AC 5007 - Batch 4 - SHI Yi by NUS Department of Architecture

CURRENT STATUS AND CONSERVATION PROSPECTS OF THE INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN SINGAPORE

SHI YI

A Dissertation Submitted to Department of Architecture National University of Singapore In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Architectural Conservation Apr 2023

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To my advisors, Dr. Ho Puay-Peng, Dr. Wong Yunn Chii and Dr. Nikhil Joshi: Thank you for your patient guidance on my dissertation research. Without the discussions with you and your advice, it would have been difficult for me to get a handle on the clear direction of the dissertation. I also have great respect for you for your continued passion for the conservation industry and academic research. I am sure that this experience will help me in my future career.

To my MAArC classmates: The world is so big and it is fate that we have the opportunity to meet here. I am fortunate to have spent this year on campus with you. I have learnt a lot from you all, both academically and in life. I wish you all the best in the future.

To my family: Thank you for being my spiritual support. This is my first time to leave hometown and living alone in another country. There were some bad things that happened which hit me hard, but your comfort helped me get over them. I think our contact has become more frequent and closer this year. I can’t say anything but thank you for that.

ABSTRACT It is known to all that Singapore, the “Garden City” in Asia, has a limited land area and a lack of natural resources, yet its economic development rate is incredible according to the performance in the past few decades. As one of the most advanced economies in the world, its GDP per capita ranks among the highest in the world. However, the effort, or sacrifice, behind it has been repeated demolition and construction. Nowadays, when commenting on a country’s strength, hard power such as economy and military is one aspect, but soft power represented by culture is also an important reference factor. Singapore officially became a developed country at the end of the last century, but also realized the lack of a national identity. The conservation of built heritage as the physical projection of national culture is certainly an effective way to shape the country’s image. More than two decades later, Singapore’s heritage conservation system has become increasingly sophisticated. Looking back at the history of Singapore, the industry is an integral part of the country’s development and is inextricably connected with society and its people. It is logical that industrial heritage, though not so directly conserved as religious and municipal buildings, should be a category that is often discussed. However, industrial heritage is under-represented not only in Singapore but worldwide. This dissertation starts with the international industrial heritage conservation movement, and analyzes the growing trend of industrial heritage on the World Heritage list to preliminarily grasp the attitude of the professionals of international organisations toward industrial heritage. The research scope then focuses on Singapore, and the industrial history is separated by the Second World War to illustrate the differences in the industrial constructions between the two time periods. Furthermore, the industrial heritage sites identified as “National Monuments” are listed to show their current status and the threat they face. The limitations of the value-based approach in assessing heritage values are described, and a classification framework is thus proposed. Finally, the current status and vulnerability of the flatted factory, a particular building type in Singapore’s industrial history, is presented, and conclusions are drawn about the future of industrial heritage. Word Count: 9,683

Keywords: Industrial heritage, Conservation, Singapore, World Heritage, Flatted Factory

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................................................. 6 LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................ 7 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 8 1.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 8 1.1 Definition of Industrial Heritage ........................................................................................... 9 1.2 The International Industrial Heritage Conservation Movement ....................................... 9 1.2.1 Development of the Conservation Movement ............................................................. 10 1.2.2 Changing Values of Industrial Heritage ....................................................................... 11 1.2.3 Industrial Heritage on the World Heritage List............................................................ 12 1.3 Summary ................................................................................................................................ 15 CHAPTER 2: INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN SINGAPORE ........................................................ 16 2.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 16 2.1 Industrial History.................................................................................................................. 17 2.1.1 Before World War II .................................................................................................... 17 2.1.2 After World War II ...................................................................................................... 18 2.2 Industrial Heritage Before World War II .......................................................................... 19 2.3 Industrial Heritage After World War II............................................................................. 21 2.4 Industrial Heritage with Conservation Status .................................................................... 22 2.5 Summary ................................................................................................................................ 23 CHAPTER 3: ASSESSMENT SYSTEM .......................................................................................... 24 3.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 24 3.1 Value-based Approach ......................................................................................................... 24 3.1.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 24 3.1.2 Limitation ..................................................................................................................... 25 3.1.3 Case Study: Thye Hong Biscuit and Confectionery Factory ....................................... 26 3.2 Classification Framework .................................................................................................... 27 3.2.1 Current Framework ...................................................................................................... 27 3.2.2 Proposed Framework ................................................................................................... 28 3.2.3 Industrial Heritage with Conservation Status in the Framework ................................. 30 3.3 Summary ................................................................................................................................ 30 CHAPTER 4: FLATTED FACTORY .............................................................................................. 32 4

4.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 32 4.1 History.................................................................................................................................... 32 4.2 Value Assessment .................................................................................................................. 34 4.2.1 Historic Value .............................................................................................................. 34 4.2.2 Social Value ................................................................................................................. 34 4.3 Threat ..................................................................................................................................... 35 4.4 Case Study: Blk 71 & Blk 55 in the Ayer Rajah Industrial Estate ................................... 35 4.5 Prospect & Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 37 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................... 39 APPENDIX .......................................................................................................................................... 41

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Composition of the Inscribed Sites according to the 5 World Regions ………….12 Figure 2: Composition of the Inscribed Sites Divided into 3 categories…………………….13 Figure 3: Increase in Numbers of Inscriptions………………………………………………14 Figure 4: Power Station on Mackenzie Road ………………………………………………20 Figure 5: Female Workers Sorting the Rubber Sheets into Different Grades ………………34 Figure 6: Blk 55 in the Ayer Rajah Industrial Estate ………………………………………36

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Composition of the Inscribed Sites (including Industrial Sites) ……………….….13 Table 2: Industrial Heritage Gazetted as National Monuments in Singapore ……………….22 Table 3: Number of Companies and the Occupancy Rate of Blk 55 .……………………….37

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.0 Introduction Douglas North, winner of the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1993, mentioned in his book Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance that the Industrial Revolution was a major watershed in human history (1990). The first Industrial Revolution began in England in the 1860s. The invention and use of the steam engine made the market aware of the power of machines. They gradually replaced traditional manual labour, out of the capitalists’ demand for higher productivity. During the same period, the supply of materials such as coal, iron and steel by these machines also increased dramatically, which led to the development of other industries such as metallurgy and transportation. Over the next century, the first Industrial Revolution was set in motion across the continent, and indeed around the world. In the mid to late nineteenth century, the second Industrial Revolution was launched with the advancement of the natural sciences, formally entering the “Electrical Age”. Electricity was more productive, cleaner and more convenient than steam. All kinds of technologies and new inventions had emerged. The dramatic changes in social productivity also exacerbated the imbalances in development around the world. The capitalism, market monopolies and colonial systems at that time have had a profound and complex impact on the economy, military, culture and politics of the world today. The third Industrial Revolution took place in the mid-twentieth century and was driven by breakthroughs in science and technology, represented by areas such as electronics, bioengineering and space technology. In the formation of an information-based society, people’s daily communication is becoming increasingly convenient, while the gap between different classes worldwide is getting wider and wider. There are also many people who do not yet realise that the fourth Industrial Revolution has followed quietly with the development of new high technologies. Some historians consider the Industrial Revolutions to be of primary importance in world history. However, people in countries or regions that have grown up to become world dominators through industrialisation are feeling the physical existence of industry more removed from their daily lives. Simply put, technological development has led to increased productivity, resulting in a significant reduction in the market demand for labour and production space. Many of the large industrial constructions such as factories and warehouses that were built in the past are now no longer in use, i.e. their role has changed from a major

player in society to a “vagabond”. The treatment of this industrial heritage has been the subject of intense debate among international heritage conservationists in recent decades.

1.1 Definition of Industrial Heritage For a long time, the image of industrial heritage was in an unfamiliar and ambiguous state. One reason is that the Industrial Revolution did not take place long ago. In popular perception, those buildings were far from special enough to be considered heritage, hence the little discussion and attention on their definition. Secondly, the industry is indeed a very broad category, not only involving workplaces such as mines, mills and factories, but also closely related to social activities. For these reasons, researchers have been polishing the concept of “industrial heritage”. At the same time, however, they recognised the idea that “a definition would help to promote further research in this field”. It was not until July 2003 that the International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage (TICCIH), at its 12th General Assembly in Nizhny Tagil, Russia, adopted The Nizhny Tagil Charter for The Industrial Heritage as an international standard for the interpretation, documentation and conservation of industrial heritage. It defines industrial heritage as the remains of industrial culture with historical, technological, social, architectural or scientific value. These remains include buildings and machinery, workshops, mills and factories, mines and sites for processing and refining, warehouses and shops, places of energy generation, transmission and use, transport and all its infrastructure, as well as places used for social activities related to the industry, such as housing, religious worship or education (2003).

1.2 The International Industrial Heritage Conservation Movement The industrial heritage conservation movement originated in Britain, the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution. What raised awareness of the need to preserve industrial constructions was the fact that they were leaving in succession as the times progressed. The type and pace of industrial development vary greatly across the globe, due to natural conditions such as geography and climate, and human factors such as economic circumstances and policies. Yet, the preservation of things always begins with destruction. While the Western world was actively engaged in establishing an industrial heritage conservation system, a shift in the thinking of industrial buildings as heritage also radiated into Asia in the late 20th century, 9

promoting greater attention, further research and documentation of industrial heritage. However, it is undeniable that there are still many problems in the conservation of this particular cultural heritage.

1.2.1 Development of the Conservation Movement In the mid-nineteenth century, exhibitions on industrial heritage appeared in Britain, indicating that the issue of their conservation began to be taken seriously. But this was a nascent stage of consciousness, so while a few landscape practices emerged, the theoretical system of research was not yet evident. In the late 19th century, the concept of “industrial archaeology” was initially constructed. It emphasizes the recording and preservation of the industrial existence during the Industrial Revolution and great industrial development. In the 1950s, the study of urban industrial heritage formally emerged and developed rapidly in the following decades. In the 1970s, due to the dramatic change in the economic climate, traditional industries, especially steel and coal, continued to decline, resulting in a large amount of urban industrial heritage. The First International Conference on the Conservation of Industrial Monuments (ICCIM) was held at the Ironbridge Gorge Museum in 1973, the site of the world’s oldest iron bridge. Ironbridge Gorge later also became the first industrial site in the UK to be inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List. The conference drew worldwide attention to industrial heritage. Five years later, at the Third ICCIM in Sweden, the International Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage (TICCIH) was established. This organisation, made up of historians, archaeologists, conservation professionals and those working for the conservation of industrial heritage from all over the world, provides advice and assistance to the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) on issues relating to industrial heritage. This well-positioned international organisation has contributed greatly to the knowledge promotion, research, documentation and management of industrial heritage and has given a major boost to the conservation movement. At the turn of the millennium, there was a broad international consensus on the conservation of industrial heritage. In 2000, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Centre (WHC)’s report on heritage in danger raised concerns about the abandonment and imminent demolition of industrial heritage, and in that year ICOMOS and TICCIH signed a partnership agreement in London, determining to work together to conserve industrial heritage. The adoption of the Nizhny Tagil Charter in 10

2003 marked a coming of age in the field. On 28 November 2011, the 17th session of ICOMOS adopted the Dublin Principles, which confirmed the status of the Nizhny Tagil Charter as the first international convention dedicated to the preservation and conservation of industrial heritage. One year later, the 15th Conference of TICCIH was held in the Taiwan Province of China. The most notable impact of it was the adoption of the Taipei Declaration for Asian Industrial Heritage, which placed greater emphasis on the exploration and conservation of industrial heritage values in Asia. It also shows that the whole framework is being refined and improved.

1.2.2 Changing Values of Industrial Heritage In his book The Past is a Foreign Country, David Lowenthal (1985) argued that one of the fundamental conditions of modern society is that the connection between the present and the past is not pre-determined (whether personal or social), but artificially constructed. The concept of value in the field of conservation is neither objective nor fixed, but subjective and contextual. In other words, values are given. For a long time, human beings have been blind, subjective and utilitarian in the discovery and understanding of cultural heritage. With economic development, social progress and closer international exchange, these cognitive concepts, although still subjective, gradually tend to be a rational behaviour rich in wisdom. Whatever the type, cultural heritage must first be understood and then protected, which is a gradual and constantly promoted process. The two important factors in determining value are age and rarity. Qualifiers such as “ancient”, “few” and “only” are apt to evoke cherished emotions, so it is easy to understand why many homogeneous recent industrial constructions are neglected. However, from the perspective of time, the wealth created by industrial civilization and its impact on human society and the world economy far exceeds the sum of the previous thousands of years. Everything since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution has been like pressing the accelerator button, from production to pollution. Industrial heritage directly and truly reflects the important stage of human development history and is powerful material evidence of social development. To protect the industrial heritage is therefore to protect the inheritance of human culture.

1.2.3 Industrial Heritage on the World Heritage List In 2001, WHC carried out a statistical analysis on whether industrial heritage was under-represented on the World Heritage List and published a research report. By analysing the category, quantity and growth trend of properties on the list, following the logic from total to points, it was concluded that “industrial heritage is indeed an under-represented category of cultural heritage”. The study looked at 23 years of data from 1978, when the first World Heritage list was published, to 2000. Now, 23 years later, by conducting a similar statistical analysis again and comparing the two data horizontally, it is possible to conclude the changing attitudes towards industrial heritage and perhaps also marks of the changing times.

13%

24%

47% Latin America / Caribbean Europe / North America Asia / Pacific Arab States Africa

Figure 1: Composition of the Inscribed Sites according to the 5 World Regions chosen by the World Heritage Centre, Drawn by the Author

500 450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 Latin America Europe / North Asia / Pacific / Caribbean America Cultural

Natural

Arab States

Africa

Mixed

Figure 2: Composition of the Inscribed Sites Divided into 3 categories in the 5 World Regions, Drawn by the Author

As of January 2023, a total of 1,157 sites have been inscribed as World Heritage Sites. Among them, 900 are Cultural Heritage, accounting for 77% of the total, while the numbers of Natural Heritage and Mixed Heritage sites are 218 and 39 respectively. As can be seen from the pie chart and bar chart above, Europe and North America have the largest concentration of world heritage sites, followed by Asia and the Pacific. Within each region, the proportion of cultural heritage is the largest.

Cultural

(Industrial)

Natural

Mixed

Total

Africa

(2)

Arab States

Asia/Pacific

195

(10)

277

Europe/North

469

(51)

546

100

(11)

146

900

(74)

218

1157

America Latin America/Caribbean

Total

Table 1: Composition of the Inscribed Sites (including Industrial Sites), Drawn by the Author

1400

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

Cumulative Number of Inscriptions

Number of Inscriptions per Year

Number of Inscriptions per Year Industrial Heritage Properties per year Cumulative Number of all inscribed Properties Industrial Properties Total

Figure 3: Increase in Numbers of Inscriptions, Drawn by Author

From 2001 to 2023, 46 industrial sites were added to the World Heritage List. Although there is already an official definition of industrial heritage, it is still controversial whether many World heritage sites can be classified as industrial heritage due to their wide range. The 46 sites counted here are the ones that relatively fit the definition (see Appendix). The line chart shows that the number of World Heritage sites is growing at a slower rate, while that of industrial heritage sites has greatly increased. In 2000, industrial heritage accounted for 5.3% of the total cultural heritage, but by 2023 this number has increased to 8.2%. This change demonstrates that industrial heritage is receiving increasing attention from both the public and the insiders. In addition, many industrial buildings appear in the tentative lists of countries. However, from the fact that industrial heritage accounts for only 6.4% of all World heritage sites, it can still be concluded that “industrial heritage is under-represented in the World Heritage List”. At the same time, almost all regions have new industrial properties inscribed this century, with Europe and North America accounting for nearly 70% of the total. But in the Arab States, there is still none on the World Heritage List, which suggests that industrial heritage remains somewhat “Euro-centralised”. There are, of course, many factors involved in successful inscriptions. For example, developed countries have more opportunities to focus on conservation and can prepare better presentations and justifications for the value of sites. For those developing countries with unstable political situations, applying for World Heritage Site is not a priority.

It is, therefore, necessary to provide help and guidance to these regions and continue to promote the concept on a global scale.

1.3 Summary Overall, international attitudes towards industrial heritage have taken a qualitative leap in the last fifty years. The construction of a system and the successive introduction of relevant norms and documents have led to a greater focus on this particular category. The Industrial Revolution, one of the great eras in history, was made up of countless ordinary, small structures. People are used to looking forward and therefore tend to overlook what is around or behind them. There is no doubt that World Heritage is the most authoritative sign in the conservation field. The change of the List is an effective communication of the trend of heritage research. Thus, experts need to pay close attention to both the List and the tentative list, as well as the activities of international organisations such as TICCIH.

CHAPTER 2: INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN SINGAPORE 2.0 Introduction Singapore, known as one of the “Four Asian Tigers”, is a country that has been deeply influenced and transformed by modern industry. Singapore is a tropical island country in Southeast Asia, covering an area of just over 700 square kilometres. It borders Malaysia across the Strait of Johor to the north, Indonesia across the Strait of Singapore to the south, and the Strait of Malacca. This island lacks fresh water and arable land resources, meaning it cannot feed itself and have to rely on neighbouring countries. It also has almost no mineral and petroleum resources, which makes its overall natural resources very scarce. In this difficult situation, its prime geographical location is an important element that gives the country’s economy great potential for development. Although today Singapore is one of the world’s financial centres, it was once a small fishing village before the British arrived in the 19th century. In this way, the pace and quality of its growth have been astonishing worldwide, and the central driver of this transformation has been industrialisation. Historically, Singapore’s industrial development, which can be separated by the Second World War (WWII), was closely related to changes in the country’s political power, international situation, economic climate and the role of its people. Before WWII, Singapore was a British colony that operated largely according to the needs of the ruler’s development and was therefore subject to many constraints. Because the island was populated by foreigners, they also had no sense of belonging. After the war, there was a dramatic shift in the mindset of the people, which led to a questioning of the colonial identity, and this was the beginning of its transformation into an independent state. The new group of leaders, represented by Lee Kuan Yew, who understood the plight of the people and the needs of the country, genuinely wanted Singapore to grow faster than the British rulers did. In terms of results, the direction and approach of Singapore’s economic transformation after independence were right and effective. And Singapore’s economic trends have changed four times in 40 years since the labourintensive 1960s. In this century it has become innovation-driven, and the industrial process has progressed with it. However, many factory spaces became redundant. Demolition and redevelopment of buildings are common in Singapore, where every inch of land is precious. Memories and remembrance may not be worth much in the face of economic development goals. This fast pace is all the more a reminder that the conservation of industrial heritage needs to be put on the agenda as soon as possible. 16

2.1 Industrial History 2.1.1 Before World War II On 28 January 1819, British statesman Stamford Raffles landed on the banks of the Singapore River and Singapore has been in the process of modernisation ever since. The British brought with them free trade and duty-free policies, attracting Indonesians, Malays, Indians and Chinese. Of these, the proportion of Chinese rose particularly rapidly. In the latter half of the 19th century and early 20th century, China in East Asia was undergoing turmoil, and people from coastal areas such as Fujian, Guangdong and Hainan provinces went south to seek a more stable life. These people became an important human resource for the newly opened Singapore. They earned money by selling Chinese specialities and handicrafts, hoping to return to their homeland when everything settled down. By the end of the 19th century, the tropical island had changed from its former wilderness, and its trade had increased eightfold. Then in the early 20th century, Singapore’s economy leaped forward. Rubber, a pliable, elastic and water-resistant material, became an important imported raw material for the development of American industry, and Southeast Asia was a major source of it. The burgeoning canning industry also stimulated the development of tin mines in Malaysia. Chinese businessmen in Singapore targeted both markets, opening rubber plantations and tin mines in Malaysia, which were shipped to Singapore for processing and then sold worldwide. At one point in 1912, the percentage of Chinese mines in Malaysian tin mines reached 80%, compared to 20% for European mines. However, after the British tin mining companies introduced mechanical iron ships for mining activities, the proportion of the latter gradually increased. The more competitive market also allowed some of the more sophisticated businessmen to emerge, such as the Chinese Lee Kong Chian, who was recognised by the famous patriotic Chinese entrepreneur Tan Kah Kee. Lee combined his management knowledge with experience to set up his own rubber company which grew rapidly around the world and became known as the “King of Rubber”. It was during this period that Singapore’s economy began to shift from colonial entrepot trade to an industrial exportoriented one. At the beginning of the last century, only about 15% of Singapore’s workforce was employed in the industry. The British rulers only supported the development of light industries in Singapore as the technology for heavy industries such as steel and shipbuilding was in the hands of the Western rulers as a means of consolidating their dominance. In comparison to 17

other countries, Singapore’s industrial development was against the laws of history. It favoured the transfer of goods and the provision of services overproduction. However, as more immigrants settled in, the industry grew spontaneously in the pre-WWII period in a climate of free trade. In addition to the rubber industry, there were also many private industries such as ceramics, pharmaceutical oil, and dairy products. This informal industrial economy supported the livelihoods of a growing immigrant population.

2.1.2 After World War II After WWII, the situation in Singapore was very different from that before the war. The people’s sense of autonomy was awakening and they demanded more say in politics. The power held by the British-appointed governors was dispersed. As life settled down, Singapore saw a Baby Boomer, a population boom, and a shortage of jobs leading to rising unemployment and worsening poverty. Before the war, unemployment was not a very serious problem as they had the option to return to their hometown. But after the war, people’s roles changed from sojourners to settlers. As a result, young people without jobs, and guidance, become potential anti-social threats and breed many moral problems. At the same time, competition from neighbouring countries was fierce, all seeking economic development. Compelled by this situation, the British government urgently needed to create a large number of jobs to settle the people and stabilise their hearts. In 1951, the Colonial Development Council (CDC) proposed the establishment of two colonial industrial estates at Redhill and Hillview. In order to attract foreign investors and local businesses as well as promote industrialisation programmes, the government put forward the Pioneer Industrial Ordinance, which introduced a series of incentive policies, such as increasing lending and tax exemption. In 1957, the Singapore Industrial Promotion Board (SIPB) was established to promote industrial and economic development in Singapore, but its functions were soon taken over by the Economic Development Board (EDB) four years later. In the 1960s, pioneer light industry entrepreneurs did not have the technology and still relied on European professionals, so the overall industry was still predominantly labour-intensive, such as textiles, pharmaceuticals and electronics. They provided opportunities for workers of different races and nationalities to work together, helping to strengthen the unity of a diverse ethnic group and initially building a sense of national identity.

During the same period, the Jurong Industrial Estate was established in the southwest of the island, and it was one of the earliest development zones to be established in Asia. It accommodates the processing of many important resources and materials, and has become the backbone of Singapore’s industry by constantly reclaiming land for expansion in response to economic changes. The formation of Jurong Town Corporation (JTC) further regulated the operation of the industrial zone and expanded its development beyond Jurong Island, such as Toa Payoh and Kranji. Vast tracts of land, such as swamps, secondary forests and plantations were cleared, and small-scale cottage industries and squalid shanty towns were concentrated to make room for industrial plants and housing. Local workers also acquired skills in their work and the economic situation gradually changed to skill-intensive. By the late 1970s, compared to figures from the year of independence, Singapore’s unemployment rate had fallen from 10% to 3.3%, while the share of manufacturing in GDP had risen from 15% to 27%. However, there was a shortage of labour to meet the rapidly growing industry, which meant that the prospects for labour-intensive industries were not good. To maintain a healthy economy, Singapore’s development strategy transitioned to a capital-intensive one, with major investments in high-value-added industries such as precision instrument processing, computers and pharmaceuticals. By the late 1980s, the electronics industry was more mature, with more than half of the world’s disk drives being manufactured in Singapore. Towards the end of the 20th century, the political elite recognised that Singapore’s over-reliance on international trade posed a potential risk to the country’s economy. This was because an industrial economy that depended on scarce natural resources was not infinitely sustainable on this tropical island, whereas a knowledge-based economy was renewable. As a result, Singapore shifted to a knowledge-intensive economy and also moved naturally into an innovation-driven phase thereafter to remain globally competitive.

2.2 Industrial Heritage Before World War II Pevsner, in Pioneers of Modern Design, argued that style and aesthetics are inextricably connected with society and politics (Chang 2017). Singapore’s industrial constructions are in sync with its economic development demand and industrial progress trends. Because Singapore’s economic transformation was so efficient in the world, many industrial buildings have been rendered obsolete in a rapidly changing society, or have fallen out of the limelight due to low priority, lying empty and becoming heritage. 19

Figure 4: Power Station on Mackenzie Road, National Archive of Singapore

From the late 19th century to the mid-20th century, Singapore mainly used traditional energy sources such as natural gas, biomass and coal. The first coal-fired power station, built on Mackenzie Road in 1906, kicked off the history of electricity use in Singapore when it first lit up Raffles Place. However, such a building of special meaning was demolished after the Japanese Occupation. With its jagged roof and a trio of gabled buildings with a brick wall, the overall building style was similar to that of The Warehouse Hotel, which was built in 1895. The latter was a warehouse located along the Singapore River, originally owned by the Chinese merchant Lim Ho Puah, and saw the country’s history of trading in spices and opium. An oil mill used it as a warehouse between 1934 and 1975, as evidenced by the inscription “Ho Hong Oil Mills” on the far left facade. After experiencing vacancy as the economy and trade shifted, the warehouse revived as a disco dance hall in the 1980s. Today, it is a boutique hotel on Robertson Quay, famous for its well-preserved industrial charm. Historical photographs from the 1970s show the Singapore River filled with small boats used to transport goods, while the banks of the river were lined with warehouses, most of which have been demolished and rebuilt today. In 1926, as the electricity demand increased, the St. James Power Station was built as the second power generation facility, which mainly used fuel oil. The red brick walls of this building are also typically Western style, and the bricks used in it were manufactured locally and were used extensively in the same period. The building was decommissioned in 1976 and then used as a warehouse, and in the early 21st century it was restored and converted into an entertainment centre. Last year it was reopened as Dyson’s global headquarters and technology development centre, with a heritage trail and gallery. 20

2.3 Industrial Heritage After World War II During the Second World War, the St. James Power Station was badly damaged. The Pasir Panjang “A” Power Station, designed by British municipal architect Donald Cameron Rae, was commissioned in 1953. This modernist-style building was also built in fair-faced red brickwork. One half of the facade is regularly lined with square windows, in contrast to the other half’s large area of glass windows separated by white projecting slender vertical fins. The building was decommissioned in the mid-1980s and its fate is not yet known. It is impossible to speak of post-WWII industrial heritage without mentioning Jurong Island. In 1970, as the industrial focus gradually shifted to the island, Jurong Power Station was announced for opening to address the growing need for power for intensive industrial development. As broad as the definition of industrial heritage is, Jurong Town includes not only workplaces, but also places of social activities related to the industry. Jurong’s development route matched Singapore’s “garden city” objectives, combining industrial landscapes with natural greenery and creating buffer zones to separate residential and industrial areas. Meanwhile, parks and facilities such as Jurong Bird Park and Jurong Drive-in Cinema were designed to relieve workers’ stress, provide recreation and attract people from other areas to this more remote corner of the city. However, many have been demolished or relocated. The most iconic building in Jurong Town is the Jurong Town Hall, which was built in the 1970s and took important responsibilities such as management and planning for the industrial area. Its architectural design was decided by an open national competition, with local firm Architects Team 3 being selected. With its distinctive shape, it is one of the most representative futuristic buildings in Singapore, consisting of two long, massive blocks connected by bridges. It witnessed Singapore’s industrialization progress and also recorded the important step of Singapore on the international stage as the reception office for foreign guests. Apart from Jurong Town, other famous early industrial estates include Kallang Industrial Estate, Alexandra Village Industrial Estate and Tanglin Halt Industrial Estate, but many factories moved to other areas in the 1980s. In line with Singapore’s development trajectory of light industry as main, the flatted factory form has a special status in the country and has been fully used. However, changing economic trends have raised questions about whether they can bridge the gap of age, and this is reflected in the many vacant factory legacies that exist today. 21

2.4 Industrial Heritage with Conservation Status The Preservation of Monuments Board (PMB) was established in 1971 as a statutory body to identify, manage and promote Singapore’s heritage. And in 1973, eight historic landmarks were gazetted as “National Monuments”, more than half of which are religious buildings. This title represents the highest level of heritage recognised by the country and to some extent reflects the general direction of heritage conservation in Singapore. As of 2023, there are 75 National Monuments, the latest being The Padang, a green open space. On the whole, there are only a few industrial heritage sites that fit the definition, namely Singapore River Bridges: Cavenagh Bridge, Anderson Bridge and Elgin Bridge, Former St James Power Station, Former Tanjong Pagar Railway Station, Former Ford Factory and Jurong Town Hall. As can be seen from the table below, they were all listed as “National Monuments” in this century, which means that there have been no industrial-related ones for over 30 years since the publication of the first batch, which also indicates a significant increase in the attention of national institutions to industrial heritage in recent years.

Name

Built Year

Singapore River Bridges:

1869, 1909,

Cavenagh Bridge，

1929

Location

Inscribed Year

Singapore River

2019

1927

3 Sentosa Gateway

2009

1931

30 Keppel Road

2011

1941

351 Upper Bukit Timah

2006

Anderson Bridge and Elgin Bridge Former St James Power Station Former Tanjong Pagar Railway Station Former Ford Factory

Road Jurong Town Hall

1974

9 Jurong Town Hall

2015

Road

Table 2: Industrial Heritage Gazetted as National Monuments in Singapore, Drawn by author

2.5 Summary Singapore’s industry has been an important factor in driving its economy, both during the colonial period and after independence. With each economic transition, the fate of many industrial buildings has been in limbo. Some can transform their functions to suit the times, while others may have to play the role of “fast-moving consumer goods”. Even industrial landscapes that have a special place in history are not guaranteed to be immune to demolition. Industrial constructions were indeed neglected in the last century, but over time, the awareness of them has increased, so they are taken into consideration in heritage conservation issues.

CHAPTER 3: ASSESSMENT SYSTEM 3.0 Introduction Buildings are not entirely independent entities. Some of them, because of their long existence or wonderful design, become so attached to the locals that they reach an irreplaceable place in people’s hearts. That is to say, if they are no longer there, people will feel regret, sadness and nostalgia, and the national culture will also suffer a partial loss. But emotions are, after all, abstract and difficult to quantify. When the built heritage is the subject of a decision, is it better to demolish it or to conserve it? If it is to be conserved, is the scope whole or partial? On what basis are these judgements made? In order to answer these questions, a more specific and relatively objective set of criteria is required to assist assessment. Experts set up a framework to evaluate heritage in the last century, and this mainstream approach is valuecentred preservation. Based on the current value-based assessment system, many of Singapore’s industrial buildings built in the 1960s and 1970s are hard to stand out. This is because historic and aesthetic values are the two priority points of the approach, and the buildings are young and mediocre. If industrial constructions were to be preserved solely on the basis of this approach, many would be demolished to make way for new buildings or facilities that are better suited to the needs of today’s society. However, the existence of industrial heritage is powerful evidence to prove the authenticity of history. In order for the time when future generations ask about the “industrial development of Singapore”, there will be some physical relics of that era, and to enrich the historical and spiritual content of the country, industrial heritage should be treated carefully. This means that another system may need to be applied for assessment.

3.1 Value-based Approach 3.1.1 Introduction Heritage is a subjective concept that is classified because it has certain qualities that other beings do not. To clarify this quality, an assessment system is needed to identify and measure the differences, which can also help people to better understand the concept. The Burra Charter, published by ICOMOS Australia in 1979, is now widely used to guide conservation practice and has had an impact far beyond Australia. The cultural significance mentioned includes four types of value: aesthetic, historic, scientific and social value. The 24

system has been tested repeatedly over the decades. The strength of the Burra Charter is reflected in the fact that it is a dynamic document, constantly adapting to a changing and developing society in response to new issues. It has been revised twice, respectively in 1999 and 2013. It can be seen that with nearly 20 years as an interval unit, people’s understanding and evaluation criteria for heritage value need to be reorganized and summarized. The core revision in 1999, for example, was the recognition of intangible values, which gave heritage a deeper, more inclusive meaning and a stronger connection with people.

3.1.2 Limitation At the very beginning of the planning process, the “class” of buildings are quickly determined. An ordinary residential building and a magnificent municipal building are approved by decision-makers with different purposes in mind. One can easily tell which one is more valuable. The value of the two may be comparable after a certain point, for example when an unexpected historical event takes place in the residential building. But on a larger scale, municipal buildings are far more likely to be conserved than residential ones in cities. Although value is not the only factor to be considered, it is central to conservation decisions. Avrami and Mason (2019) argue that enhancing one value may come at the expense of others, while the weight of the benefits from different values is constantly changing. In terms of traditional and popular perceptions of conservation, historical and aesthetic values are usually elevated above any other values, which also implies an absolute recognition of the value of the heritage site itself (Mason 2006). Industrial buildings, in terms of historic value, were built late and have a low probability of significant historical events; in terms of aesthetic value, they were designed to be practical rather than beautiful. They were not built to project power or to be some kind of memorial, which means they are not architecturally distinctive and can even be ugly in a way. Furthermore, rarity is actually one of the most important factors in maximising value. The mediocre buildings in an industrial estate, such as factories and warehouses, are often mass-produced like products on an assembly line. If you just look at it as an individual, you cannot enumerate any value. Furthermore, value changes over time. In terms of historic value, the superposition of time is undoubtedly an aid; in terms of aesthetic value, it varies from one era to another, just as the Gothic was once considered barbaric art by people in the Renaissance era, but was reaffirmed in the 18th century; in terms of scientific value, time can verify the superiority of 25

technology; in terms of social value, time is the catalyst for the bond between heritage sites and communities. Time is therefore an important element of heritage value which cannot be ignored. AUNN CAFÉ & CO, a popular Internet-celebrity cafe in Shanghai’s prime Jing’an Temple, focuses on industrial simplicity. Consumers come here to enjoy their coffee and use it as a backdrop for photos. There are many such shops in the city, and interviews with people who visit these cafes have shown that the industrial design suits their aesthetic. And this would not have happened in the industrial era decades ago. The value-based approach is flexible but not predictive. It can determine the value of a building at a certain point in time, but cannot grasp the one that will be derived in the future. This raises the question of intergenerational equity. Heritage values that are recognised now may not be recognised by future stakeholders as the criteria and methods of assessment may change. The story and importance of heritage may not resonate with future generations. Gustavo Araoz argues that when one analyses the guiding ideology of conservation, it becomes clear that heritage professionals have never really protected values, but have always tried to protect the physical containers where values have been determined to reside (2011, pp. 58-59). This raises the question of whether it is possible to predict trends in order to address intergenerational equity and reduce the administrative burden on future generations. The value-based approach cannot, therefore, be seen as a set regulation that cannot be modified. Due to a large number of heritage properties and their distribution in different regions, they will derive unique qualities influenced by the local cultural context. These added values may be the weapon that helps to elevate the status of industrial buildings.

3.1.3 Case Study: Thye Hong Biscuit and Confectionery Factory Thye Hong Biscuit and Confectionery Company was one of the first biscuit manufacturers in Singapore, with its factory located at the junction of Alexandra Road and Tiong Bahru Road, opened in 1935. The company was owned by Lee Gee Chong, son of Lee Choon Seng, a Singaporean Chinese businessman. It aimed to automate production, so the factory was equipped with a large number of modern production facilities. The factory’s facade, with its signature bronze lion statue standing majestically above the building’s name and a lighted torch to the left, is one of the region’s landmarks, helping to shape the identity of residents and workers.

In the 1960s, the factory employed over 200 workers, many of whom were trained by foreign biscuit professionals. Torch brand sweets were also served to overseas passengers on Malaysia Airlines. Singaporeans who grew up in the 1960s and 1970s loved the brand’s biscuits and even those who lived nearby recalled smelling the sweet biscuits every time they passed by the factory. The intuitive feeling brought by these senses all constitute the unique memory of Thye Hong Biscuit and Confectionery Factory in people’s hearts. In 1981, however, one British biscuits company bought Thye Hong’s owner, Kuan Enterprises, and the factory closed down completely the following year. It has now been redeveloped into an office building, Thye Hong Centre. Despite the name, it is hard to find traces of the old factory on the building. It cannot be denied that this biscuit and confectionery factory is, according to the valued-based assessment approach, far inferior to other heritage sites that have been granted conservation status. Or rather, there are more buildings than it that are on the priority list for conservation. But its story involves technological advances by local manufacturers and huge overseas markets for light industrial exports and a sentimental value that cannot be measured in numbers. The value-based approach is therefore not a complete assessment approach, and there is room for improvement.

3.2 Classification Framework 3.2.1 Current Framework Although the industrial age is historically significant, industrial heritage is indeed a neglected niche heritage category. To make up for the shortcomings of the value-based approach, the insiders have proposed classification frameworks to refine the concept and support the inscription work from a perspective other than value. This framework provides a broad range of types of industrial heritage and helps to identify the various categories of places to promote deeper thinking and research. Currently, there are two relatively rigorous classification systems, proposed respectively by the Historic American Engineering Record (HAER) and TICCIH. HAER was established in 1969 by the National Park Service, the American Society of Civil Engineers and the Library of Congress. From the beginning, the organization’s focus was on the mechanics and processes of buildings rather than on their construction, intending to document historic sites and landscapes associated with the industry. The Industrial Structures Classification System was developed by HAER in the last century and is relatively comprehensive. It has 10 27

major themes, each of which has about 7 sub-themes. The TICCIH framework was introduced at the beginning of the 21st century. Compared to HAER’s framework, TICCIH’s has a larger number of major themes (12), but fewer sub-themes and is more concise overall. Most of the broad themes are similar in both frameworks, proving that these categories are recognised as representative of industrial heritage.

3.2.2 Proposed Framework The course of industrial development is different in each region, and what HAER and TICCIH propose is a universal framework. Based on the existing one, a framework more relevant to the practical situation in Singapore is attempted to be proposed to increase the adoption of this methodology.

Singapore Industrial Structures Classification Framework (Based on HAER and SSIC 2020) 0. Extractive Industries 01. Mining and Quarrying 02. Oil and Gas 03. Other 1. Bulk Products Industries 10. Agriculture and Rural Industries 11. Food Processing (Meat, Dairy Products, Beverages) 12. Primary Metal Industries 13. Textiles (Knitting, Wearing) 14. Lumber, Timber, and Paper Industries 15. Thermally produced products (Glass Works, Coke Ovens) 16. Chemical Industry (Soaps products, Additives, Paints, Refined Petroleum Products, Man-made Fibres, Pharmaceuticals…) 2. Manufacturing 21. Machine Manufacture (Metal) 22. Fabricated Metal Products Manufacturers 23. General Manufacturing (Rubber Products, Plastic Products, Toys, Craft Industries) 24. Computer, Electronic and Optical Products (Networking Products, Photographic Equipment) 25. Electrical Equipment (Batteries, Wiring) 26. Transportation Equipment Manufacturers (Vehicles, Ships, Railways) 27. Finished Wooden Product Manufacturers (Furniture)

3. Utilities 31. Municipal Water Supply 32. Sanitation 33. Gas 34. Electricity 4. Power, Sources and Prime Movers 41. Steam 42. Coal (Power Station) 42. Electric Motors 5. Transportation 51. Railroads (Passenger Station) 52. Roads 53. Marine and Harbor Works 54. Air 55. Pipelines 56. Postal and Courier 6. Communications 61. Telephone and Telegraph (Telephone Booth) 62. Radio and Television 7. Bridges, Trestles and Aqueducts 8. Building Technology 9. Specialized Structures and Objects 91. Specialized Construction (Fortifications, Flatted Factory) 92. Materials Storage (Warehouse) 93. Power and Energy Transmission 93. Workers Housing, Communities, and Other Related Artifacts (Industrial Estate) 94. Land Surveying Landmarks 94. Amusements

In order to justify the proposed industrial heritage classification framework, i.e. to demonstrate that it is indeed applicable to Singapore, it is necessary to first have a thorough understanding of the industries that operate in Singapore. Singapore Standard Industrial Classification 2020 (SSIC 2020), published by the Department of Statistics Singapore, is a national standard for classifying economic activity. It has 21 sections, each with multiple divisions. This hierarchical classification structure is similar to the HAER industrial heritage classification system and makes it easier to identify and merge similar items.

Singapore Industrial Structures Classification Framework first applies the existing framework of HAER and then compares the classification with SSIC 2020. Those that were not in SSIC 2020 are removed and those that were in SSIC are added. Since the HAER classification system was released earlier, Singapore’s focus has gradually shifted towards high-technology innovation industries in recent decades. This leads to a gap in information between past and present if the HAER framework is completely copied, leaving out some categories. In addition, some categories need to be adjusted slightly, such as 0. Extractive Industries, as Singapore has very few oil and mineral resources and is more responsible for refining and processing than extraction. Compared with the HAER framework, the main additions to the Singapore framework are “Computer, Electronic and Optical Products” in Theme 2 “Manufacturing” and “Postal and Courier” in Theme 5 “Transportation”. “Telephone Booth” is also specified in “Communications”, also in Theme 9 “Specialized Structures and Object”, and “Flatted Factory” is highlighted. On the whole, the new framework is only built based on theory at present, and the specific categories to be removed or added need to be identified through a lot of practice.

3.2.3 Industrial Heritage with Conservation Status in the Framework Take the five Industrial National monuments mentioned in Section 2.4 as an example. They happen to represent “Manufacturing”, “Power, Sources and Prime Movers”, “Transportation”, “Bridges, Trestles and Aqueducts” and “Specialised Structures and Objects”, five major themes. To more fully determine which categories are representative, more than 7, 200 structures listed in conservation areas can be screened and classified. If there is still a theme missing, it is recommended to look back in history for one that might have been overlooked.

3.3 Summary The value-based approach is undoubtedly the dominant approach to heritage assessment. When the World Heritage Committee evaluates the World Heritage Site, the primary condition is that it must have Outstanding Universal Value. However, the applicability of this approach has been somewhat questioned in the case of more recent buildings, particularly 20th-century structures. The framework of thematic classification has received increasing attention among conservation experts in recent years. Based on the research results 30

of HAER, the industrial heritage classification framework optimized in accordance with the actual situation of Singapore may broaden people’s understanding of industrial heritage, promote awareness of conservation, and improve the representative entity of Singapore’s industrial development.

CHAPTER 4: FLATTED FACTORY 4.0 Introduction Industrial constructions are very flexible architectural types. They are less restrictive than religious and municipal buildings because they give priority to practicality. In different geographical contexts, industrial buildings can produce special deformation. For Singapore, which is short of land resources, the “land cost performance” of a factory is an important consideration. In other words, the question turns to how to accommodate more industrial units in the same area of land. Raising the vertical height is a simple and effective solution, just like public housing. The flatted factory is a special type of industrial building in Singapore during the era of the light industry. These multi-storey factories were suitable for labour-intensive industries and were usually located near residential areas to facilitate workers’ commutes. Their presence has helped ease traffic congestion as people were able to live and work outside the central areas where employment used to be concentrated. It can be said that industry drives housing and transportation planning at the same time. The three influence each other and are firmly linked.

4.1 History The initial idea for a multi-storey factory originated in the Master Plan of 1955 and was deepened in the State Development Plan of 1961. At that time, the government wanted to consciously plan industrial zones to ensure that they were located more appropriately than in the past, and after discussion, they selected locations near low-cost residential areas. At the same time, the number of storeys can be increased to improve cost-effectiveness and efficiency as well as industrial collaboration. In 1964, officials from EDB and HDB visited Hong Kong to inspect factory buildings and noticed the flatted factory form. Although it will play one of the biggest roles in Singapore in the future, it was not actually invented there. It had already been used in places like Denmark and Hong Kong. Singapore’s first flatted factory, a U-shape five-storey factory on Commonwealth Drive, was a pilot project after the officials returned home. Most of its workforce came from Queenstown - the first satellite town under HDB’s planning in the 1960s. After the success of this project, flatted factories were rolled out across the country.

The light industry ranged from small companies such as straws, toothpicks and blinds to larger companies such as electrical products and television components. Different tenants need different sizes of space, and the flatted factory can well meet their demands. In the 1960s and 1970s, many foreign brands chose to set up factories in Singapore. In addition to a series of government stimulus policies, there are also reasons for changes in the international market. Regions such as Taiwan and Hong Kong used to be major production locations for foreign manufacturing companies, but labour-intensive industries moved to Singapore as the economy grew and labour costs rose. After independence, Singapore had a serious unemployment problem. The light industry successfully created a large number of job opportunities to ensure social stability. As more new satellite towns were built, the distribution of flatted factories underwent a shift from inner-city to remote former rural areas. Its plan shapes became more and more varied, including I, L, Z, T and H shapes. Among them, the H-shape plan has been proven to be the best use by a large number of practices. In the early 1970s, there were only five flatted factories in Singapore, and this number increased to nearly 40 in just a few years, with the occupancy rate remaining at over 85%. According to a study of JTC flatted factories in 1976, the 37 flatted factories in Singapore were located in three main areas: Jurong Town, Tanglin Halt / Ayer Rajah / Redhill / Tiong Bahru and Toa Payoh / Kallang Basin. The interesting fact is that the number of floors was basically fixed at seven, and there was actually only one building in Jurong Town, the main industrial estate. The factories had tenants such as General Electric, the fourth largest company in the US, Toko Electric, a leading Japanese manufacturer of electronic components, and Tomy, a Japanese toy manufacturer, to name but a few, highlighting the diversity in the Singapore industrial estate. In 1984, the JTC published a report on flatted factory buildings, which included a national map illustrating their location. It is worth discussing that, in addition to the colour block marking “Industrial Estates with Flatted Factory Buildings”, “Residential Estates (Estimated Population)” was also marked in another colour, which is sufficient to illustrate the interdependence of industrial and residential areas. As has been mentioned many times before, many industrial buildings have been lost to the trend of the times, and the flatted factory is no exception. They have either been demolished or have become a bygone and forgotten existence. Each industrial estate suffered from the threat of redevelopment at different times, with many concentrated in the late 20th and early 33

21st centuries. It would be more intuitive and accurate to say that when development requires them to leave the stage, they must retire. However, after a review of Singapore’s industrial history, the flatted factory deserves some attention and documentation at a point in time when heritage conservation is flourishing.

4.2 Value Assessment 4.2.1 Historic Value In 1965, the then Minister for National Development, Lim Kim San, officiated at the groundbreaking ceremony for Singapore’s first flatted factory. As the pioneer of Singapore’s post-independence light industry, the flatted factory is a powerful testament to the country’s worldwide influence. Furthermore, the success of flatted factory provided the foundation for Singapore’s industrial transformation, facilitating the growth of the industry and marking a critical historical period of rapid socio-economic change. At the same time, it played an important role in the process of improving urban infrastructure and optimizing spatial planning.

4.2.2 Social Value

Figure 5: Female Workers Sorting the Rubber Sheets into Different Grades, Hercules Lim Family Archive Collection

The proximity of flatted factories to residential areas attracted a large number of female workers who had to take care of their families. As a result, women outnumbered men in many industries. On the one hand, they could receive a steady salary, which provided strong living security for the growth of nuclear families. On the other hand, this work experience 34

compensated for their low educational background, i.e. it helped to broaden their horizons and knowledge by enabling them to master at least one skill. This group of economically and culturally independent people became the mainstay of Singapore’s economic golden age. At the same time, the workshop was the main social venue for many workers, apart from their homes. It was where they made friends and shared anecdotes. It’s a memory that stays with them for the rest of their lives. Moreover, the sensory experiences conveyed by the flatted factory, including sight, smell and touch, gave the areas a vivid social landscape.

4.3 Threat In a value-based assessment system, the flatted factory does not have an advantage. This is because its value is usually aggregated collectively, meaning it becomes ordinary when scaled up to a single individual. Therefore, the flatted factory seems to be a very important element in Singapore’s history but has no conservation status. Furthermore, JTC releases quarterly market reports, which have four categories regarding the “Occupancy Rate of Ready-Built Facilities”: Flatted Factory, Business Park Space, Land-Based Factory and Workshop Space. However, after 2019, “Flatted Factor” changed its name to “High-Rise Space’. The explanation in the report is that this can include more types of high-level space that JTC has. Worryingly, the flatted factory is no longer a mainstream employment option for young Singaporeans. Their parents may have worked there and may share their memories with children. But when it comes to the next generation, the transmission of memory can be skewed or simply broken. The disappearance of the flatted factory’s name from official reports could accelerate this forgetting, not to mention how many of them will survive the changing times.

4.4 Case Study: Blk 71 & Blk 55 in the Ayer Rajah Industrial Estate Part of the Ayer Rajah Industrial Estate was built on the remains of the British military barracks that were withdrawn in the 1960s and 1970s. The residents of Tanglin Halt and Queenstown tended to work in the flatted factories close by. Most of these buildings are sevenstorey and T-shape, with 26 units on each floor. Towards the end of the 20th century, several flatted factories in the Ayer Rajah Industrial Estate came under threat, such as Blk 77, which

was demolished in 1999. Another group was declared in the 2010s to need to make way for start-ups. The rest survive today, but in different circumstances. One strength of Ayer Rajah is its proximity to the Singapore Science Park, so in the 1980s, the industrial estate had a close relationship with high-tech research and development. This relationship was strengthened when the National University of Singapore (NUS) established the Kent Ridge campus in the Ayer Rajah area and continues to this day. Blk 71 is one of the most famous examples. It was on the list for demolition in 2010, but the Media Development Authority stopped the move and rented the building. Its new role is as a high-tech incubator centre and a hub for technology start-ups. Today, Plug-In @ Blk 71 is an incubation programme managed by NUS Enterprise, in partnership with social enterprises and government agencies. It has taken advantage of its location to become the most popular flatted factory in Ayer Rajah Industrial Estate. Almost all the units in Blk 71 have been rented out, so there is a large daily flow of people and strong collaboration in technology exchange in emerging industries. The Economist, a British newspaper, described Blk 71 as the closest startup ecosystem in the world.

Figure 6: Blk 55, Photo Taken by Author

Completely different from Blk 71 is Blk 55 in the same industrial estate. According to a field survey, the factory has 182 units, but only seven tenants. One of the companies on its first floor is Singapore Suzhou Industrial Park Development Group Co., Ltd., which covers half of the units. The only one on the third floor is Weston Robot, a robotics R&D company, and the fourth floor has Scooterson R&D Centre a smart electric scooter company, and its 36

warehouse. The second, fifth, sixth and seventh floors were confirmed to be vacant. It can be seen that although the number of companies in this factory is small, it is still dominated by technology-oriented industries. The occupancy rate is calculated to be only 26.38%, which should be compared with more than 80% in JTC’s market report. It cannot be denied that this is only one sample in the Ayer Rajah Industrial Estate and is not indicative of the situation in all flatted factories. However, it is still important to realize that the figures in the report are only an average and that there do exist, in fact, very under-utilised factories. This bias also prevents people from recognizing the threat flatted factory is facing.

Floor

Units

Companies

2 (26 units)

1 (5 units)

4 (17 units)

182

7 (48 units)

Occupancy rate

26.38%

Table 3: Number of Companies and the Occupancy Rate of Blk 55, Drawn by Author

4.5 Prospect & Conclusion As times progress, sustainable development has become one of the hottest topics of the 21st century. In the field of urban planning, people naturally turn their attention to existing buildings in order to achieve goals such as saving resources and reducing carbon emissions. In other words, replace demolition and reconstruction with regeneration. However, not all have the potential for renewal. Apart from its historical background, the flatted factory’s objective advantages lie in its large, simple space and regular structure, which determine that there is more operability in its development than in other building forms. Furthermore, as the example of Blk 71 demonstrates, the agglomeration of the flatted factory can promote collaboration, which is in line with the current trend of encouraging active communication and cooperation among all industries. Furthermore, the old industrial estate can also form its own new 37

characteristics. Like Ayer Rajah’s hawker centre, the overall design is industrial style, with a container shape and steel truss structure inside. Its image fits well with the factories, helping to shape the regional identity of those who work in or live around the estate. For heritage, the threat is not only the wrong treatment but also a lack of proper attention. The worst and most irreparable situation is when they are demolished without being documented and archived. It is believed that now for Singapore heritage conservationists, industrial heritage is not in urgent need of saving. If industrial buildings truly cannot gain a place in the existing assessment system, i.e. their value does not convince decision-makers, then perhaps the most urgent matter for conservationists is to collect fragments of the memories of the people who were once associated with these structures. Whether they worked on the site every day or just passed by, the feelings of these diverse people are precious and a spiritual legacy that will hopefully be passed on to future generations, helping them better shape their national identity. As David Lowenthal argued, the past is no longer a vibrant and continuous force. Instead, people try to construct a “useful past” out of the various legacies (material, memories or stories).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Araoz GF 2011, ‘Preserving Heritage Places Under a New Paradigm’, Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development, 1(1), pp. 55–60.

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APPENDIX Industrial Sites Added to the World Heritage List from 2001 to 2023

Year 2001

Industrial Heritage, Country and Inscription Nr.  Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex in Essen, Germany, Nr.975  Mining Area of the Great Copper Mountain in Falun, Sweden, Nr.1027  Saltaire, UK, Nr.1028  Derwent Valley Mills, UK, Nr.1030  New Lanark, UK, Nr.429rev  Alto Douro Wine Region, Portugal, Nr.1046

2004

 

2005 2006

 

2007

     

2008



2009



Grimeton Radio Station, Varberg, Sweden, Nr.1134 Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (formerly Victoria Terminus), India, Nr.945rev Humberstone and Santa Laura Saltpeter Works, Chile, Nr.1178ter Agave Landscape and Ancient Industrial Facilities of Tequila, Mexico, Nr.1209 Sewell Mining Town, Chile, Nr.1214 Cornwall and West Devon Mining Landscape, UK, Nr.1215 Vizcaya Bridge, Spain, UK, Nr.1217 Aapravasi Ghat, Mauritius, Nr.1227 Rideau Canal, Canada, Nr.1221 Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape, Japan, Nr. 1246bis

 

Rhaetian Railway in the Albula / Bernina Landscapes, Italy & Switzerland, Nr.1276 La Chaux-de-Fonds / Le Locle, Watchmaking Town Planning, Switzerland, Nr.1302 Pontcysyllte Aqueduct and Canal, UK, Nr.1303 Shushtar Historical Hydraulic System, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Nr.1315

2010 2011 2012

    

Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, Mexico, Nr.1351 Fagus Factory in Alfeld, Germany, Nr.1368 Heritage of Mercury. Almadén and Idrija, Slovenia & Spain, Nr.1313rev Major Mining Sites of Wallonia, Belgium, Nr.1344rev Nord-Pas de Calais Mining Basin, France, Nr.1360

2013



Bergpark Wilhelmshöhe, Germany, Nr.1413

2014

       

2016

  

2017



2018 2019

     

The Grand Canal, China, Nr. 1443bis Van Nellefabriek, Netherlands, Nr.1441 Tomioka Silk Mill and Related Sites, Japan, Nr.1449 Aqueduct of Padre Tembleque Hydraulic System, Mexico, Nr.1463 Fray Bentos Industrial Landscape, Uruguay, Nr.1464 Champagne Hillsides, Houses and Cellars, France, Nr.1465 Speicherstadt and Kontorhaus District with Chilehaus, Germany, Nr.1467 Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution: Iron and Steel, Shipbuilding and Coal Mining, Japan, Nr.1484 The Forth Bridge, UK, Nr.1485 Rjukan-Notodden Industrial Heritage Site, Norway, Nr.1486 Antigua Naval Dockyard and Related Archaeological Sites, Antigua and Barbuda, Nr.1499 Tarnowskie Góry Lead-Silver-Zinc Mine and its Underground Water Management System, Poland, Nr.1539 Ivrea, industrial city of the 20th century, Italy, Nr.1538bis Erzgebirge/Krušnohoří Mining Region, Czechia & Germany, Nr.1478 Water Management System of Augsburg, Germany, Nr.1580 Krzemionki Prehistoric Striped Flint Mining Region, Poland, Nr.1599 Ancient Ferrous Metallurgy Sites of Burkina Faso, Burkina Faso, Nr.1602 Ombilin Coal Mining Heritage of Sawahlunto, Indonsia, Nr.1610

2021

 

Roșia Montană Mining Landscape, Romania, Nr.1552rev Trans-Iranian Railway, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Nr.1585

2015

CURRENT STATUS AND CONSERVATION PROSPECTS OF THE INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN SINGAPORE by Y S

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CURRENT STATUS AND CONSERVATION PROSPECTS OF THE INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN SINGAPORE ORIGINALITY REPORT

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whc.unesco.org

"Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology", Springer Science and Business Media LLC, 2020

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www.roots.gov.sg

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Student Paper

Internet Source

Student Paper

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www.sia-web.org

<1 %

Harald A. Mieg, Heike Oevermann, Hans-Peter Noll. "Conserve and Innovate Simultaneously?", disP - The Planning Review, 2020

<1 %

Submitted to National University of Singapore

<1 %

Submitted to MAHSA University

<1 %

www.icomos.org

<1 %

Wang, Bei Hai, and Zheng Hong Peng. "The Thinking of Industrial Heritage Conservation and City Development from the View of CSM", Advanced Materials Research, 2014.

<1 %

Holst Pellekaan, Sheila M., and Mark DugayGrist. "Indigenous Peoples and the Challenges of Genetic/DNA Studies", Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, 2014.

<1 %

researcharchive.vuw.ac.nz

<1 %

9 10

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Student Paper

Internet Source

Publication

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tourismlibrary.tat.or.th

Internet Source

<1 %

"The Statesman’s Yearbook 2018", Springer Science and Business Media LLC, 2018

<1 %

icomos.si

<1 %

Submitted to University of Bath

<1 %

web.archive.org

<1 %

Submitted to University of New South Wales

<1 %

Submitted to University of Sheﬃeld

<1 %

repositorium.sdum.uminho.pt

<1 %

Submitted to Cardiﬀ University

<1 %

Submitted to University College London

<1 %

"The Statesman’s Yearbook 2007", Springer Science and Business Media LLC, 2006

<1 %

Publication

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Student Paper

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Student Paper

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Student Paper

Publication

Submitted to Bocconi University

<1 %

dokumen.pub

<1 %

hdl.handle.net

<1 %

Elif Özlem Aydın, Emre Tepe, Cem Balcan. "Identiﬁcation of determinants during the registration process of industrial heritage using a regression analysis", Journal of Cultural Heritage, 2022

<1 %

Maria Della Lucia, Albina Pashkevich. "A sustainable afterlife for post-industrial sites: balancing conservation, regeneration and heritage tourism", European Planning Studies, 2022

<1 %

Submitted to University of Liverpool

<1 %

directory.stclassiﬁeds.sg

<1 %

discovery.ucl.ac.uk

<1 %

en.wikipedia.org

<1 %

Student Paper

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Publication

Student Paper

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etd.lib.metu.edu.tr

<1 %

inquire.org.uk.loopiadns.com

<1 %

philpapers.org

<1 %

www.econstor.eu

<1 %

ayla.culture.gr

<1 %

"50 Years World Heritage Convention: Shared Responsibility – Conﬂict & Reconciliation", Springer Science and Business Media LLC, 2022

<1 %

Internet Source

Publication

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