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P A R T II – G O G L O B A L, G O L O C A L!
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N E W U R B A N D I M E N S I O N
H O U S E S I N T H E S U B U R B S T O F L A T S I N T H E C E N T E R
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O R S T O N E S T H R O W N I N T O A P O N D
H I L L S. T H E C I T Y W I T H I N A C I T Y
M I D T O W N. A N E W U R B A N C E N T E R
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S E N T O (銭 湯) I N S E N D A G I A N D A O N S E N (温 泉) I N K O M A G O M E
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K I T A S H I N A G A W A
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T E N T E N T H S
A F T E R W O R D – K U M A K E N G O
A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
B I B L I O G R A P H Y
C R E D I T S
View of Tōkyō with Mt. Fuji
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Foreword by Jinnai Hidenobu 陣内秀信 法政大学江戸東京研究センター初代センター長 J I N N A I H I D E N O B U
First Director of the Hosei University Research Center for Edo-Tōkyō studies.
本書は、イタリアのトリノを拠点に建築と都市の研究及 び設計の実務に活躍する女性建築家、ロレーナ·アレッシオ (Lorena Alessio) 氏による、都市東京の特質を解明する目的 で書かれた野心的な著作である。世界のなかでも特異な存 在で、複雑な様相を示すこの巨大な都市の実像をヴィヴィッ ドに描き出し、 その魅力の源泉をも解き明かす。 日本に留学し、PhD論文の作成に取り組んでいた頃から 彼女の研究の理論的なアプローチに関心をもち、その後の 大きな進展を見続けてきた私にとって、アレッシオ氏の長年 の研究成果が、 このような素晴らしい本の出版に結実したこ とは、大変嬉しいことである。 そして今、 こうしてこの本の推薦 文を書く機会を得たことを光栄に思う。 アレッシオ氏もまた、多くの外国人の建築家、都市計画家 と同じように、東京に初めて来た時に、 この都市が西洋都市 とはまったく異なる様態を示し、自分の身につけていた認識 方法ではまったく理解できないことに大きなショックを受け た。 この都市は何者なのか？その謎を解き明かそうと考えた のが東京研究の発端だったという。 一見、カオティックで秩序不在に見える都市という東京の イメージは多くの外国人が抱く共通の印象だった。 それをど う捉え、評価するかは、実は、時代とともに変化してきたと言 える。我々日本人自身も、変化が激しく、建物がバラバラに並 び、西欧都市のような整った空間の美からは程遠い東京の都 市をネガティブに捉える傾向が１９７０年代のある段階まで 続いた。 パリを筆頭とする美しい景観をもつ西欧都市への憧 れも強かった。 だが、日本が経済成長を遂げ、社会に余裕が生まれた７０ 年代後半から８０年代前半にかけて、そのトラウマから抜け 出し、東京に独自のアイデンティティを捉え直そうという動き が急速に進んだ。常に変化し、安定した統一美とはかけ離れ ていても、西欧の都市にない小さいスケールを大切にし、多 31
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nn e
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michiku
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Entropic Tōkyō E N T R O P I C T Ō K Y Ō
For some years now, scientific research on urban planning has agreed to consider the city as a system defined by functional elements and the interactions between its components, which produce multiple effects on the context. The city is everywhere and everything (Amin and Thrift 2002). Cities should be considered as a complex system, with spatial qualities characterised by extraordinary variety, and treated as problems of organised complexity (Jacobs 1961). It is difficult to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of the urban context: the first step lies in a change from the mechanistic approach that manifests a tendency to simplify the urban model. The change brings us closer to the vision of cities as complex organisms that never stop but evolve in a multiplicity of spaces and times. Many scholars have devoted themselves to understanding the multiple dimensions of daily life in the city. Henri Lefebvre (1966) defines the everyday as an existential or phenomenological condition; and understands the everyday as an immanent life force that runs through the whole. Batty (1994) focuses on interactions rather than places, on networks and flows, and on the ability to understand networks, pointing to the definition of a new science for cities. Other scholars, however, have recovered the flânerie, Walter Benjamin's peregrinations, as a research technique within sociology applied to the urban context.
The idea of studying the metropolis, wandering without an established destination, sifting through its corners, presupposes a profound conceptual and methodological transformation of territorial studies. The intimate reading of the city focuses attention on everyday urban dynamics and the need to explore a context beyond the powers of cognition. At the basis of this everyday policy lies the importance of grasping the everyday as an immanent force, an excess that derives neither from a body or a world in isolation, but from the banal movements of pure process (Seigworth 2000). Thus, recent trends reconsider the situationist approach as a method of understanding urban qualities. However, understanding through the senses remains difficult to be analysed and incorporated into a methodological study of the city. The philosopher Watsuji Tetsuro (1935) created the neologism fudosei (風土性) to indicate the bond between a society and its environment. In this bond resides the human subjectivity space and it is here that I would like to consider the urban landscape. But what are the issues necessary to understand urban agglomeration? How can urban planners and architects talk about the city, including all the elements of the system? This book is not intended to provide an answer to these ambitious questions, but it is intended to suggest new perspectives on observing the city.
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int er co
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GO GLOBAL, GO LOCAL! G O G L O B A L, G O L O C A L!
Tōkyō is a multifaceted metropolis, constantly changing; it is multiform: it receives and returns creativity, innovation and new trends. It is impossible to describe it in a single image, but is it essential to have one? The understanding of the city of Tōkyō lies in the flâneur's ability to absorb and internalise his own experience: what lies beyond the chaos? What lies behind the urban dynamism? Is there a hidden order that governs the relationships between the parts? Starting from the concepts of physics and the architectural analysis of urban space, from its evolution over time and the new innovative impulses, a city with a thousand faces will be outlined: the dreamlike atmosphere of Japan, strong in its traditions, will combine with spatiality and urban order to generate a reality permeated by the awareness of temporariness.
The flâneur
1. Here is a reference to the Big Tōkyō Area which includes the prefectures of Chiba, Kanagawa, Saitama, and Tōkyō. The latter also corresponds to the centre of the area and is all alone home to almost 14 million inhabitants.
Chapter 5
T
ōkyō is the political, economic, cultural, and academic capital of Japan. The large metropolitan area alone is home to almost 28% of Japan's population1 – about 35 million people – a considerable size compared to European urban models with pronounced flexibility and a unique spatial configuration in the world. The architect Ashihara Yoshinobu defines it as an amoeba (1989), a reality always ready to regenerate to adapt to a constantly changing environment, and compares its shape to that of a candle, apparently unchanging but never the same. This mutability, always producing new spaces, reveals the spontaneous capacity for self-generation of the city, which has thus managed to sustain the important changes of the post-war period. Here lies the substantial difference with the West: while European cities appear eternal due to their immutable aesthetic beauty, Tōkyō appears chaotic and multiform. Repeatedly struck by violent disasters, the city has learned to rebuild itself and be reborn in a new form responding to the population needs to offer a better quality of life. The response to change and the drive for innovation have led to the generation of a city that, as Ashihara says, "hides an internal order" despite its apparent aesthetic chaos. Ashihara himself, talking about Tōkyō's hidden places, believes that the Japanese have a special aptitude for creating undefined and ambiguous zones that take on profound meanings within spaces and preserve individual freedom to experience the urban environment: Close observation of urban environments in Japan reveals that there is some wisdom in allowing for such undefined outlines. If an outline must be clearly delineated, it is necessary to impose restraints on the function of architecture or on the lifestyles within the
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area. Building codes are established, and town planning or zoning ordinances are enacted. It becomes necessary to place constraints on individual freedoms. (Ashihara 1989, 55)
G O G L O B A L, G O L O C A L!
2. Translation by the author: «È il vagabondare, passeggiare senza meta. Fare anzi, della meta, un concetto secondario».
Without anyone planning it, the Japanese city reveals the extraordinary freedoms of an architecture not confined by walls, which does not follow rigid laws, but natural and human behaviors that shape its space. Mandelbrot's studies on fractal geometry have supported Ashihara's thesis on the presence of an order within the Japanese city, beyond chaos: the perception of indefinite and hidden areas – blurring boundaries – denotes, in fact, the fractal nature of Tōkyō which reveals, at different reading scales, an ever greater level of detail. The richness of details, visible only to an attentive eye sensitive to urban dynamics, is an indication of the liveliness of the places, in line with the thinking of White and Engelen (1993), who define sterile spaces with poor details. Previously Jane Jacobs (1961) had emphasised the importance of details to preserve the heterogeneity of places and their subjectivity. At the heart of this everyday urbanism lies the need to grasp a phenomenality that can only be known through an attentive and close reading of the city. The understanding of the everyday as an immanent form and the ability to interpret it are the actions that characterise the wanderings of the flâneur. In the flânerie, where the private and public dimensions combine until they merge, there are no defined boundaries; the street becomes home, and home becomes the street, in a dynamic movement that pushes the observer into the intimacy of the place. Amin and Thrift (2002) attribute to the flâneur the poetic and scientific sensibilities that enable him to read the various faces of the city and subvert stereotypes. The philosopher Walter Benjamin used the term transitivity to define the city as a place of mixture and improvisation, as a daily process. In this way, the visionary flâneur becomes an appropriate instrument of knowledge of the internal mechanism of connection between the layers of metropolitan chaos. The urban peregrinations of the flânerie fall into the common Japanese lexicon with the term michikusa (道草). Michikusa (道草) indicates finding oneself lost in the street; It is wandering, walking aimlessly. Indeed, to make the goal a secondary concept.2 (Laura Imai Messina 2018, 167) 59
« S T O R I E S
The Nakagin Tower
My first view of the Nakagin Tower comes through the cracks in the enclosure walls of the Hama-Rikyu Garden. The descent of the Sumida River leads me into the beautiful, centuries-old garden, now surrounded not only by a layer of water but also by skyscrapers. I see the Capsule Tower by architect Kurokawa Kisho, an icon of Metabolism. A mosaic of 144 prefabricated concrete and steel housing capsules, for the protection of which the Japan Institute of Architect of Tōkyō is actively engaged. Located near the nightlife district of Ginza, the Nakagin Tower offered, when designed, middle-class people the possibility of not giving up a life in the center. At the time of its construction in 1972, the tower was a symbol of Japan's technological and cultural progress: the housing units heralded the era of architecture in motion, detached from the ground, modifiable by parts. The capsules, designed to preserve the individual freedoms of the residents, embodied the emancipation of man running away from information overload. A theme explored fifty years ago, it is more relevant today than ever before. However, within thirty years, no capsule had been replaced. Tried by the signs of time and in an obvious state of wear and tear, many tenants were in favor of demolishing the building to construct a new one. The initiatives of Kurokawa, architects and other conservation activists convinced the Tōkyō government to intervene in defense of the tower. I remember, in the period between 2008 and 2011, some dear architect friends who were busy distributing information brochures to support the protection of the Nakagin Tower. Today the building is considered a modern architectural asset, but the risk of demolition persists. The debate continues.
KOMAGOME
YANESEN
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OMY
TŌKYŌ MIDTOWN
ROPPONGI HILLS
KITA-SHINAGAWA
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Meteorites or stones thrown into a pond
Chapter 9
T
ōkyō has always had many identities. Its multi-fractal and multi-nodal nature reveal micro realities that open different scenarios to view. Although the differences between some points tend to disappear, resulting in the loss of their characteristic elements, the city is striving to create new identities with the aim of opening to the world. TMG is always looking for new visions that can lead Tōkyō to become a world model. In recent decades, top-down approaches have found inspiration from Western realities by defining new urban scenarios, previously unknown, and replacing fragmented and disorganised local identities with new, more homogenous, organised, and controlled ones. Induced by the external forces of western metropoles, Tōkyō has now embarked on a strong revolutionary drive to revitalise the urban fabric. The skyline is changing: the city, formerly composed mainly of buildings with a few floors, is gradually becoming a vertical metropolis. Like meteorites colliding with the earth with permanent effects, the new urban interventions, subject to the stimuli of western cities and new social trends, have arrived in the centre of Tōkyō in an impetuous way, upsetting old balances and generating new ones. So far, Tōkyō's top-down approaches have defined new visions for the city and new ways of living. Big stakeholders, in agreement with the public sector, have developed large high-rise areas offering new types of mixed-use structures with large office spaces, shopping areas, and flats in the city centre. These new developments have brought people back to live in the city centre. Flat living, previously almost absent in Tōkyō, has been promoted as a new way of life in keeping with the trend of increasing numbers of women in employment. Alongside the new patterns of flat living, the concept
Case Studies Map
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OMY
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temachi-Marunouchi-Yurakucho (OMY) is a district located in the Chiyoda district, the heart of metropolitan Tōkyō. It has always been known as the centre of international business in Japan, and its redevelopment was considered essential to strengthen the city's centrality globally. The Council for Area Development and Management of Otemachi, Marunouchi, and Yurakucho was founded by landowners in the area in 1988. It was not until 1996 that the TMG established an Advisory Committee for Area Development: to fully exploit the public-private partnership, the TMG, the Chiyoda Ward, the East Japan Railway Company, and the Otemachi-Marunouchi-Yurakucho Redevelopment District collaboratively met in the "Advisory Committee on Otemachi-Marunouchi-Yurakucho", conceived as a plan to freely discuss the future vision of the district between the public and private sectors. In 2000, the Committee came up with guidelines that supported the vision of an 'Able City': a city of new opportunities, amenities, business, life, and environment. Today, the area attracts millions of visitors with its diverse range of activities remaining the centre of daily experience
for many commuters and visionaries of the future who find Tōkyō's innovative drive there. OMY covers 120-hectare, 30% of which is owned by the Mitsubishi Estate Corporation, which consequently maintains a strong interest in a unified development of the area. Just 20 years ago, Cybriwsky described the district as follows: a no-nonsense setting, where the important work of big companies can go on without needless distractions. The streets are laid out in an orderly grid, and the blocks are covered from end to end with big office buildings that are functional, but almost totally without adornment. There are not even many restaurants or drinking places – highly unusual for a crowded commercial area in restaurant-rich Tōkyō (…) A walk through Marunouchi reveals its single-minded dedication to work (…) Almost no one speaks. The buildings themselves, all reflect the sameness. (Cybriwsky 1998 in Brumann C. e Schulz E. 2012, 93)
Today, the image of the area is very different: the best known is that of Nakadori, the central pedestrian boulevard stretching from Yurakucho to Otemachi. Streets that used to be lined 129
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with banks and corporations, closed during evenings and weekends, are now lined with boutiques, cafés, and restaurants. While the public spaces teem with trendy shops and events, at OMY a person can also enjoy the pleasant experience of sitting under the shady trees of the Marunouchi Park Building or taking in the view of the city from the Shin-Marunouchi terrace. G O G L O B A L, G O L O C A L!
The urban design strategy, which continually demonstrates its quality, is part of an unprecedented public-private integrated design effort focused on planning a unified network of open spaces. But how has this joint, forward-looking vision of the city been achieved? How has urban open space changed the perception and lifestyle of citizens? Chain redevelopment Just outside the castle gates and surrounded by vast moats and canals system for the shogun's protection, the Otemachi-Marunouchi-Yurakucho area played a crucial role in the Edo to Tōkyō transformation. After the Meiji Restoration, the area began to develop as a special economic zone, providing space outside the densely built-up urban areas. The new government began to transform individual properties in the Marunouchi area, using some buildings for military purposes and some daimyō residences for official and governmental purposes. Then Mitsubishi bought it in 1890 and started to build the first office buildings in Japan. The first row of red brick buildings was planned along Babasaki Avenue, known as "London Town". A few years later, following the completion of Tōkyō Station in 1914, new concrete office blocks were built, giving the area the nickname "New York Town".
In the following decades, there was a large demand for office space resulting from the post-war economic growth and the consolidation of major Tōkyō companies in the 1970s, coupled with the need to provide a solution to the high congestion of vehicles and people around Central Station. Also, the functional deterioration of existing buildings, and the need to improve the working environment, had become issues of social concern requiring redevelopment interventions. Starting in the 1980s, the Mitsubishi Estate Corporation began to work concretely on a redevelopment plan for Marunouchi. However, as anticipated, it was only from 1996, after the TMG set up the Advisory Committee, that the project took on a more prominent position, further assisted by external experts from the academic world and discussed in public forums. Within a few years, national and global competition increased, and the Mitsubishi Estate Company decided to proceed with immediate and rapid action. A new image of the area was needed to attract new foreign companies, improve the working environment, increase the number of female employees, and make the neighbourhood liveable. The guidelines arrived at in 2000 called for the creation of a harmonious skyline with buildings between 100 and 200 metres high, a sensitive environment respectful of historical and cultural elements, with mixed functions, and an articulated system of attractive and interconnected public spaces. Nakadori, the shady avenue flanked by fashionable shops, would function as the main service axis to which the Otemachi, Yurakucho, and station squares were connected. The new urban interventions were the result of a process known as chain 133
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Shotengai, one of the commercial streets of Yanesen Roji Small restaurant
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Ancient fishermen's dwellings along the Meguro River The Great Kanto Earthquake
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Tōkyō waterfronts, 1880 topographic map
Tōkyō waterfronts, 1909 topographic map
Tōkyō waterfronts, 1937 topographic map
Tōkyō waterfronts, 1955 topographic map
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Afterword by Kuma Kengo 隈研吾建築都市設計事務所主宰 東京大学特別教授·名誉教授 K U M A K E N G O
Principal KKAA - Kengo Kuma and Associates Honorary Professor at The University of Tōkyō
ロレーナ・アレッシオは、研究者であると同時に建築家で ある。 それがこの本に、 この東京研究に、深さと幅を与えてい るように僕は感じた。 研究者は都市の中から、自分の研究対象を選ぶことがで きる。気に入った町、気に入った特質だけを選んで、 それにつ いて調査をしたり、分析を行うことで、実績を積みあげ、研究 者としてリスペクトされていく。 しかし建築家は、対象を選ぶことが難しい。 「この敷地にな んとかいい計画をたててください。 この街をなんとかしてくだ さい。 」と頼まれた時、 「こんな場所は嫌いだ」 「こんな場所に は興味がない」といって、冷たく断ることは非常に難しい。僕 自身が建築家なので、建築家にとって、断ることがいかに難し いかがよくわかる。 その場所なりに、 そこを少しでも住みやす く、楽しい場所にしてあげたいと思うのが、建築家という職業 の「さが」である。ロレーナの人柄も僕はよくわかっているの で、彼女のようなやさしい人が、断ることをよしとしない。 僕 自 身 も断るの が 苦 手 だ と痛 感し、しばしば断 れ な い自 分 に対して自 己 嫌 悪 をもよおす。しかし逆 に、断ら ない建 築 家という存 在がいることで、都 市という複 雑 な ものが、なんとか人 間の住 める場 所として存 続している のである。それに比 べ れ ば、自分の好きな東京ーたとえ ば 下 町 のヒューマンな 東 京 ー だ け を調 べ 、論じ、C B D （中 心 業 務 地 区）高 層 ビル の 計 画 に 携 わる建 築 家 のこ とを「悪人」とののしる研究者は、随分自分勝手で器量の 狭い人だと、うらめしく感じることもある。CBDを、少しで も人間のぬくもりの感じられる場所にするにはどうした らいいかを必 死に考える人 も、世の中には 必 要である。 特に東京のような多様で複雑な都市には、 そのような「断 らない」視点、 「断らない」人柄が必要である。 そのロレーナ も、東京に最初にきた時は、 この都市のあまりの多様性に面 食らったそうである。 イタリアの低層でヒューマンな街に慣れ 229