AC 5007 - Batch 4 - Yang Xinyu

PASSIVE GENTRIFICATION IN THE CONSERVATION OF HISTORICAL URBAN AREA: CASE STUDY OF XI’AN AND TIANZIFANG IN SHANGHAI

YANG XINYU (MAArC, NUS)

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ARCHITECTURAL CONSERVATION DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2023

Supervisors: Professor Johannes WIDODO, Main Supervisor Professor Nikhil JOSHI, Co-Supervisor

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

College of Design and Engineering, NUS Department of Architecture, NUS Shanghai Tianzifang Culture Development Co., Ltd.

Prof. Johannes WIDODO (Department of Architecture, NUS) Prof. Nikhil JOSHI (Department of Architecture, NUS) Prof. WONG Yunn Chii (Department of Architecture, NUS) Prof. HO Puay Peng (Department of Architecture, NUS)

Mr. ZHANG Nie (Shanghai Tianzifang Culture Development Co., Ltd.) Prof. ZHENG Jing (Wuhan University) Miss ZHU Shiyao (London School of Economics and Political Science)

Throughout the writing of this dissertation, I have received support and guidance from many individuals, including my professors, family and especially my girlfriend. I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to all of them. Their support and assistance have allowed me to gain a deeper understanding of this field and achieve some meaningful research results.

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ABSTRACT This paper analyzed the passive gentrification model that prioritizes culture and social structure as well as balance it with economic development to achieve sustainable urban development. The model conserves historical buildings while incorporating commercial and tourism functions. This paper advocate that the passive gentrification can enhance the local people's sense of identity and balance cultural conservation and economic development in the background of reasonable regulatory intervention by the government and control of the risks of over-commercialization. In-depth case studies are conducted among Tianzifang, Shanghai and Urban reconstruction of Xian, China, as two examples of passive gentrification that have exerted profound influence to the society. This paper highlights the significance of preserving historical and cultural heritage with multi-dimensional value judgments.

Key word: Passive gentrification, Multi-metric value, Urban regeneration, Contextualism, City memory, Displacement

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CONTEXT ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ............................................................................................. 2 ABSTRACT................................................................................................................... 3 CONTEXT ..................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................. 6 1.1 The Contradictions and Dilemmas of Gentrification in Historic District Regeneration .......................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Related Concepts and Research Significance .................................................. 6 1.2.1 Relevant Concepts in This Study .......................................................... 6 1.2.2 Significance of This Research .............................................................. 8 1.3 Research Methods and Content ....................................................................... 9 1.3.1 Research Methods ................................................................................. 9 1.3.2 Research Content ................................................................................ 11 Chapter 2: The Theory and Practice of Historic Urban District Regeneration and Gentrification ............................................................................................................... 12 2.1 Research on Historic Urban District Regeneration........................................ 12 2.1.1 Theory and Practice of Historic Urban District Regeneration ............ 12 2.1.2 The Current Status of Historic Urban District Regeneration Practice and Theoretical Research.................................................................................... 13 2.2 Research on Passive Gentrification ............................................................... 15 2.2.1 Cultural perspective: describing the impact of gentrification on cultural continuity ..................................................................................................... 15 2.2.2 Environmental perspective: environmental benefits of space ............ 16 2.2.3 Architectural Perspective: Exploring the Evolution of Architectural Space ............................................................................................................ 17 2.2.4 Sociological perspective: interpretation of population structure changes before and after gentrification...................................................................... 18 2.2.5 Economic perspective: describing the economic benefits of historic district regeneration ..................................................................................... 19 Chapter 3: Case Study: Regeneration of Xi'an and Shanghai Historic Districts from the Perspective of Passive Gentrification .......................................................................... 19 3.1 The passive gentrification of historical sites in Xi'an .................................... 19 3.1.1 The destructive demolition of historical sites in Xi'an and the process of urban modernization ................................................................................ 19 3.1.2 Restoration and commercialization of historical sites in Xi'an—a process of gentrification dominated by historical heritage .......................... 20 3.1.3 Concerns about over-restoration of historic buildings ........................ 22 3.2 Collaborative urban regeneration between government and residents .......... 23 3.2.1 The urban regeneration process of Shanghai Tianzifang .................... 23 3.2.2 Bottom-up urban regeneration—passive gentrification led by residents ...................................................................................................................... 25 Chapter 4: The discussion and analysis of the two cases............................................. 30 4.1 Taking Xi'an as an example, discuss the impact of the passive gentrification process dominated by historical and cultural heritage ......................................... 30 4.1.1 Social impact....................................................................................... 30 4.1.2 Economic impact ................................................................................ 30 4.1.3 Historical and cultural influence ......................................................... 31 4.2 Taking Shanghai Tianzifang as an example, discuss the commercialization risks and lack of development faced by residents-led passive gentrification ...... 32 4.2.1 Passive gentrification led by residents can preserve the style and context

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of the historic district to the greatest extent ................................................. 32 4.2.2 Functional conversion and commercialization of historic blocks lead to passive gentrification, which violates the original intention of urban regeneration.................................................................................................. 32 4.2.3 Consumerism reduces the cultural vitality of historical districts, and weaken the later development...................................................................... 34 4.3 Comparison and evaluation of two passive gentrification Conservation models .............................................................................................................................. 34 4.3.1 Comparison of main force of transformation...................................... 35 4.3.2 Comparison of main sources of funds ................................................ 36 4.3.3 Comparison of conservation status of historical buildings ................. 37 4.3.4 Comparison of public participation .................................................... 37 4.3.5 Economic impact comparison ............................................................. 38 4.3.6 Comparison of social impact .............................................................. 38 4.3.7 Comparison of cultural influences ...................................................... 38 Chapter 5: Conclusion and suggestion......................................................................... 39 5.1 The passive gentrification phenomenon in the regeneration of Xi'an's historic urban area reflects the importance of multi-dimensional heritage value judgments .............................................................................................................................. 39 5.2 Consumerism and spatial duplication: the crisis of passive gentrification .... 41 5.3 The benefits and experience of the passive gentrification model for the regeneration of historic urban areas ..................................................................... 42 5.4 Suggestions and implication .......................................................................... 43 5.5 Limitations and future study directions ......................................................... 44 List of References ........................................................................................................ 46 Appendix ...................................................................................................................... 47

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Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 The Contradictions and Dilemmas of Gentrification in Historic District Regeneration The history of gentrification in China may be attributed to the urbanization and modernization processes that have taken place since the reform and opening up. Some old urban districts and historical structures are gradually neglected and abandoned as a result of the rapid development and modernization of Chinese cities, which has led to the collapse of these places and the issue of urban poverty. A new middle class has also formed in China as a result of the country's booming economy, and they are eager for improved living conditions and public amenities. Their preference in this instance is for classic historic structures and neighborhoods, which deepens the gentrification process.

Gentrification has created certain issues in China as well. On the one hand, due to rising rents and housing costs after gentrification in some traditional towns and historic neighborhoods, the original residents are frequently unable to pay the high cost of living and are compelled to leave their familiar areas. This has led to criticism of the gentrification phenomena, with claims that it worsens urban poverty and social inequality. On the other hand, some gentrification phenomena have also resulted in the loss of cultural value because, as a result of commercialization and consumerization, some traditional neighborhoods and historic blocks have lost their original cultural significance and spiritual overtones. Therefore, one of the key problems with the gentrification phenomena is how to conserve ancient structures and traditional communities while striking a balance between cultural value and economic progress.

1.2 Related Concepts and Research Significance 1.2.1 Relevant Concepts in This Study

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In 1964, Ruth Glass used the word ‘gentrification’ to characterize the transformation of areas of working class into middle-class neighborhoods as a result of an infusion of money and middle-class citizens. Early in the 20th century, the phenomena first appeared in cities that were in decline, where governments were compelled to expand expenditure to make up for a lack of private investment. The middle class was drawn back to the city through a variety of strategies, including restrictions, development planning, and subsidies. There are three types of changes that gentrification inherently brings about in a neighborhood: 1) The renovation of houses and other physical spaces, as well as modifications to the built and cultural environment.

2) The neighborhood's rising real estate prices, cost of living, and commercial and economic activity. 3) alterations in the neighborhood's racial makeup as a result of the middle class's expansion into working-class neighborhoods.

On the other hand, passive refers to an unconscious or indirect process, in contrast to active involvement. Peter Evans defined ‘passive revolution’ as a form of revolution that occurs without clear political change, achieved through slow changes in social, economic, and cultural institutions. In this context, the author wishes to use the term ‘passive’ in conjunction with gentrification to investigate the issues of urban regeneration and historical conservation.

According to David Ley, ‘passive gentrification’ is a type of gentrification that happens without the gentrifiers' or the agents of urban change's conscious knowledge.

Passive gentrification frequently takes place as a result of external market-driven forces or shifting economic and social conditions, in contrast to active gentrification, where newcomers and urban agents of change have a deliberate goal to transform the neighborhood. This gradual shift in the social and economic composition of a neighborhood can lead to the displacement of long-time, low-income residents over

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time.

Therefore, passive gentrification can be seen as a form of urban transformation that occurs without deliberate intent on the part of incoming residents or urban agents of change. The impact of passive gentrification on urban neighborhoods can include changes in the physical and cultural landscape of the community, shifts in commercial and economic activity, and alterations in the demographic makeup of the population.

However, unlike active gentrification, the changes that occur are more subtle and less intentional, making it difficult to attribute them to specific actors or policies. This underscores the need for policies that promote equitable and inclusive forms of urban development and address the negative impacts of gentrification on long-time residents.

1.2.2 Significance of This Research By systematically discussing the origin, driving mechanism, cases and theoretical significance of passive gentrification to further understand the strategies of gentrification in urban development. In the case, we pay special attention to the problems of passive improvement encountered in China's urban regeneration, because China is currently experiencing a stage of pursuing high-end land use and commercial value similar to the West in the 1990s, embracing high-end positioning, High-end business formats and high-end people, which have become the distinctive labels of redevelopment projects, but they also cause invisible exclusion of low-income groups.

Therefore, comparing the experiences of cities in China can be helpful for academics and commentators, but it can also be helpful for those who are threatened with displacement because they may be able to learn negotiation and resistance strategies from other communities. This is especially true if the concept is flexible and takes into account additional phenomena and local complexities.

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1.3 Research Methods and Content 1.3.1 Research Methods 1.3.1.1 Literature research method Through reading a large number of pertinent literature on gentrification and urban regeneration, including journals, books, the Internet, and master's and doctoral dissertations, etc., the development process, dynamic mechanism, and especially the development strategy of gentrification and urban regeneration are sorted out At the same time, search and read relevant literature on the development and evolution of western urban regeneration policy strategies to understand a series of strategies adopted by western countries in passive gentrification.

1.3.1.2 Classification pre-survey method Researchers generally believe that the conclusions of multi-case studies are more general (Robert K. Yin, 2004; Huang Zhenhui, 2010). 1Robert K. Yin believes that the basis of case study is ‘analytical induction’. Huang Zhenhui (2010) believes that through case studies, researchers can more confidently determine whether potential ‘patterns’ exist, and at the same time, the patterns extracted from cases have more general significance.

The paper selects representative cases of gentrification regeneration cities in China for research. And through the limitation of conditions, to ensure the maximum extent, the result of the research is the influence of different dominant factors in the process of passive gentrification.

Through deletion and selection, the author selected Tianzifang in Shanghai and

1 Huang, Z. (2010). Reliability, validity and limitations of single case study research. Education Research, 31

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the historical and cultural buildings in Xi'an as the passive gentrification process under the economic orientation and the passive gentrification process under the social orientation respectively. Both have the background of urban economic development, and have different driving forces to guide the regeneration of the city, which meet the case requirements of ‘analysis of the impact of different orientation strategies under passive gentrification’. Therefore, the article discusses the historical and cultural neighborhoods for research and comparative analysis.

1.3.1.3 Interview research method Another key method of this research is interviews with key actors. The interviewees were decision makers at the district level. He presided over and participated in the renovation of Tianzifang area and he was a key figure in the process of demolition, reconstruction, and protective development. Finding the right decision makers is the key to this project for deep research. The interview is mainly based on "one-to-one" in-depth interviews to obtain information, adopts structured interviews, and encourages the respondents to indirectly disclose their motivations, beliefs and attitudes towards relevant issues.

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1.3.2 Research Content

Figure 1.1 Research content of the dissertation, made by author

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Chapter 2: The Theory and Practice of Historic Urban District Regeneration and Gentrification 2.1 Research on Historic Urban District Regeneration 2.1.1 Theory and Practice of Historic Urban District Regeneration Judging from the practice of regeneration of historic urban areas in western countries, it has undergone a transformation from a large-scale demolition and reconstruction method to a cautious and gradual transformation method. The guiding ideology of old city regeneration has changed from advocating large-scale demolition and reconstruction with a single goal to ‘sustainable development’ and ‘concept of living environment’. A large number of urban gentrification phenomena have appeared in the regeneration of western old cities. ban gentrification began to take hold in established cities in western industrialized nations following World War II, including London, Paris, New York, Philadelphia, Sydney, Melbourne, and other sizable cities.

Urban gentrification has largely occurred in the process of western urbanization and has become a new social space phenomenon 2 in the revival of urban central areas (Zhu Xigang et al., 2004).

In the practice of updating historical urban areas in China, many historical buildings have been destroyed in the wave of urban modernization, and urgently need to be restored. In 1986, when the state announced the second batch of famous historical and cultural cities, the concept of ‘historic buildings’ was formally put forward to conserve architectures with concentrated cultural relics and historic sites or which can fully reflect certain historical features or local characteristics. Historic architecture

2 Zhu, X., Zhang, J., & Zhang, H. (2004). On the Permeation and Influence of Western Urban Culture on

Chinese Cities. Urban Architecture, 181.

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began to As an important conservation level between a single cultural relic and a famous historical and cultural city, attention has been paid to it. The current main mode of revitalization of historical buildings in my country is based on the historical and cultural heritage, introducing certain commercial investment, increasing the vitality of old streets, and gradually integrating them into the development of modern cities. After the commercial operation, the historic district has stepped out of the original decline, but it has exposed the similarity of the neighborhood image caused by the homogeneous commercial form, the low-end commercial format destroys the cultural atmosphere of the neighborhood, and the contempt for the maintenance of the original function under the development of new functions. Problems such as the blind advancement of the revival project or the lack of follow-up finally caused the revival of the neighborhood to fall into the predicament of alienation.

Table 1.1 Urban development process in different eras, made by author

2.1.2 The Current Status of Historic Urban District Regeneration Practice and Theoretical Research

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In the process of conservation and regeneration of historical and cultural architecture, gentrification often occurs because of their unique architectural space image and traditional cultural charm. In order to cater to people's consumption psychology of traditional culture, developers or governments use real estate, tourism, commerce and other development and conservation methods to conserve and update historical and cultural architecture or those with historical and cultural resource backgrounds. Some scholars 3believe that in the process of conservation and renovation of historical blocks, along with the maintenance of traditional features and the improvement of living environment, there will often be a phenomenon of gentrification in the area (Zhang Song et al., 2010). The regeneration of old cities in China is also manifested in the reconstruction of the social and economic landscape of the community, and the replacement of low-income by high-income groups and increasing marginalization, including the replacement of old architectural space forms with new architectural space forms, and the replacement of middle- and high-income people.

Low-income class personnel, replace traditional business forms with new business forms, etc. The updated urban historic district accommodates the emerging middle class, and tens of thousands of low-income families are forced to evacuate their familiar homes 4.

According to Uitermark et al., gentrification is not a tactic used by local governments to boost tax revenue and has little to do with middle-class preferences and

3 Zhang, S., Shen, J., & Wang, X. (2010). Investigation and Analysis of Urban Historical and Cultural Blocks

Conservation and Regeneration in Shanghai. Architectural Journal, 06, 130-134.

4 He, S., Chen, J., & Li, X. (2010). The Analysis of Housing Rehabilitation Program in Historic Districts

Based on the Perception of Different Social Groups: A Case Study of Gulou District in Nanjing. Urban Development Studies, 17(06), 47-52.

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wants as well as the profit-seeking of developers. Instead, it is a crucial government plan that encourages the redevelopment of urban underdeveloped and historical regions.

Zhu Xigang believes that middle classization is an important part of urban regeneration and an important measure in the process of urban regeneration. In order to avoid largescale suburbanization and ‘hollowing’ of inner city centers in the late stage of urbanization, urban regeneration at this stage Focusing on attracting and retaining the middle class in urban central areas is an important strategy to maintain the vitality of urban sustainable development, and it is also a trend worthy of promotion by the government and relevant urban construction departments. Wu Qiyan and Yin Zuxing believe that gentrification is an important achievement of urban regeneration, which has had a major socio-economic impact on the urban regeneration area, making the area transformed into a comfortable, healthy and vibrant urban core. The phenomenon of gentrification has advantages in reducing government capital investment, increasing government taxation, and improving the overall environment and cultural characteristics of historical and cultural architecture, which makes gentrification conservation methods often adopted or properly introduced in the conservation and regeneration of domestic historical and cultural architecture. A city is an organism in the process of continuous regeneration. As a strategy and trend of urban regeneration, gentrification has brought a huge impact on the transformation and reconstruction of urban space and social and economic development.

2.2 Research on Passive Gentrification 2.2.1 Cultural perspective: describing the impact of gentrification on cultural continuity

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When discussing urban functions, Lewis Mumford 5 mentioned that the conservation of history is also one of the greatest values of cities. A dynamic and healthy big city can provide not only the density and depth of the city, but also the ability to layer the ability to study human history at a higher level, not only through records and monumental buildings, but also through tolerance of various cultures and attraction to people's lives. The buildings in the city are to a large extent the carrier of culture, and people have different activities and related memories in the buildings. The demolition, reconstruction or loss of the original historical buildings, cultural heritage, and historical cultural landscape will lead to the discontinuity of urban history and the loss of cultural heritage.

2.2.2 Environmental perspective: environmental benefits of space The construction industry is a major source of carbon emissions. The China Building Energy Conservation Association reported that the total carbon emissions from the entire construction process accounted for more than half of the nation's overall carbon emissions, with building materials accounting for 28.3% of those emissions, the operation phase accounting for 21.9%, and the construction stage accounting for 1%.

This demonstrates the urgency of carbon reduction in the construction sector as a means of China attaining its carbon peaking and carbon neutrality objectives.

In 2007, the United Nations chose to repair the United Nations Headquarters in New York, USA, as opposed to tearing it down and starting over. This palace, which was constructed in 1951, is a masterpiece of modernist design. But that wasn't the only factor in the UN's decision to conserve it. Even if the new UN headquarters is very

5 Mumford, Lewis. The City in History: Its Origins, Its Transformations, and Its Prospects. New York:

Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961

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energy efficient after demolition, it will take at least 35 to 70 years to offset the carbon emissions from the demolition and reconstruction process, according to estimations made by experts.

This is so because concrete, which has a very high embodied carbon content, is the primary building material used to construct modernist structures. Cement is the primary ingredient in concrete, and cement production ranks fourth in the world in terms of carbon emissions, behind natural gas, coal, and transportation fuels.

How much embodied carbon does a concrete building have? Hossein Rezai, president of engineering firm Web Structures, estimates that building a 40-storey concrete-frame structure in Kuala Lumpur alone emits as much as 51 million kilograms of carbon dioxide. This is equivalent to the annual carbon storage of 8.75 million trees.

This is more significant in Singapore, because Singapore has a short real estate development cycle and many buildings are demolished early, resulting in more than 30% 6

of the embodied carbon in Singapore buildings (Jiat-Hwee CHANG, 2018)

2.2.3 Architectural Perspective: Exploring the Evolution of Architectural Space Halbwach proposed for the first time that ‘collective memory’ refers to the common memory of members of a group about the past. When Duncan SA Bell analyzed the construction of urban memory space, he proposed that memory is initially formed by both personal emotion and social environment. Flyers will project their personal emotions to the urban space, making the urban space an emotional space full of meaning and forming a ‘sense of place’. ‘Orientation’ (orientation) and

6 Chang, J.-H. (2018). Toward a low-carbon, resilient city: historical buildings in Singapore. Journal of Green

Building, 13(3), 1-16. doi: 10.3992/jgb.13.3.1

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‘identification’ (identification) are the two major elements of the cultural perception and meaning given to buildings and their space environment. As an important memory field of the city, historical buildings connect the past with the present through the conservation and reproduction of the ‘past’, and stimulate people's imagination and creation of personal experience, collective memory and local history through the intervention of human activities.

2.2.4 Sociological perspective: interpretation of population structure changes before and after gentrification Many downtown historic districts have declined for a variety of reasons, including high building density, restricted streets and driveways, outdated infrastructure, and housing quality issues. Behind the declining environment are hidden social problems such as the aging of the community population, the concentration of low-income groups and unemployed groups. The proportion of the elderly, unemployed and migrant workers in the historic district is relatively high, because the rent and house price in the historic district are relatively cheap and the geographical location is superior. The gathering of a large number of socially disadvantaged population makes the historical and cultural blocks easy to fall into social problems such as management and public security, causing social hidden dangers.

The city's intangible cultural history was often created and passed down via the neighborhood's original inhabitants. Neighborhoods being replaced and social networks being rebuilt are at the heart of gentrification. When long-term people leave a historic neighborhood, the area also loses its true ‘living world,’ and the way of life and customs will also entirely vanish. It is not possible to pass on intangible cultural heritage, such as regional arts and crafts, customs, and languages.

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2.2.5 Economic perspective: describing the economic benefits of historic district regeneration The gentrification of the inner city, according to Neil Smith's explanation of the phenomena from an economic perspective, is brought on by modifications to the housing and land markets. The returns from investing in suburban residential development keep declining as the value of suburban land steadily increases. As a result of its favorable location, affordable housing, and considerable growth potential, investors increasingly focus on the inner city. Economic globalization has caused the reconfiguration of economic models, which has resulted in new consumer habits, urban living patterns, and aesthetic consciousness. A new elite class—the free middle class— has emerged as a result of changes in production and consumption patterns, and its distinctive cultural requirements, value preferences, and way of life directly contribute to the growth of gentrification. These individuals favor the neighborhood's historical setting and natural surroundings in particular as a new cultural value orientation.

Chapter 3: Case Study: Regeneration of Xi'an and Shanghai Historic Districts from the Perspective of Passive Gentrification 3.1 The passive gentrification of historical sites in Xi'an 3.1.1 The destructive demolition of historical sites in Xi'an and the process of urban modernization Due to its approximately 3,000-year history as the ancient capital of thirteen dynasties, a key stop along the Silk Road, and the birthplace of Chinese civilization, Xi'an has amassed a wealth of historical sites and cultural materials. However, like to other major Chinese cities, the northwest city has been under tremendous development pressure since 1980 as a result of land and housing reforms. When Xi'an was

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modernized in the last century, a significant number of old buildings were replaced with high-rise structures, and the structures in the old city were replaced alongside the residential structures. In China, many cities have undergone a drastic modernization process that has resulted in the mass duplication of urban planning, the creation of thousands of cities, and the destruction or irreparable damage of thousands of historic buildings. The heightened retro movement is another example of constructive destruction if we consider that it took the shape of extensive demolition and reconstruction a few years ago.

Figure 3.1 Photo of the relics of the city wall, Xian, China, cited by Wikipedia

3.1.2 Restoration and commercialization of historical sites in Xi'an—a process of gentrification dominated by historical heritage The Tang Dynasty Imperial City Revival Project was started in 2005 by the city administration of Xi'an, and it aims to recreate a fictitious historical Chinese metropolis

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connected to the Tang Dynasty (618-907 AD) in order to display the glory of Chinese civilisation. The goal is to spend RMB 50 billion 7 to recreate the Tang Imperial City in modern times by the year 2050 in the heavily crowded downtown district of Xi'an (Zhao, Ponzini, Zhang, 2020). Although it is referred to as ‘reciprocating the conservation of cultural relics through commercial development,’ it is clear from the planning of Xi'an that ‘the imperial city of Tang Dynasty covers a large area, and the focus of investment is actually the cultural tourism industry base and the huge commercial value behind it.

Figure 3.2 Photo of the Grand Tang Dynasty Ever-bright City, Xian, China, cited by Wenhui Journals

Heritage ‘is never inert; people engage with it, exploit it, and question it, 8 ’ according to Harvey (2001). In this way, the legacy of the past may be looked back upon, modified, negotiated, or even rejected in order to better serve the demands of the present. The Tang Dynasty is seen by many Chinese as having one of the most

7 Zhao, Y., Ponzini, D., & Zhang, J. (2020). Renovation of the Tang Imperial City: Heritage Preservation and

Urban Regeneration in Xi'an, China. Journal of Urban Design, 25(4), 484-501 8 Harvey, D. (2001). Heritage pasts and heritage presents: temporality, meaning and the scope of heritage

studies. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 7(4), 319-338.

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developed, wise, and affluent capitals ever seen in Chinese history. The Tang Dynasty's splendor was chosen to be restored by Xi'an's urban development, demonstrating its political purpose of fostering cultural resurgence and national confidence. Heritage production therefore became a political instrument. Economically speaking, historical heritage tourism offers chances for regional growth while redefining the image of the city, and it may also encourage the value of real estate. For instance, the Management Committee of Qujiang New Area has expanded Famen Temple, rebuilt Tang Furong Garden, and constructed the North Square of Big Wild Goose Pagoda, successfully raising the price of commercial land around historical and cultural relic picturesque areas. Since the creation of a number of magnificent heritage parks, it has benefited to the greatest land and property values in Xi'an.

3.1.3 Concerns about over-restoration of historic buildings Unquestionably, a city or nation's historical past is a valuable social, cultural, and economic asset. The creation of heritage has, however, generated a lot of discussion.

The long-term viability of this growth strategy is being questioned by several academics.

An inheritance is what? What ought to be conserved, and what ought to be dismantled?

Who took the initiative? The contradiction between the old and the new, the danger of over-commercializing local historical heritage, the intensification of gentrification, social stratification, and unequal power distribution are some of the main topics of discussion on who heritage should be conserved for in society.

The dramatic changes in their homeland make certain Xi'an locals feeling anxious.

Several Xi'an locals produced a private exhibition depicting the city's vanishing street life and culture in 2014 as a result of the drastic Tang-inspired changes (Zhu, 2018).

According to the ancient city redevelopment plan for Xi'an, the population of the old city will drop from its present 700,000 inhabitants to roughly 200,000. Several

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villages in the vicinity of Qujiang New District's reconstruction area were also destroyed for cultural purposes. Original occupants were either forced or willingly relocated to different areas of the city. And the wealthy have been drawn to the new Heritage Park because of its woods, artificial lakes, and luxurious residential structures.

This illustrates a gentrification process when one class is pushed out by another. As one local put it, ‘Beautiful parks are for outsiders, not for us.’

3.2 Collaborative urban regeneration between government and residents 3.2.1 The urban regeneration process of Shanghai Tianzifang Lane 210, Taikang Road, Shanghai is where you can find Shanghai Tianzifang.

The block is made up of factories in alleyways, residences with gardens, and historic Shanghai alleys. The building's design clearly reflects the ancient Shanghai aesthetic.

Since the 1880s, Shanghai has repeatedly suggested adjustment strategies to change the urban industrial structure from industrial to post-industrial and consumer cities, providing the political foundation for the revitalization of the Tianzifang region over the same time period. The sub-district office was able to play a significant role in the early stages of Tianzifang's regeneration thanks to the policy of decentralization of administrative power that Shanghai's reform and opening up proposed. This policy also supported Tianzifang's transition from a regional industrial structure to a cultural structure. The Street Office's special position in the regeneration process also gives it the ability to organize diverse social resources and acquire the support of numerous stakeholders, including aboriginals, artist collectives, and business owners, which speeds up Tianzifang's regeneration and transformation. Chen Yifei, Er Dongqiang, and Wang Jiajun were among the artists who established studios in Tianzifang in 1998. In 2002, Tianzifang attracted a significant number of creative industries to move in, and

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83 art stores, creative workshops, art exhibition halls, etc. were created there. Since the establishment of the creative industrial park concept, Tianzifang's elderly citizens have been renting out and renovating their homes one after another as creative businesses continue to swarm the city. The government announced a program in 2005 designating Tianzifang as a hub for the creative industries. Up till now, Tianzifang has evolved from an unidentified alley factory to a creative industrial park with a vibrant artistic ambiance where culture and creative enterprises congregate. In Shanghai, it has also grown to be a well-known tourist destination.

Figure 3.3 Photo of the Lilong architectural style in Tianzifang, Shanghai, China, cited by Wikipedia

However, as Tianzifang became famous, the rent increased day by day, and the business formats in the workshop changed rapidly. The high rent made artists reluctant to move out. Low-end businesses began to enter Tianzifang, and the commercialization of Tianzifang was relatively accelerated. The expansion of commercial activities has led to a large increase in tourists, the living space of the aborigines has been occupied,

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and the old social network has been broken. Meanwhile, safety concerns like the heavy power use of commercial buildings and challenges with fire prevention have also affected the interests of the aborigines, and disputes between numerous parties have progressively gotten worse. Tianzifang's use value and cultural value, the subject of later conflicts among various stakeholders, are ignored in favor of capital, which primarily highlights the spatial exchange value of the region.

Figure 3.4 Planning of Tianzifang in 2017, cited by the staff of Tianzifang

3.2.2 Bottom-up urban regeneration—passive gentrification led by residents The ‘top-down’ strategy, promoted by the government, dominates urban regeneration in China. The government makes the majority of the decisions on the renovation and transformation of industrial heritage, and developers also control most of the investment and construction rights. People at the grassroots level don't have the same rights as It has been in a weak and passive position in the regeneration and transformation of industrial legacy due to its lack of ability to participate in

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development and building. The top-down regeneration strategy can increase regeneration's effectiveness, but it also reduces grassroots engagement. As a result, the public's awareness of the renewed and transformed industrial history is low, and it does not satisfy public expectations, which goes against the original objective of the transformation of the industrial heritage. At the same time, it contributes to an urban environment that is overly uniform and marketed. The city's traits and historical and cultural legacy will not be able to be highlighted through top-down spatial redesign.

The community is described by Yang Guihua (2020) as ‘the community is not only a relatively independent and complete regional social life community, but also a community of interests and cultural psychology.’ Historic neighborhoods are considered to be ‘living cultural heritage,’ and the consensus in favor of conserving traditional historical and cultural heritage causes the residents to discreetly develop stronger identities than those found in other communities. The historic district's ‘living heritage’ feature surely strengthens the people' shared passions, cultural identities, and psychological bonds as well as their spiritual connections. Historic districts consequently offer a stronger ideological driving force advantage for self-organization behavior when it comes to upholding shared interests and resolving common community issues.

Figure 3.5 Changes in functional partitions in Tianzifang, made by author

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Figure 3.6 The old map of Tianzifang, 1947,cited from Luwan district government website

The instance of Tianzifang's ‘bottom-up’ urban regeneration by locals is novel in this setting and has significant reference value. It is important to examine the phenomena of ‘passive gentrification’ that results from it. Residents of Tianzifang deliberately change how their homes are used, fostering the evolution of space uses. As the regeneration process advances, the hidden impact of capital logic progressively emerges, and interest conflicts between various stakeholders continue to worsen, which gives rise to disputes over space rights concerns.

Regeneration in Tianzifang is primarily focused on the local populace, the government, and outside influences (such as artists and businesspeople). It underwent about three stages of rebirth, the first of which was the renovation of abandoned historic factories. The Subdistrict Office leased out and attracted artists to settle in order to replace the area's abandoned industry resources. The Street Office anticipates that the presence of artists will drive the growth of the local economy; artists require an open space with easy access to transportation and affordable rent; the exchange value of idle factories boosts resident income; and the three parties succeed in creating a win-win situation.

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Figure 3.7 In 1999, Mr. Chen Yifei(a famous artist) settled his art studio in Tianzifang,cited from Luwan district government website

The second phase of the update extends to residential areas. The alleys progressively became home to artists' studios, thus raising the standard of living for locals. A number of life support facilities have also been established as a result of the creative industry's scale growth, and firms have started to establish themselves in Tianzifang. The Tianzifang area was included in Shanghai's ‘new round of old district renovation’ in 2003 by the Luwan District Government, which also decided that the Tianzifang area would be completely destroyed and rebuilt. However, when locals' selfinterests grew more pronounced, the district administration ultimately caved and decided to use a soft rehabilitation approach to support Tianzifang's regeneration. The creative sector has ushered in new development, and the updated approach of soft renovation has allowed the government to authorize the spontaneous ‘reform of residence’ that did not conform with the norms. A multi-departmental coalition of artists, businesspeople, locals, and the government has emerged as the core of Tianzifang's rehabilitation, and a conflict of uneven interests is starting to emerge.

In the third stage, Tianzifang will be developed as a creative industry park. This area has developed into a leisure and amusement district that integrates business,

29

tourism, entertainment, and catering thanks to the significant investment of government money and the promotion of indigenous people and foreign forces. The number of participants has been rising during Tianzifang's three regeneration periods. With the help of this ground-breaking ‘bottom-up’ multi-party involvement strategy, Tianzifang was able to quickly optimize its advantages while conserving the original design elements of the lilongs.

Figure 3.8 Foreign Tourists in the Art Spaces, cited from Google

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Chapter 4: The discussion and analysis of the two cases 4.1 Taking Xi'an as an example, discuss the impact of the passive gentrification process dominated by historical and cultural heritage 4.1.1 Social impact In China, gentrification of historic districts driven by the tourist sector fits into a pattern of historic restoration and landscape remodeling that includes the construction of retail space and real estate surrounding historic locations. Gentrification of tourism in urban brownfields entails brand-new tourism initiatives, opulent housing developments, and other facilities. Therefore, new construction is a key component of the gentrification of China's tourism, but the development and restoration of historical heritage conservation zones only has a passive effect on gentrification. Aborigines have moved and been relocated as a result of Xi'an's historical regeneration, which is being driven by the preservation of ancient landmarks. urban space transformation. In essence, the essential process of gentrification in the tourist industry is the changing of social space. This process include social concentration and displacement, changes to the physical environment, adjustments to culture and way of life, and a reorganization of the economy in terms of property values (Warde, 1991).

4.1.2 Economic impact The growth of tourism encourages both physical space refurbishment and cultural or lifestyle change. Construction of tourism and cultural facilities, commercial revitalization, historical preservation, neighborhood integrity preservation, livability improvements, etc. are all part of these physical changes. The local economy has been restructured, which has resulted in a surge of consumer places including pubs, clubs, hotels, retail centers, amusement parks, and restaurants. Many of these new retail

31

locations appealed to wealthy immigrants and travelers. Due to the diverse lifestyles that upper-class immigrants frequently bring with them and which frequently dominate cultural output in public areas, cultural and lifestyle alterations are also important features of tourism gentrification. A newer, purposefully broad definition of gentrification as "a displacement process in which the rich replace the poor and diversity is replaced by social and cultural homogeneity" reflects the narrative presented by La Grange and Pretorius. (Lees, Shin & López-Morales, 2016)

4.1.3 Historical and cultural influence Xi'an's passive gentrification process dominated by historical heritage only focuses on the cultural attributes of buildings, ignoring the basic human settlement functions. In the process of urban regeneration in Xi'an, urban regeneration uses heritage as an image and landscape to create a visual, spectacular, and consumable architectural environment under the discourse of public interest, and the real history of ordinary residents is squeezed to the point of view. The invisible edge. Cultural relic buildings are separated from people's life, and the original vibrant living place has become a lifeless cultural exhibition hall, which can only be visited and remembered by people; Custom disappears with it, leaving only an empty shell of form.

Looking back at Xi'an's historic site revitalization policy, it is more like a political and economic project controlled by the state. However, heritage conservation should not be used solely as a means of capital accumulation, or as a commodification of heritage to build new identities and consensus for social elites. Instead, it should be a more complex and deliberate activity that really contributes to historical and cultural continuity, public engagement, and building a sense of place and belonging.

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4.2 Taking Shanghai Tianzifang as an example, discuss the commercialization risks and lack of development faced by residents-led passive gentrification 4.2.1 Passive gentrification led by residents can preserve the style and context of the historic district to the greatest extent In the passive gentrification mode, although the conservation and regeneration of historical and cultural blocks mainly preserve the original population characteristics of the block by retaining the aborigines in the block, retain the functions of the original historical buildings in the block to continue the traditional architectural space of the block, and preserve the traditional commercial form of the block, However, the phenomenon of gentrification has passively occurred after the conservation and regeneration of historical and cultural blocks. The gentrification of this model is mainly due to the gradual commodification of historical spaces, and people are increasingly pursuing spaces with cultural and traditional flavors, and are eager to consume or live in communities with traditional cultural atmospheres. In order to seek more financial returns, local residents will also appropriately introduce some commercial and tourism functions. Passive gentrification, which continues the residential community model, is a method often adopted in the conservation of historical and cultural blocks with residents' participation. This model can retain to a certain extent the traditional culture, folk customs, and customs of a part of the intangible cultural form in the historical and cultural blocks, as well as the original lifestyle and social network structure in the block.

4.2.2 Functional conversion and commercialization of historic blocks lead to passive gentrification, which violates the original intention of urban regeneration Tianzifang's reconstruction is being done using a bottom-up, progressive regeneration strategy that is small-scale, diverse, and is being independently advocated

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by the locals. It combines the alley factory's culture, creativity, and capital and stimulates the community's cultural capital. Although this method has certain advantages, it will inevitably encounter situations such as illegal land function conversion, ambiguous property rights, and lack of legal documents that can guide problem solving. The system of "reforming non-residential residences" has transformed a large number of residential buildings from their original residential functions into dining, entertainment, and leisure spaces. However, the disorderly rental of houses and the introduction of non-residential functions have led to increasing rents in the neighborhoods, and no one cares about the safety of the neighborhoods. The business is chaotic, the aborigines are troubled by the encroachment of commercial activities in living space, the social neighborhood relationship is destroyed, and the phenomenon of gentrification occurs. With the further regeneration of Tianzifang and the further increase in market popularity, residents began to increase their rent. The high rent caused artists with meager profits to move out of Tianzifang because of the high rent, and the new ones were often highly profitable. Commercial and creative industrial parks have gradually changed from production culture to consumption culture, which violates the original intention of urban regeneration and industrial upgrading.

Table 4.1 Differences in types of housing demolition and renovation, made by author

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4.2.3 Consumerism reduces the cultural vitality of historical districts, and weaken the later development With the regeneration and development of Tianzifang, the historical district is facing potential problems such as insufficient cultural vitality and weak development.

As a historical and cultural community that retains residential areas, Tianzifang’s business format is less relevant to daily life; the catering industry began to surge in 2009, and the retail industry began to increase in 2011. In 2015, the retail industry has surpassed the creative industry enterprises, and the cultural vitality is strong. risk of recession. The reason is that when the development of business facilities is completely dominated by the market, the agglomeration of high-consumption economic activities leads to an increase in regional rents. Only high-yield business facilities can balance the increase in rents; shops with high consumption levels will gradually Replace the traditional retail, catering business and various daily service related facilities with relatively low per capita consumption levels.

4.3 Comparison and evaluation of two passive gentrification Conservation models The two passive gentrification phenomena that have been previously discussed in the process of revitalizing and conserving historical and cultural blocks are distinct in terms of the driving force behind the transformation, the funding source, the extent of land transfer, the level of conservation, the function of the transformed area, and the degree of cohesion of the style. The effects of culture, environment, architecture, society, and economy are therefore examined, and these elements are used as variable factors in the evaluation of passive gentrification.

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BUSINESS FORMAT DISTRIBUTION OF TIANZIFANG IN 2013 Commodities 15%

Others 1% Catering 24%

Art 30%

Accessories 20% Clothing 10%

Table 4.2 Business Format Distribution of Tianzifang in 2013, made by author

BUSINESS FORMAT DISTRIBUTION OF TIANZIFANG IN 2015 Commodities 13%

Others 2%

Art 9%

Catering 36%

Clothing 25% Accessories 15% Figure 4.3 Business Format Distribution of Tianzifang in 2015, made by author

4.3.1 Comparison of main force of transformation The two passive gentrification changes in Xi'an and Shanghai Tianzifang are driven by separate primary forces: 1）The district-level government of Shanghai Tianzifang and the aborigines are

36

the driving forces behind the change to uphold public interests and improve the quality of life in historic residential neighborhoods. The foundation of conservation and rejuvenation is quality.

2）The passive gentrification model used in Xi'an's historical districts relies heavily on government agencies and real estate developers to bring about change, with the growth of the tourism sector serving as the catalyst for change while also bolstering the city's cultural assets, economic interests, and overall benefits.

4.3.2 Comparison of main sources of funds The main sources of funding for regeneration and renovation are the organizations or entities that are in charge of renovating historically significant and culturally significant buildings. The primary sources of funding for conservation and regeneration can be classified into two categories in accordance with various models of gentrification and regeneration of various main forces of transformation: 1) The traditional architectural space environment of the block was organized and updated with funding from the government and indigenous people.

2) Property developers make investments in the creation and remodeling of traditional architectural spaces in districts with a rich history and culture.

In the case of this article, government agencies and real estate developers are driving forces behind the renovation of historic blocks in Xi'an. The municipal government and real estate developers are the primary sources of cash for regeneration.

Both the funding amount and the scope of the regeneration are substantial. In general, there won't be a money deficit while the project is being built. The construction process is hardly interrupted, and it moves along quickly. However, the district-level administration and the aborigines are the primary sources of finances for passive

37

gentrification in Tianzifang, acting as the driving force for regeneration. Urban redevelopment that is done gradually has a little budget and a small-scale of regeneration. Some old architectural places still haven't started to be preserved and modernized since 2003.

4.3.3 Comparison of conservation status of historical buildings Real estate investors and governmental organizations are driving factors behind the renovation and rejuvenation of Xi'an's historic blocks. A simplification of the urban form may result from the replacement of many modern structures with restored antique structures that together constitute a single ancient architectural style and contribute to the improvement of the city's history and cultural taste.

Tianzifang preserved the original Shikumen architectural style, highlighted the passing down of history and culture, showcased the distinctive regional characteristics of Shanghai, and completely preserved the traditional street space mechanism of the block during the bottom-up passive gentrification process. And the majority of the traditional buildings on the block, which maintain the block's traditional buildings' overarching historical design.

4.3.4 Comparison of public participation In Xi'an, where real estate developers and government departments are the leading force for regeneration, and the revitalization of the tourism and cultural industry is the goal, the aboriginal people do not participate in the conservation and regeneration process of the historical and cultural districts.

In Tianzifang, Shanghai, the aborigines are the dominant force in the regeneration, and the bottom-up regeneration of the historical urban area has a strong degree of public

38

participation.

4.3.5 Economic impact comparison The regeneration of Xi'an's historical urban area is led by the government, focusing on the development of tourism and cultural industries. For example, scenic spots such as the Big Wild Goose Pagoda and the Bell and Drum Tower in Xi'an have been conserved and utilized during the regeneration process, attracting a large number of tourists. However, this also makes commercial development gradually become the dominant force in urban regeneration. The regeneration of Tianzifang is a bottom-up residents-led model, characterized by the presence of artists and commercialization.

Tianzifang retains the original Shikumen architectural style, attracting many artists and designers to settle in, forming a cultural industry gathering place full of creativity and vitality.

4.3.6 Comparison of social impact The aboriginal population of Xi'an does not take part in the conservation and regeneration process of the historical and cultural districts, which is led by real estate developers and government agencies with the purpose of revitalizing the tourism and cultural industries.

While, in Tianzifang, Shanghai, the aborigines are the main driving force behind the revitalization, and there is significant public involvement in the bottom-up revitalization of the old urban area.

4.3.7 Comparison of cultural influences The historic block renovation in Xi'an is centered on preserving and restoring

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historic structures. A number of tourist destinations with historical and cultural significance have been developed through government-led revitalization, drawing a sizable number of visitors. On the other hand, Tianzifang emphasizes Shanghai's distinctive Shikumen architectural style and the cultural legacy of the past, creating a hub for the cultural industry that is vibrant and creative and offers job possibilities and cultural experiences to locals. In these two instances, the cultural sector has developed into a key tenet and motivating factor for urban regeneration, which is beneficial for raising the city's economic output while also enhancing its cultural quality and tourist appeal

Chapter 5: Conclusion and suggestion 5.1 The passive gentrification phenomenon in the regeneration of Xi'an's historic urban area reflects the importance of multi-dimensional heritage value judgments The conservation of antiques and cultural treasures led to the development of China's system for conservating historical sites. The concept of ‘emphasizing ancient times, despising modern times; emphasizing politics, despising culture’ has long had a negative impact on how easily current architectural heritage is protected. The value of modern architectural heritage is frequently avoided when considering it from a multidimensional value orientation, such as the perspective of people, culture, and social, economic, and other external environmental influences. This is because understanding the value of architectural heritage frequently adopts a single value orientation. The problem with conservating Xi'an's architectural history stems from two misconceptions about how to value the city's modern architectural heritage: the simplicity of value orientation and the modelization of value assessment criteria. The advanced nature of ancient cultural heritage conservation coexists with the trailing nature of modern

40

cultural heritage conservation in terms of cultural heritage conservation. The worth of architectural heritage itself receives far too much attention in discussions about heritage value. It consistently emphasizes the ontological worth of things like history, art, and aesthetics while ignoring the overall importance of modern architectural legacy in preserving urban cultural memory and cultural inheritance, as well as preserving urban cultural diversity and features.

Gentrification that is being driven by the government and developers frequently lacks long-term economic value. We might as well approach this issue from the standpoint of a family's cultural heritage in order to solve it. Gold is a highly strong metal that will endure a very long period if a family has a watch that has been handed down through the generations. Gold watches can only be converted into short-term, at best consumable economic worth if sold in this generation. The watch has no value to the family once the money has been spent on it. However, if it is handed down from one generation to the next, each one might use this watch to reflect on the evolution of their family and their efforts to expand it. It may undoubtedly function as a culture that motivates future generations to work hard in school and aspire to add value in their own right. Selling gold watches is the only activity that comes close in terms of economic worth. In order to better combine cultural conservation and economic development, a passive gentrification model that regularly modifies social behaviors and economic behavior while preserving the heritage structure is more appropriate.

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5.2 Consumerism and spatial duplication: the crisis of passive gentrification With the advancement of passive gentrification, the historic districts in both case studies have experienced a problem of consumerism and spatial duplication. Economy and capital are at the forefront of progress. Space replication has developed into a typical space production-consumption pattern that is governed by capital in order to maximize interests and achieve its own value-added. The rush of cultural appropriation and symbolic economy started to erase the regional cultural distinctiveness, which muddled the regional culture and constrained the historical districts to the ‘thousand streets, one side’ national development dilemma.

The historical alley block's consumption space has caused social division, and the aborigines are now situated on the edge of the historical consumer block's familiar and foreign areas. The development of commercial spaces in historical blocks tries to highlight a high-end environment, and the general consumption level is rather high, whether it be the early studios, bars, and cafes in the block or the contemporary creative stores and handcraft businesses. In the case of Tianzifang, locals' homes are virtually

42

viewed as consumer commodities for the cultural and tourism industries. The alley has been transformed into a landscape show under the influence of ‘historical and cultural blocks’ and is no longer a place to live.

5.3 The benefits and experience of the passive gentrification model for the regeneration of historic urban areas In the two cases of Xi'an and Tianzifang in Shanghai, the historical and cultural blocks have gained numerous social, economic, and cultural benefits through passive gentrification, renovation of physical space, and cultural enhancement, not only improving the neighborhood's living environment and image, but also through the excavation and capitalization of local tourism cultural resources, the win-win situation of cultural inheritance, cultural continuity, and economic benefits. Tourism growth in historic areas contributes significantly to the preservation of local history, culture, value transmission, and cultural regeneration.

The improvement of the living conditions of city dwellers has been facilitated by the historical and culturally focused conservation and development of Xi'an's historic blocks. Due to the positive effects of the reform on the economy, society, and culture, Xi'an has also received numerous awards. The public at home and abroad has generally accepted the city's reputation as the most famous historical city in the world. Here, travelers from all over the world congregate, which stimulates the local economy. It has successfully realized the conversion of cultural assets into cultural capital and revitalized the historic area with increased cultural value.

The Tianzifang in Shanghai is being renovated gradually and on a smaller scale to better preserve the integrity of the ancient buildings. While the inner lanes on both sides continue to be predominately inhabited by aborigines and preserve their residential

43

functions, the lanes along the lanes have been converted from their residential use to a commercial operating function. It also serves as a space carrier and a source of inspiration for the growth of creative cultural enterprises. Local aborigines and their social network are preserved, the historical background of the block is realized, and the continuance of their social network is realized. It has a significant amount of reference experience when it comes to the regeneration of numerous historical blocks at the expense of the collective relocating of the aborigines. The ancient blocks' vitality and cultural environment are preserved through passive gentrification, which also prevents the conversion of the desirable residential districts into commercial spaces.

5.4 Suggestions and implication Combined with theory and international experience, three suggestions are put forward for passive gentrification: 1) Confront financial needs and commercial infusion, conserve real historical and cultural artifacts, streamline business layout to prevent over-development, and improve environmental facilities and cultural resources in physical space.

Tianzifang's

effective

bottom-up

resident-led

regeneration

approach

unquestionably offers another option for the regeneration and transformation of historic neighborhoods when taking the small-scale gradual revival model into account.

2) Place value on the transmission of historical context and the conservation of cultural memory in the spiritual realm so that the revitalization of historic blocks may be integrated with urban redevelopment and the urban memory and habitation requirements of the locals can be preserved.

3) Local governments are more likely to act as gatekeepers, direct the growth of

44

historical and cultural industries through planning-led, business-type regulations, etc., in order to build a new community network and governance system in the social sphere. Giving consideration to the close relationship between the legal system and management and create a multi-participant work linking mechanism, to create a community-based cultural identity for historic blocks.

Overall, these recommendations offer fresh perspectives and ideas for the preservation and redevelopment of historic neighborhoods, as well as practical knowledge for resolving challenging urban development issues. These findings from the research will aid in the growth of related subjects and serve as a valuable resource and direction for academics, policymakers, and practitioners.

5.5 Limitations and future study directions Based on the empirical findings of this study and suggestions for passive gentrification, author also need to admit that there are some limitations of this study.

First of all, this study only focuses on the passive gentrification process of Shanghai Tianzifang Historic District and Xi'an, without considering the situation of other historic districts. Therefore, we cannot ensure the applicability of these recommendations in other countries but China.

Second, the recommendations provided by this study are mainly from the perspective of theory and Chinese experience, without empirical research on their implementation. Future research could further consider the feasibility and effectiveness of these recommendations to determine their application and effectiveness in practice.

At the same time, whether this strategy can be practiced and the feasibility of Western countries also needs to be considered.

In addition, the author's research is limited to the relatively long distance between

45

Singapore and China, and only conducted remote interviews with the responsible personnel of Tianzifang. Author did not conduct in-depth investigations and interviews with community residents in Xi'an's historic districts. Therefore, more in-depth interviews and research in these fields will help to understand the problem of passive gentrification of Chinese historic districts more comprehensively and provide more specific solutions.

Future research might focus on these restrictions and delve deeper into the distinctions between the West and the East during the process of historic district regeneration to better comprehend the nature and effects of these issues. The usefulness and viability of putting ideas into practice can also be further explored by empirical research, which can also offer more detailed and useful advice and support for the preservation and regeneration of historic areas.

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List of References Zhu, X., Zhang, J., & Zhang, H. 2004. On the Permeation and Influence of Western Urban Culture on Chinese Cities. Urban Architecture, 181.

Yin, R. K. 2014. Case study research: Design and methods. Sage publications.

Huang, Z. 2010. Reliability, validity and limitations of single case study research.

Education Research, 31 Zhang, S., Shen, J., & Wang, X. 2010. Investigation and Analysis of Urban Historical and Cultural Blocks Conservation and Regeneration in Shanghai. Architectural Journal, 06, 130-134 He, S., Chen, J., & Li, X. 2010. The Analysis of Housing Rehabilitation Program in Historic Districts Based on the Perception of Different Social Groups: A Case Study of Gulou District in Nanjing. Urban Development Studies, 17(06), 47-52.

Chang, J.-H. 2018. Toward a low-carbon, resilient city: historical buildings in Singapore. Journal of Green Building, 13(3), 1-16. doi: 10.3992/jgb.13.3.1 Zhao, Y., Ponzini, D., & Zhang, J. (2020). Renovation of the Tang Imperial City: Heritage Preservation and Urban Regeneration in Xi'an, China. Journal of Urban Design, 25(4), 484-501 Harvey, D. 2001. Heritage pasts and heritage presents: temporality, meaning and the scope of heritage studies. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 7(4), 319-338.

Zhu, X. 2018. Heritage and gentrification in Xi'an, China: urban transformation and cultural continuity. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 24(4), 421-434.

Yang, G. 2020. The Formation and Development of Urban Community in China.

Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, 454, 173-177.

Warde, Alan. 2000. Eating Out: Social Differentiation, Consumption and Pleasure.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lees, Loretta, Hyun Bang Shin, and Ernesto López-Morales. 2016. "Planetary Gentrification." Urban Studies 53(12): 2450-2467.

Gentrification and Residential Differentiation in Nanjing,China[J]. Chinese Geographical Science,2010,(06) Weishan Huang 2011. Immigration and Gentrification–a case study of cultural restructuring in Flushing, Queens[J].

Hackworth,J. 2002. Postrecession gentrification in New York City[J]. Urban Affairs Review Eric W. Allison. 2005. Gentrification and Historic Districts: Public Policy Considerations in the Designation of Historic Districts in New York City[D]， Columbia University

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Appendix Interview questions Question 1: In the process of implementing gentrification work, have you ever encountered any incomprehension or non-cooperation from tourists or merchants, and how to solve it?

Question 2: What are the specific development directions of the cultural and creative industries in Tianzifang Cultural Reserve, and will more integration of local traditional cultural elements be considered?

Question 3: Are there any insurmountable difficulties in the conservation measures of historical and cultural heritage in Tianzifang Cultural Reserve, such as the maintenance and repair of historical buildings?

Question 4: Does the management and development of Tianzifang Cultural Reserve need more public investment and policy support to promote its long-term sustainable development?

Question 5: While conservating the cultural heritage of Tianzifang, how to balance the relationship between commercial development and cultural conservation to avoid excessive commercialization?

Question 6: In the future development, will Tianzifang Cultural Reserve consider introducing more international cultural brands and activities to increase its international influence?

Question 7: Are there any special plans and projects to celebrate and promote Chinese traditional culture in order to attract more tourists and culture lovers?

Question 8: How to ensure the balance between too many tourists and public order issues, while maintaining the unique charm and cultural atmosphere of Tianzifang?

Question 9: In addition to the current cultural conservation and commercial development projects, what other development plans and projects will Tianzifang Cultural Reserve have in the future? Are there plans for expansion or renovation?

dissertation

by Xinyu Yang

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