AC 5007 - Batch 2 - Nie Chang

ADAPTATION AND EVOLUTION: HAKKA ARCHITECTURE IN SINGAPORE

by

Nie Chang A0231895W

Dissertation submitted to the Department of Architecture in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Architectural Conservation at the

National University of Singapore Supervisor: Prof Johannes Widodo April 2022 0

ABSTRACT Despite having ancestral roots in China, the Chinese community in Singapore has long since developed its own identity and character over 200 years. The Hakka, the

fourth largest dialect group of Singaporean Chinese, and its architecture are an essential part of Singapore's diversity of culture.

This paper takes Hakka architecture as the discussion object and analyses the process by which Chinese immigrants gained a foothold overseas and developed

their distinctiveness by exploring the characteristics of Hakka architecture in

Singapore and its links and differences with Chinese Hakka architectural

prototypes. In the context of cultural cross-domain, the extent to which architecture and architectural culture with the same cultural roots change in response to differences in social ideology and physical geographical resources is discussed.

Meanwhile, this paper intends to discuss the challenges Hakka architecture faces as heritage in the context of Singapore's urban development and regeneration requirements and the possible ways to respond to them.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Firstly, I would like to thank my dissertation supervisor Prof Johannes Widodo for his support, guidance, and valuable advice to sharpen the focus of my research question.

My appreciation also goes to various tutors who have contributed along the way by

giving comments, and pointing out my dissertation's potential weaknesses. They are MAArC's supervisors, Prof Ho Puay Peng and Dr Nikhil Joshi.

I would also like to thank Dr Chua Ai Lin of the Singapore Heritage Society and the team members for their help and selflessness in sharing their knowledge of Singapore's heritage with me.

Lastly, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my family. With my

parents' unconditional support and encouragement, I have been able to pursue my interests.

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CONTENT ABSTRACT..................................................................................................................................... 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................................................. 2 LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ 4

Chapter 01 Introduction.......................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Overview....................................................................................................................... 5 1.2 Literature Review ..................................................................................................... 7 1.3 Research Questions ................................................................................................ 21 1.4 Research Methodology .......................................................................................... 22

Chapter 02 Singapore Hakka Architecture Case Study ............................................. 25 2.1 Main Categories ....................................................................................................... 25 2.2 Fook Tet See Hakka Temple (Wan Hai Da Bo Gong) ................................. 27 2.3 Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall .................................................... 36 2.4 Haw Par Villa ............................................................................................................. 45

Chapter 03 Conservation Issues ......................................................................................... 51 3.1 Fook Tet See Hakka Temple (Wan Hai Da Bo Gong) ................................. 51 3.2 Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall .................................................... 56 3.3 Haw Par Villa ............................................................................................................. 59

Chapter 04 Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 63 4.1 Characteristic ............................................................................................................ 63 4.2 Reasons ....................................................................................................................... 64 4.3 Impact and Role ....................................................................................................... 66

Bibliography ............................................................................................................................... 68 Appendices ................................................................................................................................. 77 (12182 words)

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LIST OF FIGURES figure 1 Ying Fo Fui Kun ........................................................................................................ 18 figure 2 1958 Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple .................................................................... 27 figure 3 The 'Fu Shen' stone in Bukit Brown Cemetery ............................................ 29 figure 4 the map of Tanjong Pagar area, 1846 and 2022 ......................................... 31 figure 5 The 2014 Singapore contour map .................................................................... 31 figure 6 the courtyard of Wan Hai Da Bo Gong............................................................. 33 figure 7 the courtyard of Thian Hock Keng .................................................................... 33 figure 8 the decoration of Wan Hai Da Bo Gong ........................................................... 34 figure 9 Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall .................................................... 37 figure 10 Shuang Long Shan cemetery ........................................................................... 39 figure 11 Typical shape drawing of Wei Long Wu ...................................................... 43 figure 12 the ‘Wu Xing Stone’ in Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall .... 44

figure 13 The Haw Par Villa (Hong Kong) ...................................................................... 48 figure 14 The LEGO model of Haw Par Villa (Singapore) ......................................... 49

figure 15 The design image of Haw Par Villa (YongDing) ........................................ 49 figure 16 The MRT Station construction map ............................................................... 53

figure 17 the condition of MRT and temple ................................................................... 53

figure 18 the Telok Ayer Fook Tet Soo ............................................................................ 56 figure 19 the Sanyi Ci .............................................................................................................. 58 figure 20 The LEGO model of HPV’s sculpture ............................................................. 61 4

Chapter 01 Introduction 1.1 Overview 1.1.1 Migrating to Nanyang Due to frequent and close trade and commerce, Chinese migrants from southern

China to the Nanyang region have a long history. After Raffles landed in Singapore in 1819, Singapore became a British colony and an important shipping port for trade and business, attracting a huge number of Chinese immigrants.

The majority of Chinese Singaporeans are from China's southern coastal regions, mainly southern Fujian Province, followed by Guangdong and Hainan provinces.

Hokkien, Hakka, Teochew, Cantonese, and Hainan are the five major dialect groupings. The Chinese came to Southeast Asia from southern China, bringing with

them a rich culture from their homeland, which was inherited and developed by their descendants.

1.1.2 Clan Support The Chinese in South China have a strong clan culture, often living together as a

unit in China, and often making a living in the Nanyang by meeting up with brothers and clansmen. After arriving in Singapore, it was often difficult for those who started and developed in the early stages to survive on their own. As a result,

associations and societies emerged, linked by trade or hometown. These 5

associations maintained close ties in various aspects and gradually formed communities.

1.1.3 Faith Traditions Southern Chinese have a rich culture of indigenous beliefs. Those who have moved

to other countries have brought these beliefs, particularly Mazu, Pak Tai, Kwan

Kung, Da Bo Kung, and Guanyin. Chinese groups have established many temples to

worship the gods and goddesses of different faith cultures in order to pray for a prosperous life and career in foreign places. Simultaneously, ancestral halls, even

cemeteries, embodying clan culture were included in these temples. As time goes by, more and more functions are being incorporated into Chinese architecture

according to demand, such as schools and museums. As time goes by, more and

more functions, such as schools and museums, were been incorporated into Chinese architecture according to demand. As a result, Chinese temples in Singapore frequently serve many functions: they are a place of faith, clan activities, and an extension of diverse community activities.

1.1.4 Singapore Chinese Architecture Ancestral halls and clan temples are the most important spaces for faith in

southern Chinese architecture, as well as the centre of clan connections. Important clan matters are discussed and decided here, and festivals and ceremonies are

usually closely linked to clan temples. The ancestral temples erected by numerous 6

clans, groups, and associations in Singapore are also among the most prominent buildings in Chinese architecture.

As the city is constantly renewed and the culture is gradually integrated, the religious or ritualistic beliefs that the Chinese brought with them from China are

also changing. The temples' ritualistic and mysterious nature has waned. In contrast, the communal nature of the community has grown stronger, gradually integrating into everyday life and changing the space.

Therefore, this research aims to take an architectural perspective as an entry point

and select the Hakka architecture of the five major dialect groups as the object of research. By analysing the spatial organisation, architectural elements, decorative details and functions of Hakka architectures in Singapore, the process of their

evolution is analysed to discuss how a common cultural lineage has produced

different cultural values and identities under different geographical and social influences.

It will also introduce the spatial continuity and use of ancestral temples in contemporary society and recommend the conservation and sustainable development of tangible and intangible heritage values in urban regeneration.

1.2 Literature Review

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1.2.1 Chinese Traditional Building Environment Human settlement is a result of society's integrated use of environmental resources. 1 Architecture, as a human societal creation, must respect natural

principles and be expressed in unity with the surrounding natural and social environment, as well as in the unity of architectural form and function.

In ancient China, production activities were dominated by subsistence agriculture.

As a result, traditional Chinese culture emphasises the need for human society to form a harmonious relationship with the natural environment. Considerations were given to the selection of architectural sites, the preference for indigenous materials, the adaptation of design and technology to the local climate, and the

choice of decorative materials associated with nature. All aspects of traditional Chinese architecture demonstrate the principle of living in harmony with nature,

and various religious schools and cultural doctrines in China share and advocate

the spiritual pursuit of the 'unity of nature and man' (in Chinese 'Tian Ren He Yi 天 人合一'). 2 3

1 Xiaofeng Li, ‘Inquire Into Characteristic, Inheritance and Development of Traditional Inhebiting From the

Concept of Ecology’, Huazhong Architecture, no. 04 (1996): 42–47.

2 Run Sha, ‘Outlook on the Nature and Origins of the Culture of Traditional Residential Architecture in China’,

Human Geography, no. 3 (1997): pp29-33.

3 Tingting Yue, ‘A study of the philosophy of “Harmony of Nature and Human” in traditional Chinese

architecture’, Jushe, no. 01 (2019): 193.

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There is a Chinese idiom: "The unique features of a local environment always give

special characteristics to its inhabitants." This is where land and water are used as a proxy for geographical location and physical environment, demonstrating that in

traditional Chinese philosophy, land and water are crucial natural resources for

human survival. Whether in the watery villages of Jiangnan or the mountainous

regions of southwest China, traditional Chinese architecture is concerned with

'adapting to local conditions, with architectural forms and techniques being adapted to the area's geographical features. For agricultural societies, the ploughland resources were the basis for survival and development, so the

preservation of ploughland was the essential factor in the adaptation of traditional architecture to the geographical environment, and the formation of buildings and settlements reflected the importance attached to the productive environment. 4

Water, on the other hand, is an indispensable natural resource for human survival,

and traditional Chinese architecture tends to consider and plan all water resources

as a whole within a certain range. People would choose places to build dwellings close to water sources, depending on the characteristics of the water system. Even

in areas where water is scarce, locations where groundwater can be easily introduced, are chosen as far as possible. 5

4 Fang Wang, ‘Introduction’, in Geo-Architecture and Landscape in China’s Geographic and Historic Context, by

Fang Wang (Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2016), 3–10, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-0486-5_1.

5 Haoming Zhou, ‘Ecological use of water in the environment of traditional building’, Shanxi Architecture 31, no.

3 (2005): 3.

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As resources are limited, traditional villages tend to be distributed in clusters and

extend in bands along with transport - both land and waterways. 6 Besides site selection, people have gradually gained experience in life, imitating examples from

nature and building buildings using innovative construction techniques and locally accessible building materials to prevent and combat meteorological and geographical hazards. 7

Through long practical experience, the ancient Chinese developed a theory of Feng

Shui Metaphysics, an important expression of traditional Chinese philosophical

wisdom in traditional architecture, which influenced the choice of site, the layout of the architecture, the arrangement of the functions and even the structure and

detailing of the architectures. 8 The development of science is intertwined with

logic and fortune. While Feng Shui Metaphysics may seem to derive from some

religious customs, many of its elements' environmental and building values are

6 Ying Sun et al., ‘The Spatial Distribution and Evolution of Hakka Traditional Villages on GIS in Meizhou Area’,

Economic Geography 36, no. 10 (2016): 193–200, https://doi.org/10.15957/j.cnki.jjdl.2016.10.027.

7 Fu Wei Tan, ‘The Ecological Characteristics of Chinese Traditional Architecture’, Applied Mechanics and

Materials 672–674 (October 2014): 1793–96, https://doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/AMM.672-

674.1793.

8 Xiaoxin He and Jun Luo, ‘Fengshui and the Environment of Southeast China’, Worldviews: Global Religions,

Culture & Ecology 4, no. 3 (November 2000): 213–34, https://doi.org/10.1163/156853500507834.

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now confirmed by scientific rationality. 9 Similarly, many of how spaces are

arranged that appear to be metaphysical in origin reflect the experience of people using simple wisdom to respond to climate and environment. 10

For example, the feng shui forest, which is usually planted at the back of traditional

villages, actually regulates the microclimate of the village and provides a degree of defence against bandit invasion. 11 At the same time, the Feng Shui forest planted at

the back of the village, the feng shui pond dug in front of the village and the large trees planted at the entrance to the village, in accordance with the Feng Shui

Metaphysics, are also important elements of the landscape, not only improving the living environment in the past, but also as an important eco-cultural heritage

today. 12

9 Michael Paton, Five Classics of Fengshui: Chinese Spiritual Geography in Historical and Environmental

Perspective (Brill, 2013), http://brill.com/view/title/23837.

10 Qingzhou Wu, Architectural culture of Hakka China, the first version, Research library of Chinese

architectural culture (Wuhan: Hubei Education Press, 2008).

11 Qi-he Yang et al., ‘Investigation on the community characters and utilization value of the feng shui woods in

Hakka villages of Meizhou’, Guangdong Agricultural Sciences 39, no. 01 (2012): 56–59, https://doi.org/10.16768/j.issn.1004-874x.2012.01.068.

12 Jianling Chen et al., ‘Village Fengshui Forests as Forms of Cultural and Ecological Heritage: Interpretations

and Conservation Policy Implications from Southern China’, Forests 11, no. 12 (30 November 2020): 1286, https://doi.org/10.3390/f11121286.

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In fact, Feng Shui Metaphysics is a multidisciplinary and comprehensive theory

with a rich humanistic connotation. In the construction of traditional Chinese

architecture, Feng Shui is almost a mandatory rule to be considered. And now that the theory is scientifically understood, it can be applied to urban planning and

design, landscape restoration and even environmental protection. At the same time, Feng Shui Metaphysics was spread from China to Asian countries with a similar cultural heritage by earlier immigrants. 13

In addition to the relationship with the natural environment, the different functions of the architecture have created various folk architectural forms and

settlement groupings. The architectural functions of the different regions were also

distinctive because of their differences concerning the natural environment, social background, daily needs and construction techniques. Due to folk self-government

and clan settlement mechanisms, everyday architecture often combined defensive and residential functions and formed a distinctive architectural structure following the topography. 14

13 Yu Yan and Zaijun Yang, ‘Scientificity and Rationality of Chinese Traditional Classical Fengshui Theory’,

Canadian Social Science 13, no. 3 (31 March 2017): 55–65, https://doi.org/10.3968/9341.

14 Binghua Zhang et al., ‘An analysis of the regional characteristics of traditional defensive architecture - the

case of Yongtai Zhuangzhai in Fujian’, China Cultural Heritage, no. 4 (2019): 91–98.

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The clan is the basic organisational structure of folk self-government in China.

Since ancient times, ancestral halls have existed as an essential local public space

for the people of the same clan and village to deliberate and hold ceremonial

events. British scholar Francesca Bray argues that the ancestral hall, as a symbol,

can significantly reflect the social and technological development of the area. As a

ritual space, the ancestral hall has a relatively fixed form and function according to the traditions of different communities and regions. 15

The study of the process, form and evolution of the construction of ancestral halls in a region or a community, and the management of their use, is, therefore, a shred

of important physical evidence for researching the corresponding process of social change. 16 These researches included discussions of the layout and detailing of the ritual architecture itself and included an examination of the relationship between the planning and scale of the ritual architecture in its historical context. 17 The

15 Francesca Bray, Technology and gender: fabrics of power in late imperial China, Di 1 ban, ‘Hai wai Zhongguo

yan jiu’ cong shu (Nanjing: Jiangsu ren min chu ban she, 2006).

16 Jiang FENG, ‘Cultivation, Lineage Settlements and Transition of Ancestral Halls in Canton Prefecture during

Ming and Qing Dynasty’ (Ph.D., South China University of Technology, 2010),

http://oversea.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/detail.aspx?dbcode=CDFD&dbname=CDFD1214&filename=101245300 1.nh&uniplatform=OVERSEAS_EN&v=J8c2HIpP6-

KfHBogj3xY8Ljh6M8StPOxABFAJFDpngeG9fwSXwHsR0r6gT8HoF6x.

17 Lin CHEN, ‘Study on the Sacrificial Architecture in the Qiong-lei Area during the Ming and Qing Dynasties’

(Ph.D., South China University of Technology, 2017),

http://oversea.cnki.net/KCMS/detail/detail.aspx?dbcode=CDFD&dbname=CDFDLAST2018&filename=10188 13

analysis of folk faith spaces provides insight into the public's identification with and structuring of local culture. 18

Architecture revolves around a person's life, and particular spaces where funeral

ceremonies are held, as well as cemeteries, frequently have a function of remembrance and retrospection. Therefore, such architectures cannot be ignored

as essential platforms for expressing a community's culture and art. The arrangement, style, and materials of gravestones and the inscriptions on them indicate the history of the population. 19

1.2.2 Hakka Group in Singapore Different subgroups emerge within an ethnic community, sharing commonalities with the original peoples but giving rise to new habits and customs for various

reasons - such as integration with other peoples, mass migration, cultural 09418.nh&uniplatform=OVERSEAS_EN&v=p3A69NgaargZTMn4GPVrUc0PKHENDqFtX3FveJlqepUZN8qlXsrt6 E-S4XjBKS2i.

18 Xiubo Huang and Jun Liu, ‘THE CONSTRUCTION AND IDENTITY BOUNDARIES OF FOLK BELIEF

SPACE:TAKING ’DA MA’ AND ’XIAO MA’ AS COMPARATIVE CASES STUDIES IN XUNLIAO BAY, HUIZHOU, GUANGDONG PROVINCE’, Human Geography 29, no. 05 (2014): 49-55+108.

19 Wu Hung, ‘The Invisible Miniature: Framing the Soul in Chinese Art and Architecture’, Art History 38, no. 2

(2015): 286–303, https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8365.12150.

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influences of the environment in which they are located. 20 Therefore, the term 'Hakka' refers to a Han Chinese subgroup, or in other words, a branch of the Han

Chinese. For various reasons, the Han Chinese moved from their ancestral homeland to the south of the country, and some of them went on to settle in Taiwan, South East Asia and other countries, forming the Hakka people of today. 21

In Chinese, the name "Hakka"(客家) first appeared in the Yong'an County Sub-Zhi

(永安县次志) in the Kangxi year of the Qing Dynasty. Volume 14, Feng Su. 22

“琴江好虚礼，颇事文学。散佚逋赋。县中雅多秀氓，其高曾祖父多 自江、闽、潮、惠诸县迁徙而至，名曰客家，比屋诵读，勤会文。”

It means that people in this part of Qinjiang treat people politely and enjoy writing and studying. Their behaviour is like literati and elegant people. Most of these

people's great-great-grandfathers moved to Yong'an from Jiangxi, Fujian and the

Guangdong provinces of Teochew and Huizhou, and were not indigenous to the

area, so they were called "Hakka". These people often chanted at home and wrote diligently.

20 Dong Wang and Dong Wang, Introduction to Hakka Studies, the first vision (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s

Press, 1996).

21 Jeanne Louise Conceicao, ‘Hakka Community | Infopedia’, government agency website, Singapore infopedia,

2016, https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_1497_2009-04-09.html.

22 Wenping Xiao, ‘The Beginning of the Name “Hakka” and Yong’an Society - Centering on Qu Dajun’s “Yong’an

County Sub-Zhi” in the Early Qing Dynasty’, Journal of Jiaying University 29, no. 7 (2011): 15–21.

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However, despite the common name 'Hakka', the different social backgrounds,

natural environments and economic development of different regions have their own characteristics and customs. Even if these characteristics and customs are

derived from the 'Chinese context', it is not possible to speak of 'Hakka' under a single standard, 23but rather to recognize their individual characteristics.

From the Ming Dynasty onwards, the Chinese formed a migrant community in the

South China Sea, and after the 19th century, the number of Chinese immigrants grew. 24 At first, most Chinese arriving in Singapore wanted to earn enough money

to return to China to spend the rest of their lives. As times changed and many Chinese intermarried with the locals, more and more children were born locally,

and many chose to stay and settle. The Hakka culture in Singapore has also gradually developed its own unique identity on this multicultural island. 25

At that time, China was an agrarian society. The Hakka people were mainly

involved in agriculture in the broad sense of the word, whether it was farming or 23 Jessieca Leo, Global Hakka: Hakka Identity in the Remaking, vol. 10, Chinese Overseas (Brill, 2015),

http://brill.com/view/title/25044.

24 Chong Guan Kwa, ‘Prelude to the History of the Chinese in Singapore’, in A General History of the Chinese in

Singapore, by Chong Guan Kwa and Bak Lim Kua (WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2019), 5–19, https://doi.org/10.1142/9789813277649_0001.

25 Mathews Mathew, Singapore Ethnic Mosaic, The: Many Cultures, One People (Singapore: World Scientific,

2017), https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=1691432&site=bsi-live.

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fishing at sea, and living in the same area allowed them to look after each other. On

the other hand, Singapore was a good port from the start, and Sir Raffles' arrival made it a thriving commercial port. Most of the immigrants came alone to the

unfamiliar commercial society of Singapore. Initially, the Hakka also made a living

from farming, but gradually moved into commerce by becoming involved in and dominating the Chinese pharmaceutical industry and pawnbrokers. 26 The need for

commerce led to the emergence of various mutual help guild associations. 27

Compared to other organisations, Hakka people have a stronger identification with Hakka associations. Because Hakka are a relatively weaker group, alliances and

mutual assistance are necessary both in their homeland and overseas. In 1822, the Ying Fo Fui Kun and Huizhou Association was established. In 1929 the Nanyang

Hakka Federation was formed, and there are now dozens of Hakka associations in

Singapore. These associations have not only helped the Hakka in their careers, but have also become the organisers of rituals, festivals and even daily food and drink, forming a "total" force to look after the lives and deaths of their community members. As a result, Hakka culture has been conserved and passed on in the 26 Thomas Tsu-wee Tan, Chinese Dialect Groups: Traits and Trades – Raymembrance (University of California:

Opinion Books, 1990), https://ossarchive.adm.ntu.edu.sg/2015-16/jtan067/index.html%3Fp=117.html.

27 Ooi Su Ling, ‘The Divergent Road to Development: The Comparison of Hakka Association Between Singapore

and Taiwan (1945 - 2017)’ (Ph.D., 2019),

https://www.proquest.com/docview/2618563405/abstract/1CF465381741464CPQ/1.

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associations. 28 Most Hakka associations have their own space for activities. They have gradually assembled various functions to help Hakka people form social networks and maintain relationships with their hometown and other overseas Hakka associations. 29

figure 1 Ying Fo Fui Kun photo by author

1.2.3 Hakka Architecture in Singapore

When people mention Hakka architecture, they usually immediately reflect on the Hakka Tulou. However, the Tulou is only one type of Hakka architecture concentrated in the mountainous areas of Fujian, and is known for its visually

striking organisation. There is a rich diversity of architectural forms for the widely 28 Lijian Wang, Singapore Hakka Association and Cultural Studies, vol. 2 (Global Publishing, 2012),

https://doi.org/10.1142/g268.

29 Han-Pi Chang, Chen-Chi Chang, and Wei-An Chang, ‘Hakka Migrant Hometown Associations: Development

and Social Network Patterns’, Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 30, no. 3 (1 September 2021): 386–99, https://doi.org/10.1177/01171968211046395.

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dispersed Hakka people. Hakka architecture is closely related in some respects and differs according to the region's different cultural, climatic, and socio-economic

forms. In addition to the most famous Tulou, there are also Gang Houses, Tang Houses (hall), Hakka Wei Long Wu (Hakka Ravelin), Si-jiao Houses (Four Turrets),

Si-jiao Villages (Round Villages), Diaolou (Watchtower), ancestral temples,

ancestral pagodas and many other forms. 30

Due to the different social and natural environments being very different from

Hakka's homeland in China, Hakka architecture in Singapore has similarities and

many differences to that of the Hakka in China. Singapore is an island nation with abundant water, and the terrain is not very undulating, much unlike the hilly

mountainous regions of southern China. So, the architecture was not created by directly copying the original Feng Shui practices. 31

At the same time, without the need to protect themselves against bandits, the Hakka who came alone to make their way had even less need to build Tulou, which

had residential and defensive functions. In addition to the fact that local building materials were different from those of China, and the Hakka gradually 30 Wu, Qingzhou. Architectural culture of Hakka China. The first version. Research library of Chinese

architectural culture. Wuhan: Hubei Education Press, 2008.

31 SIN KIONG WONG, Trans-regional and cross-disciplinary studies on Hakka Culture (Global Publishing, 2015),

https://doi.org/10.1142/g350.

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communicated and integrated with other ethnic groups, the architectural needs of the Hakka with their characteristics were gradually integrated. As a result, clan

temples with ritual and ceremonial functions and faith spaces in dwellings became

the most important spaces for activities. There are numerous Hakka temples in Singapore, the vast majority of which are composite - not only dedicated to various legendary and different deities and combine many functions that would not

otherwise be part of a temple. 32 Faith spaces play an important role in maintaining

collective memory and identity in the face of dramatic changes in geography and social context. 33 34

As the fourth largest dialect group of the Singapore Chinese, the Hakka

architecture today includes temples and halls, as well as cemeteries (in the broader sense of " architecture ") such as Bukit Brown and Shuang Long Shan, and landscaped gardens such as Haw Par Villa, which showcase the richness of the Hakka architectural culture and tradition.

32 Leon Comber, Chinese Temples in Singapore (Eastern Universities Press, 1958).

33 Mei Qing, A Historic Research on the Architecture of Fujianese in the Malacca Straits: Temple and Huiguan

(University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong), 2000).

34 Qiao Jing and Tao Hui, ‘Collective Memory and the Function of Local Identity in the Cultural Space of Rural

Pluralistic Beliefs: The Case of Guangfu Ancient City’, Culture Journal, no. 04 (2021): 6–9.

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With scarce land resources and a focus on economic development since the founding of Singapore, the government has been strict and careful in managing the

orderly use of land. The Singaporean government has worked hard to convince the

public that the use of land is managed to safeguard the benefits to the nation. 35 As

a result, architectural heritage has often had to face gambles and trade-offs in

urban regeneration, but in many cases, it has had to give way to economic development. 36 At the same time, the government has regulated such religious

spaces as temples. As a result, many smaller temples and ancestral halls have been demolished, relocated or combined. Despite the efforts of professionals in advocating for the conservation of these places of historical value, there have also

been efforts to use social media and digital methods to expand public attention.

But as time goes on, these traditional buildings, especially those that have not been certified with national status, continue to find it increasingly difficult to survive. 37 1.3 Research Questions

35 Arun Mahizhnan and Yuan Lee Tsao, eds., Singapore Re-Engineering Success (Singapore: Institute of Policy

Studies : Oxford University Press, 1998).

36 Serene Tng et al., 30 Years of Conservation in Singapore since 1989: 30 Personal Reflections and Stories

(Singapore, 2019).

37 Shawn Goh Ze Song, ‘Making Space for the Gods: Ethnographic Observations of Chinese House Temples in

Singapore’, Religions 11, no. 7 (July 2020): 349, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11070349.

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This paper is discussed from the perspectives of architecture, architectural history,

and architectural heritage conservation, aiming to answer two main research questions:

1. What are the characteristics of Hakka architecture in Singapore?

2. What has been the impact of Hakka architecture in Singapore on the respective communities/surroundings/cities in urban development?

There are some questions follow from these two key questions: What are some of the representative Hakka architectures in Singapore? How has

Hakka architecture in Singapore changed in comparison to the Chinese prototypes of Hakka architecture? What are the reasons for these changes? How have these

Hakka architectures been integrated into Singapore's urban system? What is the position of these Hakka architectures in Singapore's urban conservation and regeneration strategy?

1.4 Research Methodology This paper starts with the hypothesis that Hakka architecture in Singapore is

closely related to mainland China, but has produced different characteristics due to different social contexts. Using a review of the literature as the basis of the study,

three typical representatives of Hakka architecture in Singapore with different 22

functions are selected for the research. It also analyses the intergenerational links between architecture and people across regions from the perspective of socio-

economic and cultural geography. By summarising and analysing the architectural characteristics of the cases, the process of development and change, the way the people use them, and the current state of heritage values and conservation, an attempt is made to summarise the characteristics of Hakka architecture in

Singapore, and to respond to the problems and future development possibilities faced by heritage conservation in urban regeneration.

Literature Research To collate existing research papers, Hakka clan association reports and architectural documents to elucidate the manifestation of Hakka culture in

architecture. Analysis of selected examples of Hakka architecture in Singapore in terms of:

1. People (builders, sponsors, operators, users).

2. Architecture (style, typology, layout, organisation, dimensional proportions, architectural materials, detailing, functions).

3. Geography (relationship to the geographical context, transportation, surrounding planning).

Summarise their characteristics and analyse the reasons for their appearance. It also critically assesses the current state of its architectural value and heritage 23

conservation from the perspective of urban conservation and proposes a preliminary future development strategy.

Historical Information Summarisation A collection of written and photographic visual records such as video recordings,

old photographs, historical newspapers, memoirs, and oral history materials to summarise the different perspectives of people's perceptions of Hakka architecture.

Typology Collating and summarising the categories of typical Singaporean Hakka Architecture using function as a hint Architectural Site Survey To understand the current state of the architectures through on-site visits and observations.

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Chapter 02 Singapore Hakka Architecture Case Study 2.1 Main Categories Depending on the function and scale of the buildings, Hakka architecture in Singapore can be divided into several categories: ancestral shrines (halls), temples, dwellings (houses), gardens and tombs. According to the circumstances, sometimes several functions are combined together to form an architectural group.

Due to land constraints, there are also many integrated buildings where different functions are placed under the same roof.

Hakka architectures in Singapore are diverse in style. Some of them are built in the

traditional Hakka style, such as the "Hakka Wei Long Wu"(Hakka Ravelin) and " Tulou ". Some are not confined to the Hakka style, but incorporate other dialect

groups, such as the Teochew style and the Canton style. Some of them also incorporate the styles of other ethnic groups in Southeast Asia, such as the Malays and Indians. This is determined by the different perceptions of traditional Chinese

architecture and the different artisans of different periods. However, the layout

generally follows that of the main hall (Tang), and the cross-houses (smaller rooms)

are combined and enclosed by each other. There is also a courtyard for ventilation and hot air extraction in the middle, which is determined by the climate.

Sometimes the courtyard roof would be enclosed, for specific functions, such as religious ceremonies.

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The materials used in Hakka architecture in Singapore are different because of the

different periods in which they were built. Most are built with timber as the supporting structure for the roof and brick and stone masonry for the walls. Some

more recent imitations have been replaced with modern reinforced concrete,

although similar in form to traditional Hakka architecture, such as the 'Sanyi Ci'

(Tri-county Ancestral Temple) of the Fong Yun Thai Association. Some more

unadorned temples followed the structural form of Hakka architecture, but used welded steel frames as the support structure.

In terms of functions, aside from a portion of the ancestral halls and temples mentioned in the classification, the precious Chinese (Hakka) cemeteries that have

yet to be relocated, and the Haw Par Villa, which has been open to the public since

its construction, most of the other Hakka architecture that has not been demolished has been given new functions based on demand, such as libraries, museums, and schools.

In this chapter, three case studies will be discussed to analyse the characteristics of Hakka architecture in Singapore and its causes.

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2.2 Fook Tet See Hakka Temple (Wan Hai Da Bo Gong) 2.2.1 The Initial Establishment Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple, located in Palmer Road (off Shenton Way), is better known as Wang Hai Da Bo Gong. According to the Historic Sites--Singapore, the

Fook Tet Soo Temple was built in 1844. 38 Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple (Wang Hai

Da Bo Gong) is the earliest established Hakka temple in Singapore and the longest-

standing Hakka Taoist temple that has remained in situ for worship. According to

oral records and documentary sources, there was already a Da Bo Gong temple founded by Hakka believers here even earlier, in 1819.

figure 2 1958 Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple Source: http://www.beokeng.com

Since its establishment, Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple has been managed by the

Hakka people. According to the temple's statute book, the deed was registered in 38 Xiaosheng Lin, Historic Sites--Singapore 石叻古迹 (Singapore: Xinjiapo : Nanyang xue hui, 1975),

https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/printheritage/detail/c6733544-941f-4fef-bfc5-db739368271c.aspx.

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1861, and in 1877, Song Huan Niang, as trustee, obtained the deed from the government. The Ying Fo Fui Kun was the first Hakka society in Singapore, established in 1822, and comprised of Hakka members from five regions. The Fong

Yun Thai Association is made up of Hakka from three regions. As these two associations represent mainly Hakka groups from eight places, Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple is also called Fook Tet Soo eight villages Hakka Temple, meaning the temple of Hakka people from eight ancestral places.

Chinese ancestral temples are often established by a specific family (surname) or

group of people from a particular area. Thus, even if the sense of boundaries becomes weaker over time, at least at the beginning of the establishment, it carries a strong sense of group affiliation. The Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple (Wang Hai Da

Bo Gong), unlike other Chinese temples in Singapore, was first built not by people of a particular surname, dialect or region, but for the entire Hakka community. The

reason for this is that, on the one hand, the Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple was established earlier, before a clearly differentiated regional assembly hall had been

formed within the Hakka community. In the early days, Hakka associations were generally set up by Hakka men from several different regions to help each other.

Therefore, as the earliest Hakka temple, Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple served the

ritualistic needs of the Hakka faith. On the one hand, it was intended to promote the community identity of the whole Hakka people in Singapore.

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2.2.2 Religion "Da Bo Gong is a well-known deity among the Chinese in Southeast Asia, and is also known as the " Fu De Zheng Shen" or " Fu Shen". 39The temple worship to Da Bo

Gong is often called "Fook Tet Soo", and Wan Hai Da Bo Gong is a Fook Tet Soo,

named Tanjong Pagar Fook Tet Soo after its location. Although there are few temples named "Da Bo Gong" in the Hakka areas of mainland China. However,

whether in Chinese cemeteries in Singapore, such as Bukit Brown, or cemeteries in

Fujian and Guangdong (the ancestral home of Singapore's Hakka), the " Fu Shen" monument stone can be found on the side of the tombstone. According to the

former South Asian historian Professor Hsu Yun-Tsiao, "Bo Gong" is a Hakka word

meaning "land god". The term "Da" is a translation of the Malay diminutive "toh" for "Datoh" (God). Initially, the Malay

name for "Pekong" was "Datoh Pekong", which was later reduced to "To

Pekong". The Chinese say that the pronunciation of the Malay language is not correct, and the naming convention

of the Chinese language has influenced figure 3 The 'Fu Shen' stone in Bukit Brown Cemetery Photo by author

39 Bak Lim Kua, ‘Who Is the “Da Bo Gong”?’, Kua Bak Lim’s Blog (blog), 9 July 2013,

http://kuabaklim.blogspot.com/2013/07/19861221-datohtohdatohpekong-to-pekong.html.

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the name to become "Da Bo Gong". 40 Therefore, Da Bo Gong is the land god. As the

name "Da Bo Gong" is associated with the geographical location of the place, it is understandable that there are different people who are worshipped in different areas.

2.2.3 Geography On the map, the Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple was located near the coast of Tanjong Pagar in 1846, with a shallow hill, Mount Palmer, behind it. This layout is in

keeping with the Chinese Feng Shui philosophy of architecture, which states that "the back of a mountain faces water". That is why Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple is

also called 'Wang Hai Da Bo Gong', meaning 'Da Bo Gong Temple facing the sea'.

Mount Palmer was also a major defence site in the early days of Singapore, so there

were extensive fortifications nearby, including some forts facing the sea. 41 It is

evident that Wan Hai Da Bo Gong is located in what was once an important landing place in the south-eastern corner of Singapore Island. However, with the

increasing demands of the city's economic development and the need for a smooth

road linking the port to the town, it was proposed that Mount Palmer be levelled to reduce the inconvenience caused by the undulating topography. At the same time, 40 Yun-Tsiao Hsu and Liangshu Zheng, The Complete Works of Hsu Yun-Tsiao, Di yi ban (Kuala Lumpur:

Malayxiya chuang jia xue hui, 2015).

41 Vernon Cornelius and Faridah Ibrahim, ‘Mount Palmer | Infopedia’, government agency website, Singapore

infopedia, 2017, https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_736_2005-01-24.html.

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in order to address the island's scarce land resources, Singapore has undertaken an extensive reclamation project over the last two centuries. That has directly pushed the coastline farther and farther back, as can be seen on the satellite map of

Wang Hai Da Bo Gong, which is now well inland from the sea. The 2014 contour map shows that the coastline is even harder to see in the enlarged map. A few

contour lines behind Wang Hai Da Bo Gong show traces of the shallow hills. A visit

to Wang Hai Da Bo Gong today also reveals that a small hill remains behind the temple, separating the hustle and bustle of the city streets from the quiet traditional temple.

figure 4 the map of Tanjong Pagar area, 1846 and 2022 source: https://libmaps.nus.edu.sg/

figure 5 The 2014 Singapore contour map

Source: https://moe-edugis.maps.arcgis.com/apps/View/index.html?appid=1854e92f5a334bbd98c0071e680522dc

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2.2.4 Architecture Hakka architecture has its characteristics in terms of layout. For small buildings, some of the smaller ones are called "Gang House", where the rooms and courtyards

are divided on either side, with no apparent plan axis. Some of the enclosed

buildings are called 'Tang House', with the main hall and ancestral hall in the middle, flanked by rooms for living similar to those in the 'Gang House'. 42

Religious buildings often have a similar layout. However, the layout of the Wang

Hai Da Bo Gong is typical of the Teochew style, known as the"Si Dian Jin"(means 'four touches of gold' in mandarin). This kind of layout is similar to that of a 'Siheyuan'. The first is a three-room foyer and a hall of worship, with a Ming room

in the centre, set back slightly to become a porch. After passing through the

worship hall, the corridors on the left and right sides lead to the main hall. The hall and the corridors enclose the central courtyard. It is noteworthy that the courtyard

of the Wang Hai Da Bo Gong is not covered, which is unusual for Chinese temples

in Singapore, and, indeed, in Southeast Asia. 43 This is because Wang Hai Da Bo Gong rarely hosts mass religious events. As a result, compared to many famous 42 Wu, Qingzhou. Architectural culture of Hakka China. The first version. Research library of Chinese

architectural culture. Wuhan: Hubei Education Press, 2008.

43 Puay Peng Ho, ‘Observations’, in The Living Heritage : Stories of Fook Tet Soo Khek Temple 百年公德被南邦—

—望海大伯公纪实, Chu ban, ‘Kejia Wen Hua’ Xi Lie Cong Shu 1 (Singapore: Xinjiapo Chayang (Dabu) hui guan

(Kejia wen hua yan jiu shi) : Ke shu ba yi Fu de ci, 2006), 18.

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temples, Wang Hai Da Bo Gong has less need for covered space, allowing the original courtyard space to be retained.

figure 6 the courtyard of Wan Hai Da Bo Gong photo by author

figure 7 the courtyard of Thian Hock Keng photo by author

Meanwhile，Wang Hai Da Bo Gong is a twin temple. In Chinese, it is called '孖庙'.

This means that it consists of two identical buildings side by side, separated by a

small fireproof alleyway. This is a less common layout, with the Yueh Hai Ching Temple on Philip Street as a more famous twin temple, and the Yueh Hai Ching Temple as a Teochew temple.

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A more careful observation of the details and decoration of the Wang Hai Da Bo

Gong reveals more elements of the Teochew style. For example, the 'five elements wood and water' style of the gables is also typical of Teochew architecture. The Embed Porcelain Painting decoration of the ridge is an architectural art based on painting, using a variety of coloured porcelain tiles cut out and inlaid to express the

figure. It is one of the three traditional architectural decorative arts of the Teochew

region. With the theme of 'phoenix facing peony', the figures of flowers and birds and opera characters are vividly modelled, and the corner of the roof is finished

with a scrolling grass. Inside the hall, the beams and pillars are beautifully carved and painted or gilded with the famous 'gold lacquer wood carving' of Teochew. 44

figure 8 the decoration of Wan Hai Da Bo Gong photo by author

44 Yeow Wooi Tan, ‘Tanjong Pagar Fu De Ci Temple: Architectural Features and Recommendations for

Restoration/Conservation’, in The Living Heritage : Stories of Fook Tet Soo Khek Temple 百年公德被南邦——望

海大伯公纪实, ‘Kejia Wen Hua’ Xi Lie Cong Shu 1 (Singapore: Xinjiapo Chayang (Dabu) hui guan (Kejia wen hua yan jiu shi) : Ke shu ba yi Fu de ci, 2006), 19–29.

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A temple designed to promote the collective identity of the Hakka community in

Singapore, yet it is entirely in the style of Teochew architecture. A few speculations on the reasons for this would lead the author to suppose the following:

One is that the Hakka who founded Wang Hai Da Bo Gong included some of their

ancestors who were located within the Teochew architectural and cultural circle, for example, in Feng shun and Ta Po. These people were more influenced by the

Teochew architectural style than the Hakka architectural style in China, so they naturally chose the architectural style they were familiar with when they founded Wang Hai Da Bo Gong.

Secondly, many of the artisans in Singapore at the time were from Teochew, and their construction skills and aesthetics were of the Teochew style. It can be

assumed that the Wang Hai Da Bo Gong was built mainly by Teochew craftsmen, and therefore the building was naturally built in the Teochew style.

Thirdly, the Teochew architecture was more in keeping with the needs of the

Wang Hai Da Bo Gong, which was located by the sea, and the Embed Porcelain Painting at Wang Hai Da Bo Gong was decorated with tegillarca granosa, which was common in Singapore. The tegillarca granosa is a shellfish found mainly in

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coastal Southeast Asia and Shantou, Shanwei, China. 45 Teochew architecture, particularly along the coast, has a tradition of using shells as a building material

and as a decorative material. It is, therefore, possible to assume that the craftsmen chose a more similar Teochew style of architecture in all respects, based on the building materials.

2.3 Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall 2.3.1 The Initial Establishment & Geography Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, also known as Ancestral Temple of Ying Fo Fui Kun. Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, which comprises a piece of Singapore's only Hakka cemetery and an ancestral hall in the form of Hakka Wei

Long Wu, is another important Hakka architecture established and managed by Ying Fo Fui Kun, once the largest property of Ying Fo Fui Kun, completed in 1887.

45 Kang Shua Yeo, ‘Preliminary Observations of the Tanjong Tanjong Pagar Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple - The

conservation and preservation of architecture’, in The living heritage : stories of Fook Tet Soo Khek Temple 百年

公德被南邦——望海大伯公纪实, Chu ban, ‘Kejia wen hua’ xi lie cong shu 1 (Singapore: Xinjiapo Chayang (Dabu) hui guan (Kejia wen hua yan jiu shi) : Ke shu ba yi Fu de ci, 2006), 30–53.

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figure 9 Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall

Source: https://www.roots.gov.sg/places/places-landing/Places/surveyed-sites/Ancestral-Temple-of-Ying-Fo-Fui-Kun

As an island nation, Singapore's 'hills' are low in elevation and are often given

more functions and meanings than just 'hills' in the geographical sense. For example, Fort Canning Hill and Selegie Hill are politically central, Emerald Hill, which has an agricultural industry function, and Heng San Teng, Kopi Sua (Bukit

Brown), Shuang Long Shan and Yuk San Teng, which are burial hills for ancestors. 46 Traditionally, in China, people would also prefer to have their graves

on a hill (rather than at the foot or top of a mountain), as per the rules of Feng Shui

Metaphysics. The Chinese believe that only when the graves of their ancestors are well placed will they bring good luck to future generations. So initially, Ying Fo Fui

Kun bought 88 acres of land for the burial of Hakka ancestors, which was later expanded to over 100 acres. Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, which is 46 Mei Yan Mo, ‘Cover story - The wordless hills of the island change with the times’, Lianhe Zaobao, 29

February 2012, https://nmsmandarindocents.wordpress.com/2012/02/.

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divided into two sections at the front and back, resembles a reclining dragon and

was therefore named Shuang Long Shan on the advice of Feng Shui practitioners.

(Shuang means 'double', Long means 'dragon')

With limited land resources, Singapore could not have kept such a large-scale

cemetery forever. During the British colonial administration, Holland Village,

where the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall is located, began to be

included in the government's plans for regeneration. After Singapore's independence, the government began to develop Queenstown. In the 1960s, the

HDB gradually acquired the land at Shuang Long Shan Cemetery to develop it into Buona Vista. After negotiations between Ying Fo Fui Kun and the government, the government eventually agreed to leave the 4.5 acres of land at the foot of the former Shuang Long Shan hill as there were no other cemeteries for Hakka people.

The land was used to house the bone ashes of the Hakka ancestors. 47 The drastic

reduction in the land has forced the reinstatement of these ancestral graves. Today the Hakka cemetery at Shuang Long Shan is adjacent to the government HDB flats,

and the tombstones with their mosaic tile faces are neatly arranged in an imposing array. The Chinese traditionally tend to have their headstones carved from marble,

and if they are decorated at all, they are mostly carved in stone or wood, and there 47 Kok Leong Lee, ‘From Dusk to Dawn: Commonwealth & Holland Village Heritage Tou’, 从夜暮到黎明 From

Dusk to Dawn (blog), 22 March 2016, http://navalants.blogspot.com/2016/03/commonwealth-hollandvillage-heritage.html.

38

are few cases of mosaic tile veneer. Based on research on other Chinese buildings in Singapore, the author supposes that this style was partly influenced by local

decorative styles - such as Peranakan tile decoration - and partly by economic factors - marble headstones were far more expensive than the materials available today.

figure 10 Shuang Long Shan cemetery

source: http://navalants.blogspot.com/2016/03/commonwealth-holland-village-heritage.html

From the perspective of traditional Chinese burial customs, since the Qin and Han

dynasties, most folks in southern China have chosen the foothills of the mountains for burial, while Hakka burial grounds are not tabooed near dwellings. 48 However, 48 Lunguang Liao, ‘The Burial Law for Bone Storage and Along With the Grave System of the Hakka in Taiwan’

(Ph.D., Chung Yuan Christian University, 2009), chrome-

extension://bocbaocobfecmglnmeaeppambideimao/pdf/viewer.html?file=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.hakka.gov .tw%2Ffile%2FAttach%2F1990%2F1%2F1121910562671.pdf.

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cemeteries of the Shuang Long Shan Cemetery scale are often housed in separate

areas in the hills. Nowadays, being in a downtown area next to a large residential area is a desperate choice in Singapore, where land is premium. At the same time, in traditional Chinese agricultural societies, the dominant burial method is earth

burial, which is a declaration of land ownership. 49 According to tradition, trees are

also planted next to graves, and in the ancient Chinese book " Li Ji", "墓以栽植草木处谓之园" 50

means that plants are planted next to the gravestone to be called a home. The

"Home" ('园') here means both the home of the dead in the other world and the ownership of land in the present world.

However, the Shuang Long Shan cemetery is an open, unshaded site, obviously not

in accord with traditional burial practices. Based on the history of the development of Shuang Long Shan as described earlier, it is reasonable to assume that there are three reasons for this. One, since the government has promoted cremation,

members of the Society have preferred to place the ashes of their deceased in the newly created columbarium in the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall.

Secondly, there is no more space for tree planting due to space constraints. It is 49 Xiongsheng Zeng, ‘Agricultural View of History of the Inhumation Custom - CNKI’, Journal of Jiangxi Normal

University(Philosophy and Social Sciences Edition) 43, no. 5 (2010): 128-139+220.

50 Shi Wei, The Book of Rites-Liji, vol. 49, 160 vols, 1205,

https://ctext.org/wiki.pl?if=en&chapter=701519&remap=gb.

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also easier to maintain and manage the site without planting tall trees. Thirdly, the Hakka people in Singapore have entered a commercial economy and are no longer

in an agricultural society that emphasises land ownership, especially farmland.

And therefore, there is no longer a need for a cemetery to declare land ownership.

2.3.2 Architecture An ancestral hall, the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, was built adjacent to the cemetery and is distinctively Hakka in style. Compared to the Teochew and

Hokkien ancestral halls mentioned above, the roof of the Shuang Long Shan Wu

Shu Memorial Hall is plain, without much sculpture or floral decoration, and in a more uniform colour.

Compared to Hakka Wei Long Wu, Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall is smaller in scale and does not have a semi-circular enclosure, so some scholars have

argued that it is a complex form of the Teochew 'Si Dian Jin' pattern. 51 However,

the author argues that the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, although

influenced to some extent by the architecture of Teochew, is a simplified form of Hakka Wei Long Wu.

51 Lee, ‘从夜暮到黎明 From Dusk to Dawn’.

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First of all, in terms of layout and function, the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu

Memorial Hall is an ancestral hall, in the same basic layout as the Hakka Wei Long

Wu, with the ancestral hall in the centre and the dwelling enclosed in sequence on either side. The 'Si Dian Jin' of Teochew, which is often a residential layout, though

its symmetrical and square layout could also be transformed into an ancestral hall

- for example, Wan Hai Da Bo Gong - is presumed to be a Hakka layout in the first

instance, given its appearance and the ancestral origins of its founders. At the same

time, the elevation shows that there are entrances to the fireproof lane on both sides of the main entrance, separated from the cross house, which is consistent with the plan of the first half of Hakka Wei Long Wu. As the back half of Hakka Wei

Long Wu is a residential house, and as the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall was originally built next to a cemetery for ritual and religious functions, it is reasonable due to site constraints to simplify the part of the house.

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Hua Tai

Pan-chi

figure 11 Typical shape drawing of Wei Long Wu

Source: Sun, Ying & Ou, Quanfeng. (2021). Research on the traditional zoning, evolution, and integrated conservation of

village cultural landscapes based on “production-living-ecology spaces” – A case study of villages in Meicheng, Guangdong, China. Open Geosciences. 13. 1303-1317. 10.1515/geo-2020-0279.

Secondly, the half-moon shaped Pan-chi in front of the ancestral hall is common in Hakka architecture. Its main function is not only to meet the need for 'water' in Feng Shui Metaphysics, but also to regulate the climate of the site, stockfish and

prawns, water the vegetable patch and store water for drought and fire prevention.

Traditional Hakka buildings have many wooden elements and therefore have high

requirements for fireproofing. Today the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall

has been altered several times, many of the columns have been replaced with reinforced concrete structures, and there is no vegetable patch to water. However, the Pan-chi has been preserved, which is a rare thing.

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Finally, although the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall does not have a

semi-circular backyard and enclosure like the traditional Hakka Wei Long Wu, it does, however, have a 'Wu Xing Stone (Five Elements Stone)' at the back of the

main hall, which is a characteristic and important symbol of Hakka architecture. In traditional Hakka Wei Long Wu, the semi-circle of open space between the walled

house and the ancestral hall is called 'Hua Tai'. "Hua Tai is the best Feng Shui 'point' in Feng Shui Metaphysics for the whole house, symbolising stability and

support and the traditional Hakka wish for the nurturing of all things and the

continuity of their descendants. The Wu Xing Stone is considered to be the egg of the Dragon God of the land, and therefore the location of the Wu Xing Stone is where the 'Hua Tai' is located.

figure 12 the ‘Wu Xing Stone’ in Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall

Source: http://navalants.blogspot.com/2016/03/commonwealth-holland-village-heritage.html

For these three reasons, the author believes that the architectural form of the

Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall still belongs to the Hakka architectural 44

style. It is undeniable that there are many elements of Teochew architecture in the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, such as the form of the main entrance, which resembles the Chinese character "凹". However, a combination of different

styles of Chinese architecture is not unusual in Singapore, and the reasons for this have been analysed in the previous section. The author will not repeat them here.

2.4 Haw Par Villa The Haw Par Villa in Singapore, also known as Tiger Balm Gardens, was built in

1937 by Aw Boon Haw, a Burmese born Hakka businessman. In fact, Haw Par Villa

is not a traditional Hakka architecture, but only a Hakka-built building. The reasons why Haw Par Villa is included as a case study in this paper are the following:

1. In addition to Singapore, there are two other Haw Par Villa in Hong Kong and Yongding, Fujian, both of which Aw Boon Haw invested in and designed and

built themselves. Thus by comparing the three Haw Par Villa, it is possible to understand the differences in architecture and gardens depending on the location.

2. One of Aw Boon Haw's aims in building the Tiger Balm Gardens was to use the sculpture to influence the hardworking and illiterate Chinese immigrants who

were at the bottom of the social ladder at the time, so that they would not 45

forget Chinese history, culture, faith and morality, reflecting Aw Boon Haw's

understanding of Chinese culture as a visiting businessman. 52 According to

Kua Bak Lim, a well-known Singaporean historian, “it is not difficult to

perceive the cultural connotations behind the folk customs and concepts of Haw Par Villa when viewed from a historical and cultural perspective, so there is no such thing as anachronism. The so-called superstitious overtones of the

garden's scenery reflect the folklore and moral values of the Chinese in the olden days, and carry a cautionary meaning through the subtle form of

exhorting people to do better. " 53 A case study of Haw Par Villa can therefore

be used to speculate on Chinese immigrants' understanding of Chinese culture

and thus to understand the genesis of other Chinese architectures in Singapore.

The Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par brothers inherited their father's medicine business and developed Tiger Balm, making them the very wealthy men of South

East Asia. To showcase the family's wealth, status and position, Aw Boon Haw

funded the construction of three Haw Par Villas, all of which include a residence and a garden with grotesque sculptures. The three Haw Par Villas, in chronological 52 Jianli Huang and Lysa Hong, ‘Chinese Diasporic Culture and National Identity: The Taming of the Tiger Balm

Gardens in Singapore’, Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 1 (January 2007): 41–76, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X05002349.

53 Bak Lim Kua, ‘The proper positioning of Haw Par Villa’, Kua Bak Lim’s blog (blog), 13 July 2013,

http://kuabaklim.blogspot.com/2013/07/blog-post_6400.html.

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order of construction, are located next to Tai Hang Road at Mid-Levels East in

Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, Pasir Panjang in Singapore and Yongding County in

Fujian Province. Of these, the Haw Par Villa in Singapore is the largest and best conserved.

Compare the architecture of Haw Par Villas themselves. The Hong Kong villa is a

four-storey Chinese eclectic building, with many Chinese elements on the exterior

and a predominantly Western interior. Many such doctrinal architectures emerged in China during that period, mainly as explorations by architects returning from

studying architecture in the West. Attempts were made to combine the structural

logic of Western architecture with Chinese architectural styles, resulting in this unique eclectic architecture. The villa in Singapore has been demolished, but old photographs show a building with geometric design elements and westernised stylistic lines. It is presumed to have been influenced mainly by the design of

Singaporean houses of the colonial period. The same projecting thin-slatted eaves and elongated ventilation windows above the eaves are common in Singapore

houses of the same period. The villa in Yongding, Fujian, was not built until after

Aw Boon Haw's death. However, the manuscript and current state of the building largely reflect Aw Boon Haw's wishes, being a mixture of red brick, timber and

concrete in the form of a cylindrical Hakka Tulou, with a Chinese roof and a Western palace layout. As the latest villa to be built, it was originally where Aw

Boon Haw planned his own residence back home in his later years. As a Chinese 47

expatriate from South East Asia in his early years, Aw Boon Haw also desired to return home rich and famous, so it was mostly his imagination of the ideal garden and architecture. 54

figure 13 The Haw Par Villa (Hong Kong)

Source: foundin_a_attic - https://www.flickr.com/photos/foundin_a_attic/45234034811/，CC BY 2.0， https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=90308928

54 Yong He Zhang, Biography of Aw Boon Haw, 1882-1954, eminent Hakka Chinese from Singapore. (Singapore:

Chongwen Publisher, 1993), https://catalogue.nlb.gov.sg/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/ENQ/WPAC/ils.nlb.gov.sg/cgibin/spydus.exe/ENQ/WPAC/BIBENQ?SETLVL=&BRN=84572303.

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figure 14 The LEGO model of Haw Par Villa (Singapore) photo by author

figure 15 The design image of Haw Par Villa (YongDing)

Source: Brandel and Turbeville, Tiger Balm Gardens, p. 48

The more famous part of the Haw Par Villa is the many exaggeratedly shaped

sculptures in the garden, which many have described as horrific, grotesque and even ugly things. Aw Boon Haw's aim when establishing the garden was to use 49

traditional Chinese religious stories and folklore to warn people and allow visitors

to examine their moral behaviour through the stories of these sculptures. However, if comparing these sculptures with traditional Chinese images, several deviations

emerge. This similar but totally different situation, which is common in many overseas Chinese architectures, is often the result of stereotypes created by

simplifying the information. The labelled information has been arbitrarily reorganised and mixed with elements from other cultures. Although the fundamental features can still be read, they no longer conform to the original logic.

However, because it is outside the context of the original logic, this' disorder' does not need to be considered a 'mistake' that must be corrected. On the contrary, it has become a characteristic product of a multicultural context.

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Chapter 03 Conservation Issues As the city developed, Singapore faced many issues of urban regeneration. Now that society has become more diverse and modern, the continuation of the life of

traditional architecture faces many challenges. This chapter will continue to discuss the contemporary conservation issues faced by traditional architecture with the three case studies in the previous chapter.

3.1 Fook Tet See Hakka Temple (Wan Hai Da Bo Gong) As Singapore's oldest and longest-standing temple still remaining on its original site, Wan Hai Da Bo Gong is currently facing a decline in the number of worshippers. The temple is growing quiet and lacks attention. Although the

temple's Board of Trustees began appeals and negotiations to have Wan Hai Da Bo Gong declared a national monument as early as 2004, they have so far been unsuccessful.

3.1.1 Lack of interest in traditional culture among young people Although located not far from the city centre, Wan Hai Da Bo Gong is still on the

fringes of the more famous cultural conservation areas. Not many Singaporeans know about it compared to other more famous temples. Perhaps due to its quiet and uncontested life, Wan Hai Da Bo Gong has not often hosted major religious

events for the public, according to the temple management, and gradually fewer 51

and fewer people know about it. Indeed, the reason for this is that the younger

generation's increasingly less knowledge of and lack of interest in understanding traditional culture is the root cause of the gradual decline of traditional temples.

3.1.2 Impact of MRT station construction works Singapore's Circle Line is coming together into a true circle, with the last three MRT stations under construction. One of them, Prince Edward Station, is located next to Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple and is scheduled to be completed by 2026. 55

The site enclosed by the construction of the MRT station already bisects the site

where the Fook Tet Soo Hakka Temple and the nearby Haji Muhammad Salleh Mosque, another very distinctive religious building - neither of which is a national

monument - are located. The site is divided into two. The construction site is currently only three metres away from the temple, and the building is in danger of

settling its foundations. At the same time, the entrance to the temple is obscured

by the site's baffles, which also reduces the number of visitors to the site. The temple board is pessimistic about the future impact of the MRT station on Wan Hai Da Bo Gong.

55 Land Transport Authority, ‘LTA | Circle Line 6’, government agency website, 2022,

https://www.lta.gov.sg/content/ltagov/en/upcoming_projects/rail_expansion/circle_line_6.html.

52

figure 16 The MRT Station construction map Source: https://www.ura.gov.sg/corporate

figure 17 the condition of MRT and temple

3.1.3 Property rights to land

photo by Lynn Wong Yuqing

In 1982, the site on which the temple stood was expropriated by the government,

and the Board was paid a compensation of over S$245,000. The site has since

remained in the trusteeship of the Temple Board, with monthly rent paid to URA under a temporary tenancy agreement, and after 2005 to the Land Office, and in 53

2017 to the Land Office on an annual basis. 56 Although URA and SLA promised that

the temple would not be demolished unless as a last resort. But the opening of the MRT station shows that the "last resort" may not be too far away. The government

can take the land back at any time, and without monument status, the temple has little leverage to negotiate with the government.

3.1.4 Restoration or Destruction The Wan Hai Da Bo Gong has undergone several restorations to survive until today.

However, some of these restorations have not been rigorously verified. If they have

been confirmed, materials and techniques have been used that are not in keeping with traditional practices due to budgetary constraints. Such restoration methods have actually destroyed the historical value of the temple.

For example, replacing all the roof tiles with overlapping tiles, a modern type of tile that would never have been found in traditional Chinese architecture, has damaged the appearance of the architecture and lost a sample of the weather experience that would have been gained by using traditional tiles. It is also clear from old

photographs that the external walls of the temple were originally white, but have been painted beige in recent years. The walls of traditional Teochew architecture 56 Poh Seng Chen, ‘Steps Taken by Management Committee’, in The Living Heritage : Stories of Fook Tet Soo

Khek Temple 百年公德被南邦——望海大伯公纪实 (Singapore: Char Yong (Dabu) Association, 2006), 7–8.

54

are predominantly white and rarely seen in yellow. This change will also create difficulties for future generations to verify the history.

3.1.5 the Function There is another more famous Fook Tet Soo in Singapore, the Telok Ayer Fook Tet Soo. However, since its religious function was relocated to Geylang in 1994, the

building remains have been converted into a museum. This is perhaps one of the

ways to reuse traditional but less attractive architecture in the city centre. The

original appearance of the building is maintained, but its original function is taken

away. The income from the cultural hotel immediately to the rear of the temple is used to maintain the operation of the museum.

This approach is common in the conservation and re-use of historic buildings.

However, it cannot ignore that such re-adaptation often occurs when the original

function has been withdrawn. In the case of Wan Hai Da Bo Gong, on the other hand, a temple is a temple. The original functions, if still retained, have no less

cultural value than the architecture itself. How to make traditional architecture survive in the modern world remains a challenge that requires the efforts of many parties.

55

figure 18 the Telok Ayer Fook Tet Soo photo by author

3.2 Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall The rapidly modernised Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall in the last

century after the government expropriated the land has been hailed as a 'model cemetery' for its effective management, cleanliness, and efficient land use. But as

these modernisations have taken place, questions of identity have surrounded the conservation of traditional culture.

As a spontaneous mutual aid organisation for Chinese immigrants, the association

played a significant role in the early development of the Singapore Chinese. For example, Ying Fo Fui Kun, which established the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, opened the first new-style educational primary school and

produced many outstanding Hakka people for Singapore. The hall was also used as 56

a school campus until the 1970s, when it was discontinued due to the changing social situation. Today, with the expropriation and development of other functions

on the land that was originally part of the hall, the original site that served as a place for the hall's activities and the cohesion of the dialect community no longer exists. 57 In addition, dialect identity as a group identity has been diluted by the 'Mandarin-speaking Movement' and the increasing tendency of the younger generation to only speak English.

On the one hand, this results from a coalescence of national spirit and a fusion of

diverse cultures in Singapore. On the other hand, it also poses a challenge to the transformation of the traditional cultures of the various ethnic groups: how not to

forget the roots of traditional culture in the country's identity and raise the nation's national cultural awareness.

Similar to the Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall, the Sanyi Ci managed by the Fong Yun Thai Association faced the same problem. Today the Fong Yun Thai Association has built the Sanyi Ci as a concrete building in the form of a Hakka Tulou, which also serves as a cultural centre for the association and a shrine for the

bone ashes of the ancestors. This approach, which leaves only the exterior, is 57 Ya Qiao Lai, ‘Transformation and Innovation of Hakka People in the Context of Economic Globalisation’, in

Nanyang Hakka Federation 80th Anniversary (2009) Special Edition (Singapore: Nanyang Hakka Federation, 2009), https://nhf.sg/laiyaqiao/.

57

controversial in the architectural conservation profession. A replica architecture

that roughly imitates the exterior and completely discards its technical core has no

value for professionals. However, for members of the association, it is still debatable whether such a formalised imitation retains a certain degree of cultural symbolism.

figure 19 the Sanyi Ci

source: https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=10221293640552743&set=pcb.1883305058518375

Without the environment of traditional architecture and the accumulated experience of building techniques, if the architecture is only copied as it is, even if it is an exact replica of traditional architecture, it will only be a labelled symbol

detached from the site. A professional, therefore, will need to assimilate the reasons for the formation of traditional culture and adapt its techniques and

experience to the new geographical and social context. In this way, the perception of group identity can be better perpetuated within the national narrative.

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3.3 Haw Par Villa Since its inception, the garden at Haw Par Villa has been open to the public and

was a popular leisure spot for families in Singapore in the 1950s. In the 1970s and 1980s, Haw Par Villa was Singapore's most famous attraction, receiving over a

million visitors a year. 58 Many Singaporeans of previous generations have memories of family trips to Haw Par Villa as children, and many postcards and

family photos capture this history. But things changed in 1988 when the Singapore Tourism Board took over the Gardens and turned it into a 'Dragon World' theme

park. High admission fees and outdated park facilities caused people to lose interest in Haw Par Villa. The simplistic commercialisation of the park lost its

human spirit, and it quickly lost out to the more established commercial theme parks. 59 People are now beginning to rethink the value of Haw Par Villa and what it

means to Singapore and the Singapore Chinese, and are seriously discussing the conservation challenges facing Haw Par Villa.

3.3.1 Lack of interest from the younger generation As with all cultural heritage, today's society is awash with technological

developments and the foreign world's rich spiritual and cultural offerings. The loss 58 Peggy Teo and Brenda S. A. Yeoh, ‘Remaking Local Heritage for Tourism’, Annals of Tourism Research 24, no.

1 (1 January 1997): 192–213, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0160-7383(96)00054-0.

59 Fong Wei Lim, ‘Lego model of Haw Par Villa, a cultural heritage treasure at the Venice Biennale’, Lianhe

Zaobao, 23 May 2021, https://www.zaobao.com.sg/lifestyle/design-decor/story20210523-1148794.

59

of interest in such 'outdated' cultural offerings among the younger generation is Haw Par Villa's primary problem. Young people perceive it as a grotesque park full of backward aesthetic sculptures. Their lack of understanding of its cultural values

and the stories behind them leads to a lack of interest in visiting it. In recent years the tourism company Journeys has become the new manager of the park, restoring and completely upgrading it to raise the profile of Haw Par Villa using new visual communication tools that are accessible to young people. The park will be

reopened in 2021 and exhibited as a Lego model in the Singapore Pavilion at the Venice Biennale on 'coming together'. In this way, heritage conservationists are trying to reconstruct the image of Haw Par Villa in the minds of young Singaporeans to arouse their interest.

3.3.2 Artisans are ageing Many of the installations and sculptures in Haw Par Villa were built using

traditional construction and decoration techniques such as traditional painting and

Embed Porcelain Painting. However, as the previous generation of artisans age, the lack of workforce facing the restoration work is coming to light. 60 The issue of

passing on skills is a serious one in heritage conservation. Not only do we need young people who are willing to give and learn, but how to pass on skills to the 60 Singapore International Film Festival, The Last Artisan Trailer | SGIFF 2018, 2018,

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HGw_ct26qtw.

60

older generation of artisans who speak only dialects has also become an important issue. 61 As such, cultural heritage conservation is a systemic endeavour that

challenges people from various perspectives, including communication, technology, materials and adaptation to new times and environments. 62

figure 20 The LEGO model of HPV’s sculpture

3.3.3 Financial issues

photo by author

Faced with the double challenge of renovation and management, Haw Par Villa

requires at least S$550,000 a year to manage the facility alone. Several attempts by the Singapore Tourism Board (STB) to revitalise Haw Par Villa in the past, with 61 Amos Mak, ‘Chinese artisans take up the baton to “ patch up” the Haw Par Villa carvings’, 25 June 2018,

https://www.zaobao.com.sg/zlifestyle/culture/story20180625-869930.

62 Singapore Heritage Society, The Last Artisan: Film Screening and Panel Discussion on Haw Par Villa (23 Oct

2021), 2021, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fDzkz1DUK6g.

61

tens of millions of dollars invested, have been unsuccessful. 63 In the face of competition from other new leisure attractions, it has become a huge challenge to position Haw Par Villa for its function and development. Balancing its cultural and commercial values will enable it for long-term development.

63 Kua, ‘The proper positioning of Haw Par Villa’.

62

Chapter 04 Conclusion After analysing the previous two chapters based on several case studies of Hakka architecture in Singapore, this chapter will summarise the characteristics and causes of the current state of Hakka architecture in Singapore. It also briefly describes the role that Hakka architecture may assume in the future social development of Singapore from the perspective of architectural conservation.

4.1 Characteristic 1. Functional Combination Due to the scarcity of land resources in Singapore, different functions were often combined in one architecture to make more efficient use of them. The association houses where Hakka buildings were built were more integrated

with their prosperity. They took on all matters from life to death and education

to religion for their members. Even today, the Hakka people are integrated into Singaporean society and scattered all over the place. However, Hakka temples

and ancestral halls still serve as the heart of the Hakka community and try to enhance the community's cohesiveness. In the past, these buildings sometimes functioned as schools, and today they also exist as a significant force in the spread of Singapore Chinese and Hakka culture.

2. Style Fusion 63

Hakka architecture in Singapore is not confined to the Chinese Hakka style, but in many cases, borrows and even directly uses the forms and decorative

techniques of Teochew architecture. There is also a mix of local architectural styles and those from other cultures, depending on the financiers, builders, and artisans' backgrounds, aesthetics, and preferences.

3. Nanyang Features To suit Singapore's climate, living habits, and geographical features, Hakka architecture in Singapore has a distinctly Nanyang character.

4. Localisation and Modernisation of Materials In choosing materials, the artisans tended to choose building materials that were readily available locally or in nearby South East Asia. This resulted in

significant cost savings, while local materials tended to be well adapted to the

climate. At the same time, after Singapore's independence, some traditional architectures were allowed to be restored and renovated as the city developed and awareness of conservation and renewal efforts progressed. In the process,

many traditional building materials were replaced to suit users' needs, and due to the incomplete recognition and lack of attention to the value of traditional architecture in the early years.

4.2 Reasons

64

Based on the previous chapters, the reasons for the characteristics of Hakka architecture in Singapore are summarised as follows:

1. Agricultural societies operate economically in a different way from commercial societies. In China's predominantly agrarian economy in the past, people were

more concerned with the ownership of land resources. Social relations were

based on identity trust based on kinship, blood and local ties. In Singapore, on the other hand, where the economy is predominantly commercial, people are

more concerned with the efficiency of returns. Although the guildhall is still an

organisation based on identity trust, its operation is still guaranteed by the contracts formed in the commercial society.

2. The ''traditions'', especially in building techniques, are mainly based on

experience in the homeland in terms of climate and materials. However, they need to be adapted to the geography and climate overseas.

3. Some architectural forms are not created following experience, but rather by

emotion. Because of the loss of the original context, the original architectural language becomes a product of labelling.

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4. The urban development of Singapore has influenced the form and use of Hakka

architecture. In a balanced game of culture and economy, only architectures

adapted to the actual needs of the locality can be conserved for long.

4.3 Impact and Role

Possible roles for Hakka architecture in the future urban development of Singapore, depending on its own characteristics, include: 1. Ecological Conservation Hakka architecture can contribute to conserving the ecological environment because of the low density of traditional architecture and its harmonious coexistence with the natural environment.

2. Identity As a symbol of the Singaporean dialect group, Hakka architecture serves as a

cultural symbol that preserves the cultural attributes and collective identity of the Singapore Chinese.

3. Historic Memory Whether it is the process of change in the Hakka buildings themselves, or the process of change in the geographical environment in which the Hakka

buildings are located, they have recorded the history of Singapore's 66

development. These valuable histories can be an essential addition to Singapore's national identity.

4. Signature Landmarks As part of Singapore's multiculturalism, Hakka architecture, which retains its own identity and incorporates various other cultural elements, can be a

specific part of Singapore's culture and attract visitors to the city after being well conserved and restored.

67

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Appendices Glossary Chinese (Mandarin)

Pinyin

祠/堂

cí/ táng

大伯公

dà bó gōng

Dwelling, house

居/屋

jū/wū

嵌瓷

qiàn cí

Feng Shui Forest

风水林

fēng shuǐ lín

风水，风水玄学

fēng shuǐ/fēng shuǐ xuán xué

火巷

huǒ xiàng

丰永大公会

fēng yǒng dà gōng huì

福建

fú jiàn

杠屋

gàng wū

园

yuán

关公

guān gōng

观音

guān yīn

围屋

wéi wū

围龙屋

wéi lóng wū

客家/客家人

kè jiā/kè jiā rén

化胎

huà tāi

妈祖

mā zǔ

明间

míng jiān

北帝

běi dì

风水池/泮池

fēng shuǐ chí/pàn chí

English Ancestral hall, clan hall/ hall Da Bo Gong/Tua Pek Kong Embed Porcelain Painting Feng Shui Metaphysics

firebreak alley Fong Yun Thai Association

Fujian/Hokkien Gang House

Garden, landscape Guan Gong/Kwan Kung

Guanyin/Kwan Im Hakka Round House Hakka Wei Long Wu (Hakka Ravelin) Hakka, Khek Hua Tai Mazu

Ming room Pak Tai

Pan - chi/Feng Shui Pond

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Sanyi Ci / Tricounty Ancestral Temple Shuang Long Shan (Double Dragon Mountain) Shuang Long Shan Wu Shu Memorial Hall/Ancestral Temple of Ying Fo Fui Kun

毓山亭三邑祠

yù shān tíng sān yì cí

双龙山

shuāng lóng shān

双龙山嘉应五属义 祠

shuāng lóng shān jiā yìng wǔ shǔ yì cí

四点金

sì diǎn jīn

四合院

sì hé yuàn

Tang House

堂屋

táng wū

蛳蚶

sī hān

temple

寺/庙

sì/miào

潮州

cháo zhōu

虎豹别墅

hǔ bào bié shù

墓

mù

五行石

wǔ xíng shí

应和会馆

yìng hé huì guǎn

粤海清庙

Yuè hǎi qīng miào

Si Dian Jin Siheyuan

Tegillarca granosa/Anadara granosa Teochew

Tiger Balm Gardens/ Haw Par Villa Tomb, tombstone, grave Wu Xing Stone (Five Elements Stone) Ying Fo Fui Kun Yueh Hai Ching Temple

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