Law on Transformation of Areas under Disaster Risk (Law No. 6306) came into force in 2012, there has been a new period for the transformation of the city centre, characterized by the rapid and radical spatial, functional, economic and social transformation of urban areas. The Law departures from the earthquake risk and it aims the renewal of housing stock in danger of an earthquake risk. The Law enables the renewal of existing housing stock, either through single building renewals and area-based regeneration projects.

Within Law no:6306, areas which are subject to earthquake risk due to

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building quality and / or the geological characteristics of the location are designated as Risky Areas by the Council of Ministers, upon the request of the Ministry of the Environment and Urbanism and / or the responsible local government. After the assignment of Risky Area status, an area-based regeneration process is implemented. In this process, the central or local government’s related bodies are authorized to prepare a regeneration plan in which alternative options considering payment conditions and architectural features are proposed to property owners. However, so far the implementations of these regeneration practices carried out within the Law have mostly showed that the proposed alternatives reflect especially the economic aspect of regeneration in the worldwide literature, rather than establishing a program to secure the property and housing rights of the owners.

In other words, this approach inevitably results in uncertainty according to the dynamics of the free market. This approach, in which economic priorities play a major role while social aspects are ignored, area-based renewal and regeneration projects have been criticized for avoiding public participation during project proposals and implementations, for forcing evictions, and for bringing changes in the functional characteristics and social profile of the project sites (Kayasü and Yetişkul, 2014; Özkan Eren and Özçevik, 2015).

Another status defined within Law no: 6306 is the Risky Building status.

This refers to buildings designated as being in danger of severe damage or at risk of collapse during an earthquake due to low building construction quality. Risky building status is designated through a technical analysis of the building’s construction quality, upon the request of property owners, and the status is then assigned by the local or central governments’ related bodies.

Risky building status requires the renewal of a building at the property scale and on its own plot. According to the Law, after the designation of a building as risky, it should be demolished within two months, followed by a re-construction period. During the process, property owners choose the contractor and negotiate the architectural plans and

payment conditions. The Law provides tax incentives and rent allowances for the property owners during the demolition and the reconstruction process.

For the risky building procedure, the role of the local administration is to direct the housing renewal process, to give construction and utilization permits and to assure legality. At the end of the renewal, building quality is enhanced and correspondingly the property and rent values increase. However, it has been observed that these singular renewals trigger the renewal of other buildings in their vicinity, and inevitably, this produces an effect on the physical character of the residential areas.

Consequently, Law No: 6306 has empowered the central government’s authority over the regeneration of the urbanized areas, accelerated the construction activities on different scales, both through area-based regeneration and building renewals. The main criticism of the Law states that it departs from the earthquake risk discourse and operates more in accordance with an ambition for market-oriented real-estate development through regeneration with local and central governments acting as facilitators of the process. Finally, it has been emphasized that so far the Law has been a tool for economic prospects, but has also created new social and economic risks (Kayasü and Yetişkül, 2014; Özkan Eren and Özçevik, 2015). It is obvious that the risks originating from the operation of the Law differ depending on the scale of the regeneration projects and renewals and how they are implemented.

3.Background of urban characteristics in Bakirkoy Bakirkoy is one of the oldest neighbourhoods of Istanbul, and it has always been significant within the urban context. As one of the oldest periphery towns of Ottoman Istanbul, it was originally called Makri Koy which means Distant Town in Greek. The railway built in 1871 enhanced the town’s spatial and functional connection to central Istanbul and contributed to its growth in terms of population and economic activity (Encyclopaedia of İstanbul, 1993).

A brief consideration of Bakirkoy’s development history and the charac-

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Figure 1. Sub-regions within Bakirkoy district borders.

teristics of its neighbourhoods reveals that within the borders of Bakirkoy, there is more than one unique settlement in terms of housing fabric and development history (Figure 1). Bakirkoy’s first urbanization process took place during the 1940s, and was not much different from urbanization of the other old towns in the city. During this period, the single-detached houses and mansions were demolished and 4-5 storey apartments were built instead. This process came about through the entrepreneurship of the property owners and resulted in a significant transformation in terms of the physical urban and social fabric. The other old towns underwent through a similar process at around the same time, and there was an overall transformation of the city. As the population density increased during further development / transformation processes, the functional transformation of the area was highlighted by Istanbul Street, which runs east to west, and Incirli and Istasyon streets, which run north to south, and which are dominated by commerce and services (Encyclopedia of Istanbul, 1993). The historical core of Bakirkoy has mixed-use urban characteristics with formerly developed high density housing settlements and a commercial centre which is a second-degree central area of Istanbul. The case area of this study is the central neighbourhoods of Bakirkoy as these typify the planned settlements in Istanbul’s recent history of urbanization and its high potential for physical transformation.

Atakoy mass housing area is one of the oldest housing areas of Bakirkoy.

The first stage of the project was completed in 1955 and it is one of the oldest

mass housing projects in Republican Turkey. The later stages of Atakoy were built in the 1990’s and the last stage was built after 2005. Yesilkoy, Yesilyurt and Florya are the other housing areas in Bakirkoy, and these are mainly characterized by their peripheral location to the Marmara sea coast and a housing fabric comprised of 4-5 storey detached apartments with their own gardens (Encyclopedia of Istanbul, 1993) (Figure 1).

Quality of urban life studies, which comprise the domains of accessibility, social and cultural infrastructure and housing quality indicate that Bakirkoy has a higher quality of life compared to other districts in Istanbul. With respect to this, the presence of urban green areas in the Atakoy neighbourhoods greatly contribute to the quality of life in these settlements (Kısar Koramaz and Türkoğlu, 2014), while the central neighbourhoods of Bakirkoy stand out due to their socio-cultural infrastructure (Kısar Koramaz and Koramaz, 2017). Generally, the residents of Bakirkoy have middle and upper-middle income and education levels and Central Bakirkoy has mostly middle class residents in terms of education, income and socio-cultural characteristics. In addition, older age groups and retirees are more common in the central neighbourhoods (Kısar Koramaz, 2014).

As we can define sub-regions within the borders of Bakirkoy in terms of their urban development background, residential characteristics and geographical location, the research area in this study is limited to the central neighbourhoods of Bakirkoy (Figure 1). The reasons for focusing on the central neighbourhoods are as follows: • Integrity in terms of geographical location, • Similarities in terms of development process, housing fabric and socio-economic / cultural structure of residents, • A widely accepted and frequently emphasized need for the renewal of buildings; associated with earthquake risk or with the age of buildings, • Recent observations indicating the rapid regeneration at property level.

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The research area is comprised of 7 neighbourhoods and is 323 ha in total. According to the Turkish Statistical Institute 2013 population census it has 111,117 inhabitants, and the gross population density is 344 persons/ ha. To the south, one of the important highways of the city and Marmara Sea constitutes the border of the study area, while to the north, it is bordered by the E-5 Highway which is another important transportation line of the city. To the west of the study area is a public hospital and the Atakoy neighbourhood, while to the east there is the Veliefendi Racetrack and the Zeytinburnu district, which is one of the oldest unplanned residential areas of Istanbul.

4. From building renewals to areabased regeneration processes in Bakirkoy In this study, the regeneration process of the case area, which occurred between 2012 and 2015 is examined in terms of building renewals and new housing projects as well as related actors’ perceptions of regeneration and their expectations. The process examined in this study starts in 2012, when Law no: 6306 came into force. The systematic analysis of the process is conducted in two stages, each revealing different problems of the process associated with different aspects of regeneration, such as physical – structural characteristics of the single building renewal implementations and attitudes regarding an area-based regeneration for the future.

4.1. Physical – structural characteristics of the building renewal process This examination of the physical – structural characteristics of the building renewal process in Bakirkoy for the period between 2012 January and 2014 June starts with the implementation of Law no:6306. This period in Bakirkoy is characterized by a rapid regeneration process at the property scale, as singular building renewals and housing constructions through redevelopment projects. In order to evaluate the renewal practices and their effect on regeneration in Bakirkoy, in July, 2014,

Table 1. Study area – central neighbourhoods in Bakirkoy.

construction permits recorded since 2012 – after the announcement of law no. 6306 – were obtained from Bakirkoy Municipality. The records were digitized and linked with spatial data.

Using this data, building renewals and new construction projects were analysed in terms of their location, number and construction ratios.

The findings indicate that since the announcement of Law no.6306, 98 new construction permits were given, up until 2014 June. These permits were either for constructing on an empty plot, but were mostly for the demolition of an existing building and the construction of a new one. The number of construction permits was 19 for 2012, increasing to 35 in 2013 and reaching 44 in the first half of 2014. These numbers indicate a significant increase in building renewals, especially in the first period of 2014, which largely proves the increasing effect of Law No 6306 on the regeneration of neighbourhoods. The study indicates that building renewals are spatially concentrated within the northern neighbourhoods, where the urban structure is mainly comprised of detached apartments, each situated within their own parcel. (Figure 2).

To allow the consideration of a possible increase in building density, floor area ratios prior to the construction permits have been calculated for each parcel that has a new permit using base maps. Figure 3 clearly indicates the increasing building density resulting from these renewals, which has lead to an overall change in the urban fabric. This finding indicates that buildings which did not until that time fulfil the planning regulations in terms of building height and construction measures have

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Figure 2. Construction permits â&#x20AC;&#x201C; parcel size and year of permit.

Figure 3. Floor area ratio â&#x20AC;&#x201C; before and after permits.

been at the forefront of the building renewal. Even if this increase in building density through renewals takes place

within planning regulations, it inevitably results in structural transformation and a possible increase in population.

Nevertheless such an expected population increase has not been observed in the case area that the population sizes in seven neighbourhood units of Bakirkoy decreased to 110,146 in 2015; and 108,699 in 2017 (Table 1).

As the number of housing units and property owners are also low for these renewal projects, easier negotiation and consensus processes among the owners and the contractors are possible. During the renewal of these buildings, new housing units are usually added and these are owned by the construction firms as payment for the construction costs. This renewal process is embraced by the residents as a renewal model because it is advantageous for the residents as they do not pay for the construction. On the other hand, as the new housing units are added in favour of contractor, each former residentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s share of the land and property decreases.

In addition to the building renewal on small parcels, it is remarkable that there are also new luxury housing projects on large parcels similar with worldwide cases of property-led regeneration. In world literature property-led regeneration practices are referred to comprise prestigious projects with outstanding architectural and functional features and the economic expectations they create (Loftman and Nevin, 1995).

Property-led regeneration transforms urban form with a harsh change on a specific decayed or deteriorated site, sharing the same parcels unit, then criticized for achieving long term planning strategies, while neglecting social and economic sustainability at all (Turok, 1992; Oatley, 1995).

As the evidence of such practices in Bakirkoy, Figure 3 clearly indicates the increase in floor area ratios for luxury housing projects which take place on parcels larger than 5000 m2. These projects are implemented through the functional and physical transformation of existing industrial and/or unoccupied land. When compared to world-wide property-led regeneration cases, both large-scale and small parcel-based renewal cases in Bakirkoy

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may reflect the fact that, entire renewal cases put forward the inferences of property-led regeneration practices while attracting developers’ interest to transform current urban pattern into new developments.

The research based on construction permits analysis and complemented by systematic observations of the study area reveals that during 2012 – 2014, a significant and rapid regeneration process occurred both in small and large scale properties in the central neighbourhoods of Bakirkoy. These practices at both scales are complementary in the Bakirkoy case in terms of the implementation process and also their effects on the urban system.

The findings indicate that within this rapid transformation process, new challenges emerge in terms of the physical environment, the local ecology, and the economic and social dimensions. Firstly, building renewals seem to have both local and global effects in terms of increasing construction and population density. This increase in density creates new problems related to the insufficiency of the urban infrastructure and services, socio-cultural facilities and traffic accommodation, all of which decrease the quality of the physical environment and urban life. The construction measures allow for underground car parking areas, which cover entire parcels. This widespread implementation seems to create ecological problems in the long term, due to the loss of open areas, loss of soil and local vegetation in apartment gardens, especially those which have been growing for a long time.

The second important aspect of this transformation can be indicated in economic perspective. In Turkey housing prices increase dramatically, after 2010 (Coskun, et al., 2017), reflecting the period of recent legislative changes in planning system, mentioned in this paper. In addition to this, it is obvious that the luxury housing projects, represented in this paper with property-led regeneration on large size parcels also affect the land and real estate values globally. Among entire provinces, Istanbul is the most appreciated province in Turkey, in terms of construction and housing market, represented

Figure 4. Building renewal cases – before and after.

by highest increase in housing prices and mortgage credit use (Alkay et al., 2018). This rise in economic value is another important consequence, and it should be questioned if these values are speculative in local neighbourhood level, as well.

The last but not the least important dimension of this transformation is the social dimension. During this period, the construction expenses for building renewal are financed by the contractor and new housing units are obtained as the renewal process is completed.

Although regeneration process in Bakirkoy for this period did not bring forth gentrification, new housing units with higher sales and rent values would bring a change in the socio-economic and cultural structure of the inhabitants.

4.2. Changing attitudes regarding area-based regeneration and building renewals By the end of 2014 and beginning of 2015, a new period started in which the attitudes regarding an area-based regeneration became more apparent.

During the rapid building renewal process, district municipalities and residents made an attempt to reposition themselves as they framed their expectations, intentions and concerns

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about a comprehensive regeneration process. During this period, public meetings and press briefings were the main fields through which the actors expressed themselves, and attitudes towards regeneration may be analysed through these resources.

By 2015, the regeneration agenda of Bakirkoy shifted as Bakirkoy Municipality became involved in a new area based regeneration process, a prospective large-scale comprehensive renewal in municipal and private partnership, covering the central neighbourhoods, which overlaps with the case area of this study to a large extent. In order to manage the regeneration process, the Municipality applied for an official designation of “Regeneration Site” for Bakirkoy and intended to implement an area-based regeneration project for officially so-called “risky area”. The Law authorises the district municipality to determine the risky area borders through an analytical survey report.

During this forthcoming period, the district municipality suspended construction permits for building renewals, which meant an interruption of the building renewal process, explained in the previous part of this chapter. .

One of the main characteristics of this period was the Bakirkoy Municipality’s manner. The municipality avoided communicating with the residents or any related NGO’s in Bakirkoy, and did not officially inform the residents about the process it had initiated. During this period, the main information resource had been the Mayor’s interviews (Url – 1) and other related news in local and national newspapers. The municipality expanded on his claims of single building renewal not being economically sustainable. This was based on the residents’ difficulties in affording the increased living expenses, since most of them are medium income groups and retirees as well. The municipality stated that area-based regeneration was the solution to finance regeneration, because this approach would allow extra units within parcels, which have already reached their construction size limits, and would make it possible for the residents to have their units renewed without having to pay for them. The mu-

nicipality also claimed that area-based regeneration would create new open spaces, public squares and pedestrian roads, all of which would contribute to a better standard of living in Bakirkoy.

During this period, the Chamber of Architects first held a press conference and informed the public about the process. The Chamber also explained their rejection of the municipality’s attempt at area-based regeneration and criticized the municipality’s attitude.

They stated that the municipality’s area-based project was not realistic, and that it was dishonest and far from principles of urbanism (Url- 2). On the 22nd of March, the Chamber of Architects conducted a panel for the citizens of Bakirkoy with the participation of professionals from urban planning, architecture, law and construction. This panel was important as it was the first time the professionals had been in contact with Bakirkoy residents, and their experiences and knowledge regarding the different aspects of the regeneration practices in Istanbul were shared and discussed (Url- 3).

The panel clearly revealed that most of the residents were not aware of either the legislation or the procedures, especially for area-based regeneration projects, or their rights under the laws associated with regeneration processes. The residents all accepted that their buildings were not safe and stated that renewal was necessary and urgent. On the other hand, they also acknowledged that they could not afford to pay for the construction expenses, but that they could not face losing their houses, which many defined as an inheritance from their family roots. Most of the residents preferred to renew their buildings by themselves, which refers to the demand for a single building renewal procedure. However, in the case of residents in whose buildings extra housing units are not possible due to building density and current plan decisions, their proposed solution was for an increase in building density through a change in planning regulations. They asked for an extra storey that would bring out two new housing units which would be transferred to the contractor as a way to finance the construction expenses. This procedure

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for building renewals was offered as a model that would solve the problem of risky building stock. The professionals participating in the panel explained the consequences of an increase in density, but the residents seemed to be ignorant of the economic, social and ecologic effects of high building density.

They insisted on an increase and legitimized this by comparing the effect of each individual parcel to the negative effects of high density luxury projects in the vicinity. Moreover, as a response to and an interpretation of the rapid singular building renewals, with which they wanted to proceed, the residents all seemed to be happy with the increase in building and rental values.

Undoubtedly, the increase in economic values seemed to be another effective motivation for building renewal for the residents (Url-3).

Also, during the panel, and as part of creating an awareness of the implementation process and consequences of area-based regeneration projects, the Bakirkoy residents were informed about other practices, such as ongoing and completed regeneration projects, by the professionals and by the former inhabitants of those neighbourhoods. These participants emphasized the complicated and uncertain procedures which often result in evictions due to financial problems within the new economic land / tax values, the loss of neighbourhood’s physical environmental character, the destruction of social and economic networks, and the uncompleted everlasting consensus processes. The participants in these meetings, who shared the similar ideas on the challenges reported in the recent urban planning literature (Sezer, 2017; Ongoren, 2017), were reputed to have a great degree of knowledge, awareness and consciousness of urban renewal processes in the city. It was remarkable that when the Bakirkoy residents were informed about the other area-based regeneration processes and the problems, they strongly reacted against making such a comparison.

Their discourse is based on the fact that Bakirkoy neighbourhoods were developed within planning regulations, unlike the other area-based regeneration project cases – most of which had been

developed from informal squatter settlements.

As an overall evaluation of this period, especially with the contribution of the panel, the residents’ and the government’s understanding of regeneration, and their expectations and demands have been revealed. It is obvious that the residents’ main concern regarding regeneration is economic.

The residents focus is on solutions that would contribute to financing the construction expenses. On the other hand, this period demonstrates that both the municipality and the residents also expect an increase in economic values in terms of building and land values.

Though the residents seem to engage in economic benefits and ignore regeneration process’ links to the physical quality and living standards of the neighbourhood as a whole, they also emphasized their emotional attachment to their houses and neighbourhoods. All through these changing demands and preferences of residents authorities can manipulate regeneration process, where uncertainties distracted the local agenda and information retrieval process.

In April 2015, again through newspaper articles it was announced that the Municipality’s application for the designation of an official regeneration area and their attempt to implement a regeneration project was rejected by the associated bodies (Url-4). The Ministry of the Environment and Urbanism rejected the application and the official documents Bakirkoy Municipality had prepared, because of insufficient dossier content and analytical evaluation on submission. As previously mentioned, the municipality’s attempt at an area-based regeneration process is also not realistic on such a scale, and it can be criticized within the contexts of spatial and social injustice, sustainability in urban form, ecology and urban identity, as well. However, the emphasis has been mainly given to displacement, social exclusion and gentrification issues in literature, possibly after area-based regeneration projects where disadvantaged population had been living in formerly (Elicin, 2014).

Such challenges of regeneration both in the World and Turkey, occurred

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for middle and upper-middle income neighbourhoods, are lacking in literature and needs an extension of debate within the consideration of this paper.

Such an application of an area-based program by a district municipality and its reject from greater municipality puts forward a significant challenge as transference of responsibility, implying that there is a political dimension to the regeneration process. Again in literature, urban regeneration in Turkey, is mostly stressed the political dimension of regeneration in power struggles between vulnerable social groups to be displaced; and state institutions and interest groups, accomplishing the project (Oktem Unsal, 2015). Furthermore, this approach needs an investigation of the transference of power, the expectations and acquisitions related to urbanization processes among different authorities, beyond looking at governing and governed ones.

By April 2015, the Municipality started to allocate new construction permits, and construction began once more, mostly on parcels where the buildings had been demolished before the permits were suspended.

5. Conclusion The evaluation of the Bakirkoy case reveals the fundamental weaknesses of the regeneration process in Istanbul / Turkey, and highlights the essential challenges in this process. As previously mentioned, the regeneration process in Turkey is held in two main forms; single building renewal and area-based regeneration. In particular, widespread building renewal is carried out in accordance with Law no 6306, under “risky building” status. These processes are also examined through their physical and structural aspects, and the actors’ attitudes towards regeneration.

Bakirkoy case indicates the different perspectives of the regeneration debate in Istanbul. For each building renewal that take place in Bakırkoy, has its own individual effect on its own parcel, but their overall effect on the physical structure of the neighbourhoods and the social and economic characteristics as well, are inevitable. It is obvious that the building renewal implementations have become another tool of ur-

ban transformation which in the long run will have an inestimable impact on the city’s ecological and physical environmental quality, as well as its social structure and economic future.

Considering the fact that in order to mitigate the risks posed by earthquakes, it is inevitable that the building stock will require renewal, this indicates that building renewals need clear programs that can control the overall effect of the process, guide the residents and strengthen their economic and social, legal capabilities. In addition, ignoring the physical environmental and ecologic aspects, and indeed the overall effect of building renewals, largely ensures that neighbourhoods will face problems over the long term.

In regeneration processes, economic concerns and expectations always dominate the housing and real-estate market. It is remarkable that in regard to the regeneration processes in Turkey, the economic factor becomes the predominant issue for all actors. Quite apart from the contractors, from whom the desire for pecuniary reward is to be expected, the residents and local / central governments also have the expectation of increased building and land values. The residents’ main economic concern is covering the construction expenses, but rather more strongly expressed than this concern is the expectation of profit through regeneration.

This might best be seen as a reflection of an understanding of “housing” as a means of achieving an economic benefit rather than as a “social right”.

Another significant challenge is the lack of communication and lack of confidence between the residents and the local / central government. Instead of conducting participatory practices to discuss and plan any regeneration processes, public bodies often prefer projects in which they can have the power to manage and lead. During these processes, mysterious atmospheres are created through unofficial information and any uncertainties are deemed desirable as they help to manipulate the process. Instead of clear strategies, the actors prefer to use tactics that allow them to manipulate the process to meet their own economic expectations. These symptoms

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are deeply connected to actors’ giving priority to regeneration as a means to generate economic benefit.

One of the main weaknesses for regeneration at the national level is the legal framework. The legislation related to regeneration on both area and property levels is far from framing the regeneration process according to explicit principles. In fact, the legislation acts as a tool for giving authority to the responsible bodies and strengthening their capabilities. The legal framework only defines the steps for the application, declaration and preparation of the regeneration project, but does not have a clear and holistic vision, principles or priorities for the realization of regeneration. In other words, the legal framework for regeneration paves the way for mistrust among the actors and processes which are widely viewed as manipulative. Most of the time, this leads to antagonism among actors, such as legal institutions, contractors and construction firms and property owners, and this situation usually forces the property owners into a fight to protect their ownership or housing rights. It would be fair to say that given the various dynamics of urban life and the ever-present uncertainties associated with it; this situation causes a state of tension.

Regeneration in Istanbul is legitimized and implemented through the discourse of earthquake risk and safe housing. However, this paper clearly depicts how economic concerns have become the main factor, both in terms of managing renewals and also in gaining economic benefits through regeneration. The building renewals and the attitudes towards regeneration in the case area Bakirkoy, indicate one of the problematic sides of regeneration in Istanbul, which also has similarities especially with the debate on property-led processes world-wide. It is obvious that world-wide property-led regeneration practices differ from the building renewals in Istanbul case, in terms of the scale of projects, their implementation processes and the expectations they create, but still a common ground can be found, especially in terms of their consequences. The criticism for property-led regeneration, which states that

it does not offer any guarantees for long term economic concerns (Oatley, 1995) should be more clearly expressed for Turkish case too. In addition, and as seen in the case area, since the overall effect of single building renewals on the neighbourhood environment is not taken into consideration, it is obvious that the public interest aspect of these implementations is also ignored, which is also a criticism levelled at property-led processes elsewhere (Turok, 1992). Given that the main weakness of property-led processes is the lack of comprehensive plans, programs and complementary strategies to cover different aspects of regeneration, it should also be noted that the critical deficiency of the process in Istanbul is the absence of any realistic attempt to guide the process through a holistic approach and from different perspectives.

For regeneration to be effective, it should be considered as a long term process in which problems are dealt with through the participation of public institutions, the private sector and volunteer organizations (Imrie and Thomas, 1993; Adair et al., 1999). The findings from the Bakirkoy case also indicate that it is critical to manage and monitor the single building renewals in Istanbul through comprehensive plans and programs. Equal importance should be given to economic, social, physical environmental and ecological aspects, and there should be participation from different actors at the local level. Only in this way, the regeneration process in Istanbul may have a chance to tackle urban decline and improve the quality of public life.

Acknowledgement The authors would like to express their sincere thanks to Ozge Bodur and Burak Belli, for the site survey and digitization of the GIS data set.

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key. International Journal of Strategic Property Management, 22(2), 119- 130.

Angell, E. (2014). Assembling disaster: Earthquakes and urban politics in Istanbul. City, 18(6), 667-678.

Balaban, O., (2012). The negative effects of construction boom on urban planning and environment in Turkey: Unraveling the role of the public sector, Habitat International, 36(1), 26-35.

Coskun, Y., Seven, U., Ertugrul, H.M., & Alp, A. (2017). Housing price dynamics and bubble risk: the case of Turkey. Housing Studies (2017: published online) 1-37. DOI: 10.1080/02673037.2017.1363378 Dincer I. (2011). The Impact of Neoliberal Policies on Historic Urban Space: Areas of Urban Renewal in Istanbul, International Planning Studies, 16(1), 43-60.

Elicin, Y. (2014). Neoliberal transformation of the Turkish city through the Urban Transformation Act. Habitat International, 41, 150-155.

Encyclopedia of Istanbul (Istanbul Ansiklopedisi). (1993) Bakirkoy Ilcesi (Bakirkoy District) Imrie, R. & Thomas, H. (1993). The limits of property-led regeneration, Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 11, 87-102.

Kayasü, S. & Yetişkul, E. (2014).

Evolving Legal And Institutional Frameworks Of Neoliberal Urban Policies In Turkey, METU JFA, 31(2), 209 – 222. DOI: 10.4305/METU. JFA.2014.2.11 Kısar Koramaz, E. & Turkoglu, H., (2014). Istanbul’da Kentsel Yeşil Alan Kullanımı ve Kentsel Yeşil Alanlardan Memnuniyet [Urban Green Area Use and Green Area Satisfaction in Istanbul], Planlama, 24(1), 26-34.

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Kısar Koramaz E. & Koramaz T. K., (2017). İstanbul’da Kültür Tesislerinin Yer Seçimi, in Turk, S., S. & Dokmeci V. (Ed.), Yer seçimi Kuramı ve Uygulamaları: Konut, Alışveriş Merkezleri, Ofisler, Oteller, Sanayi, Depolar, Üniversiteler, Yurtlar, Hastaneler, Kültür Tesisleri, Yeşil Alanlar, Yeni Anadolu Yayıncılık, ISBN: 978-605-66154-5-0 Koramaz, T. K. (2018). Housing

Renewal Sites and Spatial Features of Deterioration and Deprivation in Istanbul’s Historic Peninsula. Journal of Urban Planning and Development, 144(1). doi.org/10.1061/(ASCE) UP.1943-5444.0000429 Kuyucu, T., & Unsal, O. (2010). Urban transformation’ as state-led property transfer: An analysis of two cases of urban renewal in Istanbul. Urban Studies, 47(7), 1479-1499.

Loftman, P., & Nevin, B. (1995).

Prestige Projects and Urban Regeneration in the 1980s and 1990s: a Review of Benefits and Limitations, Planning Practice and Research, 10( ¾), 99-315.

Lovering, J., & Turkmen, H. (2011).

Bulldozer neo-liberalism in Istanbul: The state-led construction of property markets and the displacement of the urban poor, International Planning Studies, 16(1), 73-96.

Oatley, N. (1995) Editorial, Urban Regeneration, Planning Practice & Research, 10(3-4), 261-270. DOI: 10.1080/02697459509696277 Oktem Unsal, B., (2015). State-led Urban Regeneration in Istanbul: Power Struggles between Interest Groups and Poor Communities, Housing Studies, 30:8, 1299-1316.

Ongoren, G. (2017). Kentsel Donusum Hukuku, Ongoren Hukuk Yayınları, Istanbul, http://www.kent-seldonusumvehukuk.com/wp-con-tent/ uploads/2017/06/Kentsel-donu¬sum-hukuku-14-haziran-2017.pdf (14.06.2017) Özkan Eren M. & Özçevik, Ö.

(2015). Institutionalization of Disaster Risk Discourse in Reproducing Urban Space in Istanbul, ITU A|Z, 12(1), 221241.

Sezer, Y. (2017). Riskli Alan Ilani ve Hukuki Sonuçlari, Turkiye Barolar Birligi Dergisi, 130 (Mayıs-Haziran), 225-252.

Turok, I. (1992). Property-led urban regeneration: panacea or placebo? Environment & Planning A. 24(3), 361379.

Url-1; Interview with Mayor of Bakirkoy: http://www.haberturk.com/ yasam/haber/1046862-Bakirkoy-belediye-baskani-aciklai-Bakirkoyunyuzde-78i-curuk (25.02.2015) Url-2; Bakirkoy’de Kentsel Donusume Itiraz Var [Rejection for Trans-

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formation of Bakirkoy]: http://www. radikal.com.tr/turkiye/Bakirkoydeki_kentsel_donusume_itiraz_geldi-1306066 (04.03.2015) Url-3; Panel on Urban Regeneration in Bakırkoy; http://www.mimarist.tv/

bakirkoyde-kentsel-donusum-gercegi Url-4 Bakirkoy’de Kentsel Donusume Izin Cikmadi [No License of Transformation in Bakirkoy] http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/28773585.asp: (19.04.2015)

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Environmental control in architecture by landscape design

Nazire Papatya SEÇKİN papatya.seckin@msgsu.edu.tr • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul, Turkey

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.90022

Received: April 2018 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract The landscape design is a significant component of effective building design.

Landscape elements can provide such benefits to buildings as shielding them from the sun, protecting them against wind, facilitating passive cooling, and providing opportunities for natural ventilation. Furthermore, landscape elements can be useful to clean the air and water, absorb floodwaters, improve aesthetics, provide recreational amenities and develop ecological habitats for wildlife.

The heating, cooling and lighting of a building are very much affected by the site and landscape in which the building is located. Plants are immensely useful in the heating, cooling and lighting of buildings. Landscaping that supports the heating, cooling, and lighting of buildings varies with the climate.

The general logic for tree planting around a building includes shade trees on the east and west, wind breaks on the north, and open fields on the south-facing sides. In this connection, lawns should be used only when necessary. On the other hand, a vertical vine-covered trellis is very effective on east and west facades, while a horizontal trellis can be used on any orientation. Outdoor shading structures such as trellises and pergolas, can be used for providing shade and/or to control air movement. Other functional landscaping elements include allées, pleached allées and hedgerows.

In short, the following sections discuss some of the critical concepts and topics necessary for understanding landscape design as it relates to sustainable building design.

Keywords Landscape design, Building design, Landscape elements, Shading structures, Windbreaks.

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1. Introduction The architectural design of a building has a tremendous effect on the heating, cooling and lighting of a building.

In fact, when an architect starts to design the appearance of a building, he/ she is simultaneously starting the design of the heating, cooling and lighting. In this connection, plants are also immensely useful in the heating, cooling and lighting of buildings. Although plants are very popular, they are usually used for their aesthetic rather than functional benefits. Ideally, along with their decorative function they could act as windbreaks in the winter, as shading devices and evaporative coolers in the summer, and as light filters all year long. Plants can also reduce erosion, noise, dust and other air pollution, the level of carbon dioxide, and increase the level of oxygen in the local air.

In that case, buildings can be combined into landscaping techniques that promote the heating, cooling and lighting of buildings. The shading from plants depends on the species, pruning, and maturity of the plants. The best shading devices are the deciduous plants, because they lose their leaves in response to temperature changes.

Other advantages of deciduous plants include low cost, aesthetically pleasing quality, ability to reduce glare and ability to cool the air by evaporation from the leaves. On the other hand, the disadvantages of deciduous plants are slow growth, limited height and the possibility of disease destroying the plant. In general, the east, southeast and southwest sides of buildings are the best locations for deciduous plants.

Unless carefully placed, deciduous plants on the south side of a building may do more harm in the winter than good in the summer. However, deciduous plants without their leaves still block a significant amount of sunlight.

Furthermore, if the roof has collectors for domestic hot water, pool heating, and /or heating, and/or photovoltaic, it should also not be shaded in the summer. Thus, on the south side of buildings, plants should usually be kept below the solar access boundary.

If large plants already exist on the south side of a building in very hot climates with mild winters, it may not be appro-

priate to cut them down to improve the solar access. The summer shade from mature plants might be more valuable than the last energy from the sun.

However, in most climates, the energy from the sun is too valuable not to use.

Every square meter of the south façade and south-facing roof should be used to collect daylight, photovoltaic electricity, and hot water all year long and passive solar in the winter.

On the other hand, evergreen plants can be used on the east, west and north sides of a building. These plants are most appropriate for protecting against the cold winter winds. To provide continuous shade or to block heavy winds use evergreen trees or shrubs. The best windbreaks block wind, close to the ground by using trees and shrubs that have low crowns.

Through the proper location and selection of plants, well-designed landscaping can reduce winter heating and summer cooling costs of a building as much as 25 percent (Lechner, 2015).

Plants can also improve the quality of daylight by filtering and diffusing the light and heal human health and performance.

A landscape design is often based on the mature size of plants, thus the growth rate is very important. Choosing a fast-growing plant is not always a good choice, because most fast-growing plants have poor strength. However, some vines can be the ideal fast-growing plant for landscaping.

They are supported on a man-made structure such as a wall, a trellis, a pergola or a table network. These vines are very effective sun shading devices.

Proper use of trees, shrubs, vines and man-made structures can modify the climate around a building to reduce heat gains in summer and heat losses in winter. Plants can protect a building from winter winds and shade it from summer sun. Vegetation around a building can regulate solar radiation during different seasons of the year.

Proper building design and landscaping control noise, air pollution, winter wind and summer sun.

The design of landscape elements such as trees, shrubs, vines and manmade structures is a significant component of effective building design.

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Landscape elements can provide such benefits to buildings as shielding them from the sun, protecting them against wind, facilitating passive cooling, providing opportunities for natural ventilation, cleaning the air and water, improving aesthetics, and developing ecological habitats for wildlife.

2. Landscape concepts Before discussing landscape design techniques, some general comments about plants are important. The selection of proper plant material requires knowledge of concepts such as growth habits, origin, species` adaptations, and plant biological processes. It is also important to have a comprehension of contextual topics, including local and global hydrologic systems, precipitation, seasonal temperature fluctuations, wind, and geography. Some of the critical concepts and topics necessary for understanding landscape design as it relates to proper building design are discussed as follows (Carpenter & Walker, 1998; Marsh, 2010; Vassigh at all, 2013).

Landscape plants are herbaceous plants and woody plants. Herbaceous plants do not produce woody stems and are known botanically as herbs.

They may have an upright, prostrate, or viney growth habit. Woody plants can be classified as trees, shrubs, or woody vines. The distinction between trees and shrubs is not always apparent.

Generally, trees are characterized by a single upright stem or trunk, whereas shrubs have several stems. In addition, trees usually are taller than shrubs. The distinctions, however, may be obscured by pruning, training, or environmental conditions.

Among woody plants, a major distinction is made between deciduous plants, and evergreen plants. Evergreen plants are classified as either broadleaved evergreens or needle evergreens. Conifers constitute the needle evergreen group.

Plants may also be classified on the basis their life span. Annual plants complete their life cycles in one growing season and must be planted anew each year. Biennial plants complete their life cycles in two growing seasons.

Perennial plants grow year after year.

Annuals and biennials are only herbaceous; perennials can be either herbaceous or woody. Some woody perennials are not totally hard in cold climates and act like herbaceous perennials.

There are a variety of characteristics by which to describe or classify plants and distinguish them from one another. Among these, growth habit, seasonal persistence, and ecological origin are particularly important with regard to sustainability.

2.1. Growth habitat Growth habits define the shape or form of the plants and play a key role in both their aesthetic character and their function in the landscape. Based on growth habit, plants can be classified as trees, shrubs, groundcovers, or vines.

The boundaries between these growth habit types are not always distinct, nor consistent. A plant species may fall into several categories depending upon the conditions of a particular site or its maintenance regime. Despite the shortcomings of this classification system, it is widely used in landscape design.

2.1.1. Trees Trees are the largest plant elements used in landscape design. It can generally be defined as a plant which is taller than 3m. Trees measuring 3 to 6 m is height can be classified as `small trees`, trees 6 to 9 m can be considered as `medium trees`, and trees taller than 9 m can be considered as `large trees`.

2.1.2. Shrubs Shrubs are relatively smaller plants than trees. They can be defined as being larger than 0.5 m, but less than 3 m in height.

2.1.3. Groundcovers Groundcovers are low-level understory plants that are grown over and cover an area of ground, acting as a base layer in a planting design. A groundcover is utilized to provide protection from erosion and drought, and to improve the aesthetic appearance of a landscape by filling areas between large plants and trees. Plants used as groundcovers typically grow to less 0.5 m tall or are maintained at that height.

In general, they reach 15-30 cm high.

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2.1.4. Vines A vine is a plant that spreads extensively along the ground, over the plants and objects, or up vertical surfaces. Vines are climbing and rambling plants. They are used on man-made structures such as a trellis, a pergola, a balcony to protect from summer sun the horizontal and vertical planes. Various vines can also be used for an effective erosion control.

2.2. Seasonal foliage persistence The term seasonal foliage persistence describes plant species’ annual retention of foliage, that is leaves or needles.

Some plants periodically drop their foliage during a portion of the year, while other plants keep their foliage throughout the year. The differences between plant species’ foliage retention patterns can have significant impact on their functionality in shielding sun and wind. Therefore, foliage persistence is an important consideration in the selection of plants on a site.

2.2.1. Deciduous plants Deciduous plants are those which completely or significantly, shed their foliage during the winter or dry season, and remain bare for a period of time, followed by the growth of new leaves in the next growing season, typically spring. The shedding of leaves by deciduous plants allows them to avoid cold damage and to conserve more water during dry periods. During the process of leaf shedding, the leaves of the deciduous plants can merely dry up and drop off or they may display a wide array of colors before they are shed. Depending on the species, the leaves may turn a bright yellow, a dark burgundy, or one of a variety of tones.

2.2.2. Evergreen plants Evergreen plants retain foliage throughout the year. However, some evergreen species grow leaves constantly during the same period that old leaves are simultaneously shed. All of these plants have special leaves that are resistant to cold and/or moisture loss.

Evergreens may continue to photosynthesize during the winter or dry period. Depending on the species, foliage colors vary widely and include yellows, reds, purples and silvers.

2.3. Ecological origin The ecological origin of a plant is typically considered to be the location from which a plant species originated.

A plant that originates from the local ecology is called native or indigenous.

A plant that is not from the local ecology is non-native.

Native plants are well adapted and integrated into their native ecologies, they tend to be supportive of these ecologies. These plants can be the food source for native insects and native birds. Using native species in a landscape also tends to consume fewer resources because the native plants typically don’t require much maintenance or irrigation relative to non-natives.

The use of non-native plants in a landscape design is unlikely to contribute to the native ecology and in some instances may hinder or cause damage to it.

3. Landscaping Well-designed landscaping can make a significant difference in the amount of energy required to maintain a comfortable building. Proper use of trees, shrubs, vines and man-made structures can modify the climate around a building to reduce heat gains in summer and heat losses in winter.

Plants can protect a building from winter winds and shade it from summer sun. In fact, heat exchange in a building occurs through three major processes as air infiltration, heat conduction and transmission of solar radiation (Walker & Newman, 2009).

The first heat exchange process in air infiltration is the passage of outside air through cracks around windows and doors or other openings in building walls or ceilings. Air pressure on surfaces that face the wind are subject to increased air pressure as wind velocity increases. Air enters the building through openings in these surfaces. In winter, heat losses due to air infiltration may represent up to half of the total heat losses on the windiest, coldest days. Properly placed plants can reduce air infiltration by reducing wind velocity near the building.

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the insulating property of the building materials, thickness of materials, and the temperature difference between the inner and outer surfaces of the building. Landscaping can help control the temperature difference between the inner and outer surfaces of walls and ceilings, and thus reduce heat conduction. The outer surface temperature is controlled mainly by outside air temperature, wind velocity and solar radiation. In summer, trees and shrubs can reduce the amount of solar radiation reaching the outside surfaces of a building, and thus reduce heat conduction into the building. In the winter, solar heating can reduce the rate of heat loss by raising the outside temperature of walls. Blocking cold winter winds also reduces conductive heat loss.

The third process for heat exchange in a building is transmission of solar radition through windows. Large expanses of east or west-facing glass admit undesirable solar radiation in the summer. Large expanses of south-facing glass can help heat a building in winter. Vegetation around a building can regulate solar radiation during different seasons of the year. In fact, solar radiation has significant impact on building. The extent of this impact is dependent upon several factors, including building orientation, architectural form, materiality and landscape.

The heating, cooling, and lighting of a building are very much affected by the site and landscape in which the building is located. Plants are immensely useful in the heating, cooling, and lighting of buildings. Through the proper location and selection of plants, well-designed landscaping can greatly reduce energy consumption of a building. Plants promote heating primarily by reducing infiltration and partly by creating air spaces next to buildings, which act as extra insulation. Shading of a buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s surfaces during periods of the most intense solar radiation, particularly in hot climates and seasons, can be highly effective in reducing excessive thermal heat loads on the building.

The shade from tree is better than the shade from a man-made canopy because the tree does not heat up and reradiate down. This is the case be-

cause of the multiple layers that are ventilated and because the leaves stay cool by the transpiration of water from the leaves. Transpiration cools not only the plant but also the air in contact with the vegetation. Thus, the cooling load on a building surrounded by trees or grass will be smaller than on a building surrounded by asphalt or concrete. Trees are more effective than grass in providing comfort. Usually the best plants to use are native varieties that have adapted to the local climate, soil and pathogens. Thus, less water, fertilizer, and chemicals are needed for healthy plant growth. At night, trees work against natural cooling by blocking long-wave radiation. There will be more radiant cooling in an open field than under a canopy of trees.

Plants can also improve the quality of daylight entering through windows.

Direct sunlight can be scattered and reduced in intensity, while the glare from the bright sky can be moderated by plants. Vines across the windows or trees farther away can have the same beneficial effect.

In recent years, vegetated green roofs have become very popular, but for reducing the cooling load on a building, vegetated green walls are often more effective. Plants are most helpful on the east and west walls, which are exposed mostly to the summer sun. The north wall needs the least shading, and the south wallâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s shading needs depend on the building type and climate. The plants can also help shade the east and west windows. Shading south windows with plants on buildings that need winter heat is a challenge because even deciduous plants shade a great deal.

On the other hand, the proper choice and positioning of plants can greatly improve the microclimate of a site. The selection of these plants is very important. In this connection, advice should be obtained from such sources as local nurseries, foresters, agriculturists and landscape architects.

3.1. Landscaping elements Simple strategies utilizing landscape planting elements such as trees, shrubs, groundcovers or vines in key locations and in proper quantities can greatly reduce energy consumption. Appro-

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priately utilized landscape elements and systems can deflect and diffuse sunlight or dissipate solar heat energy to moderate thermal loads and reduce requirements for mechanical cooling (Walker, 1991: Haque, et al., 2004: Kachadorian, 1997).

3.1.1. Shading created by plants Shading of a building’s surfaces during periods of the most intense solar radiation, particularly in hot climates and seasons, can be highly effective in reducing excessive thermal heat loads on the building. Important to the effectiveness of canopy shade is the proper location of trees and shrubs on a site. The most effective shading arrangement for reducing maximum air temperatures and hastening early evening cooling is by shading a building’s roof and its southwest- and west-facing walls and windows. Shade the south-facing roof and wall surfaces that receive the most direct sunlight during midday when the sun is higher in the sky. Also, place plants to shade walls that face generally east or west.

These walls receive direct sunlight in the morning and afternoon.

In landscaping, deciduous trees and shrubs can be used to block summer sunlight and also allow winter sunlight to reach the building (Figure 1). Planting tall trees with elevated branching structures, or trimming up branches, will also allow more winter sunlight to reach a building as the sun is crossing the sky at a lower angle. Shading other portions of a building and its adjacent site can also help to reduce ambient air temperatures around the building as well as indoor temperatures at some degree. Trees planted at distances too far to shade a particular building’s façade surfaces away also help reduce the air and ground temperatures surrounding the building. Site planting can also help to diminish the light reflected toward a building from surrounding surfaces.

On the other hand, the locations of trees on a site, the impact of canopy shade on moderating heat load is significantly affected by other factors such as trees height and canopy spread.

When trees are not available to shade the east, west, and north windows,

Figure 1. Effect of deciduous trees in summer and winter.

Figure 2. Allées for creating shade and/or controlling air movement.

high bushes or a vine-covered trellis or pergola can be used. A newly planted vine will provide shade much sooner than a newly planted tree. Pergolas without plants must be carefully designed if they are to provide effective shading. A vertical vine-covered trellis is very effective on east and west facades, while a horizontal trellis can be used on any orientation. Bushes can act as vertical fins to block the low sun on north façades. On east and west windows, only the bush on the north side should be used if winters are cold.

Other functional landscaping elements include allées created by bushes or by trees (Figure 2).

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Figure 3. A windbreak can shield the building from prevailing winter winds.

Figure 4. Foundation plantings to create dead air space.

3.1.2. Windbreaks An important climatic element to be controlled by landscaping is the wind. Windbreaks can be effective in controlling wind and its impacts on buildings. These shelter belts are occurred from rows of trees and shrubs that are planted to reduce wind speed or redirect wind movement. In a cold climate, a properly located and effective windbreak can decrease air infiltration and heat loss by reducing wind velocity near the building. Plant species selected for a windbreak should be able to withstand the desiccating effects of winter winds. Evergreen species should constitute a significant portion of the windbreak composition because they retain wind-blocking mass in winter when it is most needed. An evergreen properly selected and placed can divert cold winds from the building and reduce heating costs. Distance from the building depends on the tree height. The optimum distance for reducing wind velocity is about one to three times the windbreak height.

However, a windbreak can reduce winds up to a distance of 30 times the height of their tallest row, downwind (Figure 3). The effective distance of a windbreak is usually expressed in terms of a windbreak height multiplier, which is measured from the center of

the outermost low of planting, downwind, along a line following wind direction. The higher the windbreak, the larger the wind shadow or protected area. Trees or shrubs in a windbreak should be closely spaced to provide a continuous barrier to winds.

Design and composition of the windbreak depend on the space available and the species and size of trees.

Where space is limited a single row of evergreens is adequate. However, up to five rows of several evergreen species is more effective. Spacing in one-, two- and three-row windbreaks should be 1.80 m between trees. Consider the mature shape of the tree when developing a landscape plan for a windbreak (Walker&Newman, 2009). Evergreen planted close to the building can further reduce effects of wind. If allowed to develop into a thick hedge, spreading evergreens in front of the north and east wall provide additional insulation from the trapped dead air space they create (Figure 4).

In short, a one-row windbreak is composed of a single linear row of trees or shrubs. To be effective, the one-row windbreak should utilize densely planted evergreen that will retain their lower limbs and foliage. If deciduous trees are to be used, they should be densely planted and have narrow crowns.

Two-row and twin-row windbreaks are comprised of two linear rows of trees or shrubs. A two-row windbreak can be composed a single species, a set of two species or a mixture of species. To be effective, each row of the windbreak should be densely planted as is done in a one-row windbreak. A twin-row windbreak is composed of two rows of trees or shrubs, but planted adjacent to one another in an alternating pattern to form a single mass of planting. Planting should be of evergreen-type trees or shrubs.

Three-row windbreaks are comprised of three rows of trees or shrubs.

The three rows should consist of at least one dense row of evergreen trees.

The other rows can be deciduous or evergreen plantings. There can also be a frontline row of shrubs for catching snow if necessary. A three-row windbreak can have considerably more wildlife value than a single or dou-

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ble-row windbreak with its additional sheltered spaces and the possibility of a greater diversity of plant species.

The use of four or five rows in a windbreak can provide an even greater level of protection. Additional rows allow for greater flexibility in the design and in the diversity of species. One or two of the rows should consist of evergreen planting. The windbreak can also include one or more rows of deciduous plants and small shrubs for snow catch, if necessary.

3.1.3. Foundation plantings Foundation plantings are a continuous line of evergreen along the length of the foundation and around the corners of a building, approximately 1.5 m out from the outer walls (Figure 4). They can be utilized to achieve considerable heating and cooling energy savings in a low-rise building or the lower levels of a taller building like windbreaks, foundation plantings are used to reduce wind speed around the building. However, they are also used to create a buffer of “dead air space” around the building with slower circulating air, which acts as an additional insulating layer.

In the development of an effective foundation planting scheme, the plants should never be allowed to grow much closer to the building than 1.5 m in order to be sufficiently effective. In addition, planting too close to a building can create problems with mildew, fungi, humidity, and insects.

3.2. Landscaping techniques The following design cases show landscape strategies for solar, thermal and wind control and are based on climate types. These design solutions illustrate some general principles that can be a guide for applications elsewhere (Bertauski, 2009: Bainbridg & Haggarol, 2011: Lechner, 2015; Vassigh et al, 2013).

3.2.1. Temperate climate strategies To best accommodate the climate conditions of temperate regions, it is necessary to consider more substantial seasonal variations. It is advantageous to maximize the warming effect of the sun in winter and maximize shade during the summer. Buildings

Figure 5. Landscaping techniques for a temperate climate.

should be protected away from winter winds. Summer breezes should be directed toward the buildings. A prototypical landscape design for temperate climate regions could include the use of high-canopy, high-branching deciduous trees on the east and west sides of the building (Figure 5).

This would allow penetration by the warming rays of the low winter sun, but protect the building from the high summer sun with a full summer canopy. Low-branching evergreen tree clusters could be utilized to help block cold northwest or northeast winds during the winter. In addition, the use of dense evergreen shrubs on the north, west and east sides can form an insulating air space between the building and the planting, which would help to reduce heat loss during winter months. The windbreak on the north side of the building should be no further away than four times its height.

Utilizing an overhead trellis adjacent to the southern façade of the building with deciduous vines can provide additional shade to the building and create a shaded outdoor space for use in the summer. The use of outdoor paving materials with light colors will lower heat absorption on the site and help maintain cooler air temperatures around the building in warmer weather periods. Contrary to their name, temperate climates are hot in the summer and cold in the winter.

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sides of the building can increase solar protection in the morning and afternoon, and allow air movement underneath the canopies. It is also important to keep low vegetation away from the building to allow breezes through and to prevent dampness. To maximize air movement, it is important to channel prevailing winds with wind channeling and deflection techniques. Light-colored paving materials around the building can help to reduce glare and heat absorption.

Figure 6. Landscaping techniques for hot and humid climates.

Figure 7. Landscaping techniques for hot and dry climate.

3.2.2. Hot and humid climate strategies Maximizing shade throughout the year and encouraging air movement are the main objectives for a landscape design in a hot and humid zone. Plants that allow penetration of low-angle winter sun should provide shade to the building and outdoor living spaces whenever possible (Figure 6). Avoid locating planting beds close to the building if they require frequent watering. Should avoid forestation on the southern front, in the northern front.

Significant shade structures such as wide trellises with deciduous vines on the north and south sides of a building can provide additional help for solar protection and form comfortable outdoor areas. Utilizing high-canopy deciduous trees on the east and west

3.2.3. Hot and dry climate strategies The key objective of landscape design in a hot and dry zone is to maximize shade, especially during the late morning and late afternoon hours.

In this connection, north and south sides should avoid forestation, while the eastern and western directions, shrubs, vines have been placed on the walls and deciduous trees should be implemented. Locating shade trees to the east and west of the building can help to maximize shade. Also, due to the high altitude of the sun in the sky during hot summer months. It is advantageous to locate high-canopy deciduous trees immediately adjacent to the building to maximize shading of the roof. However, care should be given to closely monitor tree roots in order to avoid foundation damage when using this strategy (Figure 7). Additional shade trees or a trellis structure with vines on the southern side of the building can help prevent solar heating of the south walls.

Protecting the east and west sides of the building with climbing vines growing on vertical structures will help to reduce heat gain in the morning and afternoon as well as cooling the air immediately adjacent to the building through transpiration processes.

In addition, adding water features is another useful landscape strategy to cool a building in a hot dry zone. Hot, dry winds channelized across a water body can produce a cooling effect for the building, and also deliver needed moisture, taking advantage of quick evaporation in the dry air.

With regard to site landscape, it is preferable to reduce the amount of paving and cover the ground with

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vegetation as much as water resources allow. This significantly reduces the potential for heat absorption by the paved surface and also reduces glare.

In areas where paving is necessary, use of light-colored surface materials can help to reduce negative effects. In addition, courtyards and garden walls keep out the hot winds and conserve cool, moist air.

3.2.4. Very cold climate strategies In very cold climate regions, it is very important to protect the building from northern winter winds. Dense windbreaks are used to protect the building from cold winter winds. If summer overheating is a problem, shade south and west windows and walls from the direct summer sun. The north façade is useful in very cold climate regions partly raised land application. Northern, eastern and western fronts in constantly evergreen shrubs and the low branches of trees should be preferred. In the southern wind breaker, low shrubs and grass should be applied. In southeast and southwest direction away from the building, deciduous trees should be used (Figure 8). Forming an earthen berm on the north and northwest sides of the building and planting dense rows of evergreen trees and shrubs will help to break the speed of the cold winter wind and create a trap for blowing snow. Additional dense evergreen shrubs adjacent to the northern sides of the building can help to create dead air space, providing insulation during both winter and summer months. Earth sheltering may also be an effective solution in very cold climates. If the building site is located on a south-facing slope that receives sufficient sunlight, an elevational earth sheltering design can be utilized effectively.

Using deciduous shrubs and trees on the south side of a building can provide some summer shading when needed, but admit low winter rays.

In addition, deciduous, high-canopy trees on the east and west sides of a building will allow warm winter rays, provide summer shade, and promote summer breezes under their canopies.

To further capture low winter sun and reflect its warmth to building interiors, a sunken terrace with a light-colored

Figure 8. Landscaping techniques for very cold climates.

reflective material can be incorporated into the design on the southern side of the structure. Furthermore, darker paving materials may also be used on site to capture warmth and promote snowmelt.

3.3. Vegetated surface systems In recent years, planting on roofs and walls is one of the most innovative and rapidly developing fields in the world of the built environment.

The use of green roofs is becoming more and more frequent, usually on new and innovative buildings. An idea and technology that started in the German-speaking countries of central Europe is rapidly spreading to the rest of the industrialized world, including the tropics. The use of living walls too is spreading, both the use of climbers and that of plants being grown vertically. The contemporary use of plants on roofs and walls is distinguished from previous uses by the integration of planting and its supporting structures with the construction of the buildings themselves. It is important to appreciate the distinction between older technologies of plant use and the new.

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Figure 9. Extensive green roof.

Figure 10. Intensive green roof.

paved surfaces (Dunnett and Kingsbury, 2008; Seckin et al, 2017). While new-style roof greening may incorporate substantial areas of hard surface and be accessible for recreation and other uses, plants and green dominate the roof area.

3.3.1. Green roofs New-style roof greening recognizes three main approaches, extensive, intensive and semi-intensive. On a green roof, vegetation is planted in a growing medium laid over a waterproof membrane separating the system from the roof and the building below. A green roof may also contain additional layers to provide root barrier protection, irrigation, and drainage. The vegetation on a green roof can be composed of low groundcovers or may contain large trees and shrubs, depending upon the system`s construction (Weiler & Scholz-Barth, 2009: Snodgrass & Mclntyre, 2010). Green roof systems are defined as follows.

3.3.1.1. Extensive roof greening Extensive is loosely used to describe a system that typically has a very shallow depth between 2 and 15 cm of soil or growing medium and is primarily used for its environmental benefits such as stormwater management, reducing the urban heat island effect and insulating properties. They can support relatively smaller-sized plant materials (Figure 9). Because of their limitations with plant material sizing, this green roof type is more commonly used where weight loads are a limiting factor, such as in cases involving conversions of existing conventional roofs.

It is seldom irrigated; and it is not usually intended to be accessed directly for use as a garden or open space, though paved walkways and seating areas accommodate use as open space as well.

Extensive roofs or living green roofs are generally much cheaper than intensive roofs, both in construction and maintenance.

3.3.1.2. Intensive roof greening Intensive roof greening or landscape over structure is similar to the old-style roof gardens, where it is expected that people would use the area much as a conventional garden. Depending on the amount of vegetation, most of the same ecological and environmental benefits may be derived from the construction of landscapes over structures as from living green roofs. Where large weight loads can be accommodated, an intensive system can be utilized in which the growing medium exceeds 30 cm in depth (Figure 10).

Intensive roofs can support the whole range vegetation types, from trees and shrubs through to herbaceous planting and lawns. Substantial pools and water features are possible.

Such roofs are usually intended to be accessible to people, and certainly need to look good.

3.3.1.3. Semi-intensive roof greening Green roofs are seen as either extensive or intensive, but there is no reason why elements of both cannot be combined on the same roof. Extensive and intensive greening techniques can be combined on the same roof. There

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is great scope for using intensive and semi-intensive techniques on accessible roofs, combined perhaps with larger herbaceous and woody plant material in strategically placed containers or planters to create contemporary roof gardens that are much more sustainable than the roof gardens of the past.

In this context, the semi-intensive green roof has a great deal of potential for the creative extension of roof planting where the roof area is visible and intended for human use. Semi-intensive roofs use lightweight substrates and modern green-roof construction technologies (Figure 11). Substrate or growing medium depths are between 15-30 cm, which reduces the amount of extra loading that must be built into the roof construction.

Intensive and semi-intensive systems can accommodate larger plants species, including trees. In general, roofs with greater soil depth can better retain moisture and maintain more stable soil temperatures. On a green roof, evapotranspiration processes from plants absorb most solar radiation. This leads to cooler temperatures on the rooftop, reducing the heat load on the building. In addition the effects of evapotranspiration, the plants on a green roof offer a buffer for the building from incoming solar energy and also an irregular and diffusing surface for solar rays to strike.

3.3.2. Façade greening One of the most unattractive features of much modern architecture is the presence of blank walls without windows or ornamentation. The idea of growing plants on a substrate attached to the surface of such walls is an attractive solution.

Façade greening is essentially a living cladding system for buildings.

Climbers or in some cases trained shrubs, are used to cover the surface of a building. Traditionally, self-clinging climbers have been used, as they require no supporting network of wires or trellis. Modern façade greening, however, favours the use of climbers supported by steel cables or trellis.

Greening the wall of a building has potentially more effect on the building

Figure 11. Semi-intensive green roof.

environment than roof greening, as the surface area of the walls of buildings is always greater than the area of the roof.

For example, with high-rise buildings this can be as much as twenty times the roof area.

3.3.2.1. Vine-covered walls For the vine-covered walls, vines may be grown on the ground level or in planters that can be attached to a building at elevated points to reach higher levels. In selecting the proper plant material for a vine covering, an understanding of the local climate plays a significant role. In cold climates, deciduous materials should be used on south-and east-facing walls, which will help in blocking sun in the summer and let sun through during the winter. In hot climates, evergreen vines should be used on the west and south walls. However, care should be taken in utilizing vine covering, as vines adhered directly to a wall can sometimes undermine the integrity of wall materials over time. Utilizing a trellis system can help to overcome this issue (Figure 12).

3.3.2.2. Living wall systems Living walls are more complex than vine coverings, but they offer a level of increased design control and can be instituted more extensively and more selectively than vine coverings. Living walls are engineered systems, typically composed of many individual plants that are planted on a vertical support structure. They can be wall-mounted or freestanding systems. The support structure of the wall may contain plantITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • N. P. Seçkin

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Figure 12. Vine-covered wall.

Figure 13. Living wall.

ing containers with a growing medium or fabric planter pockets that contain plants in a soilless hydroponic system (Figure 13). Hydroponic, the technology of growing plants without soil using balanced nutrient solutions to provide all the plantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s food and water requirements, is the obvious solution in a situation where no water can be held for very long. Living walls also typically have an irrigation system. Hydroponic living wall systems are kept constantly moist through the irrigation system that provides all the requirements for successful growth of the plants. A living wallâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s vegetation can be composed of evergreen or deciduous plant species.

However, the use of deciduous plants may expose the underlying structure of the living wall, which may not be desirable for aesthetic reasons.

4. Landscape irrigation Water is an essential life element.

Employing proper landscape design strategies plays a significant role in conserving water and reducing the demand on potable water supplies. The use of low-irrigation plant materials, efficient irrigation systems, and the expanded use of treated wastewater or harvested rainwater for irrigation can help to achieve significant reductions in water use.

The selection of plants materials is a significant component of developing a landscape design that is resource conscious and sustainable. Many plants used in man-made landscapes consume significant amounts of water to remain healthy. Turf lawns, in particular, can be large consumers of water resources and they also require a great amount of maintenance. Merely substituting a lawn with a properly chosen herbaceous plant cover can drastically reduce water use and maintenance in many instances. Large trees can also considerably reduce the irrigation needs of a landscape. But, the best strategy for reducing plant irrigation is to use native plants ideally suited to a siteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s conditions, including precipitation levels. In contrast, many non-native plant species may require significant amounts of irrigation and extra care to keep them alive and healthy.

Using appropriate technologies can easily improve water-use-efficiency in any irrigation system. There are two main irrigation systems that are commonly used to irrigate landscapes, namely sprinkler and drip irrigation (Figure 14). A sprinkler is a water emission device that throws water through the air with a predictable pattern and radius. There are two broad categories of sprinkler used in landscape as well as pop-up spray sprinklers and popup rotor sprinklers. Pop-up sprays are generally suitable for small-radius applications and small or irregular areas.

Pop-up rotors are suitable for large-radius applications and larger areas of turf grass. Drip irrigation is commonly applied in landscape shrub beds, trees, and potted plants and the like and uses water emission devices called emitters, which have low flow rates. Emitters are

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available in single-outlet or multi-outlet models (Smith, 1997: Melby, 1995: Seckin, 2003, 2011 in press).

5. Conclusion The architectural design and landscaping have a tremendous effect on the heating, cooling and lighting of a building. In that case, buildings can be combined into landscaping techniques.

These techniques can reduce a building`s energy requirements during all four seasons, by blocking out the hot summer sun, encouraging warming solar radiation in winter, deflecting cold winter winds and channeling breezes for cooling in spring, summer and fall.

In reducing the amount of cooling energy required by a building, landscaping may be useful by directly shading the building with trees, shrubs or vines, shading the area around the building to lower the temperature of its surroundings, and using ground covers to reduce sunlight reflected into the building and lower the surrounding ground temperatures. In this connection, trees should not be planted closer than 3.0 m or 4.5 m from the building`s foundation. Shrubs are often a good alternative for shading walls and windows because they grow more quickly than trees and may be planted closer to the building since their root structures are less likely to cause damage. Vines may be trained to climb wire, trellis structures to provide localized shade in the summer. Be sure that there is adequate space between shrubs or vines and the building to allow air flow and help present mold or mildew formation on the wall. Vines grow quickly; make sure that they stay on their wire or trellis structure and do not move onto the building in order to avoid damage to the siding.

For solar systems to work effectively, they need to be unshaded between 9 a.m and 3 p.m solar time. Unfortunately, a tree extends into the solar access zone and causes shading depends upon the height of the tree and its distance from the solar collection surfaces. The overall energy needs of a building are better met by making sure the east and west sides are shaded during the summer. However, high branching deciduous trees make a good choice for

Figure 14. Types of irrigation systems.

these sides since they can both shade in summer and admit some winter solar gain.

Landscaping can also benefit a building in winter by decreasing infiltration. Since higher wind speeds mean higher infiltration rates, planting windbreaks to reduce the wind speeds approaching the building can lower its energy needs. Locate the windbreak on the windward side of the building in a way that it does not interfere with solar access. Use evergreen trees and shrubs for windbreaks on the windward side.

If sunlight or a view is important, a combination of deciduous trees and shrubs may be used, but this will be less effective.

The windbreak should be dense, rather than solid, because solid windbreaks create turbulence behind them.

The density of the windbreak should be maintained from the ground up without major gaps. A mixture of various shrubs and trees can help prevent these gaps. It is also a good idea to mix species within the windbreak to avoid the possibility of losing the entire windbreak to a disease which affects one species.

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channel between trees or hedges in the direction of summer winds to direct the breezes on and into the building.

Unfortunately, channeling summer breezes for cooling is worthwhile only if the building`s personal tends to use natural cooling practices.

In short, in a strategic landscaping: • Shade the east and west faces of the building, giving top priority to the west side, and giving priority to shading windows over shading walls.

• Avoid shading of surfaces to be used for solar collection.

• Shade the area surrounding the building.

• Cover bare ground with lawns or other ground covers rather than paving where possible.

• Plant to provide a channel for summer breezes, if natural ventilation is used, and if it doesn`t conflict with planting for a windbreak.

On the other hand, vegetated surface systems such as green roof, vine-covered wall and living wall are built on the façades and roofs of buildings to protect from solar heat in several ways.

These systems can potentially offer an additional insulating layer to a building, helping to maintain the temperatures inside, and providing the effective environmental impact outside.

In addition to, well-designed landscaping has a significant role in conserving irrigation water. In this connection, he use of low-irrigation plant materials and efficient irrigation systems can help to achieve significant reductions in water use.

References Bainbridg, D.A., & Haggarol, K. (2011). Passive solar architecture: heating, cooling, ventilation, daylighting and more using natural flows. Vermont: Chelsea Green Publishing Company.

Bertauski, T. (2009). Designing the landscape: An introductory guide for the landscape designer. New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall.

Carpenter, P.L., & Walker, T.D. (1998). Plants in the landscape. Illinois: Waveland Press,Inc. Dunnett, N., & Kingsbury, N.

(2008). Planting green roofs and living walls. London: Timber Press.

Haque M.T., Tai, L., & Ham, D. (2004). “Landscaping design for energy effiency”. USA: Carolina Energy Office, Clemson University Digital Press.

Kachadorian, J. (1997). The passive solar house: using solar design to heat & cool your home. Second edition. Vermont: Chelsea Green Publishing Company.

Lechner, N. (2015). Heating, cooling, lighting: sustainable design methods for architects. Fourth edition. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Marsh, W.M. (2010). Landscape planning environmental applications.

Fifth edition. New York: John Wiley & Sons,Inc. Melby, P. (1995). Simplified irrigation design. Second edition. New York: John Wiley & Sons.Inc. Seçkin, Ö.B. (2003). Peyzaj uygulama tekniği. İstanbul: İ.Ü. Basım ve Yayınevi.

Seçkin, N.P., Seçkin, Y.Ç., & Seçkin, Ö.B. (2011). Sürdürülebilir peyzaj tasarımı ve uygulama ilkeleri. İstanbul: Literatür Yayınları.

Seçkin, N.P., Seçkin, Y.Ç., & Seçkin, Ö.B. (2017). Yapılarda su ve nem kontrolü, İstanbul: Literatür Yayınları.

Smith, S.W. (1997). Landscape irrigation: design and management. New York: John Wiley & Sons.Inc. Snodgrass, E.C., & Mclntyre, L. (2010). The green roof manual: A professional guide to design, installation, and maintenance. London: Timber press.

Vassigh, S., Özer, E., & Spiegelhalter, T. (2013). Best practices in sustainable building design. Florida: J. Ross Publishing, Inc. Walker, T.D. (1991). Planting design.

Second edition. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Walker, L., & Newman, S. (2009).

Landscaping for energy conservation.

Colorado: Colorado State University Extension. Publications. no.7.225.

Weiler, S.K., & Scholz-Barth, K. (2009). Green roof systems: A guide to the planning, design and construction of landscapes over structure. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Environmental control in architecture by landscape design

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Modernization of colonial heritage in downtown Oran

Mazouz FATIMA safarayane10@gmail.com • Deparment of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture and Civil Engineering, Mohamed Boudiaf University, Oran, Algeria

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.37029

Received: July 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract Like other countries of the African continent, Algeria has endured the French colonization, during 132 years. After its independence, in 1962, the country has inherited an important built heritage, not testifying to its culture, but that of his colonizer. We worked on the case of downtown Oran, the most European city in the country, and by examining the different strata of development of its colonial built heritage, we set the problematic of its current becoming, combining both its conservation, its rehabilitation and its actualization by contemporary architecture. In order to make this research, we have developed a grid of characteristics of buildings in Oran, which served us as a basis for our typological analysis of buildings and to the evaluation of the heritage value of existing constructions, and the rate of inscription of current transformations into the existing landscape.

We also conducted surveys and interviews, during the period between 2013 and 2016 in Oran downtown. This approach is characterized by the highlighting of the elements of the conceptual originality of the colonial heritage and the search for their future, in relation to the socio-cultural dimensions of the country.

We hold back that, of by its conception, the colonial heritage is admirable, nevertheless, its conservation is realized through an extremely complex process, conditioned by the policies of the State, the behavior of the users and the cultural and identity data of the country.

Keywords Conservation, Contemporary architecture, Heritage, Identity, Rehabilitation.

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1. Introduction In the early 20th century, Gustavo Giovannoni has focused to demonstrate that the destruction of the built heritage entailed a cultural impoverishment: “Making our cities big centers [...] while respecting and valuing the admirable artistic heritage than have transmitted to us the centuries; or else compromise an ample development [...] we will lose what is beautiful and precious in our urban heritage” (Giovannoni, 1931, p. 38). This vision forged by Giovannoni is still current.

But does it adapt to all the built heritage inherited by the societies, without exception? What about a colonized country, having inherited an heritage that hardly testifies to its culture, but that of its colonizer?

Like other African countries, Algeria has lived the French colonization, during 132 years. After its independence in 1962, the country has inherited an important built heritage. In order to ensure the preservation and management of this heritage, the Algerian State has set up a prevention device its dilapidation. In parallel, and to cope with the pressure of needs linked to demographic growth and population movements, the State has carried out an urban planning, essentially functionalist, focusing on the production of new lodgments, in peripheral areas - passing of 15,000 units per year in 1967, to more than 300,000 lodgments per year in 2008 and finally 650,000 units for the year 2014-. As for the colonial heritage, despite the definition of rules of its management, the park of occupied lodgments has posed problems of maintenance and conservation.

Currently, the colonial heritage is aging badly and undergoes, already, total demolitions.

This proposition has for objective the examination of the colonial built heritage, under the triple form of its conception, its postcolonial use and its current becoming, in taking support on the case of downtown of Oran.

2. Conception of the colonial heritage At the early of colonization, in 1831, Oran was composed of La Blanca and Derb districts (currently located in the

Figure 1. Situation of the downtown in the territory of Oran city.

historic district of Sidi El Houari). It was erected as a commune on January 31, 1848. It is within circumstance of the necessity of its extension towards the east1, especially on the Karguentah plateau, that in 1880, was born the present downtown of Oran, incited by the reduction of territory of the initial site, but also by its rugged topography and its enclavement, which have prevented its growth (Figure 1).

However, in its substantial development, the downtown has experienced two distinct phases. The first, which extends to the year 1940, is marked by its birth and its fabrication according to a classic European model of the nineteenth century. The second, unfolding until the independence of the country, in 1962, has seen the preponderance of the modern architectural model.

In its first phase, the urban and architectural landscape of the downtown is homogeneous.

Indeed, the keystone of birth and development of the downtown was the plan of alignment and embellishment, paired to a spatial combination based on the islet, the plot and built buildings.

Having benefited from the application of the provisions of the decree of 26 March 1832, relating to the streets of Paris, buildings were constructed in the French style: “Neither more beautiful nor uglier than elsewhere” (PDAU, 1998, p. 69). On the urban plan, buildings are aligned on streets, and rise up over four to five levels, in occupying a large part of parcels. They maintain simultaneously close relations with buildings which border them on the streets in addition to those surrounding ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • M. Fatima

The presence of Mount Murdjadjo to the west and the Mediterranean Sea to the north, have oriented the extension of the city to the east.

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Figure 2. View on eclectic buildings, located on Mohamed Boudiaf street.

Figure 3. View on buildings of modern style, located on the seafront boulevard.

At the arrival of the French, the Arab population, coming from the tribes of Douai and Zmelas, had slaves who were Negroes, whence the name of the new town, the “Negro village.”

(Source: http:// www.oranmemoire.fr/Village. html#nom).

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them in the hearts of islets. Their architecture is sometimes in a neo-classical style and sometimes in an eclectic style, using columns, pilasters and cornices (Figure 2). They seem to be repeated along the streets, but they are distinguished by few accents in the drawing of their facades and the design of their differentiated angles. In fact, the concern for creativity has been exerted on detail in the form of the ornamentation and the expressiveness of the structure elements (capitals, columns, ...). In addition, regulations in effect, based on general provisions: alignment on street, the contiguity, the courtyard, the height of building proportional to street width, respected by the builders and the owners, has been at the origin of the production of a landscape of a great urban and architectural unity : “Urban architecture [...] depends until the twentieth century less from a cod-

ification by books than from the traditional knowledge of entrepreneurs and craftsmen, of respect of a simple regulations and the consensus that has been established on banal provisions : alignment, joint ownership, the role of the courtyard, etc. ... “ (Panerai et al., 2009, p.104).

During this phase, the downtown of Oran is consecrated as the exclusively colonial place of residence. Not far from the center, was built the new town “Negro village”, occupied by the indigenous-Muslim population2, as designated by the settlers. This village was modestly designed, as described by the writer Desprez : “ The indigenous houses were small and square, having generaly a ground floor and whose courtyard is sheltered from the sun by a vineyard, houses painted white, blue or red “ (Lespes, 2003, p. 184).

However, as of the year 1940, regulatory circumventions have occurred, incited by the use of reinforced concrete, in the construction of buildings, but also by speculation real estate supported by the new urbanism code.

During its second development phase, the character of the center is changed.

In fact, high-rise buildings, at modern style were introduced in the downtown (Figure 3). The implementation of the new urban planning code, has considerably transformed the aspect of certain districts of the center : “The seafront boulevard, Miramar district and new prefecture district, see themselves occupied by buildings sometimes exceeding 20 storeys [….] Private companies and public services, compete of initiative to give this part of the city a South American look “ ((PDAU, 1998, p.72).

Modern buildings rise up over twelve levels and more. Their facades are simple, denuded of decor and symbol. Their reinforced concrete structure have been maintened set back from their outer-envelop, which allowed their façades to gain the depth, to the benefit of the insertion of loggias, terraces, and break-sun.

On this latter, the cornice is suppressed, as much as the entire anthropomorphic vertical hierarchy peculiar to the first buildings.

Finally, as from 1959, and in the context of the implementation of the “Plan

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of Constantine”3, large ensembles are realized in the outskirts of the center.

These latters respond to the principles of the bursting of space, the uniformity and reproducibility of architectural and urban solutions, whose bar and tower had prevailed (Molina, 2014, p.9).

During its development phases, Oran has been: “A large urban agglomeration, deeply European” (Lespes, 2003, p.424).

Since the country’s independence in 1962 and until 19904, the two growth strata of the downtown remained legible. However, the various values of its heritage include as well age, the historicity and the aesthetics, which are indisputable, that other values which are inseparable from the users who recognize them (CBCQ, 2004, p.6), such as culture, education and the social aspect (Mason, 2002 : 9), which remain consequently, to be examined.

3. Post-colonial usage of the built heritage During the colonial era, the indigenous-Muslims lived in the Negro-village. In 1962, after the departure of the Frenchs, they remained attached to their village; the colonial heritage of the center was then occupied, by average social strata, provening from the exodus of the populations of the neighboring small towns, notably Tlemcen, Mascara and Sidi Bel Abbés.

From then on, a wide usage-value was granted to it.

Starting from 1966 - all the buildings declared vacant after independence were vested in the State -, the State was responsible for the maintenance of the buildings, but in view of the expenses invested in its maintenance, which exceeded by far the income that brought back its renting, the State changed its policy and decided to transfer its belongings to the tenants, from 1981 onwards. The end of the 1980s was also marked by the displacement of the average social strata, having occupied the colonial heritage, towards parcellings of terrain in self-construction, located in the periphery, with ceding their lodgements to social strata mostly poor. As soon, the economic and, in particular, symbolic value of heritage declined. The cession of the colonial heritage in favor of its occupants has

indeed had only negative consequences, as to its conservation and the responsibilization of its users vis-a-vis their heritage. Indeed, much of the colonial heritage is become unrecognizable. Anarchic and variable transformations were effected in the buildings. Despite the existence of rules of operation of the condominium, the common parts of the buildings have been neglected; the cellars and the terraces have been densified into precarious habitat ((MHU, 2008, p. 17). Inside the lodgements over-occupied by extended families, the kitchens have been converted into bedrooms and the bathrooms transformed into kitchens. For safety reasons, the modifications have even affected the facades, which appear assaulted and oppressed by grids preventing infractions through the balconies, windows and access-doors to buildings. In addition, the abusive use of water, in maintenance of lodgements and common areas of buildings, has constituted a factor that affected the conservation of colonial heritage and prompted its degradation.

This neglect of the colonial heritage, on plan of its maintenance and conservation, that when it comes to granting values is paradoxical. The colonial heritage is neither economically valued nor socially capitalized. The lack of means of its users, backed by their incomprehension of its usefulness, has been at the origin of its dramatic situation.

However, the conservation of the colonial heritage can’t be reduced solely at its users, the State and the other actors of civil society5 should be involved.

4. Becoming of built colonial heritage In Oran, in the face of the prejudices inflicted at the colonial heritage, the State intervened. In perspective of preserve this heritage, at first, for its users, the State has initiated a policy of conservation and prevention of its dilapidation, by means of a regulatory framework for its management. Parallel to this process, and as consideration its artistic, historical and age values, a policy of rehabilitation6 of the colonial heritage, as well as its actualization by contemporary architecture were conducted by the State.

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3 The “Constantine Plan” (1959-1963) provided for the construction of 200,000 lodgements in the suburbs of the large cities of Algeria, in form of large ensembles, which was eventually abandoned at the end of 1961.

The choice of the democratic process, instituted by the Constitution of 23 February 1989, has brought about profound changes in the thinking about the prospects of urban development in cities in the face of new planning and urbanization requirements and has led to a new Policy of the real estate activity.

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5 For example, associations acting in the protection of the built heritage.

The city of Oran has only two: “Health Sidi El Houari”, founded in 1991, working for the restoration of the Turkish baths and the old hospital of Sidi El Houari as well as learning traditional trades; and “Bel Horizon”, created in 2001, working for the rehabilitation of the Oranese heritage dating from the colonial era.

217 Decree No. 83-684 of 26 November 1983 deals with the management of dilapidated buildings in an existing urban fabric, amended and supplemented.

According to Article 2, rehabilitation is defined as “an operation consisting in the modification of an immovable or a group of buildings or equipment with a view to giving them essential commodities “.

beautiful city of Algeria “. In parallel, the State organizes seminars of sensitization and popularization of regulatory texts, in order to awareness the co-owners, palliate their incivism and aspire to a co-conservation of the colonial heritage. In definitive, the State found itself in the obligation to launch operations for the rehabilitation of residential buildings.

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7 Source : https:// www.lkeria.com/ doc/lkeria-cessiondes-biens-de-letat. pdf 8 At the national level, the number of vacant belongings left by colonization was in the order of 200,000 buildings.

9 Source: https:// www.joradp.dz/ hfr/

Source: https:// www.joradp.dz/ hfr/

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This text expresses a distinct desire of renovation of the legal framework relative to the protection of the built heritage. It has broadened the definition of built heritage to include urban ensembles and has strengthened the protection regimes of heritage built by the sectors backed up, (source: https:// www.joradp.dz/ hfr/).

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12 OPGI is the local (national) abbreviation of: the Office of Promotion and Real Estate Management.

Figure 4. View on rehabilitation of buildings, located on Larbi Ben M’Hidi Street.

4.1. Conservation and prevention of the dilapidation of colonial heritage Since independence, the State, as the owner of the patrimony, has set up co-ownership regulations (management of common parts in a collective apartment building), and located the maintenance responsibilities of those parts, until its transfer to its users through Law n° 81-01 of 7 February 19817.

Indeed, this text allowed the privatization of a large number of collective buildings managed under the condominium regime. The city of Oran counted a real estate park of 20,000 buildings8 collective (URBOR, 2015, p.82), whose 50% have been affected by this law. Nevertheless, rules for managing the co-ownship have been defined.

The provisions of Decree No. 83-666 of 12 november 19839 have concerned the management body which is the administrator of the immovable. Currently, despite the existence of this legal framework defining the rules of operation of the co-ownship, the management bodies are generally not set up.

This situation has led the buildings to the degradation of their common parts and to anarchic transformations. This device therefore remained inoperative.

Its review shows weaknesses, particularly in terms of management funding.

In addition, the State has tried again to re-emphasize the aesthetic dimension of buildings and their environments, through advertisements on the embellishments of cities. With reference to the provisions of Law No. 06-0610, incentives mesures for heritage conservation have been taken, in particular Article 24 thereof, which stipulates : “ Each year, a day is called ‘Day of the city’, an annual prize entitled “Prize of the Republic” is awarded to the most

4.2. Rehabilitation of colonial heritage The first heritage rehabilitation operations date from before 1998, the year of the promulgation of the law11 n°98-04 of 15 June 1998, on the protection of the cultural heritage – the first law dedicated to heritage -. These operations had concerned the old district of Sidi El Houari, where twenty-three dilapidated buildings have been taken over. While from this year on, thirty-three other buildings have been rehabilitated and did a new skin.

The rehabilitation of these buildings has been entrusted to the office for the promotion and management real estate (OPGI)12, through which this office has had some experience in the field.

However, in 2008, the State decided to launch a big program of rehabilitation of buildings, located in the centers of four major cities of the country, Algiers, Annaba, Constantine and especially that of Oran, which benefited from a project of rehabilitation of 600 buildings, long time neglected and currently nearing completion, which the Main roads - Mohamed Khemisti street and Larbi Ben M’Hidi street as well as the boulevard Maâta H’Bib- have been concerned (Figure 4). Given the large number of buildings to be rehabilitated, it has been done call on Italian and Spanish specialists. They have had for other mission to train Algerian craftsmen, specialists in the rehabilitation of buildings. Nevertheless, this number of rehabilitated buildings, nowadays in Oran, remains very limited, compared to the rate of dilapidated of registered heritage.

Indeed, in 2010, the State proceeded to the expertise of colonial built heritage whose results have highlighted the dramatic state of a large part of this heritage, which the progressive degradation of

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architectonic details - thereby the original identity of the buildings-, as well as the deterioration of structure elements of the buildings. Moreover, according to the local press, the downtown currently records annually, more than 200 collapses and 150 risks of collapse of buildings. The conservation of the colonial heritage displays problematic.

4.3. Demolition of colonial heritage Considering that the life time of a building is estimated to average about 50 to 60 years (this estimate is different according to countries and standards of construction in force and may vary, for example, between 35 years in Japan and 80 years in Germany) (Berezowska, 2004, p. 8), colonial heritage is already qualified as old. Face to the imminent risk than constitutes the dilapidated of heritage for the safety of its occupiers, the State has proceeded to the rehousing of the users of the degraded colonial heritage, in new lodgements, after having previously concluded with them, a contract stipulating the transfer of their properties to its profit.

As has enlightened it Françoise Choay: “Demolition is the other face of the construction” (2011, p.120). Indeed, the table-rase was retained for large parts of centrals districts degraded - Sidi El Houari (old city-center), Yaghmouracen (formerly Saint-Pierre), Lamur and Mediouni. The terrains recovered after the demolition of the dilapidated heritage are sold to the profit of private promoters. It should be noted that this new policy of real estate activity, allowing to the State to transfer built or unbuilt buildings to private promoters, intended for use in construction operations was born13, from 1991. This unexpected turnaround occurred in the policy conducted by the State, which was the sole provider of new housing, since the independence of the country, has been at the origin of the emergence of the first operations of reconstruction of the colonial heritage.

4.4. Actualization of the colonial heritage by contemporary architecture The attractiveness of the downtown generates annuities of location important for the operations of densification of enclaves, retrieved after demolition

of the dilapidated built heritage. For this reason, the operations of re-edification (Choay, 2007, p.187) of heritage have consisted mainly in investment equipments such as hotels, shopping centers, etc., but also residences of high standing.

In contrary to prescriptions of regulations retained in the urban plans, which defend the historical and artistic values of the built heritage, concretely, it is rather the economic quality with transformations of vocation, which is set in forward. The apport of new functions and services has incontestably revitalized the downtown and modernized its built heritage. Similarly, the newly built residences have welcomed a wealthy population, which induced a social mix in the center, where the colonial heritage was predominantly occupied by a poor population.

However, the examination of contemporary constructions reveals a rivalry between several trends of actualization of the colonial heritage by contemporary architecture (Paquin, 2014).

This distinction in the reconstruction of the dilapidated colonial heritage is linked to the aspirations of architects, to put their signatures on the buildings they realize, and over, to a need for affirmation, attested by the Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer: “In the countries of the Third-world to which I lend my collaboration, especially Algeria, if they lack an advanced technique, they still have a momentum, an incontestable desire of affirmation “ (1974, p.4). Our approach is to present contemporary buildings, with the aim of locating the “elements of constancy” in link with surrounding heritage, otherwise the “evolutionary elements” in break with this heritage.

Our choice has concerned four different designs of the rebuilding dilapidated built heritage.

4.4.1. Insurance office “CNEP”: Dissent with the context In superseding a low uni-familial dwelling, the office of insurance “CNEP” is located on a main artery of the downtown (Figure 5).

This eight-level building has a univalent form. Its ground-floor raised on two levels above ground, coated of ITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • M. Fatima

13 Legislative Decree No. 93-03 of 1 March 1993 concerned the actions competing to the renovation of real estate belongings (source: https://www.joradp. dz/hfr/

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Figure 5. View on the insurance office “CNEP”, located on Larbi Ben M’Hidi street.

Figure 6. View on Residence Clementine, located on Mohamed Boudiaf Street.

beige stone, marks the entrance to the building. Above this base, the building rises on six other levels, its outer-envelope is completely glazed, expressing the nature of its function and its need for the maximum light. The metal structure of the building has been maintained setback to create the curtain wall, which the effect of drawing highlights level of each floor forming the office, assimilated on the facades of pre-existing buildings, marked on the one, by the cordons and in the other by the protrusions of balconies. The transparent façade of this building is in dissent with the masonry wall pierced with windows of surrounding buildings. It should be emphasized that: “the Building with continious glazed wall is a fruit of the American technological culture” (Fanelli, 2008, p.39).

A sharp contrast of material and color is marked between the new building and that old. But this maximum transparency of the envelope on street is confronted to closure high side walls delimiting the plot, consequence of the compulsory alignment of buildings along the street. The great office height destroys the effect of perspective on street, whereas continuity between the inside and the outside of the building is developed. Behind the glass-envelope, the internal spaces answer to an opened organization, in essence. The office is a synthesis between its interior space and its exterior envelopp, expressing a modern architecture not comply with the limits set by the urban structure of context.

The significant elevation of the building shows that the architect-designer lost in this building, his role of “intercessor”, as pointed by Choay (2007, p. 185), between the building and its context.

4.4.2. Residence Clementine: Building exceeding any compromise with the context The residence is built on the corner of two streets, and consists of a ground floor completely opened on street and a compact body no-affixed thereto the existing contiguous buildings (Figure 6). A pedestrian passage, transversal to the main street, includes commercial premises. Research on the character of the envelope is fundamental in the design of this building, not settled by the bilateral symmetry, like the surrounding buildings. On the first five levels, an apparent reinforced-concrete structure joins the recess of the ground floor to the compactness of the massive body of the residence, reaffirming the continuity between the two contrasting components of the building, and revealing its aesthetic nature, not-bearing. The bulky body is slightly offset from the alignment of adjoining buildings, its setback from the left separative limit, gives it a monolithic appearance.

Object isolated, of smooth surface, coated of beige stone and with facades all equal in design. These laters don’t include openings, with the exception of the corners, where the advanced of sectors partially glazed, arranged di-

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agonally, articulated each floor level in simulation of corner treatments of surrounding buildings, whose the weight effect of the building. The clear distinction in the relationship of empty and full between the “new” and the “old” building is accentuated. As an expression of its time, the corner of the building at the intersection of two streets is no longer seen in the first glance, it is not the part of building where all the consistence of the construction appears, like the surrounding buildings.

The building is modern and unique.

4.4.3. Hotel Oran-center: A hybrid appearance This hotel ten levels, was built at the corner of two streets in unequal importance. Its first two levels form the base from which the compact body of the hotel emerges, composed of a succession of repeated storeys. Between neo-classical and modern styles of the downtown, the hotel proposes a hybrid appearance, resulting by a superposition of ideas, like its reinforced-concrete structure, in setback of its facades, remaining unexpressed on the envelope, whose the coating of cement mortar is in groove.

The advance of the building in cantilevered, increased the thickness of its facades of 150 cm, winning at each level, a surplus of surface, and a fully open facade more enlightened on the narrow transverse street. On its outer envelope, the openings are pierced, in a traditional way, skilfully superimposed over the whole height of the building.

Their size and design do not express any space particularity. In contrast to the “CNEP” office, the exterior of the hotel assumes the full without creation and translates the horizontal closing, whose the continuity between the inside and outside of the building. The imposing height of the building, transgresses the urban regulations in force, and doesn’t change from one street to another (Figure 7). The rounded corner of the building is designed without any special features. An effect of verticality of the casing is accentuated, to the detriment of the perspective effect on street. In appearance, the building is simple, integrated, but it is also shifted, it seems to have always existed in

Figure 7. View on the hotel “Oran-Center”, located on Larbi Ben M’Hidi Street.

Figure 8. View on the Residence “ColonelLotfi”, located on Larbi Ben M’Hidi Street.

this locus, it doesn’t exclude the past, but hesitates to “go ahead.” It doesn’t express surely its time.

4.4.4. Residence Colonel Lotfi: Adequacy with the context This residence at eleven levels is located at the end of Ben M’Hidi Street.

Their first four levels form the base of the residence, from which emerges the body of the residence. The composition of its outer-envelope responds to the tradition of the first buildings at coronation. This latter follows the profile of the plot. Its reinforced-concrete structure is maintained setback, to produce the elaborated articulation of the building. In the compactness of the envelope, rhythmed hollow creates shadows on the facade, interrupting the continuity of the envelope of the building (Figure 8).

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Figure 9. View of a pseudo-historical contemporary building, the “Royal” hotel, located on Boulevard de la Soummam.

Figure 10. View on the Hotel «El Hadef».

14 For example: architect Oscar Niemeyer believes: “architecture as a very personal thing”.

The corner of the building is treated in structure apparent, enriched by balconies. The coronation of the building extends over two levels; on the side of the main street and is reduced to a single level on the secondary street. The residence contains administrations in its first four levels and lodgements in the others. The design of the outer-envelope reflects the functional organization of spaces and separate character of each level. The residence is in adequacy with its immediate environment.

Examination of these contemporary buildings shows the rivalry between three trends rebuilding of the dilapidated colonial heritage: A first trend oriented towards dissidence with the surrounding context, associating more than one style, distinct from each other, expressing the individual options of architect-designers14, in search of the drafting of a new architectural style in the downtown, daring and contemporary, not taking into account all the parameters of the context, just like the insurance office “CNEP”.

Second trend is more rather oriented toward an agreement with the neighboring buildings, where contemporary constructions come to exclude the present and the progress recorded in the construction, as the hotel Oran-center. But thus, the new build-

ings remain not only, enclosed in the past, but also miss, of commitment in the present.

This stylistic choice doesn’t line up with the provisions of Article 7 of the Vienna Memorandum on “the world-heritage and the contemporary-architecture “, adopted in May 2005, and which stipulate that the contemporary architecture and the preservation of the urban landscape, should avoid all forms of pseudo-historical design, in so far as they constitute a simultaneous rejection of the historical and the contemporary aspects (Figure 9).

The third trend reflects a competence to edify (2007, p.184). As described by Choay: “The capacity to articulate between themselves and with their context, on the scale of the body, the full or empty elements, solidary and never autonomous “. Contemporary constructions have a coherent relationship with the buildings surrounding them in the patrimonial context, while being carriers of contemporaneity. Like the hotel “El Hadef ”, located on the seafront boulevard. This latter follows the profile of the parcel and respects the parameters of the context, and Is in adequacy with its immediate environment (Figure 10).

The terrains recovered after demolition of the dilapidated colonial heritage are densified, but in addition, the parameters of the context are not always respected.

According to Victor Hugo, the history of development of a center and its architectural inscription are highly dependent: “Architecture writes the history” (Chemetov et al., 1984, p. 9).

By neglecting the parameters of the heritage context, and in the apparent absence of cultural references, the architects-designers of the contemporary constructions have developed distinct visions, and have sometimes missed this opportunity to write correctly the contemporary history of the downtown of Oran. Attitudes that go against the current logic and also the statements of the director of the UNESCO World Heritage Center, Francesco Bandarin in Vienna, dated May 10, 2005: “ The centers of cities that have developed over the centuries need to remain legible, each stratum of their

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development testifying to the culture and development of the city “.

Also, the taking of consideration of “an already-there” is primordial. Nevertheless, it should under no circumstances, aiming the reproduction by mimicry, as precised by Stein (2003, p.19), but rather serve to define the articulation of new constructions with the existing patrimonial ensembles.

Locally, the identity remains a process of becoming (Joaquin, 1988, p.28).

4. Conclusion In Oran, beyond the register of conservation, the colonial heritage has progressed. According to Choay, no heritage can escape to the demolition, either by the wear and tear of time, by wars, or by the utility of modernization: “Demolition is a historical necessity”, it is also, the other side of the construction. However, the importance of the context remains paramount, as enlightened by Giovannoni: “The heritage value of pieces of town is much more than the result of a concentration of buildings or the prolongation of architecture; It is the very structure of the ensembles which is carrier of sens and which therefore takes a heritage value “.

In Oran, of by its conception, the colonial heritage is admirable. The replacement of the built colonial heritage has revitalized the central urban fabric of the city and the contemporary constructions have given it a better attractiveness, by the contribution of new functions and services. Nevertheless, the examination of the modes of integration of operations of replacement of the dilapidated heritage in the central urban dynamic, has shown that they were sometimes made, in a retreat towards the old models, if not in an opening to transformation. Between a colonization having exceeded the century and an independence of hardly half a century, the transformations of heritage oscillate between an aspiration to modernity and the safeguarding of socio-cultural references. It is retained that in a country that has inherited a colonial heritage, Its conservation is carried out through an extremely complex process, conditioned by the policies of the State, the behavior of the users and the cultural and identity data of the country.

References Berezowska, A. (2004), Pour une gestion intégrée du recyclage territorial. Journée d’étude sur la problématique urbaine dans la ville d’Oran. Université des sciences et de la Technologie d’Oran, Oran.

Chemetov, P., Marrey, B. (1984).

L’architecture du XIXe siècle de Paris, Edition Le seuil, Paris.

Choay, F. (2007). L’allégorie du patrimoine. Edition Le Seuil, Paris.

Choay, F. (2011). De la démolition.

Revue Architecture d’Aujourd’hui AA, 386, 119- 125.

CBCQ -Commission des biens culturels du Québec-. (2004). « La gestion par les valeurs : exploration d’un modèle », Québec, publication de la commission.

Direction de l’urbanisme et de la construction d’Oran. (1998). Document écrit du Plan Directeur d’Aménagement et d’Urbanisme (PDAU) du groupement urbain d’Oran, Sidi Chahmi, Es-sénia et Bir El Djir, publication de la Direction.

Fanelli, G., Gargiani, R. (2008).

Histoire de l’architecture moderne, structure et revêtement, Presses polytechniques et universitaires romandes, Lausanne.

Giovannoni, G. (1931). Vecchie città ed edilizia nuova. Réédition en 1998 ; traduction française : L’urbanisme face aux villes anciennes. Edition Le Seuil Paris.

Joaquin, N. (1988). Culture et Histoire. Notes occasionnelles sur le devenir des Philippines. Edition de Metro Manila, Solar Publishing Corporation.

Lespes, R. (2003). Oran, Etude de géographie et Histoire urbaines. Edition de l’association Bel Horizon, Oran.

Mason, R. (2002). Assessing Values in Conservation Planning : Methodological Issues and Choices. Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage. Research Report, Los Angeles, the Getty Conservation Institute.

MHU-Ministère de l’habitat et de l’urbanisme-. (2008). Il faut réorienter l’acte de bâtir. La revue de l’habitat, 01, 13-21 Molina, G. (2014). Distinction et conformisme des architectes-urbanistes de la « star system », France.

Niemeyer, O. (1974). Extraits de l’inITU A|Z • Vol 15 No 2 • July 2018 • M. Fatima

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terview accordée par Oscar Niemeyer aux journaux brésiliens. Revue d’architecture d’aujourd’hui AA. 171, 3-5.

Panerai, P., Depaule, J.-C., & Demorgon, M. (2009). Analyse urbaine, Edition Parenthèses, Marseille.

Paquin, A.G. (2014). Actualiser le patrimoine par l’architecture contemporaine, Edition des Presses de l’université du Québec, Québec.

Stein, V. (2003). La reconquête du centre-ville : du patrimoine à l’espace

public, Thèse de Doctorat, faculté de sciences économiques sociales, université de Genève, Genève.

URBOR -Centre d’Etudes et de Réalisations en Urbanisme-. (2015).

Document écrit portant révision du Plan Directeur d’Aménagement et d’Urbanisme du groupement des communes d’Oran, Bir El Djir, Es Senia, Sidi Chahmi et El Kerma. Publication de la Direction de l’urbanisme, de l’architecture et de la construction d’Oran.

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Civil aviation in Turkey in 1920s and 1930s: Büyükdere AEI facility

Nedime Tuba YUSUFOĞLU tuba.yusufoglu@gmail.com • Department of Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, Yıldız Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey.

doi: 10.5505/itujfa.2018.21033

Received: August 2017 • Final Acceptance: July 2018

Abstract The seaplanes used for supporting the fleet for the military purposes during World War I, have been used as a new form of transportation technology in 1920s and 1930s as “Golden Age” of aviation in Western countries (in Europe and United States) for the civil and commercial purposes; it has become considerably popular and in great demand. In those years, as an issue being approached in Istanbul simultaneously with Europe and United States, culture and voyage of seaplane had remained as an issue implied and not being significantly researched.

Newly-emerging and young many European companies have anticipated route of Turkey as the shortest cut to travel to and connect with East, taken steps and built facilities accordingly and made relevant connections. In this paper, Italian AEI (Societa Anonima Aero Espresso Italiana), being established in 1920s in Büyükdere, European side of Istanbul for civil aviation services, is construed architecturally based upon Archives of the Prime Ministry of the Republic.

Keywords Aviation architecture, Büyükdere AEI (Aero Espresso Italiana), Civil and commercial aviation buildings in Turkey, Plane, Seaplane.

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1. Introduction Along with the invention of aircraft at the beginning of 20th century (1903), aviation industry has emerged and aviation architecture has developed for this new flying machine. Within the context of aviation architecture, parallel running has been made in our country during the period characterized as “Golden Age” (1918-1939) of aviation in the West (particularly in the United States).

As widely known, technological developments had been firstly used in wars throughout the history. Putting emphasis on the aircraft by Europe and the United States is related to voyage fantasy to far east and colonial policies (Spenser, 2008) (Kronenburg, 2002).

The opinions on aircraft and aviation defined as “winged gospel” defined

by Joseph Corn are one of the consequences of a belief that the aircraft would be a part of life in near future (Corn, 1983). Aircraft would be a perfect vehicle to reach at far east and other colonies. Furthermore, aircraft has distributed a brand new perception, space-time experience, speed, movement, entertainment and sport into the life of 20th century (Yusufoğlu, 2017; Yusufoğlu, Kara Pilehvarian 2017).

Despite of the fact that Istanbul has lost its former political power in 1920s along with moving its capital to Ankara with the proclamation of Republic, Istanbul; it continued to distract attention of international private enterprises with its population, history and geographical advantages. Many European companies considered Turkey as a shortcut for travelling to and getting in touch with the East. Therefore, similar with the request and application of privilege of French CIDNA (Compagnie Internationale de Navigation Aérienne, initially CFRNA) company located in Istanbul Yeşilköy (San Stefano) for civil and commercial aviation service1, Italian AEI (Societa Anonima Aero Espresso Italiana) decided to construct a facility in Istanbul, Büyükdere in the same years and applied to the Turkish government for the required enterprise and permits. The company aimed at giving service with seaplane as the new, popular and luxury transportation form of that period for civil

Figure 1. Seaplane was a vital part of American industry in 1930s. Miami Dinner Key terminal of Delano&Aldrich, 1932 (Pearman, 2004).

and commercial purpose. In fact, there has always been a symbiosis condition between water and aviation structures.

Many earlier airports have been located close to water in order to accompany to seaplane. Seaplane was a vital part of American industry in 1930s. It has become common for constructing and managing their own airports in the major companies of the United States in 1920s and 1930s. Pan American Company had “Dinner Key” terminal in Miami designed by a well-known architectural office Delano&Aldrich in 1934. Aesthetically attractive design has been referred to as the first modern passenger terminal design (Douglas, 1996) (Figure 1). La Guardia is its leading and extremist example. Large “Clipper” seaplane of Pan-am has been defined as luxury voyage during 1930s and carried out transatlantic passenger transportation by air (Eggebeen, 2007).

American seaplane voyage and culture in 1930s was identical in Istanbul, Republic of Turkey during the same period. In this regard, AEI seaplane station facility located in Istanbul Büyükdere must be reviewed.

2. Italian AEI (Societa Anonima Aero Espresso Italiana) facility Airport / seaplane station facility, established in Büyükdere located in the Bosphorus, is an “industrial heritage” that has been almost unknown in architecture and urban history. The first study considered this subject within the context of architectural history is related to Haluk Zelef (2014). Haluk Zelef discussed AEI facility in his article titled “Impacts of Seaplanes and Sea-

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See: Yusufoğlu, 2017, Aviation and Aircraft Industrial Structures in Turkey: 1923-1940, pp. 397-419.

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ports on the Perception and Conception of the Modern City: The Case of Istanbul”. In this article, Zelef ’s reviews were developed by bringing unpublished Archives of the Prime Ministry of the Republic (BCA) documents and projects into light.

Air travel has appeared as a totally new form of transportation in the initial period of 20th century. Along with the invention of aircraft and possibility of air travel, aviation architecture has begun to develop. Airport for passenger transfer and commercial transportation has emerged and developed in 1910s, 1920s and 1930s. Airports brought along installation of the systems such as airline route and network etc. It necessitated the installation of airline network systems together with the invention of aircraft in the 20th century. On the other side, a new competition started between land planes and seaplanes. In those years, however zeppelins and touristic cruises were popular in transatlantic transportation, seaplanes emerged as a brandnew alternative. Many European companies established their airline services for transportation and post service in 1920s. Creating this new expensive commercial network on seas rendered service to requests of the Western countries for colonization, namely political purposes as mentioned above.

In those years, Italian companies took first steps to establish connection/link between Istanbul, Odessa and Varna, Antalya and Ankara in order to provide airline service through seaplane with Turkish-Italian partnership (Sarıgöl et al. 2009). One of these companies is Societa Anonima Aero Espresso Italiana (AEI).

The first airfield and facilities located in Istanbul were introduced and constructed in Yeşilköy in 1912 for the military purposes during the period of Ottoman Empire (Yusufoğlu, 2017).

Along with World War I and the developments in Europe afterwards, some foreign airline companies which were newly established in Europe considered the route of Turkey and Istanbul as an important itinerary in order to provide connection with Middle East.

French CIDNA applied to Turkish government accordingly for civil and

commercial aviation activities. Apart from CIDNA, another foreign airline company, Italian AEI applied to Turkish government for air service. As CIDNA, this application was accepted for a period determined with the agreement under certain conditions (supervisions and non-performance of or limitations in domestic flights). Apart from CIDNA, Italian AEI established a seaplane facility located in Bosphorus, Istanbul.

Having established on December 12th, 1923, the first Italian international air transportation company Societa Anonima Aero Espresso Italiana (AEI) has been operated to a high degree in 1920s and 1930s in order to provide seaplane service amongst Italy, Greece and Turkey. The Italian company applied to Turkish government with a detailed offer containing model of seaplanes, airport to be constructed, required facilities (hangars) and flight route in 1924 following its establishment. AEI was granted for the authorization to construct its sea airport with the agreement made thereof. The seaplane station of AEI was permitted with the agreement made with Turkish government only for civil uses. Technical specifications of aircrafts and the materials to be handled in company’s seaplane station are described in the annex of agreement (BCA 1) (BCA 2) (Archive of the Prime Ministry of the Republic).

Flight route would be between “Brindisi, Athens, Izmir (Smyrna) and Istanbul” or between “Brindisi, Athens, Thessaloniki and Istanbul”. Rhodes Island was added into this network in 1930 (on the island of Rhodes the Italians were very busy with archeological findings - see Prange, 1998). The route would only be by sea generally in parallel with the coastline (BCA 1).

After the War of Independence (1919-1922) and prior to proclamation of newly established Republic of Turkey, Italian airline company authorities were contacted in Ankara and an agreement assuring 11-year privilege was signed. Even though a project was prepared in order to facilitate landing in the neighbourhood of Kokaryalı in Izmir (Smyrna), Istanbul was accepted as the sole destination due to military reasons. Greek authorities acted in a

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similar manner with the negation of Turkish authorities as ignoring Izmir and rejected to consider Thessaloniki appropriate as a destination.

According to Article 1 of Separated (Supplemented) Contract, cancellation of facility constructed by Company in Küçükçekmece because of which the field is prohibited, and construction of hangar and scaffolding in Kefeli Köy, Büyükdere were accepted. In case Company did not request for cancellation in Küçükçekmece, 15.375 Liras in total as field fee (1525 Liras), 1850 Liras for planted areas (cultivation) fee and 12.000 Liras for scaffolding would be paid to Company according to Article 2. It has been understood from these articles that Lake of Küçükçekmece was envisaged for site selection (BCA 1, BCA 2). Haluk Zelef indicated in the written documents dated January 2015 between Italian company and Turkish Government that Golden Horn was mentioned for site selection. As it has been considered that there was sea traffic density in Golden Horn on those days and Lake of Küçükçekmece was considerably far from city center, 5-acreage land of field in Büyükdere was selected as the location for facility in the largest section of Bosphorus (Zelef, 2014).

There are underlying reasons as when considered from an historical aspect at first, as mentioned above, the field has been used as a resort, recreation and hunting lodge by local and foreign people residing at Istanbul in the middle of the 19th century, and hosted to “Büyükdere Meadow” and “Seven Brothers Plane-Tree” that was known as created from nine trunks within this meadow (later 7 roots remained)2 . This field was used as an airfield for military aircrafts in the World War I (Anonymous, 2017a).

In respect of the reasons why the airline company selected this field are; firstly, this location had many advantages. It was close to summer houses of many diplomatic representatives and to non-Muslim wealthy population of the city at the end of 19th century who were the potential customers for an airline company. More importantly, the site selection offered many technical advantages; it enabled to be

Figure 2. Layout plan of AEI facility (BCA 2).

Figure 3. Field application plans of AEI facility (BCA 2).

protected from high wind of rough sea and accompanied to a large water surface in order to assist planes to land easily particularly by being away from sea traffic. The location of station in Bosphorus offered some military advantages to Turkish authorities. The point which was considered by Zelef is that; neither Dardanelles nor Bosphorus (Istanbul) was under the control of Turkey and there were limitations in military-based areas until Montreux Convention in 1936; they had to be at a distance of 15-20 km from the coasts.

AEI facilities, as revealed by this convention, were permitted to be used under the military supervision as per these conditions (Zelef, 2014).

AEI presented the completed plans of airport to Ministry in November 1925. AEI was also granted privilege for importing materials regarding construction and its activities (Sarıgöl et al. 2009). Immediately after signing 20-year agreement between AEI and Turkish government on the date of December 31th, 1925, Turkish Government approved the project on December 31th, 1925 and allocated 20.000 m² on-shore fields. The project included a management building (main terminal / station building), a building for employees, two hangars, a port as well as required fittings and warehouse build-

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This plane-tree was pictured in the gravures of French artists in the World War I. 2

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Figure 4. AEI scaffolding (BCA 2).

Figure 5. Public view of the facility (BCA 2).

Figure 6. Public view of the facility (BCA 2).

ings. Constructions of airport and pier were immediately initiated.

The documents numbered 230-00_61-27-1 related to Archive of the Prime Ministry of the Republic (BCA) include information regarding aircraft station, plans, projects and photos (BCA 2). The content of this file consists of workshop, hangar, staff building, scaffolding plan and their photos. There are also information regarding facility cost and other technical information within the same documents. The summary information and conclusions below are accordingly specified below: The station is located at the distance of 20 km from the bay of Büyükdere; two roadways link this station to the city by land. One of these roadways connects with way of Maslak from Hacı Osman hill and this road was reconstructed as

asphalt. The other roadway meets way of Maslak from Kireçburnu, Tarabya and Istinye. The bay of Büyükdere has a good sea surface for the planes to land and the dominant Eastern wind blows across the bay from Bosphorus of Black Sea. Sea waves are slack which does not prevent approach and movements of planes as the section across the bay of Büyükdere and the section on Anatolia shore of Bosphorus constitute a good wall of protection against Eastern wind (Figure 2 and Figure 3).

According to BCA documents, “scaffolding and sledge system” was as below: A rough sea in such an extent that it was impossible for the planes to be taken out from and launched to the sea was rarely seen. Particularly the opportunity for launching the plane to the sea has always existed. There was a reinforced concrete and stone wheeled guide installation in the station. The planes were lifted up with a crane having electrical 7-horsepower engine. It could also be used to pull the planes from sea to guide with additions such as tackle. The planes had mooring facilities such as iron, chain, anchor and mooring ropes. These were located close to the guide in an appropriate style (BCA 2) (Figure 4). Technical equipment such as wireless antenna was available as well.

The information obtained from BCA documents regarding “Construction and Installation made for Various Services” was as below: Büyükdere plane station contains of installation that would be useful for an activity much more than its currently executed activity level. The station had specifications appropriate for many lines to navigate without adding something into the existing installation. There was one more hangar building in Büyükdere station beside Faller station, which was sold to the Greek Government; even though there was no building (situated) intended for residence of the officers, the facility in Büyükdere had a size and excellence suitable for longer distances and more expenditures as it was sufficient for the expenditures between 1- Brendizi Istanbul and 2-Brendizi Rhodes carried out twice in a week and Brendizi-Egypt route carried out every day (BCA 2) (Figure 5, Figure 6).

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Divisions of bureaus and offices for Bureaus and Offices of Station- Rooms Allocated for Passenger Service- Sections Passed for Residence are as below.

2.1. Management center (Main terminal building / Station building) There are two subject matters related to Management Center. In BCA’s folder documents, there are plan, section and view drawings of the building. There are texts in Italian language and metric measurement system on these drawing documents. The layout of the drawing is comprised of the plan of two floors, one section and one roof plan.

The drawings have 1/50 scale and the size of the building is 27.80x11.10 m (308,58 m²). But it is not clear whether this building has existed before or Italian company has constructed it.

In the interviews and researches made in-site for the building, it has been stated that the management center (the main terminal building) was built as a “hunting lodge” by Sultan Abdulhamid II (1876-1909) or Mehmet VI (1918-1922); after that, it has provided service to aviation facilities (Taş, C., 2015; Zelef, 2014; Anonymous, 2017b). As this building cannot be seen in military maps of 1906 and Istanbul maps of the period (for example in Istanbul map published in French by Necip Bey) and can be seen in “German Blues” prepared by “Istanbul Maps Company” from 1926 to 1928, it has been thought that this building could also be built by Italian company. The architect’s identity of the building can be questioned whether he was Gulio Mongeri3. The function of “Büyükdere Aircraft Station” in German Blues has been explicitly expressed; the management center near Bosphorus in an area close to the shore, near-by inward aircraft hangar, repair shop and office staff and crew buildings on stream side (Figure 7).

Space functions of management center (main terminal building) in BCA documents were regulated as is: Apart from bathroom and kitchen sections, it had 2 halls and 16 rooms.

On the ground floor, 1 hall would be used for the services such as custom and passport inspection, ticket check, luggage weighing and passenger wait-

Figure 7. German Blues map showing AEI facilities.

Figure 8. AEI management / main terminal building, plan, section and the roof drawings (BCA 2).

Figure 9. AEI management / main terminal building view (BCA 2).

ing as well as 1 scaffolding for management bureau, 1 clerk bureau, 2 custom offices, 1 flight bureau and dressing room wardrobes of pilots, 1 residence for wireless phone officer of radio sta-

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Figure 10. Building of AEI officer and servant, plan, section and roof drawings (BCA 2).

Figure 11. Building view of AEI officer and servant (BCA 2).

3 Italian-origin architect was an academician in Istanbul Fine Arts Faculty in this period and that he could be involved in this project as a designer or consultant.

Mongeri, as a part of this style (National Style), built many important buildigs in the new capital city Ankara. In the end of the 1920s and the early years of the 20th century, he became the architect of Italian embassy in Istanbul. This had to lead him to contact AEI.

tion and scaffolding, 2 (primary) residences for pilots; on the top floor, 1 hall, 6 rooms which were allocated for residence of scaffolding headman, 1 room for servant, 1 room for residence of station clerk would be used (BCA 2) (Figure 8, Figure 9).

The architecture of AEI management/main terminal building has a style of “National Style”. The building also gave service to the passengers of modern airline companies. Crown gate/central portal (main entrance), symmetrical façade arrangement, wide eaves, pointed Ottoman arches, turquoise ceramics used in façade and interior area are explicitly typical features of the style of “National Style”. Despite of the fact that the building has been revised several times in time, it has substantially survived in its original state.

2.2. Building allocated to residence for officer and servant It was comprised of 13 rooms. There were 3 bathrooms, 1 kitchen and 1 storeroom available and they were divided as is: 1- large room-station dining hall, 1-large room-intended for residence of custom officers, 1-cook rooms, intended for residence, 1-ward-

robe, 1-intended for residence of station driver, 1-intended for residence of warehouse officer, 7-bedrooms at plane employee’s disposal, the building allocated for residence of both manager and officer were equipped with heating system. Furthermore, there was hot water works in the building related to management (BCA 2).

The building at “National Style” style is simple in the highest degree (Figure 10, Figure 11). The building has survived almost in its original state; the windows at façade only were repaired and renewed.

2.3. Hangars The station had two hangars. The original hangars were destroyed; and instead, reinforced concrete hangars/ ateliers were built. On the other hand, written information with projects related to the original state of these hangars were obtained from BCA documents.

In the light of these documents, the hangars can be reviewed. One of them was wooden and covered with corrugated iron. The size of this hangar was 52 m and opened section (irradiance) was 20x7 m. It was used from the year of 1926. With the existing internal rail installation, there were 2 planes in the type of “WAL”. When one more rail line was added, there were 3 planes in this type in the hangar. The space located in this hangar was being used as carpenter’s shop, tool house and worker wardrobe (BCA 2).

The second hangar was constructed in 1928 in accordance with object accounts of Brest and its partners accepted by German government and the projects approved by Ministry of Nafia (Public Works) management. The framework of this hangar was made of iron and covered by sheet and armored glass plates. Its size, length was 50 m, opened section (irradiance) was 10x30 m; its furniture was concrete. There was a central rail line available. There was also a longitudinal and central beam and durable against 5-ton weight.

There was a movable 2-tones tackle on this rail. S.66 type 2 large planes could be located in this hangar. In case of comparison between two hangars, metallic hangar was lighter, more useful and more durable. This hangar could

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be in such a condition that could be easily disassembled. On the other side, workers could work relatively in a more difficult condition compared with the other hangar during extremely hot and cold weather (BCA 2).

These two hangars, with the size of 52x20x7 m and 50x30x10 m, located in Istanbul were constructed “with Italian speed” (Prange, 1998). The archive drawings were substantially detailed.

In the drawings which were obviously designed and manufactured by a company from Milano “Pasqualin&Vienna”, construction details and all construction information and details from infrastructure (foundations) to superstructure construction are seen. The hangars were assembled on-site (Figure 12, Figure 13, Figure 14, Figure 15, Figure 16, Figure 17). As stated above, these original hangars were destroyed and instead, reinforced concrete hangars/ateliers were built.

When number and capacity of hangars constructed by AEI Company are considered, Brindisi with 12-aircraft capacity was the main base and headquarters of airline service; Istanbul and Athens stations had smaller facilities to protect the aircraft. Athens covered a portable hangar with the size of 52x28 m (Prange, 1998). However, constructing the facility’s hangars in Istanbul as reinforced concrete was one of the suggestions, it was not made of this material.

2.4. Building of various services In this building, there were automobile garage, warehouse and workshop; in the workshop, there were machines and required tools. Having been constructed with the technique of masonry construction was in a style of “National Style” (Figure 18, Figure 19). The building has survived. And it provides service as a cafeteria.

Fuel tank (refuelling), electricity, water and fire protection installation have been planned in detail and created in AEI facility (BCA 2). In the same BCA (2) document, the relevant cost list of Büyükdere Pier is stated as below: The land (field purchase, filling etc.) was approximately 946.000 Italian Liras; building (management building, pilot, servant residence and service building,

small building for crane, SCIOVOLO shed and scaffolding, light railways etc.) was approximately 1.850.000 Liras; hangars (material fee, shipment, assembly etc. costs, base and furniture) were approximately 1.593.000 Liras; tools (machine, furniture/goods, engine, vehicle etc.) were approximately 660.000 Liras as 5.049.890 İtalian Liras in total. The rate dated 26.8.1935 of that period was taken as basis (BCA 2).

Despite of the fact that the hangars were documented in BCA documents and that there were drawn projects,

Figure 12. AEI hangar no: 1 building (BCA 2)4.

BCA, file no: 230-0-0-0_6127-1_Information, plan regarding Büyükdere Seaplane Station.

4

BCA, file no: 230-0-0-0_61-271_ Information, plan regarding Büyükdere Seaplane Station.

5

BCA, file no: 230-0-0-0_61-271_ Information, plan regarding Büyükdere Seaplane Station.

6

Figure 13. AEI hangar details (BCA 2)5.

Figure 14. AEI hangar details (BCA 2)6.

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Figure 15. AEI hangars, general view (BCA 2).

Figure 16. AEI hangar no: 1 building (BCA 2).

Figure 17. AEI hangar no: 2 building (BCA 2).

Figure 18. View of building with various services (BCA 2).

Figure 19. View of building with various services (BCA 2).

constructions of other buildings were not completely clear. There are some doubts regarding that these buildings have existed before or were built for a certain purpose. Especially, as mentioned above; it is not clear who, when, for which purpose designed and who constructed the management building/ main terminal building.

The architectural language of seaplane facility may be evaluated in general as below: In the agreement signed for the facility, there was a condition to construct an “ultramodern” facility. This matches with the “high modernism” ideology of Mustafa Kemal as the founder of the Republic of Turkey.

Well-resolved/planned places (for administrators, pilots and passengers), advanced hangar technologies and interior arrangements are the concrete reflections. Interestingly, “local” architectural language (National Style) of main terminal building (hunting lodge) and other buildings are in contradiction with the ultramodern style of hangar buildings.

The main terminal building reminds train stations of the 19th century (particularly the interior space). This should not be ignored because there are significant connections with the trace of the 19th century in the development of aviation in the 20th century, especially in 1920s and 1930s (for example, connection of composition of modern airline with railway stations/train station buildings) (See: Yusufoğlu, 2017).

While railway and exhibition/Expo structures marked on the 19th century, aircraft and aviation marked on the 20th century. While railway investments (and network/network systems) were given importance as of the middle of the 19th century, aviation investments (and network/network systems) became important in the 20th century, especially in 1920s and 1930s.

Besides, according to Sibel Bozdoğan, when “National Architecture” is considered with a historical perspective instead of the style, it can be said that it is the first “modern” discourse in Turkish architectural culture. Turkish architects made calculations with new building types, construction techniques and design principles for the first time (Bozdoğan, 2012). According

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to her, all architectural culture of this period of the Republic is composed of a great effort regarding the reconciliation betwen “modern” and “national”.

Architectural culture and manifacturing of this period of the Republic (1920s and 1930s) compared foreign ideas and local realities but it is not an issue encountered only in Turkey but ambiguity, complexity and discrepancies seen all around the world (Bozdoğan, 2012). Accordingly, this facility has a particular importance as it is the concrete/symbolic expression of an important effort regarding the reconciliation of the period of the Republic between “modern” and “national”.

Another important trace of the 19th and 20th century railway and aviation connection can be seen in the chain of ferry port stations constructed along the coasts of Istanbul between 1913 and 1917. These beneficial small structures have the features of “traditional”, “national” and “local” reinforcement of modern life which was well-planned for inter-urban and steam-power transportation (Zelef, 2014). Similar example can be given for the chain of airports and seaplane stations. Accordingly Le Corbusier pointed out this in his book “Aircraft” written in 1935 as “new rails... airborne vehicles!” (Le Corbusier, 1987). In 1930s, prototype designs of railway stations were built in the various places of the country.

These designs are repetetive, easy to carry modern images symbolizing the connection of central state to rural areas. Architectural language of these stations are composed of symmetrical, simple arrangements, flat roofs and geometrical façade compositions made in vertical and horizontal volumes (Bozdoğan, 2012). Similarly; the number and place of sea ports in the shores of Istanbul were discussed and international urban planners were invited for a competition in 1933. These people were French urban planner J. H. Lambert, Alfred Agache, German planner Herman Elgötz and French planner Henri Proust (Agache, 1934; Elgötz, 1934, 1935). Henri Proust highlighted the potential use that may be brought by seaplane in the city. Proust could not see that transportation via seaplane was comprised of connecting

Istanbul to the other cities only but he speficied that this transportation type might be used as a part of daily routine in the city. He also evaluated the use of amphibious aircraft in the shores of the country as Istanbul, Bursa and Yalova (Proust, 1937). Indeed, it has been considered to locate seaplane stations in many points in long shores of Istanbul and Turkey (as railway stations/train station buildings) and to create an aerial chain in those years. In Decennary Plan of Proust (Plan Décennal 19431953), an industrial region was also included in planning for seaplanes (Bilsel, 2010). Indeed, enforcement of the First Five-Year Industrial Plan in 1934 is among the indicators that the state gave importance to industrial investments and this importance reflected on aviation policies and investments/ facilities. In this sense, the reason why Turkish Government (after a long period of war years) allowed Italian AEI seaplane facility to carry out civil and commercial aviation under strict supervisions and controls can be explicitly understood.

Another subject matter pointed out

by Sibel Bozdoğan is the most modern-like residences (villa-type single houses or multiple houses with garden) were constructed around new station buildings (station neighborhoods) for State Railway personnel in many rural cities (Bozdoğan, 2012). The same situation can be observed for AEI aircraft facility and Büyükdere as well. Aircraft facility was constructed in an area determined as around modern and luxury residence/life area (holiday resort of administrators and notables of the Ottoman State). This can be considered as a reflection of aviation, modernism and modern architectural language.

In addition to that, while the State was publishing railway construction, new train station buildings, images, statistics etc. proudly in the magazine “Railways” in 1920s and 1930s, it increased the efforts to develop meteorology organization and its network and information/maps related to aviation network began to be created. The maps showing flight route of AEI can be seen in the relevant documents. Another figure marking his name to aviation and advertisement industry in this

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period of the Republic was Ihap Hulusi Görey. He put his signature under the advertisement posters of Turkish Air Association (THK) and State Airlines (DHY) (See: Web resources related to Ihap Görey).

The Republic of Turkey has given particular importance to the construction of factory; in this regard, after a short while from the proclamation of the Republic, an aircraft factory was created and opened in Kayseri (1925).

These structures were important both as modern buildings in general and as constructed manifestations/symbols of the idealism of “high modernism” of the Republic (Bozdoğan, 2012). As pointed out by culture historians, aircraft and relevant flight metaphor has created “a fantastic milestone with deep implications in modern avantgarde movement” (Bozdoğan, 2012) (Wohl, 1994). Passion of aircraft was received favorably in Turkey in which the founder of the Republic of Turkey was personally interested in civil aviation.

After a short while from the proclamation of the Republic, establishment of Turkish Air Association (THK) and Turkish Bird, the school building located in Ankara with aircraft metaphor which was designed by Ernst Egli, as among the leading architects of the period, who was invited to Turkey are the concrete indicators that the recently-founded State gave importance to aviation policies (See: Alpagut, 2012).

Besides, the use of local features / local architecture and even “oriental” touch could be accepted as a result of several policies pursued by the company and in order to be accepted by Turkish authorities, to look well and to gain sympathy and even to create as a business mindset (Zelef, 2014). It means that, the victory gained by the country against the occupying forces after War of Independence should have been supported with art and architecture, namely cultural policies which has become an official language in art and architecture and granted privilege to nationalism in Turkey of that period (See: Bozdoğan, 2014). Therefore Italians took visionary strategic movements by employing retired army pilots as a part of their personnel (and it has been stated in the articles of the agreement

that a certain percentage of the personnel must be Turkish). On the contrary to the facilities of AEI airline company which was established close to seaplane station of the military in Brindisi and Athens/Phalero, this facility located in Istanbul must be evaluated as a civil facility (Anonymous, 2016a). A wide villa for the pilots, administrators and president in Brindisi and a two-storey (duplex) villa was constructed for the pilots and management offices as a residence in Athens (Prange, 1998).

AEI established its headquarters at the address of Rue de Pera No: 146 in Istanbul, Galata in 1925. In the beginning of 1926, AEI brought four Savioi Marchetti S.55 seaplanes (I-AEGD, I-AEGP, I-AEGR and I-AFER) to Istanbul and obtained permit to carry out weekly test flights which were not providing income between Büyükdere and Pazarköy (Sarıgöl et al. 2009). The airport began to provide its first air service between Istanbul-Athens-Brindisi on August 1st, 1926. According to Turkish Air-mail Stamp expert Bill Robertson, the first flights of AEI were performed with three aircrafts departing from three cities simultaneously: “Three aircrafts were prepared at dawn: One of them was in Brindisi, the others were in Athens and in Büyükdere. All of them departed at 09.00. Pilot Maddelena departed from Brindisi with I-AMES landed to Brindisi at 14.00 and Pilot Captain departed from Athens with I-ADIM landed to Brindisi at 14.00 and Pilot Captain Berardi departed from Büyükdere for going to Athens with I-AFER. There was no direct flight between Brindisi-Istanbul on that day” (Robertson, B.) (Sarıgöl et al. 2009).

The tickets were sold at the office of AEI in Galata and the passengers were carried to and from the bus. All meteorological information between Büyükdere and Athens as the first flight were provided by Yeşilköy Meteorology Station. At the end of 1926, AEI, as stated in the agreement, began to send Turkish pilots and machinists for employing and training. There was an agreement made between Greece and Turkey for the purpose of obtaining flight permit to fly on Turkish airfields for Greek pilots and on Greek airfields for Turkish pilots.

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3. AEI and perception of the city It must be discussed about AEI airline company, the passengers and aeriel view/perception of the city: AEI seaplanes were being operated in 3 main fields: Post/mail service, carried freight and passenger. Yet, the use of seaplanes for touristic purpose went back to 1930s. Unlike today, travelling with seaplane was a dream transformed to reality by ordinary “elite” or “super-elite” (See: Prange, 1998). The ticket from Italy to Istanbul or Rhodes included a stay in the famous hotel Grande Bretagne in Athens if an overnight stop was to be made. Travelling by air was an expensive experience. An airmail ticket from Brindisi to Istanbul cost for instance Lires 1300, in those days a two months working man’s salary! Futhermore; the passengers had to be very careful not to fall in the water while disembarking from the plane.

Flying was more for adventurous characters with strong nerves in those pioneer days! (Prange, 1998). Moreover; in tour organizations, exchanges between Turkish and Greek passengers, Suphi Nuri Ileri worked as one of the civil employees of AEI. One of the most well-known people flying in AEI was Mrs. Evangeline Land Lindbergh who was the mother of Charles Lindbergh. Charles Lindbergh enjoyed a world-wide reputation by flying from New York to Paris for 3600 miles, 33.5 hours alone without stop in May 1927 and announced as a hero. His mother came to Istanbul in September 1928 with a Dornier Wal to escape from invasion of paparazzi.

Before coming back to USA in January 1929, she accepted a diamond-studded prize presented by Turkish Air Association (THK) (Sarıgöl et al. 2009).

The campaign brochure of AEI S.A: Aero Espresso Italiana Crociere Aeree in Oriente opened “magical landscape” as “an extraordinary fantastic book” similar with Eastern inspiring voyage with geographical themes. “New, fascinating beauty” was also enriched with orientalist enthusiasm. Another campaign publication, tourism brochure “S.A. Aero Espresso Italiana Ente Nazionale Industrie Turistiche”, gave an opinion for Eastern Mediterranean geography when looking down on pas-

Figure 20. Aerial photographs taken above Istanbul with AEI seaplanes of Own Maynard Williams published in the magazine of December 1928 National Geographic (Williams, 1928).

Figure 21. Aerial photographs taken above Istanbul with AEI seaplanes of Owen Maynard Williams- European side, Robert College and around (Williams, 1928).

Figure 22. Aerial photographs taken above Istanbul with AEI seaplanes of Owen Maynard Williams- Çanakkale, Kilitbahir Castle (Williams, 1928).

Figure 23. Aerial photographs taken above Istanbul with AEI seaplanes of Owen Maynard Williams- Entry of the Dardanelles, Kum Castle at the place viewing Aegean Sea (Williams, 1928).

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sengers (S.A. AEI) (Zelef, 2014) (Anonymous, 2016b; Anonymous, 2016c).

The poetical tone in the brochure was concluded by being reflected with the roles of “grandness”, “majesty”, “spaciousness”, “illimitableness”, “endless beauty” in the explanations of Mehmet Ali as one of the pilots participated to AEI. He claimed that the passenger seeing Bosphorus would not want to go down back anymore when they saw the most beautiful panorama in the world: “...And then the most beautiful panoramas in the world under your feet.

Mountains, seas, shores and brooks were flowing. The rudest person travelling in the plane could be a poet instantly. The sluggish frame narrowing the pleasure of eyes on land does not exist on air. There is grandness, majesty, expansion as far as the eye can see, illimitableness and an eternal beauty above. You must see Bosphorus from above. I assure you that you would not go back to touch down” (Mehmet Ali) (Kandemir, 1935; Sarıgöl et al. 2009).

Explanations of orientalist passengers followed the explanations in which historical and natural value of the city were defined with graves, mosques and roads. Modernization attempts of the city and the structures constructed at the age of Republic across Bosphorus from 19th century could be watched from above throughout the flight route.

Many photos taken from above with AEI seaplanes were published in December 1928 National Geographic magazine, in the article of Owen Maynard Williams. Apart from Istanbul, the locations on flight route, for example Çanakkale was photographed from above. Within this context, these photos have a nature of being historical document and historical heritage (Figure 20, Figure 21, Figure 22, Figure 23).

Similar with Owen Maynard Williams mentioning aerial views taken from AEI aircrafts, another person as one of the well-known journalists of that period and mentioning aerial view is Yunus Nadi. He thought to go back to Istanbul with a plane for his return as he had to go to Kayseri for Ankara-Kayseri railway opening ceremony, so he could be in both Kayseri and Istanbul. He travelled to Istanbul Yeşilköy airfield at the speed of 70-80 km with an open-top plane with one passenger capacity. The aircraft departing from Kayseri in the morning on May 30th, 1928, arrived to Istanbul at afternoon on the same day. Having explained what he saw in detail, Nadi specified that he could not forget brilliance of rapidly changing landscape and aerial voyage throughout his life (Nadi, 1930).

“Manifesto dell’aeropoesia” announced by F.T. Marinetti appeared in 1930s in Italy, the one regarding aviation of Futurist manifesto, “aero-pittura” and “aero-poesia” themed graphic works were seen in tourism brochure of AEI (See: Yusufoğlu, 2017) (Figure 24). This trend is frequently seen in promotional brochures of AEI. In these brochures; seaplane, Turkey and Istanbul themes are frequently used (Figure 25, Figure 26, Figure 27).

Aviation has been qualified as the subject matters of aircraft and seaplanes “aero-poesia” and Futurist literature, therefore they are inspiring for authors and there are also popular authors in Turkey. In Intermezzo by Fikret Adil, how people perceive new transportation form in Büyükdere in 1930s was reflected (Adil, 1988).

AEI carried out 148 round trip flights between Istanbul and Athens by carrying 401 passengers, 800 kg courier and 303 kg letters in 1932 as the most brilliant year (Sarıgöl et al. 2009). But along with the breach of company laws and political tension increasing between Italy and Turkey due to Mediterranean policy of Mussolini and violations of rules, Turkish Government terminated the agreement and purchased the facility on February 21st, 1936: “Despite of that AEI Company carried out commercial air services between Istanbul and Brindisi, it has been

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observed that it also flies within prohibited regions and around. Despite of being warned many times, it continues to violate our rules. Under the license dated June 27th, 1935 and numbered 104/964/7362, Board of Deputies decided to terminate the agreement of AEI and its assets to be purchased.” Grand National Assembly Decree no 2919, June 27th, 1935 (Sarıgöl et al. 2009).

When AEI Büyükdere facility is taken into account together with “Civil Aircraft School” of Vecihi Hürkuş situated in Kadıköy and “Beşiktaş Aircraft Factory”7 of Nuri Demirağ and “Yeşilköy Airfield and Sky School” facilities intended to be operated with these facilities, they constitute integration. The districts in Istanbul such as Büyükdere, Kadıköy, Beşiktaş and Yeşilköy have historical importance in the context of national and international initiatives8. Architectural structures and facilities of the national and international enterprises in the context of aviation is an evidence of importance given to aviation in this period.

Furthermore, aviation architecture is the ground of the “modern identity”.

4. Conclusion Having been operated as a popular example of the new transportation form for that period with a nature and size equally good with Western examples in 1920s, AEI facility and seaplane service is the concrete evidence of existence of considerably significant and technologic development for Republic of Turkey. One of the main industrial policies of Republic of Turkey was aviation. These facilities and structures which were almost unknown in architecture and urban history have a separate importance within architecture history because it has many innovations. Thanks to the use of progressive/advanced technology, it must be considered as a part of “heritage of aviation industry” in Turkey. Unfortunately, it has been seen that transmitter, railway transmission device, original hangars were revised and the area was separated from its particular crucial components. In this respect, it can be put forward that Istanbul has lost an unmatched modern aviation complex.

Figure 25. Aero Espresso Italiana, 1930 tourism brochure (Anon., 2016a).

Figure 26. Aero Espresso Italiana, 1932 tourism brochure (Anon., 2016b).

See: Yusufoğlu, Kara Pilehvarian, 2017, Beşiktaş Aircraft Factory (1936-1943).

7

See: Yusufoğlu, 2017, “Aviation and Aircraft Industrial Structures in Turkey: 19231940”, Ph.D. Thesis, YTU, Istanbul.

8

Figure 27. Aero Espresso Italiana post vignette related 1920s and 1930s (Anon., 2016c).

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As AEI facility includes examples of modern architecture as well as National Architecture style, it has historical importance. Combination of newly developing aviation architecture and function scheme with this manner (such as terminal/station building) must also be interpreted as a very interesting innovation. In this regard, it is emerged that Istanbul has no missing part compared to example aviation architecture in the US and Europe, namely Istanbul consists of parallel running regarding the use of “seaplane” as a new and brilliant luxury travel type on Western examples in 1920s and 1930s. Air service for civil and commercial purposes in Turkey integrated with Eastern fantasy of West and orientalist discourse, modernity with AEI, a new energy sparked.

The railway stations of the 19th century and the chain of ferry ports of the beginning of the 20th century brought the chain of seaplane stations (aerial network chain/connection) into question in 1920s and 1930s. Aerial photographs taken from the aircraft became historical documents of view from those periods.

The airport was transferred to Turkish Fleet in 1937. In other words, the facility was nationalized. Today all these facilities survive (only hangars were re-constructed/re-built) and are operating as Turkish Coast Guard Command. Recently, the importance of AEI facilities in Büyükdere has been forgotten and it has been discussed to convert “hunting lodge” of Ottoman period as the management building of the facility into a museum. Yet, the facility (management/terminal building, hangars, port, officer building, various service building, warehouse/workshop etc.) has a unique historical importance in terms of many aspects and breaking grounds. This facility is considerably the concrete indicator of “aviation architecture” and even “aviation culture” in Istanbul in 1920s and 1930s.

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Contributors

İrem ANIK Irem Anik is an Istanbul based urban planner. Her experience covers master planning, urban design and project development. She has urban design awards, from United Nations and International Architecture Biennale.

She holds a BSc in Urban Planning from Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University and enrolled in Urban Design at Istanbul Technical University.

Mehmet Akif ÇELENK Mehmet Akif Celenk is a Geomatic Engineer. His experience covers master planning, real estate development, feasibility studies, urban finance, economics and investment funds. He holds a BSc in Geomatic Engineering from Yildiz Technical University and enrolled in Real Estate Development Program at Istanbul Technical University. Öner DEMİREL Öner Demirel has being working as Professor Doctor at School of Fine Arts, department of Landscape Architecture at Kırıkkale University. His research areas include rural landscape planning, recreational landscape, landscape rehabilitation, urban landscape planning, conservation area, landscape evaluation, participatory approaches, tourism Planning.

Tuğçe GÜRLEYEN Tuğçe Gürleyen received her bachelor’s degree from Middle East Technical University, Department of City and Reginal Planning in 2015. She currently continues her Master’s Degree education in City Planning program of İstanbul Technical University. She has been working in Özyeğin University, Department of Architecture by 2015 as project assistant.

Merve GÜZEL The author, is borned in 1989,Tokat.

She has educated in Istanbul Technical University (2007-2013), and Ecole Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Grenoble (2011), and received her

bachelor degree in architecture. She wrote her thesis ‘Hallucination Spaces: Architecture In-between Virtual and Actual’ in ITU Architectural Design MSc Programme and received her degree.

Orhan HACIHASANOĞLU Orhan Hacıhasanoğlu; B.Arch, M.Arch, PhD. Received his B.Arch from Middle East Technical University, Faculty of Architecture (1979). Earned his M.Arch and PhD. degrees in architectural design from Istanbul Technical University (1981- 1986).

Currently works as a professor and the Dean at Özyeğin University Faculty of Architecture and Design. He teaches architectural design, urban design, morphology, identity, and research methods.

Elif KISAR KORAMAZ Elif Kısar Koramaz has been working in Istanbul Commerce University, Faculty of Architecture, since 2013. Her research interests are housing studies, urban quality of life, environment and behaviour studies and spatial analysis.

She gives courses on urban studies, planning and design, environmental pscyhcology, basic design.

Turgay Kerem KORAMAZ Koramaz has been working in ITU, Department of Urban and Regional Planning since 2000, and completed his PhD dissertation about computeraided visualization of urban historic sites, in 2009. His research interests are spatial analysis, urban conservation and regeneration. He is teaching systems approach, information and communication technologies, and research methods in urban planning and design.

Fatima MAZOUZ Fatima Mazouz is master of conferences in Department of Architecture of University of Science and Technology of Oran (Algeria), after having worked at urban planning direction, on studies and implementation of urban planning instruments “PDAU and POS”, then as consultant at Center for Studies and Achievements in Urban Planning (URBOR).

Elif Belkıs ÖKSÜZ Elif Belkıs ÖKSÜZ is a teaching assistant and researcher working toward her PhD in Architectural Design at Istanbul Technical University. Graduated with a Bachelor of Architecture degree from Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, 2011; and received her Master of Science degree in Architectural Design from ITU, 2013. Her research is on theories and practice of educational design technologies.

Emre ÖZDEMİR Emre is an architect and designer. He holds a MSci degree from Pratt and ITU, and BArch from MSFAU. He worked for high-profile architectural practices, won prizes in numerous competitions as well as performed as a researcher and lecturer at the top architecture schools.

Gizem ÖZER ÖZGÜR Gizem Özer Özgür graduated from İzmir Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture in 2012.

In 2015, she completed her MSc thesis in Architectural Design Program, ITU. At present, she is a PhD candidate in the same program and working as a research and teaching assistant in Department of Architecture, ITU. Özlem ÖZER Özlem Özer is an Urban Designer and Urban Planner specialized in the field of analysis of spatial systems.

She received her PhD. degree in 2014 with her research on the effects of morphological and perceptual qualities on walkability. She is currently working in Okan University, Department of Architecture where she teaches analysis of urban patterns. Her research interests focus on spatial systems and walkability in urban design and urban planning, network analysis and GIS technologies.

Tuba ÖZKAN Tuba received her MS in Architectural Design at Istanbul Technical University (ITU) and her MFA in Design and Technology at Parsons School of Design. She has taught at ITU and at Parsons. She is a practicing designer and creative technologist whose areas

of expertise are interaction design and spatial design.

Sahar POUYA Sahar Pouya has performed her master on Environmental Design at University of Tehran/ Iran. She is doing her Ph.D. on Urban and Regional Planning at Istanbul Technical University. She has been working on subjects of memorial design, environmental assessment, landscape design, urban ecology, and sustainability.

Sima POUYA Sima Pouya has got her both PhD and Master in Landscape Architecture student of Karadeniz Technical University (KTÜ). Her research mostly focuses on the art of garden design specially Historical Persian Gardens and creation of healing gardens for disabled children.

L.M.F. PURWANTO L.M.F. Purwanto, lecturer and professor of Soegijapranata Catholic University, Semarang, Indonesia since 1997, was born in Semarang June 2, 1968. I actively write in various international journals and seminars. Has an interest in research on building physics and digital architecture.

Tuba SARI Tuba Sarı, after graduating with a Master of Science degree in Architectural Design from ITU, 2011, she received her PhD from architectural history department at Istanbul Technical University in 2017. Currently, Tuba Sarı resides in Bursa and continues her studies as a senior lecturer at Bursa Technical University. Her working fields are focused on design-history.

Nazire Papatya SEÇKİN Papatya Seçkin, PhD. is an associate professor in Department of Architecture at Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University.

She is educated as a landscape architect and forest engineer. Seçkin has earned a M. Arch. and also received a PhD. in building physics and materials from the Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University. Her main research interest centers on the building materials, material analysing techniques, waterproofing systems,

material perception, green building systems and landscape design issues.

Levent ŞENTÜRK Levent Şentürk, b. 6. 7. 1974, Eskişehir, Turkey. He graduated from Esogü, Dept. of Arch. (2000). MA: Wittgenstein House, Kundmanngasse (2003, MSGSÜ). PhD. dissertation: Critique of Le Corbusier’s Modulor as a masculinist construct (2007, YTÜ).

Published 14 books on architecture, art, criticism and literature since 1998.

Zeynep TARÇIN TUGAY Zeynep Tarçın Turgay completed her undergraduate education in Department of Architecture (ITU/2004), continued with Environmental Control and Construction Technologies graduate program (ITU/2007) and Architectural Design doctorate program (ITU/2018).

She has worked as an architect (20042010), as research assistant (GTU/20132017) and as guest lecturer (GTU/2013, Okan/2017- 2018) in various firms and universities.

Karsten TICHELMANN Karsten Tichelmann, professor at Technische Univertaet Darmstadt, Germany. Currently the chair of the Department of Structural Engineering & Building Physics. Active research and various seminars related to building physics and building materials.

Nazlı TÜMERDEM Nazlı Tümerdem is an architect/ researcher based in Istanbul. She received her B.Arch degree from Istanbul Technical University (2008) and M.Arch degree from Istanbul Bilgi University (2011). She completed her Ph.D. entitled ‘Istanbul Walkabouts: A Critical Walking Research of Northern Istanbul’ (2018) at Istanbul Technical University.

Duygu YARIMBAŞ 2018-2019, VSR: Illinois Institute of Technology, College of Architecture, Visiting Scholar-Researcher. 2015-, PhD: Istanbul Technical University, Architectural Design Program. 20112014, MASTER: Istanbul Technical University, Architectural Design Program : Master Thesis titled “Wreck / Debris: Reproduction”. 2004-2010, UNDERGRADUATE: Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Department of Architecture.

Nedime Tuba YUSUFOĞLU Having started her doctoral dissertation titled “Aviation and Aircraft Industrial Structures in Turkey: 1923-1490” in 2012, N. Tuba Yusufoğlu completed her dissertation in August 2017. The article titled “Beşiktaş Aircraft Factory” was published in a peer-reviewed journal Megaron in June 2017.