ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧـﺎﺻـﺮ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻧـﭙـﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻴﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ .ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ :ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻧﺸﻘﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ .ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ »ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﻭ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ« ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ .ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﺘﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﹰ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ،ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭼﭗ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻃﻴﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ،ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻥﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﭗ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﻨﻢ.
ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ )ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ( ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ( ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ. ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ،ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ،ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﺓﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ .ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﺷﻮﺩ .ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﻠﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ
-
-
-
-
-
ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ« ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺩ. ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻼ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛ ﹰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺑﻜﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ »ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ« ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ. ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ )ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ. ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ،ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ،ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ« ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ .ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﺌﺎﻝ ،ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ،ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ
ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﰐ ﭘﲑﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ،ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﻋﻠﺐ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ: .1ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ :ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﹰﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ،ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ،ﺳﻮﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﹰﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ،ﺍﻟﮕﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ،ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ. .2ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ :ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ،ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ .ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ،ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ،ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ. .3ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ :ﻗﺮﻳﺐ 90ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲـﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ .ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺫﻛﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨ ﹰﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ.
ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ،ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻫﻢﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ،ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺣﻞﻧﺸﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ: .1ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ،ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ )ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ »ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﻲ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ »ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ«(.
2 .2ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ )ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ »ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎ«(. .3ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ. ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ،ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ .ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﹰﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ Ursula Münchﻭ Kerstin ،Meerwaldtﻣـﻨـﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻤـﺎﺭﺓ 275/2002ﻣـﺠـﻠـﺔ » Informationen «zur politischen Bildungﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﺪ: ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ،ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ،ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ، ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ،ﺩﻳﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ .ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﻳﻮﮔﺴﻼﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ .ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ،ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ،ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ( ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ،ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ .ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﹰﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ .ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ .ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ )ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ،ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ، ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ( ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ
3
ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﰐ ﭘﲑﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺬ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻼﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ .ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻼ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ :ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ .ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﻓﻮﺭﹰﺍ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ .ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ،ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ. ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ)ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ،ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ( ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ )ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ( ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ، ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ. ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ،ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﺬﺏﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ. ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ،ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ﹰ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ،ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ .ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ.
ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ .ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ :ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ،ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ .ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ. ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺗﻨﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ،ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ،ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ،ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ 17ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ 17ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﻭ 16ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ( ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻜﻪﺗﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ،ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ .ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺜ ﹰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ،ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ،ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﻌﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ، ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺧﺼﻠﺖﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻼ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ﹰ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ .ﻣﻀﺎﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ،ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ. ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻏﻨﺎﻱﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ،ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ،ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ» .ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ« ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻛﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ .ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ،ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ. ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ .ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ .ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﻭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮ ،ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺁﳌﺎﻥ ـ 2ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ 2003 Email: m.nasser.iranpour@surfeu.de