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ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺔ ﺍﻭﺭﺯﻭﻻ ﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻟﺪ
ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ :ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﭙﻮﺭ
ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ; ﻼ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﺭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ،ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻱ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ** ﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ـ ﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ» :ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻠﺰﻭﻳﮓ ﻫﻮﻟﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ،ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎ« .ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ« ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ »ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻥﻭﺭﺗﻤﺒﺮﮒ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﺪ «.ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ،ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ،ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ، ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﺩﺓ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ »ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ )ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ( ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ،ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ.
ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﻔﺖ »ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1949ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺷﻠﺰﻭﻳﮓﻫﻮﻟﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ،ﻧﻴﺪﺭﺯﺍﻛﺴﻦ ،ﻧﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻦ ،ﻫﺴﻦ، ﺭﺍﻳﻦﻻﻧﺪﻓﺎﻟﺘﺲ ،ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ،ﺑﺎﺩﻥ ،ﻭﻭﺭﺗﻨﺒﺮﮒـﺑﺎﺩﻥ ،ﻭﻭﺭﺗﻨﺒﺮﮒـﻫﻮﻫﻦﺗﺴﻮﻟﺮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻚﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﻥ ،ﻭﻭﺭﺗﻨﺒﺮﮒـﺑﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻭﺭﺗﻨﺒﺮﮒـﻫﻮﻫﻦﺗﺴﻮﻟﺮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1952ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﻥـﻭﻭﺭﺗﻨﺒﺮﮒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ .ﺗﺎ 1990ﻛﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﹰﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ :ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﺍﺭﻟﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1957ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ 1990ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﻠﻤﺒﻮﺭﮒـﻓﻮﺭﭘﻮﻣﺮﻥ ،ﺯﺍﻛﺴﻦـﺍﻧﻬﺎﻟﺖ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺒﻮﺭﮒ ،ﺗﻮﺭﻳﻨﮕﻦ ﻭ ﺯﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ.
ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ،ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ. *
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ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ 2002/275ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺔ Informationen zur politischen Bildungﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ .ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ) .ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ(. ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻮﺗﮕﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﻥﻭﺭﺗﻤﺒﺮﮒ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ.
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﳌﺎﻥ
2
ﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ .ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺳﻮﻳﺲ( »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ .ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ 16ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ، ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ )ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ( ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ .ﺳﭙﺲ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ 16ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ،ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺷﻜﺎ ﻓﻴﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ »ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ« ) (Bundesversammlungﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ 16ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ 5ﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ. ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ .ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ )ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ( ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ .ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻼ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ،ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ، ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻛﺎﺭ ،ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ .ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ 1945ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ]ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ[ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻼ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ .ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ .ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻠﺖﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ .ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ،ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺋﺮﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ،ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻼ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ[ ،ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ]ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.
3
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﳌﺎﻥ
ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ .ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ 35ﺣﺰﺏ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ 5ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ 6ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ .ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ 69ﻧﻔﺮﺓ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ 3ﺍﻟﻲ 6ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﺳﺖ .ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ 82ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ
ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ
ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ(
ﺑﺮﻟﲔ ﻣﻜﻠﻤﺒﻮﺭﮒﻓﻮﺭﭘﻮﻣﺮﻥ ﺷﻠﺰﻭﻳﮓﻫﻮﻟﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﻭﺳﺘﻔﺎﻟﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﻦﻟﻨﺪﻓﺎﻟﺘﺲ ﺑﺮﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﻧﻴﺪﺭﺯﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺯﺍﻛﺴﻦﺍﻬﻧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﻥﻭﺭﲤﱪﮒ ﺯﺍﻛﺴﻦ ﺯﺍﺭﻟﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﻦ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﻴﻨﮕﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ
ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﻬﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ )ﻟﻴﱪﺍﳍﺎ( ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﻬﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ« ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﻬﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﻬﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﻬﺗﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ
4،3 1،8 2،8 18،0 4،0 0،7 2،6 1،7 7،9 2،6 10،5 4،5 1،1 6،1 2،4 12،2
ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ bbbb bbb bbbb bbbbbb bbbb bbb bbbb bbb bbbbbb bbbb bbbbbb bbbb bbb bbbbb bbbb bbbbbb
ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ. ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ( ،ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﻣﺌ ﹰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﻥـﻭﺭﺗﻨﺒﺮﮒ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺬ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ 13ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﺭﻟﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺌ ﹰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ 12ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ، ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ،ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ :ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ،ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ،ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ، ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ،ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ،ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ،ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ. ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ،ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ،ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ،ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ،ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ. ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ :ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ :ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﳌﺎﻥ
4
ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ـ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﹰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻼ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ـ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ )ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ( ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ، ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ )ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ( ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ .ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ،ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ،ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ .ﻣﻼﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ،ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ .ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ« ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﻼ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ :ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻼ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺁﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ( ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ .ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ ،ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.
ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ :ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺷﻠﺰﻭﻳﮓﻫﻮﻟﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ 40ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﻼ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ :ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺭﺍﻳﻨﻼﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺰﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺩﻥﻭﺭﺗﻨﺒﺮﮒ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ .ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ـ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻜﻠﻨﺒﻮﺭﮒﻓﻮﺭﭘﻮﻣﺮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ـ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﭗ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﭘﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺸﺔ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ. ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﻼ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺭﺙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻜﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻡﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ
ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﳌﺎﻥ
5
ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ،ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ .ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ،ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺗﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﻳﺪ.
ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ» .ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ) (ARDﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻜﺲ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ« ) (WDRﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺘﺨﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ Tagesschauﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ،ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ. ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ )ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ،ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ (... ،ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻻ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ،ﺩﻭﻣﹰﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﻴﺮﺍﮊﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ :ﺍﻭ ﹰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮﺭﮒ )ﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ ،ﺷﺘﺮﻥ ،ﺑﻴﻠﺪ( ،ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ )ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺗﺮ ﺁﻟﮕﻤﺎﻳﻨﻪ( ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ )ﺯﻭﺩﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪﺗﺴﺎﻳﺘﻮﻧﮓ ،ﻓﻮﻛﻮﺱ( ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ،ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻳﻲ. Ursula Münch & Kerstin Meerwaldt: Charakteristika des Föderalismus In: Informationen zur politischen Bildung Nr. 275/2002 Herausgeber: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung