AC 5007 - Batch 4 - Yutong Jiang by NUS Department of Architecture

Rethinking the Civic District: Historical Urban Landscape Layering and Morphological Elements Analysis of The Padang and Surrounding Area

Jiang Yutong A0254400W

Dissertation submitted to the Department of Architecture of the requirements for the degree of Master Art of Architectural Conservation At the National University of Singapore

Abstract This study examines the historical and evidential value of the Civic District in Singapore, which includes The Padang and its surrounding colonial-era buildings, as a potential UNESCO World Heritage Site. While The Padang is considered a typical example of a civic square during the British colonial period, the study argues that the historical and evidential value of the civic center in colonial cities is actually more widely present in the historic urban landscape known as the Civic District. The Civic District includes four functions: defensive, administrative, regulatory, and civic, and has been utilized by new narratives in the decolonization movement. The study analyzes the morphological elements of the Civic District in five periods using Conzen's historical-geographical method of urban morphology: early colonial period, mid-colonial period, pre-war period, independent period, and contemporary period. The morphological approach visually connects the historical development and geographic development of the area, providing new references for urban planning and revealing inadequacies in the existing top-down approach to urban planning regarding the understanding of the city's history and the gaps in Singapore's conservation area policy. The study concludes that the historical development of the Civic District is typical of British colonial activity, with a fusion and transformation of functions in the development process of colonial cities. This historic urban landscape has universal historical value and should be considered for UNESCO World Heritage Site status.

Keywords: Civic District, the Padang, UNESCO World Heritage Site, historic urban landscape, urban morphology, urban history, colonial cities, Singapore

1. Introduction

1.1 Background and context of the research On 9 August 2022, The Padang, which is one of the oldest open spaces in Singapore, was officially gazette as 75th National Monument of Singapore, which is the first green open space in the list of National Monuments serving as a playing field, ceremonial parade ground and tropical civic square. In front of the Former Supreme Court and Former City Hall buildings, the Padang, a significant landmark in Singapore, is characterized by its expansive green space, which contrasts with the surrounding colonial structures, and is located at the forefront of the city center's more prominent commercial area to its southwest. In the narrative of being a national monument, the Padang's significance is described as associated with milestones in Singapore's history, from the colonial period to an independent state. From its existence in 1822, major events that had used it as a place include the World War II victory parade celebrating the surrender of Japan on 12 September 1945, the declaration of the merger with the Federation of Malaya on 16 September 1963, the first National Day parade on 9 August 1966, and other milestones in Singapore's history, as well as important marches, rallies, and protests such as demonstration by Nanyang University protesting perceived government bias. Here, the Padang's significance is narrated primarily as a witness to history and a place where it happened, rather than in the broader sense of the urban landscape. In its nomination as a national monument, the Padang's value is not described as a whole along with the many other historic buildings and national monuments around it, nor is it situated under a macro narrative. However, this will be retold in new way and more values will be discovered in further definition of the Padang as a part of potential World Heritage of UNESCO under a different assessment criteria. The Padang and its surrounding named as The Padang Civic Ensemble has been added into Singapore’s Tentative List of UNESCO World Heritage Sites, which means the first step of potential nomination as an UNESCO World Heritage Site. More than just the Padang, The Padang Civic Ensemble in application includes Former City Hall and Former Supreme Court buildings (currently the National Gallery Singapore), Saint Andrew’s Cathedral, Old Parliament House (currently the Arts House), Former Town Hall and Victoria Memorial Hall (currently Victoria Theatre and Concert Hall respectively), and the Former Empress Place building (currently the Asian Civilisations Museum) which all date to the period of British colonial rule in Singapore (1819–1963). This cluster of Neoclassical buildings juxtapose against the adjacent New Parliament and New Supreme Court buildings which were constructed during the postindependence era (1965–present). On the north and south end of the Padang, there is two sports club named Singapore Recreation Club and Singapore Cricket as the site’s long-running recreational characters. A World Heritage Site of UNESCO must meet the requirement of outstanding 3

universal values (OUV), and the Padang's value as a national monument is insufficient to support an outstanding universal narrative. Therefore, in listing and applying for the Padang and its surrounding buildings as a potential World Heritage Site, the NHB retells its value in a broader sense. First, as mentioned above, the Padang does not stand alone as a World Heritage Site but is listed as an ensemble with a series of historic buildings around it, called The Padang Civic Ensemble. This series of properties as an ensemble is given a meaning beyond that of individual buildings and is interpreted as a spatial framework. Within this framework, the chain of colonial municipal buildings are located around a central public open space, the Padang, which becomes the typical example of a British colonial civic square. As the municipal center of the former British colony, the visual dominance of the complex and the monumental framework reinforce the power of the British empire it represents, while the flat, open green space gives the spatial paradigm a tropical uniqueness. Functionally, the Padang's civic function is preserved in its transformation through time, and this continuation of civic function and reuse of old colonial spatial masters is a reflection of the global decolonization movement of the 20th century, encapsulating the global theme of transition from former colony to modern country.

1.2 Problem statement The change in narrative from national monument to world heritage implies a shift in perspective and an extension of the objective. Open space as place of historic events is redefined as the core of the urban landscape as a spatial framework. This shift is due to the definition of the outstanding universal value that the Padang Civic Ensemble derives from the history of the space as civic space and its functional coherence. Thus, in addition to the Padang as a site of significant historical events, this value is more reflected in the landscape representing the civic order with the Padang at its center. However, in this definition, the objective defined are still only several build heritages, and the overall landscape is not really considered as a part. In contrast, the elements of the historic urban landscape include the broader urban context and geographical setting beyond the notion of historic center and ensemble. Apart from the ensemble defined as “civic ensemble”, the urban district the Padang located in is also named “Civic District”. In the official description of the Urban Redevelopment Authority, the civic district is the home of Singapore's most notable historic buildings and spaces. The heritage trail around the civic district is described as the link of important civic landmarks such as the former Supreme Court and City Hall, Old Parliament House, and the Padang. There seems to be an information gap here, as the point itself cannot be the definition of the district. Defining a district requires recognition of boundaries and morphology in addition to node. Objectively, the delimitation of historical areas should follow the historical logic, with reference to the morphological transformation of the area in each period, rather than by the top-down process entirely. As the HUL theory calls for, wider urban contexts and geography setting beyond the nodes should be considered. This study expects to improve the 4

perception of the historical urban landscape of this area by studying the historical morphology of the Civic District and supplementing the information gap to let conservation plan more analytical rather than descriptive. In a social sense, objective research based on historical geography also contributes to the discovery of heritage values. This study argues that it is not the buildings that are defined as possessing heritage values that determine how an area is defined, but rather the overall context from buildings, roads, landscapes, to the natural environment that together become the object of value assessment. This study will explore how the broader heritage values are reflected in the definition of the area through the historical layering of morphological elements at different scales of natural conditions, urban divisions, and building functions. Research questions: a. What’s the meaning and value of civic space in urban environment? b. How did the landscape now known as the civic ensemble and the more macroscopic civic district develop historically? Is there a holistic relationship between the two? c. How is the historical value of the civic space reflected in the historic landscape of the civic district? Does it have global value?

1.3 Significances and Contributions The results of this study can provide a basis for the historical value assessment of urban heritage conservation, leading to the development of more targeted measures, especially for the historic urban landscape approach. At the same time, objective historical research can also fill the gaps of an entirely top-down policy-making process. Meanwhile, the results of this study can provide more convincing references for urban planning especially conservation plans, helping relevant departments to formulate policies, especially in defining and delineating urban heritage, with more analytical evidence.

2. Literature Review 2.1 Morphological Approach in Historic District Analysis In the practice of historic preservation in urban development, policy-making is usually a top-down process, which often creates a large gap with bottom-up initiatives. In bridging this gap, the layering of Historic Urban Landscape (HUL) plays a significant role. (Joshi & Widodo, n.d.) By overlaying different elements of the historic urban landscape from different periods, the gap between urban development plans and the existing communities within the historical city fabric can be bridged. In this layer model, the assessment and protection of heritage are placed within a more analytical framework. Morphological methods are well suited to defining and evaluating areas for urban historic preservation. Through morphological analysis, the historical and geographical layers from different periods can be organically integrated. Using a more analytical approach, urban morphological methods can help determine better targets for urban landscape preservation while also facilitating future development. (Conzen, 1960) The historic geographical morphological approach, represented by Conzen, primarily analyzes the historical transformation of morphological units, which is in line with historical logic and can fill the gap in the top-down historical block definition process. This approach has great reference value for this study. Following Conzen's analysis of Anlwick town plan, the methods of historicgeographical morphology have been widely applied to the study of urban morphology and extended to the researches in other country and area. Conzen's method used historico-geography as the core approach of the morphological unit, which is a morphological homogeneous complex of plans, plots, and streets that are distinct from the surrounding urban environment. (Li & Zhang, 2021) Zhang and Li applied Conzen's method of historic geography to their study of historic areas in Singapore. This study applied Conzen's morphological method to the study of the Chinatown area in Singapore, using the historic-geographical morphology of the English town of Ludlow as a reference. The urban development history of Chinatown was divided into three periods: the British colonial period, the transitional period, and the cosmopolitan period. The morphological evolution of the internal boundaries of Chinatown during these three periods was revealed through the application of morphological methods. Additionally, the results of the historic-geographical morphology method were validated and supplemented through the use of digital spatial syntax. The historic-geographical morphology method has also been recognized for its role in the protection of historic urban landscapes. In the process of developing protection plans, this method can participate and play a role in various ways. (Whitehand & Gu, 2007) Whitehand and Gu applied Conzen's historic-geographical morphology method in the Zhishanmen area of Beijing, emphasizing its significance in the protection of historic urban landscapes. They pointed out that the heritage conservatioin system in Beijing has always focused on the protection of individual heritage sites, but lacks awareness and theoretical basis for connecting heritage with the 6

broader surrounding environment. In the policy context, the actions of the heritage protection department are also impressionistic, and the designation of conserved objects in the plan is descriptive rather than analytical. In this study, the morphological method was used to redefine the urban pattern in the historic area of Zhishanmen and establish an understanding of the urban landscape with heritage value beyond individual heritage sites. In this study, Conzen's classic fivelevel model in Ludlow was creatively simplified into a two-level model based on China's historical background and the scale of the Zhishanmen area. This study is of reference significance to our research on the limited scale of the civic district in Singapore, as the simplified use of Conzen's method for analyzing towns is also applicable to this research. Moreover, the problem of neglecting the urban landscape in heritage conservation is also common, and this study provides theoretical support for its solution. This kind of morphological analysis, through the study of the historical and geographical relationship of the site, elucidates the historical development of the site and discovers the value of urban landscape heritage different from top-down urban planning, which provides a supplement to the understanding of the blank space. (AlSadaty, 2021) Similarly, in Egypt, the application of an urban morphological approach based on historical geography to the Bulaq Abulela area revealed several significant historical urban features that were not included in national conservation efforts, highlighting the need for an urban morphological approach in the delineation of conserved areas. The emergence of such studies demonstrates the effectiveness of morphological methods in explaining the heritage value of historical urban neighborhoods and filling gaps in planning.

2.2 Research Gap The urban morphological approach also has its limitations when it comes to practical application. (Whitehand, 2009) For example, the definition of uniformity in urban landscape units has complex connotations, and simply regarding functional homogeneity as uniformity is arbitrary. Uniformity can exist in heterogeneous spaces, which requires the application of different methods to define the historical urban landscape while analyzing its form. A purely mechanical analysis of historical neighborhoods may overlook the heterogeneity of other factors in the homogeneity of form and function, and vice versa. Furthermore, there is a lack of comparative methods in existing urban morphological research, especially for comparative studies of different historical neighborhoods with similar historical backgrounds. Such studies can explore the universal impact of the same historical background on urban construction. At the same time, the use of urban morphology as a tool to study the global value of urban form as a heritage element is limited in existing research and mainly focuses on the regional historical value of urban frameworks.

3. Methodology

3.1 Literature Research The method of literature research is mainly applied here to study the definition of civic and civic space in urban environment, and to analyze the spatial political elements of civic space. Through this method, the historical origins and spatial reflections of the heritage value narrative of The Padang Civic Ensemble can be explained in an analytical way, rather than just staying at a descriptive level.

3.2 Comparative Study Through comparative study, this research compares the form and spatial political characteristics of the civic district in Singapore with similar types of spaces in other cities with similar historical backgrounds. By establishing connections with a larger historical context, spatial form as an element of heritage is shown to have universal value. This can enrich the narrative of heritage value and make the argument more persuasive.

3.3 Historic Geographical Morphology The present study will apply the Conzenian historic geographical urban morphology method. In this methodological system, three levels of spatial form elements in the urban space will be studied: plan unit, building type, and land and building utilization, which constitute the basic morphological unit in the Conzenian approach. The method combines map studies and literature analysis, and the basic research unit is the property block. In this study, the Conzenian approach will be applied to the civic district to recognize and delimitate the morphological segments, providing a basis for the management of the historical urban landscape.

4. What Shaped the Civic Space

One crucial aspect of assessing outstanding universal value of The Padang Civic Ensemble is acknowledging that the site follows a conventional model of British civic squares, yet boasts unique tropical characteristics. The spatial framework of The Padang is comparable to other British colonial civic squares, and understanding this framework is significant to appreciating its historical value. By conducting a comparative study of its morphology, the author hopes to highlight the typical colonial character of The Padang's morphological framework, prove its continuity of function as civic center, and argue that its historical significance extends beyond the civic ensemble itself while is embedded in the larger historical urban landscape of the civic district as a whole.

4.1 Start From Definition of “Civic” and Civic Square As mentioned above, the historical value of this urban space from The Padang Civic Ensemble to Civic District is largely associated with its continued civic function and its universality. (Harper, n.d.) Civic means related to the city and its citizens. Etymologically, civic comes from the Latin word “civis”, meaning citizen, which is also the origin of the word city. In the Roman period, it was originally used in the civic crown, which was a Roman reward for citizens who saved their fellow citizens from danger in battle. In this sense, civic is often used in urban spaces to describe public services with a citizenry identity, which encompasses both public and political meanings. As the agora in ancient Greece was the birthplace of early democratic politics, in the European historic urban pattern, the square as a function, closely linked to the community and its citizens, epitomizes the civic space. For those function as civic centers, it is commonly referred to as a government square. This type of civic square is usually located in the seat of local government, with the town hall, courthouse, and police station facing the square. (French, 1983) This type of civic center often encompasses three fundamental government activities, which can be divided into three parts: administrative, regulatory, and civic functions. (Figure 1) Administrative activities include day-to-day functions such as maintenance, service, and licensing. Regulatory activities include those of the police station, fire department, or courthouse. Civic activities include education, such as libraries and museums, recreation, and entertainment. Of course, the requirements for these subdivided functions are not so strict, but as a civic center, the civic square generally assumes these three main functions and serves as a public space facing government symbols such as the town hall. (Levy, 2008) These spaces are nodes that bring together urban municipal buildings in the urban landscape framework. Taking the most famous example of the Piazza San Marco in Venice, throughout history, the square has always been the political center of Venice. Piazza 9

San Marco, also known as St. Mark's Square, is a large public square located in the heart of Venice, Italy. It is considered one of the most iconic and beautiful public spaces in the world, and has a rich history that dates back more than 1,000 years. The square is surrounded by several historic buildings, including St. Mark's Basilica, which is one of the most important religious buildings in Italy and features an impressive blend of Byzantine and Gothic architectural styles. The adjacent Doge's Palace was once the residence of the Venetian ruler, and now serves as a museum. Other notable buildings include the Procuratie Vecchie and Procuratie Nuove, which once housed government offices and now serve as high-end shops and restaurants. The Piazza San Marco provides a perfect example of the structure of a historic civic square in the European context, showcasing symbols of urban governance, such as the Doge's Palace, and administrative services like government offices, while also connecting to symbols of city culture and public life, such as St. Mark's Basilica and libraries and museums. As a square established by Westerners, The Padang adheres to the conventions of European civic squares in terms of its functional structure and layout. Within this civic entity, The Padang connects to a series of municipal buildings built during the colonial period, conforming to the tripartite structure with regulatory buildings such as the Former Supreme Court building, administrative buildings such as the Former City Hall, and civic buildings such as the Victoria Memorial Hall, as well as public education and entertainment services such as libraries and museums. As an open space, The Padang itself also functions as a cricket field with recreational facilities, including the Singapore Recreation Club and the Singapore Cricket Club. This series of configurations centered around The Padang conforms to the general paradigm of a civic center. The properties contained within maintain the continuity of civic functions, with the new Parliament and Supreme Court constructed adjacent to this group of buildings. In conclusion, from the perspective of the definition and composition of a civic center, the historical continuity of civic functions can be justified in The Padang ensemble.

4.2 Spatial Politic of Civic Center Simply having a civic center function since the colonial period does not necessarily demonstrate the outstanding universal value of The Padang Civic Ensemble, as civic functions alone do not have global significance. In the National Heritage Board's application of tentative world heritage, The Padang Civic Ensemble needs to fulfill the criterion iv for outstanding universal value as defined by UNESCO, which requires it to reflect a significant stage in human history. For The Padang and its location as the center of colonial rule, the important stage it reflects is the global colonial activities of the British in the 18th and 19th centuries, and the subsequent independence movements of the colonies in the 20th century. Merely conforming to the European model of a civic center does not necessarily reflect the history of the colonial period. The larger urban space framework exhibits typical features of former colonial heritage, both tangible remains and intangible impact, which requires analysis of the spatial politics of the colonial period. 10

Obviously, although the colonizers brought with them the familiar forms of architecture and urban space from their homeland, the spatial characteristics of the colonial city were obviously not under the same logic as European cities, nor did they bear much resemblance to the original Eastern cities. (Yeoh, 2003) Unlike the modern European cities that evolved spontaneously from the pre-industrial era, the social, morphological and functional features of Southeast Asian colonial cities were deeply influenced by colonial activities during the establishment, systemization and maintenance of colonial rule. A characteristic feature of this imprint is the rapid urbanization and modernization in the intense conflicts of different races, cultures, religions and classes. The stratification structure of a cosmopolitan colonial city is different from that in political economics analysis of common industrial and preindustrial cities. First, there are political elites from the mother country, followed by the colonized indigenous group, and then a middleman group who often come from countries other than the mother country. In this diversity, social, political, and economic power in the colonial city is concentrated in the hands of a distinct racial group, the European colonizers. (Yeoh, 2003) The urban space planning policy based on race, emphasizing differences rather than integration, was very typical in 17th and 18th century Britain and Europe, and it turned the colonial city into a contesting terrain. This unique spatial politics, different from the mother country itself and also from the spontaneous Eastern cities, can be seen from the form of the main colonial cities. Research on former colonial cities shows that colonial history had a profound impact on the urban history and morphology of major colonial cities in Southeast Asia, such as Penang, Malacca, and Singapore in the British Straits Settlements, as well as Semarang and Batavia in the Dutch East Indies. (Widodo, 2004) Just as the colonial social class system had similarities across different colonies, the urban morphology of colonial cities also had commonalities. First, racial segregation was a common urban planning strategy. Unlike the naturally formed urban due to economic imbalance slums such as London's East End, in colonial cities, different races were separated into legally designated areas. The city was divided into different ethnic enclaves, often accompanied by serious environmental problems, while European elites enjoyed elegant European lifestyle in their own residential areas in the tropics. As a result, the spatial separation of the colonial social class system was reflected in the urban form. The boundaries between the spaces of the colonizers and those of other classes were clearly defined, and the activities within these spaces were also similar. These spaces often occupied strategically significant positions in the colonial city, such as river mouths, because these settlements often developed from early trading posts, which made it easy to control the harbor and the market. In some colonial cities, these settlements developed into castle towns that housed the growing European population while controlling other groups. A very typical development trend was that in these settlements far from their homeland, Europeans built miniature versions of European city-states, and a typical symbol of a modern European city was reproduced here. In the historical landscape of colonial cities, churches, open spaces, management buildings, regulatory buildings, and other buildings could be found in the strategic areas controlled by the colonizers. As for the politics meaning of these segregated regions in 11

colonial cosmopolitan city, the land of the colonizers was also the political center of city rulership, and the content of these spaces seems to conform to the elements of a civic center mentioned above. In this spatial framework, there is usually a city hall, belonging to administrative buildings, a court, belonging to regulatory buildings, and a church and open square, belonging to civic facilities. These three elements seem to be enough to constitute a civic center of a city, but in the space of the colonizer in the colonial city, this spatial framework related to imperial power and municipal usually has one more element, which is a defensive space. (Figure 2) European colonizers often built defensive fortresses in cities, especially in strategically important locations, to protect their trading posts. This was an important stage in the development of colonial cities and often marked the beginning of colonial rule, forming an important element of the ruling order in urban space. These fortresses were used to protect the city from attacks and riots, not only serving as a defense against external enemies but also as a means of surveillance over the population. This defensive function constituted another important element of the political center in colonial cities, alongside the other three elements of administrative, regulatory, and civic spaces, forming the core of the ruling space in colonial cities. In studies of the morphology of colonial cities in South Asia and Southeast Asia, fort designed for defense were identified as a functional component closely linked to the ruling space of the colonizers, especially in globally important port cities of the British Empire's colonial activities. Contested space is the premise of compressed space, and contested space is the foundation of polysemous space. Under fragmented urban construction policies, colonizers built European-style buildings and towns in their own areas, with Europeanstyle functions. Rather than replicating a part of the European urban landscape, this town was more like a compressed European town, gathering typical parts of a European town in limited space. This space also served as a space for colonial rule to perform its necessary functions, which is why as previously mentioned, the political significance of the colonial city's central civic center has an additional meaning layer of defense function compared to a regular civic center. This layout reflects the universal characteristics of colonial activity. The segregation policy made the colonizers' areas compressed European towns, and this space also carried the political significance of governance functions. On this basis, different facilities in the compressed space have functional connections and each carry diverse spatial political significance. As seen, the characteristics mentioned above are confirmed in the history of the development of the civic district in what is now known as Singapore, with The Padang as an example. After the Raffles Town Plan designated the north bank of the Singapore River as government land, one of the earliest forts, Fort Fullerton, was immediately built in one of the most critical positions at the mouth of the Singapore River on the south bank, around 1825-1830. At the same time, the first Government House was built on Bukit Larangan. The Padang was planned as an "open space" reserved for soldiers' training next to Singapore's original coastline and became an extension of the defense facilities that marked the beginning of colonial rule, before extensive land reclamation. In 1831, it was named Esplanade and began to serve as a recreational space for citizens, with activities such as horse racing, sports competitions, and band performances held 12

Figure 1: Framework of Civic Center. Source: (French, 1983)

Figure 2: Framework of Civic Center in Colonial City. Source: Draw by Author

here, as shown in some postcards and paintings from the time. Alongside the Esplanade, the Old Parliament House was built in the 1920s as a municipal building, and St. Andrew's Cathedral was founded in 1835 as Singapore's main Anglican church. In 1852, the Singapore Cricket Club was established, and The Padang became a sports field for cricket, a sport with a distinctly British character that began to develop in the colony as part of cultural colonization. (Bateman, 2005) Some major celebrations were also held here during this period, such as the celebration of the English king's birthday in 1824, which became a regular venue for New Year's celebrations. The Government House on Bukit Larangan was replaced by a new fort, Fort Canning, in 1860, as this location was considered the most strategic for controlling the most important town internally and detecting threats from the sea. Then, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a large number of municipal buildings began to emerge, and City Hall was built in 1929. It was only then that The Padang took on the typical framework of a civic square as NHB mentioned, with the classic paradigm of a municipal hall square. To sum up, there was no preconceived plan for a civic center with a square at its center. Rather, the current layout gradually emerged over time. Since the colonial rule began, the nature of the area was first defined by military defense structures. Then, European town facilities serving the ruling class were built, followed by the integration of urban leisure and entertainment into the former military sites, with the square beginning to serve public life. In the limited area, different spaces had multiple meanings and were given different interpretations and uses according to needs, creating a "multicode space". (Yeoh, 2003) Yeoh mentioned that the landscape of colonial cities often imposed a colonial structure on daily life space. The multiple layers of meaning inherent in spaces commonly found in local communities are also evident in spaces occupied by colonizers. An order related to colonial rule interweaves with the order of urban public life. For example, St. Andrew's Cathedral's stained-glass window commemorating Raffles, the Padang as a site for royal celebrations, and Fort Fullerton's transformation from military to civilian use all illustrate this widespread duality, even multiplicity, indicating that its connotations were not pre-designed and not fixed. When constructing narratives for historical value, presenting this historical evolution is more important than a single definition. In this sense, as symbols and signifiers, places, spaces, and buildings do not have a singular meaning, but instead point to a collection of multiple signified, this polysemous signification became the basis for their continued existence in another narrative and identity. With the rise of global decolonization movements in the 20th century, newly independent countries faced the issue of establishing a new national identity in history. In this context, the public significance of a series of colonial-era facilities in their multiple meanings was emphasized, and the meaning of domination was weakened with the disappearance of colonial rule. The meaning of space was once again rewritten in the new era, becoming what we now call the Civic District. Fort Canning became a protected park as a heritage site, many buildings around The Padang became cultural public buildings, the old City Hall became the National Gallery, and Empress Place became the Asian Civilization Museum. 14

As mentioned, there are homogenized meanings within the heterogeneity of forms, just as there are commonalities in the historical and social values of different buildings and places. At the same time, a more in-depth and multi-layered analytical study is needed to define an area with a homogeneous historical value, rather than just summarizing it descriptively. The birth, development, and inheritance of civic functions during the colonial period did not exist in isolation in the existing The Padang and its surrounding buildings, but rather existed and evolved in various public buildings in the colonial ruling area, and were consolidated in the inheritance and development of the new era. Linking the historical background of The Padang Civic Ensemble to the wider region also helps to promote a more complete narrative of its value.

4.3 Comparative Study: Penang and Mumbai In the history of Asian colonization, there are many examples of colonial cities with a primary function as trade ports that share similar spatial forms and development histories as Singapore. This is particularly true for cities like Singapore that served as global trade ports and centers of colonial rule during the expansion of British colonization. To provide a more in-depth global argument for the value of these properties, it would be useful to conduct comparative studies with properties that have similar historical backgrounds and values. Examples of such properties that played important roles in British colonial history include George Town in Penang and Bombay. As a town listed as a World Heritage Site in 2008, George Town in Penang was an important stop for British colonial activities in Southeast Asia and an important port city on the trade route between Europe and Asia prior to Singapore. From 1826 to 1832, Penang was the capital of the Straits Settlements, a position later held by Singapore. As a port city under British colonial rule and a political base for British colonialism, Penang shares high similarities with Singapore in this sense, and its urban development history and spatial form are effective comparative research objects for Singapore, and also provide proof for the development of urban form under British colonial history. In 1786, Penang was chosen by Francis Light as the northeast gateway of the Malacca Straits. Light established a settlement at cape and designated it as a trading post of the British East India Company, which was named George Town. In the same year, Light built Fort Cornwallis as a defense mechanism, which became the center of George Town's subsequent development plans. The grid-like road network started from Fort Cornwallis and connected the buildings around the fortress (primarily for Europeans) with the existing structures. These rectangular grid units clearly placed people of different classes in the colonial order. The Eurasian ethnic group lived near Fort Cornwallis, while the Chinese and Indian ethnic groups lived a bit further away, and the Malay people lived in the Lebuh Acheh area, which was farther away. The racial segregation system in George Town during the colonial period was not as strict as that in Singapore in terms of urban planning, which was less influenced by Europeans in George Town. (Zhao et al., 2019) However, from the recorded population distribution, it can still be seen that Europeans mainly congregated around Fort Cornwallis, forming 15

Figure3: Schematic model of the colonial post city in India. Source: (Kosambi & Brush, 1988)

Figure 4: History map of Singapore in 1822. Source: Johannes Widodo’s collection

a civic ensemble. In the map from as early as 1799, civic buildings such as Provosts Guard, Commissary, and Custom House were built around Fort Cornwallis on the north bank of the cape. Records show that during the long period of colonial rule, Fort Cornwallis was more often used as a civic building than as a military one. At the end of the 19th century, Town Hall and Municipal Fountain Park were constructed, and a civic square was built in front of Town Hall, called Esplanade or Padang. In 1903, City Hall was built adjacent to Town Hall. After independence, most of these buildings were repurposed by the new government. From this development history, it can be seen that the city center of George Town has a similar development path and characteristics to the civic district of Singapore under similar historical backgrounds. Firstly, from the perspective of the relationship between building types and history, both were established as the center of colonial rule through military buildings and divided the city area based on ethnicity in the multicultural colonial cities. The privileged European residents lived around the urban ruling core. Secondly, the functions of both areas have undergone changes, overlapping and inheritance in their historical development, and have become the urban centers of new countries. Similarly, Bombay, which was once the headquarters of the British East India Company in India and an important station for British colonial activities globally, also meets these development paths and morphological characteristics. The early urban center of Bombay had a European-style fort and open esplanade, segregated residential areas for Europeans and Indians, a central business district, and peripheral military and manufactural zones. The fort ramparts and gates were removed by the 1860s, and in their place, governmental and public buildings for the secretariat, high court, communications offices, and university were erected. The old English or southern part of the fort was redeveloped for commercial and public uses and eventually formed a Western type of central business district. Under similar historical backgrounds, different British colonial cities have the same pattern and development process. This proves that such historic urban landscapes have global historical value. They can better demonstrate what the representative colonial city centers were like during the important phase of British colonial rule in global history. This is more convincing evidence of the outstanding universal value.

5. Historic Geographical Urban Morphology Approach Through the previous section's literature research and comparative study, the historical value of The Padang and its surrounding environment has been clarified, demonstrating its reflection of historical value in the overall spatial pattern of the Civic District and universal significance. The overall historical value of different elements within the urban landscape area and their flexibility in functional evolution are reflected in the previous chapter's discussion. In this chapter, the author aims to use Conzen's historical geography morphological method to study the definition and evolution of urban landscape units in the Civic District from the perspective of physical structure changes in the city. This will further use an analytical approach to fill the gap between impressionistic and descriptive preservation plans and the historic urban landscape, providing a theoretical basis for more comprehensive planning and preservation plans.

5.1 Pre-colonial and Early Colonial Period Although Raffles' arrival in Singapore in 1819 is often regarded as the beginning of Singapore's urban history, the fact is that it was not the first time civilized human settlements existed in Singapore. In the 14th century, there were early Malay settlements in Singapore with written records, and their existence and preserved geographic environment remained throughout the colonial period, still influencing the city's layout and laying the foundation for the original boundary form. Banzu was a settlement located in Singapore during the second millennium AD. While there is limited information available on the layout of Banzu, it can be inferred that it was situated on and around Fort Canning Hill and extended to the surrounding plain area. (Soon, 2002) The only historical record which gives a description of the settlement of Banzu, the Daoyi zhi lue, mentions that there was a series of rising slopes up the hill, around which the people of the settlement lived. Nothing else is mentioned other than that the settlement extended beyond the slopes of Fort Canning Hill to the plain around it. Several heritage sites remained from Banzu until colonial times. For example, Fort Canning Hill was believed to be the location of the palace precinct of Banzu, which is also the reason why Fort Canning Hill or Government Hill used to be named Bukit Larangan, “Forbidden Hill” in Malay. The spatial organization of this palace precinct was carried out with proper allotment of areas to various institutions, functions, and activities which served and were befitting to the ruler and his royal entourage. Fresh Water Stream played an important role in supporting human habitation in Banzu and Singapore in general. Ross's 1819 report on Singapore Bay and its environs mentions several fresh water sources within the vicinity of town, including a fresh water situated east of a fishermen's village north of low sandy point bay. The Civic District, as the original settlement of a modern city, can be traced back to the Banzu period with a mountain-facing-water pattern. Although the Fresh Water stream does not exist as a river today, its existence continued into the colonial period 18

Figure 5: History map of Singapore in 1825. Source: Open Access Resource

Figure 6: Morphological segment recognition and delimitation in 1862. Source: Draw by Author

and its influence as a morphological element has been preserved until today. On this slightly rough map from 1822 (Figure 5), the relative positions of Fresh Water, Fort Canning Hill, and the Singapore River can be seen. Combining this geographical information with historical texts, it can be speculated that Banzu was once a settlement between two important water sources with a mountain as its center. Perhaps for the same strategic reasons, after the disappearance of the ancient kingdom, the colonizers still chose this pattern as the center of governance. In the 1825 map of Singapore, the rudiments of roads began to appear, and some of the functions in Jackson's plan began to be reflected on the map. The Open Space in the Jackson Plan began to appear on this map as an area called Parade. The roads were not very clear, but the rudiments of structure had already appeared, showing grid-like roads and edges shaped by Fresh Water. The functions of other areas were not yet clear. Rocky Point across the Singapore River mouth was the site of Fort Fullerton, proving that there was already a military stronghold, but whether Fort Fullerton had been built at this time is still a matter of dispute. In the 1862 map, the primitive morphological boundaries can gradually be seen to be defined. The Fresh Water Stream had undergone some artificial intervention and changes, forming the Stamford Canal, along which Stamford Road was built. The open space named Parade in the 1825 layout still exists, with part of the coast becoming Esplanade and St. Andrew Cathedral being built on another part of the open space. At the same time, the early municipal buildings in the south of Esplanade began to be built. As early as 1827, after the completion of the Old Parliament House, the Town Hall was built in 1862, and the Empress Place Building began construction as Government Offices in 1864. Some important public buildings have already appeared on the northern boundary formed by the former Fresh Water, such as Raffles Institution and the Cathedral of Good Shepherd, but stable utilization units have not yet formed. The shape of Clarke Quay, located in the south of Fort Canning near the port of the Singapore River, has already begun to take form. Overall, the center of land use and development at this time was centered around two areas: the mouth of the Singapore River mouth near Esplanade, and the Fort Canning area and its surroundings. European settlements north of Stamford Road also appeared near these two areas of public construction. The basic historical geographic morphology of this period is shown in the analysis. This morphology development history is consistent with the overall trend of colonial city civic center development discussed in the previous section. (Figure 6)

5.2 Mid-colonial Period and Transitional Period During the period between the 19th and 20th centuries, as international trade activities became increasingly prosperous, the second industrial revolution developed rapidly, and the process of globalization accelerated further, Singapore, as the most important port in the Malacca Straits, also developed rapidly in urban construction during this period. The Government House moved from Fort Canning Hill to the 20

location of The Istana, which is farther away, and Fort Canning became a new fortress, which was then demolished in 1907. A large number of new constructions began to appear. More comprehensive public service buildings began to be built around Fort Canning and The Padang, and the functions of the municipal center became clearer. Some educational and entertainment buildings were also built in large numbers during this period. From the map of 1913, overall, the urban form of the Civic District in this period showed significant development, with a large number of new buildings built, the basic structure of the road network unchanged, but with new side roads developed. (Figure 7) At the mouth of the Singapore River, as the defense function was relocated to a more strategic location, the original Fort Fullerton site became the Central Post Office, marking the transition from military to civilian use and facing the municipal buildings cluster across the river. With the relocation of Government House to the northwest, more government buildings were constructed around Fort Canning in that direction. In the triangular area northwest of Fort Canning, government quarters and a horse repository were established. To the north of Fort Canning, near the European residential area, new religious buildings and public service buildings began to increase, including the Raffles Library and Museum. Adjacent new developments included several new churches and the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA). At the same time, on the east side of Fort Canning Hill, the Central Fire Station was built. In the neighborhood between Stamford Road and St. Andrew Cathedral to the south, the department store Whiteaway Laidlow from Calcutta opened a branch here, mainly serving Europeans and wealthy locals. In the same neighborhood, the Oriental Telephone Company established its office here. Between Stamford Road and Bras Basah Road, with the completion of the Convent of the Holy Infant Jesus (CHIJ), a cultural, educational, and religious strip was formed along with the existing Raffles Institution and Cathedral of Good Shepherd, and they also share similarities in their architectural forms. To the north of Bras Basah Road, with the construction of high-end hotels such as the Raffles Hotel, a hotel street was formed. This area was once the intersection of the government district on the Jackson Plan and the European residential area. The appearance of these buildings represents the urban life needs of the residential community here and is a reflection of the historical and geographical connections. During the pre-war period of the 1930s in the 20th century, the pattern of this area remained stable with little major changes. The most significant update in terms of form was the completion of City Hall in front of The Padang, making the structure of The Padang as a civic square clearer. In terms of functionality, the most important new building during this time was the Capitol Theatre, located on the south side of Stamford Road where the Oriental Telephone Company office was previously mentioned in the 1910s. When it was built, it was considered the best cinema in the Far East, confirming this area as a high-end cultural district. On the north side of Stamford Road, in the same block as the Cathedral of Good Shepherd, Raffles Girls' School was established, solidifying the cultural and educational functions of this strip. (Figure 8) During the early independent period, the urban pattern of the Civic District did not undergo significant changes, as the focus of urban development during this period was 21

not on the central area, but on addressing the problem of racial enclaves inherited from the colonial era. However, many construction projects related to the new nation's national image and identity were located in this area. As mentioned earlier, most of the buildings and functions in the Civic District were inherited and developed as public buildings of the new republic. On the north side of Fort Canning Hill, the Raffles Library and Museum were repurposed as the National Museum, and in the same area, the National Library and the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau were also established. The most important national-level project after independence, the National Theatre, was also built on the southwest side of Fort Canning Hill. (Figure 9)

Figure 7: Morphological segment recognition and delimitation in 1913. Source: Draw by Author

Figure 8: Morphological segment recognition and delimitation in 1932. Source: Draw by Author

Figure 9: Morphological segment recognition and delimitation in 1966. Source: Draw by Author

Figure 10: Morphological segment recognition and delimitation in 2010. Source: Draw by Author

5.3 Contemporary Period and Current Planning From the early days of independence to the present day, the biggest changes in the overall shape of the central city area are related to land reclamation. Large-scale land reclamation projects have altered the original coastline that bordered The Padang. With the increase in land, the new national-level theater, Esplanade, has become an extension of the Civic District cultural area and has taken on the function of the now-demolished National Theatre at the foot of Fort Canning. The main changes in the area are the continuous updates of new buildings, while the structure of the road network remains largely unchanged. Around The Padang, the National Gallery has been built on the old City Hall and Supreme Court buildings, once again rewriting their meanings on top of their old functions. The new Supreme Court building was built in the same block. Fort Canning has become a national park and conservation area. To the north of it, where the colonial-era Raffles Girl's School was located, the Singapore Management University was established, and the educational utilization of the land is still preserved. High-rise buildings have been built on the site of the former Raffles Institution, and the shape has changed. Some central blocks that did not see significant construction activity in the past have now been built up with representative modern buildings. For example, around High Street, which had no significant building records in the past and was speculated to be a shophouse area, now features large-scale high-rise buildings and shopping centers, such as the famous Funan. (Figure 10) The urban planning department has always been very concerned about the planning of this area.(Urban Redevelopment Authority, 1988) In 1988, URA proposed a detailed Civic District plan. In this plan, the understanding of the structure of this area was like a commercial corridor separating Fort Canning and The Padang, which was different from the boundaries derived from morphology. Such descriptive planning, as we said, is mostly top-down and does not fully consider the historic urban landscape layer. First of all, in this delimitation, the rich heritage spaces on both sides of the mouth of the Singapore River have not been identified and treated as a historically connected and significant landscape cluster. Secondly, the decision of the central commercial axis may be to link Civic District with the CBD on the south bank of the Singapore River, but such a rough boundary will make the differences in the urban form generated inside disappear. The planners still tend to identify the heritage value of the city as specific buildings and places, and do not pay enough attention to the integrity of the urban landscape. Secondly, excessively heterogeneous spaces will create a sense of isolation, and will cut off the connections between different parts of the original historical area in terms of landscape. The uncontrolled commercial axis that cuts through Civic District will weaken the rich historical connections within the region. At the same time, the conservation area policy has been implemented in key historical areas, but in Civic District, only the area around Fort Canning has been listed as a conservation area. This shows that the regional value and connection of heritage properties in other areas, especially The Padang and its surroundings, as well as the heritage value of the historic urban landscape framework, have not been recognized. 25

6. Conclusion As Singapore's newest National Monument, The Padang, together with its surrounding famous colonial-era buildings, is being nominated as The Padang Civic Ensemble for UNESCO World Heritage Site status. In the heritage value statement, The Padang Civic Ensemble is considered to have the main historical value as a typical example of a civic square during the British colonial period, reflecting the important historical period of British colonial activities globally and is a typical civic space of the British colonial period that has continued through the ages. However, what the heritage value statement and planning have not taken into account is that The Padang was not originally a well-planned civic square and did not have its current layout since its formation gradually developed through the course of history. Moreover, the historical value of reflecting the colonial rule period is not only limited to The Padang and its surrounding buildings. Based on the historical meaning of civic space and spatial political analysis, this study concludes that the historical and evidential value of the civic center in colonial cities is actually more widely present in the historic urban landscape known today as the Civic District, which includes four functions: defensive, administrative, regulatory, and civic. In the development process of colonial cities, the civic center is often first established as a military fortress, and there is a fusion and transformation of functions in its development. This multi-coded space has been utilized by new narratives in the decolonization movement, and the meaning of civic has been inherited. In comparative studies, this pattern and its historical development have been proven to be typical of British colonial activity. The development history of the Civic District is similar to the development history of the city centers of other important port cities in British colonial history, such as Penang and Bombay. This demonstrates that this historic urban landscape has universal historical value. Based on the analysis of history and spatial politics, this study used Conzen's historical-geographical method of urban morphology to analyze the morphological elements of the Civic District in five periods: early colonial period, mid-colonial period, pre-war period, independent period, and contemporary period. Morphological regions and boundaries were identified using this method. With the morphological approach, the historical development and geographic development of the area were visually connected, enhancing the understanding of this historic urban landscape. Additionally, this analytical boundary delineation provides new references for urban planning, revealing the inadequacies in the existing top-down approach to urban planning regarding the understanding of the city's history and the gaps in Singapore's conservation area policy.

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