Fedralism9

‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﺻـﺮ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻧـﭙـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ »ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﻭ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﺘﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﹰ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻃﻴﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ( ﻭ‬‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﺓ‬‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬

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‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ »ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ« ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ )ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ« ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﰐ ﭘﲑﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﻋﻠﺐ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﹰﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﹰﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ :‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪ 90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲـﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺫﻛﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹰﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻫﻢﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺣﻞﻧﺸﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ )ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ«(‪.‬‬

‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ »ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎ«(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﹰﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ‪ Ursula Münch‬ﻭ ‪Kerstin‬‬ ‫‪ ،Meerwaldt‬ﻣـﻨـﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤـﺎﺭﺓ ‪ 275/2002‬ﻣـﺠـﻠـﺔ » ‪Informationen‬‬ ‫‪ «zur politischen Bildung‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ‬‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ( ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﹰﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ )ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

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‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﰐ ﭘﲑﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻼﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬‫ﻼ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬‫)ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ )ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ( ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺬﺏ‬‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ‪ 17‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ 17‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ‪ 16‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻌﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻏﻨﺎﻱ‬‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ« ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﳌﺎﻥ ـ ‪ 2‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪2003‬‬ ‫‪Email: m.nasser.iranpour@surfeu.de‬‬