Pardis october 2016 digital edition

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬

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‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﭽﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺹ ‪۱۴‬‬

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‫ﺷﻌﺮ ‪۳۷‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺹ ‪۴۳‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ‪۳۹‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝ ‪۳۴‬‬

‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻦﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪ ٤‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ٧ -‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻀﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬

‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ »ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬

‫ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ( ﻭ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ )ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ( ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ‪ ۵۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳‬ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ )‪ ۴‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ (۲۰۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺷﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )‪ ۱۲‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ( ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )‪ ۷‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪(۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ« ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪ www.dvlottery.state.gov‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﮑﻼﺱ ﻫﺎﭘﺘﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪۳۲‬‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪۳۲‬‬

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

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‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

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‫ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﮐﺸﻤﮑﺶ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۵‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۱۳۶۰‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻠﭽﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ۵۹۸‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﻞ ﺫﻫﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﻧﺪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﺯﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺗﮏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ )ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ( ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪۲۵۰۰‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ‪ ۱۳۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ »ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﭗ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﮐﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﮊﻧﻮ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺠﺮ ﻋﻀﺪﺍﻧﻠﻮ )ﺭﺟﻮﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺑﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻨﻲﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﭽﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۳۷۰‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪۲۰۰۹‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ »ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﻲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۸۸‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ« ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ :‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۲۷۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪۲۰۱۳‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ‪ ۵۲‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۷۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻏﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۹۲‬ﻭ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﻳﺸﻤﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺧﺮ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ“ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ“ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۳‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۶۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ۹‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۸۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ؟‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﮐﻲ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻤﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ« ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺎ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻮﻧﮑﻮﺭﺩﻳﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫» ﺳﺮ ﮔﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻨﺠﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺃ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺩﻓﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻔﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۷۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﮐﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ »ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪۶۷‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

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‫ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺭﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺠﻨﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫»ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ« ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ »ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ«‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﻳﻞ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۶۷‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﮑﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺣﮑﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪۵‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۱۳۴‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺣﮑﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ(‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ۱۳۴‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۵‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪۸۸‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ؛ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ«‪»،‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ« ﻭ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ »ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻫﺎﺭﺍﻟﺪ ﺍﺩﻟﺴﺘﻢ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۸۸‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﮑﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻳﻪ ﮔﻠﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺍﺳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻨﻢ ﻣﺪﺩﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﮑﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺿﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﮏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻒﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺳﮑﻨﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﻻﻱ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻏﺎﺕ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺣﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺸﮏ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪ ۱۷‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﮑﻨﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﮑﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻤﭗ ﺁﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۷۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻤﭙﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ »ﺗﻨﺶ ﺁﺑﻲ« ﺑﻪ »ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺏ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﮑﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﺭﻉ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻗﻨﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﮐﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﻫﭙﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﮏ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻤﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﻪﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﻔﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻮﻕﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﺁﻻﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮑﻞ »ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ« ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﻉﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ »ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ« ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ »ﺗﺪﺧﻴﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ٬‬ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻣﺼﺮﻑﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ »ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ٬‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻗﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ٬‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ »ﺳﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ )ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ(‪ ۱,۵ ،‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ )‪ ۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ۸,۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ )‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ( ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ۸۰‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﮑﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﭗ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ‪ ۲۸۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺷﮑﻨﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﭗ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۹‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪۹۵‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﻃﻲ ‪ ۷‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎً ﺁﻟﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ‪ ۵۳‬ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﮑﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭗ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺗﻴﺮ ‪ ۹۵‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺪﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ ۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۲۴۰‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ »ﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﮑﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۶۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻠﻲﮐﻮﭘﺘﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻳﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﮑﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻟﻮﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻳﻮ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﮑﻲ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﮑﺖ ﺍﻣﻼﮐﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۱۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ‬

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‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫)ﻓﻮﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﭗ( ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﮏ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻳﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻄﺒﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﮐﺲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۳۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺷﮑﻮﺍﻳﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﻢ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻼﮐﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭﺍﺭﻳﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۸۵۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻠﻴﺴﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻮﺷﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺵ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﺴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﻡ« ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ« ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﺭﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﺭﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺯﺍﻏﺮﻱ ﺭﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ‪ ۳۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻼﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻟﻐﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ »ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺾ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪) ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۹۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ۱۳۸۵‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ‪ ۸۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ »ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫»ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﺭﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ »ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ »ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ« ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﻮﻳﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﮐﻼﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ ۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۳۹۵‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﻪﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺣﺒﺨﺶ ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﮑﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۷‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﺮﺩ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ »ﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﻱ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﺮﺿﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ )‪ ۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﻩﺍﻱ )‪ ۳۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ )‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻁ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۶‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﮐﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﻻﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ« ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ«‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ »ﻣﺮﺍﺑﺤﻪ«« ﺭﺍ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ »ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۹۰‬ﺳﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﺮﺍﺑﺤﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺑﺤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﮐﻮﺭ »ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﻱﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﺮﺩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ‪ ۳۳۰۰‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ۳۰۰‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺃ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ‪ ۶۸۸۰‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

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‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ‪ ۷۵۰۰‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۵۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍﮐﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﮎﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬

‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۴۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﮐﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﮑﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ‪ ۳۷‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﮎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻲ‪ ۷۵۰۰ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﮐﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ(‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺨﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪» ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻠﮑﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻓﺨﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺑﺎﺱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ‪ ۴۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ؛‬

‫ﺯﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ »ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺑﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻲﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ ٣٦‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻲﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ »ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻞ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺖﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻕ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭙﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﮒ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺣﺴﻦﺧﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺸﺮﻭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺴﻦﺧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺷﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٨٠‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻲﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٢٨‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ٣٠‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ٧٦‬ﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ‪ ٧٢ ،‬ﺩﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺷﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺸﺎﺑﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٣٠‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﻲﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻬﻤﻮﺭﺙ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺩﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٦٠٠‬ﻣﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ١٥٠‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ‪ ١٥‬ﻣﺘﺮ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ ﻓﻴﮑﻮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﮐﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﺠﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﮏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﻭﺗﻮ« ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﺍﻳﺰﮔﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ «۴‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﮑﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻴﺴﻼﻭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﮐﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﻥ ﮐﻠﻮﺩ ﻳﻮﻧﮑﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﻠﻮﺍﮐﻲ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﻲ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۲۳‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ‪۲۷‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻭﺗﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺷﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ »ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﺍﭺ‪ «۳۷۰ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺗﺎﻧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮐﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﮑﻦ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲۳۹‬ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻳﻴﻨﮓ ‪ ۷۷۷‬ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻡ‪.‬ﺍﭺ‪ ۳۷۰ .‬ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﻒ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﻴﻨﮓ ‪ ۷۷۷‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻮﺁﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺷﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﮔﺎﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺯﺍﻣﺒﻴﮏ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻧﺰﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪ ۶۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻻﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ«‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﮏﮐﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻭﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﮐﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ]ﻓﺎﺭﺱ[ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۲۷‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪ ۷۱‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺭﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ۱۳۹۴‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﮐﺮﻳﺲ ﻣﻮﺭﻓﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻱ »ﺍﻝﺩﻱﭘﻲﺁﺭ« ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ‪ ۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ ۴۵۰‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻀﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﺭﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻼﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﮐﺎﺱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﺭﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻭﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬

‫ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۶۱,۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫)ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۱۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۳۸,۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ )ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۹۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻟﻴﻮﺭﭘﻮﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺯﺍ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺷﮑﺴﺖﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺠﺎ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۱۰‬‬

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٨‬‬

‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺸﻌﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۵۹‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﺰﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫ﻧﺎﻫﺾ ﺣﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ‪ ۶۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﻪ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺿﺎﺭﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻫﺾ ﺣﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮐﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺤﺚﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺮ »ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻋﺸﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺣﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ »ﺷﺮﺍﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻋﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﴽ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﻳﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺩﻭﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺸﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺸﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﻨﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﻋﺸﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻫﺾ ﺣﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻳﮑﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮐﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﺎﻫﺾ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫»ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ« ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭗ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﭗ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﭗ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۶۴‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﻤﭗ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﭗ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۵۰‬ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﮐﻤﭗ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﮐﻤﭗ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭗ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻨﮕﻞ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۹‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﭗﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮐﻤﭗ ﺣﻨﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ »ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎ« ﻃﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﻨﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭘﻤﭙﺎﮊ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ‪ ۲۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﻠﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﮑﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﮑﺎﻣﺎﺕ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﴼ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﭘﮏ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﭘﮏ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻏﺎﻥ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ ۱۰۵‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۱,۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۶۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺎﮐﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ۶۵۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ‪ ۳,۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬

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‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ‪ ۱‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۲۳۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۹۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۲۷۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻭﭘﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۳۲‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻡ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﮑﻪ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﻀﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ »ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ« ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺰﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺑﻮ ﻣﺮﺯﻭﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ‪ ۶۰ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻧﺘﻴﺴﻲ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﻣﻮﺷﮏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﮐﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻼ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

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‫‪۱۴‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ )ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ( ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ـ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﮐﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ـ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﴼ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻋﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛‪ ٬‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻣﴼ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻢ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﴼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺽ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﴼ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺁﺗﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﭽﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ« ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ »ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﻪ« ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﴼ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؟‬

‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ )ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﺮﻋﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻴﻨﴼ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺐ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻢ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻖﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮒ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺜ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻓﻘﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻮﮐﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ٬‬ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ـ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ )ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ( ﭼﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺸﺮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺳﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ )ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ( ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ )ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺜﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ( ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ« ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ »ﺷﮑﻞ« ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺧﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬

‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﺸﻘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﮒ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺠﻨﺒﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺳﭙﺮ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﴼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﮑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﺘﴼ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ »ﻓﺘﻮﺍ« ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ »ﺷﺮﻉ« ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫»ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﻻﻱ ﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪﻫﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﭽﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ«‬

‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ )‪ (۲۰‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۵‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﺵ ﺯﻳﻨﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﻣﺮﮐﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎ ‪ ۴۴۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﻤﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺲ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﮐﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﻧﺴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺧﻤﻴﺮ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﭘﻼﺳﺘﻴﮏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻑ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ )ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻠﻮﻥ(‪ ،‬ﭼﺴﺐ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﻤﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﻤﺮﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻏﺬﻱﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﮑﻮﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﭼﺮﭼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﮑﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻃﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻦ ﺁﺳﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﻨﺎﺱﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۰‬ﭘﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﮑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻳﮏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﻮﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺳﺎﭼﻮﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﮔﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﻫﻤﭙﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻻﺳﮑﺎ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮐﺎﻻ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻠﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﺘﻴﮑﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۷۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۷۵‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ‪ ۶۱‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۵۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﮑﺲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦﺗﺮ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﻮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﺲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﻼﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺭﺿﺎﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﮐﺴﻴﺘﻮﺳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﮑﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻃﭙﺶ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﮐﺖﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻼ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻫﻮﻳﻲ ﻟﻴﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺗﺴﺘﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﺭﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﻕ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﺏ ﺗﻨﮓﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺗﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺗﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺗﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۳‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎ ﮔﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮔﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﻟﺪﻳﺘﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭﺯﻥ ـ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶۴۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ‪۱۱۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻧﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻁ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﻔﻮﻡ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻠﻮﻝ »ﺑﻲ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﮐﻮﻟﺪﻳﺘﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﻣﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﻮﻟﺪﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪۲۰۱۲‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ‬

‫ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﺪﻳﮑﺎﻝ ﺍﮐﺴﭙﺮﺱ«‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫)ﻧﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺯﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﻩ‪،‬ﺗﺨﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻨﮋﻳﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺰﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﻭﺋﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺘﻴﭙﻞ ﻣﻴﻠﻮﻣﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ »ﻧﻴﻮﺍﻧﮕﻠﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺁﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺴﻴﻦ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﻟﺪﻳﺘﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﺘﮕﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻦ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﭼﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻴﺶﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ‬

‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ۴‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪۱۴۰‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ۳۹۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺨﻲ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﻟﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﻟﺮﺍﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺫﻭﺏ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﻳﺦ ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻣﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﮑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺷﮑﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺫﻭﺏ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺐ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺩﻳﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﻱ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۹۷۹‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۲۰۰۰‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ!‬

‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻫﺎ ﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍ ﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎ ﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﮓﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺪ !‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﺭ ﺳﻴﺪ ﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﺳﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﮎ ﻣﮏﮐﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺽﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺍﺯﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﮎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ! ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ۷‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﮎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺎﮎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﮐﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻟﻮﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻮﻃﻪ »ﻧﺸﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻝ« ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬

‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۵۴۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ« ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ‪ ۸۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۱۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬

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‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒﺍﷲ ﻣﺠﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻫﻪﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺣﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﮏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ« ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲ ﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺭﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﻠﮏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﺪﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐﺍﷲ ﺑﺪﻳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺩﻳﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺠﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺵ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫‪ ۳۷۵‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬

‫‪ ۳۷۵‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻡﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱﺟﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺪﻱﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻭﮐﻴﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻮﻥ ﭼﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻡﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺤﻨﻲ ﮐﻨﺎﻳﻪﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۵‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۳۷۵‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﻭﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﴽ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺑﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻨﮑﻠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺿﻮﺍﺑﻄﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۴‬ﮔﺮﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ »ﺣﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻣﭗ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ »ﻟﻐﻮ« ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ‪ ۱۹۵‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻡﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻴﻮﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺳﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ »ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ«‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﮑﻬﻠﻢ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺰﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﻈﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ« ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺗﻼﻧﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﻮﺷﮑﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻳﻪ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﮐﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ« ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﮑﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺭﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻳﻨﭻ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺐ »ﺳﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺮﮒ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺋﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ »ﺳﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﴼ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ »ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﺰﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ »ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﮐﺴﮑﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺰﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺗﻼﻧﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﻮﺷﮑﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺗﻼﻧﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﻮﺷﮑﻴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۰‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﺪ )ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۳۱۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺷﺎ ﮊﺍﮐﻠﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﮔﺴﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﮐﻨﺸﮕﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﮔﺎﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻼ ﻭﺍﺕ ﮐﻼﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬

‫ﺑﻮﻣﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻮﺋﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺟﻴﻨﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۱,۲‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝﺗﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱,۲‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻮﻝ ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﻩ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺯﻭﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺭﺝﺗﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻏﺬﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ ۱,۲‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪۱,۲‬‬

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‫ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﮐﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳۴۴‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۹‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۴۵,۳‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۹۱‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ »‪ ۱۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۲‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ »ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﮐﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۳‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ۷۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ« ﺯﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۱۸‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﺗﻤﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺑﻬﻴﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺷﺶ ﺻﻔﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻭ ‪ ۲۶‬ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﻮ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬

‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏﭘﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ »ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪» ،‬ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﺛﻮﺭ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺯﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻠﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﮑﻤﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﮔﺎﻡ »ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬

‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ ۶۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ۱۰ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻠﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪/‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﮐﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۵‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺩﺍﻋﺶ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﻧﻴﮑﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ۱۲۰۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۳۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻨﮕﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺟﻮ ﺩﺍﻧﻔﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ »ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻏﻨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﮏ ﮐﺮﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﮑﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮐﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺮ ‪ ۳۴‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۳۳‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪۲۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻤﮑﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺬ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ٩٤‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮐﻲﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺷﺎﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻖﺍﷲ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ‪ ۹۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۹۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ‪ ۵۸‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ »ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۱۹‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻓﺬﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻫﻤﺰﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮐﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۹۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ »ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻂ ﺑﺮﻕ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮ ﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺩﮎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ )ﮐﺸﻮﺭ( ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۲۵‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻏﺰﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۲۱‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺷﺖ ﺍﺭﭼﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻗﻨﺪﻭﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻏﺰﻧﻲ ﺩﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۴‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﺁﻏﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺁﻏﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻏﺰﻧﻲ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮ‪ :‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺁﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ )ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻘﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۳‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻟﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺐ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﺏ ﺁﻫﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻟﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺐ ﮐﺸﻒ ﺁﻫﻮ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ )ﺁﻫﻮ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﮑﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻋﺠﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻫﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۴۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻮ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻫﻮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺁﻫﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﮔﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۷۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﺭﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻮﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﺨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻟﻤﻲ ﻣﺤﺐ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻫﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬

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‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ‪۱۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ«‬

‫»ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ« ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ ABC‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ‪ black-ish‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﻳﭻ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﺮﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚ ﻛﻤﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺪﻭﻳﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﮐﺮﻳﻤﻲ‪» ،‬ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻫﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺁﻳﺪﺍ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﮑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ« ﮐﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪» ،‬ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ ABC‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ـ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‪ ABC‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭ ﺭﻳﭻ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ« ﻭ »ﻭﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻧﮑﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﮑﻼﺕﺳﺎﺯﻱ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ ۸۳‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﺰﺍﻳﻤﺮ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺍﻳﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۷‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﻼﻳﺪ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﮐﺲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺯﻳﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ« ﻭ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﮑﺸﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻳﻠﺪﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۹۱‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺟﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺒﺖﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۹۰‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺣﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻲ‪» ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ« ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﮕﻲ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﻧﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ«‬

‫ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻴﺪﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺸﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۸۳‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻴﺪﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ« ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺸﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺗﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻌﻘﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ۹۴‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺳﻮﮊﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻻﻧﺘﻮﺭﻱ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﮏ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ‪۱۵۰‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﻳﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ »ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﻳﮓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ« ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﻳﮓ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﮓ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺳﭙﮑﺘﺮ« ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﺪﻟﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﻳﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﻳﮓ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮐﺎﺯﻳﻨﻮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻝ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﻝ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﭙﮑﺘﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻴﺮﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻻﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻓﺖ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻻﻭ ﺩﻳﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ‪ ۳۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻓﻮﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ« ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺎ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﭘﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۲۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻨﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﭘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮ ﮐﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻻﻻ ﻟﻨﺪ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺰﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﭼﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﺯﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺋﻮﻻ ﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﺀ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻢ ﻣﻨﺪﺯ«‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﺷﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﭘﻨﻬﺎﻳﻤﺮ )ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ( ﻻﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ )ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ( ﺟﻤﺎ ﺁﺭﺗﺮﺗﻮﻥ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ(‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮ ﺩﻭﮐﺎﺗﺎﻟﺪﻭ )ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻳﻲ( ﻧﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻮﻭﺱ )ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ( ﮐﻴﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﺳﺘﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪) ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ(‪» ،‬ﻟﻮﺭﻧﺰﻭ ﻭﻳﮕﺎﺱ‬ ‫)ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻧﺰﻭﺋﻼﻳﻲ( ﻭ ﮊﺍﺋﻮ ﻭﻱ )ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﮔﺮ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ( ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۰‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺶ‪» ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺎﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۹۸۸‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﮑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ »ﺗﻨﮕﺴﻴﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻧﺪﻩ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﮎ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻫﻴﺠﺪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ »ﺍﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ )ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺡ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ )ﻏﺰﺍﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ( ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ )ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ »ﮐﻮﭼﻪ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﺎﺗﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻲﻧﺼﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﮑﻤﻞ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮊﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ )ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ )ﻫﻮﻣﻦ ﺑﻬﻤﻨﺶ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ »ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ )ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﻴﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ )ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻠﺞ( ﻭ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺗﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ )ﺣﺒﻴﺐﻭﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ »ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﻪ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺘﻲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ« ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﮐﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺸﻨﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﻧﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ »ﻧﺖ ﻓﻠﻴﮑﺲ« ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﻗﺒﻼ ﺩﺭﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۲‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ »ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ« ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻔﺘﺎ )ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ۱۹۸۰‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺪﻩ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﮔﺲ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ( ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺎ )ﺁﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺎﺩﻱ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﭘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﮑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺑﺪﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۴‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۶‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻭﮐﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺁﻓﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺁﻓﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻞﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﮐﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺷﺶ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻴﻮﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﺁﻗﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻲ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ‪ ۵۲‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺖ ﭘﺎﻟﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﺍﻧﻴﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﮊﻩ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ـ ﭘﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﮐﻮﺗﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﻮﺗﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺘﺎﮔﺮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻣﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﺶ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺮﻓﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﮐﻮﺗﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‬

‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺪ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ »ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪﮔﻞ« ﻭ »ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺝ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ »ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ« ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺃ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻴﺮﻩﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻩﻧﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻥﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﺳﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻫﻨﮓ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻠﻴﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ »ﺍﻭﻧﻮﺭ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺐ« ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ‬

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‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮔﺮﻡﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺎﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻱ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺬﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ‪۱۴۰‬‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ‪ ۲۵۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ »ﺟﻢ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲﻭﺍﻥ« ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﴽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻣﻲ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ‪ ۱۲‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﭺﺑﻲﺍﻭ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ‪ ۲۳‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ ۳۸‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۳۷‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻳﮋﺭ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ» ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ« )‪ (Veep‬ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﺍﭺﺑﻲﺍﻭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻔﺲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻔﺮﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺗﺮﺍﻧﺲﭘﺮﻧﺖ« ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ» ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﺕ« ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺗﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﺰﻟﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ‪ Orphan Black‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ »ﺍﭺﺑﻲﺍﻭ«‪ ٬‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ« ﮐﻪ ﺭﮐﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۲‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬

‫ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﭘﻮﻟﻴﮑﻮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪۲۲‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪۲۸۲‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ‪۱۴۳‬ﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﮑﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ … ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﺼﻠﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬

‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻃﺮﺡ‬

‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﮑﻮﺱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻣﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺭﻭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬

‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﮐﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻮﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﻨﺶﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۱‬‬

‫‪۲۳‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۳‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪،۲۰۰۱‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻏﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺷﻤﺰﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻟﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺧﺮﻣﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺬﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﭙﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﭘﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺯﺩﻩ ﮐﻠﻪ ﭘﻮﮎ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﺟﺮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺳﺖ! ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮓﻫﺎﻱ »ﺯﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺁﺷﻐﺎﻟﺪﻭﻧﻲﻫﺎ ﻭﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻳﻌﴼ ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻳﮓ »ﺯﻭﺩ ﭘﺰ«‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮓ »ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﭘﺰ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ!‬

‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﯽﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺻﻔﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﯽ ﭘﻮﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﯽﺗﺮﺑﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ـ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺳﻤﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ »ﺩﻭﻝ«‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﯽ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻟﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺩﻭﻝﺩﺍﺭ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ »ﻓﻼﻧﯽ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ »ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﯽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﻬﻦ« ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺸﮕﻞ«ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ؟‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺣﺪﺱ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﯼﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻼﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺯﮐﺮﻳﺎﯼ ﺭﺍﺯﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻒ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﯼ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺍﯼ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﺍﯼ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﺴﺎﺭﯼ ﺷﻼﻕ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻌﻴﺘﺄ ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﯽﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﻭﻣﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﺲ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺑﻮﺭﻳﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﮑﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻣﯽ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﺯﺍﮐﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﯼ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻏﻞﺑﺎﺯﯼ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳﯽ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺘﻪ ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﺁﻣﭙﻮﻝ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﻣﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻓﺤﺸﺎﺀ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﯼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪ ﻣﯽﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﻋﺎﺭﻑ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﮑﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞﺳﮑﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺴﺪ ﻓﯽﺍﻻﺭﺽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺴﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﯽﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﯽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪...‬‬

‫ﺁﮔﻬﯽ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ «ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ» ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭﯼ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﯽ ﻋﺸﺮﯼ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﺮﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﯼ ﻣﮑﻔﯽ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ »ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﯽﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺽﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﯽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﯽ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﻻﯼ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻳﺖﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﯽﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪...‬‬

‫ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﮏ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭﺝ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ؟» ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﯼ ﺑﺪ ﻋﺮﻕ ﺑﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﯼ ﻧﻤﺍﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻮﯼ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﭼﺮﮐﯽ ﻭ ﮐﺜﻴﻒ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻳﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺳﮏ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﮐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ »ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ« ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﯼ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎﯼ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻣﺎﻍ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺷﻴﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﺵ ﮐﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﺑﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ؟ )ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ(‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﻳﮑﻨﻮﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻒ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻣﺼﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺶ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺿﻠﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﺳﻄﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻟﯽ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺁﮔﻬﯽ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﮐﻴﻠﻪ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺳﻢ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻔﺮﻭﺷﯽ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺥ ﻣﯽﺧﺮﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺑﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻢ »ﺍﺱ ﺍﻡ ﺍﺱ« ﻣﯽﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﮏ ﺑﺨﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﯽ ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﻩ! ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺸﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺵ ﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺨﺮﻡ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺑﺸﯽ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺡ! ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺍ ﺧﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﺡ؟ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﯽﺍﺵ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﯼ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻩ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻨﻢ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﯽ! ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮐﻮﻓﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﺎﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﺨﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮔﺎﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﯽ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻣﻨﻮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﺐ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺗﻠﻒ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﯽﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻄﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﯼﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻡ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺶ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻭﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﮑﺲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﻨﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ! ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﮐﻼ“ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻘﻢ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺻﻴﻐﻪ ﻧﻘﺪﯼ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﯼ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ!‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﻘﺎ ﺯﻧﮓ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺳﻢ‪ :‬ﺧﻔﻦ ﻣﻔﻦ ﭼﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﯼ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﯽ ﻋﺸﻘﺘﻪ! ﮐﺮﺍﮎ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﮐﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻒ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﯽ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻔﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻧﺸﺌﻪﮔﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﺵ ﻓﺮﻗﯽ ﻧﻤﯽﮐﻨﻪ!‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﭼﻠﻮﮐﺒﺎﺑﯽ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻠﻮﮐﺒﺎﺑﯽ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﯽﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﯼ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺒﺎﺏ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺘﻮﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍﯼ »ﮐﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺦ ﮐﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ« ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻏﺬﺍﯼ‬ ‫»ﮐﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ »ﮐﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻴﻤﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬

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‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬

‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﮓﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﯼ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ« ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﮓ ﺑﺎﺯﯼ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳﮓ ﺩﻭﺍﻧﯽ« ﻭ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﮓﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﯽﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺳﮕﯽ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﮕﯽﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﯼ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯽﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻕ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﭼﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺘﻴﺸﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺳﮓﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ‬

‫ﺩﻳﺸﺐ ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﻮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻓﻀﻮﻟﻲ ﮐﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻏﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﮐﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ؟ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖﻫﺎ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺟﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺧﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻣﺎﺭﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻟﻨﮓ ﻣﺮﻍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﮏ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻓﺮﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻍ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻴﮏ ﻋﺮﺵ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ‬

‫ﺩﻡ ﺩﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻬﻮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺳﮑﺴﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﭼﺎﮎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎﯼ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪﯼ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻲ؟ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺍﯼ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﻪ؟ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻧﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻡ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﮐﻠﻪ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﯽﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ! ﺑﺎ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﯽﻭﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﺟﻨﻴﻔﺮ ﻟﻮﭘﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﯼ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﻒ‪ ...‬ﺗﻒ‪ ...‬ﺗﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ!‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺘﺨﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻝ ﻣﯽﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ؟ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺪ ﻣﯽﺩﻳﺪﯼ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻒ ﺗﻒ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﯼ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺶ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺏ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻥ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻔﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﮑﻨﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﯼ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﻧﻘﯽ« ﺍﻭ ﻣﯽﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻟﻮﺱﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﯼ »ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫»ﮐﻴﻬﺎﻥ« ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﯼ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﯽﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﯽ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ ﮐﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻔﻦ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٣٢‬‬

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

۲۴

25

October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

۲۵

‫‪۲۶‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ‪،‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﻧﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻳﺎﻥ«‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﮐﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﮐﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﮐﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﻳﺎﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻲ ﻃﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺠﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﺍﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﺎﻟﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ »ﻭﻳﻠﻬﻠﻢ ﺗﻞ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺷﻴﻠﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻧﺎﺗﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻠﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺰﻭﻟﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻬﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫»ﭘﻨﺞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﺁﻫﻲ »ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺛﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﮔﻨﻴﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻇﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎﺕ ﮐﻨﻔﻮﺳﻴﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺄ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻦ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻟﻔﺒﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺴﺮﺍﻱﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﮑﺎﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻭ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺟﻠﺪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻟﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲﺑﺎﻑ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻩﮔﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻠﺒﺸﻮﻱ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻀﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪!!..‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﮐﻼﺳﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺬﻫﻴﺐ ﮐﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺱ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭼﺎﭖ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۸‬ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﺭﻳﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ »ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺏ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻓﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ« ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﺠﮑﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺪﻭﮐﺎﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﮐﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺄ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۷‬ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫**‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ )ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ( ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﻴﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺗﻘﻲﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻷ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﺮﻓﺄ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮎﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻳﻴﺲ« ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ »ﮐﻠﻴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﻮﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻳﺎﺭﺷﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ »ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۹۷۵‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ۵۷‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻠﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ !!!«.‬ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ‪-‬‬‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﮕﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬

‫‪۲۷‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺍﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ؛ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪:‬‬

‫ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ )‪(Codependency‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ »ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ«‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ »ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﺋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﺋﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ؛ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ »ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﮎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﮎ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ( ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺸﮏ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺸﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﺵ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻲﺭﺣﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻡ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﺮﻡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻴﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﴼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﻟﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩ؛ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﮏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮑﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻗﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮑﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ( ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻗﻪ ﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺸﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﮐﻤﮑﺶ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ‬

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‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﮏ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ! ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮑﺶ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻋﺸﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ »ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﻭﺭﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻧﻤﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺻﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ! ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮓ ﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻻﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﺶ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﮕﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﺷﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﻼ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﮑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪۲۸‬‬

‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺟﻲﻣﻴﻞ‬

‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺒﮏﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ )‪ (Load‬ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺽ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ ۱۵‬ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻠﻴﮏ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﮑﻠﮏ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺥ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ»‪ «Settings‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺐ » ‪« General‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ »‪ «Maximum page size‬ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻳﺎ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪Save Change‬ﺭﺍ ﮐﻠﻴﮏ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﮐﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﺟﻲﻣﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻳﻊﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﻫﻮ‪ :‬ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﮑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪ ۲۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺗﻠﻪﮐﺎﻡ ﻭﺭﺍﻳﺰﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ‪ ۴,۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺍﻟﻮ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺁﻟﻔﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﮏ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﭖ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻮ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ« ﮐﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﺍﭖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﺑﻼﮒ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ« ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺩﮐﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻤﺲ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺖ ﻓﻮﻻﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﮏ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ »ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﻣﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﺍﭖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻨﻮﺩﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ »ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻣﺰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﮑﺎﻟﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻱﺍﻭﺍﺱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﺍﭖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ ﺍﭖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮﮎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺁﻱﺍﻭﺍﺱ‪۱۰‬‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺍﺗﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﭖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻳﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﭼﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﻳﭗ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﮏ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ؛ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺫﻫﻦ‬

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‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻭ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﮔﺸﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﮑﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺷﺖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﻲﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﺎﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﮏ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺍﭘﺘﻮﮊﻧﺘﻴﮑﺲ« )ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮑﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﻮﺵﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ( ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻮﺵﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﻮﺭﺍﺧﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺠﻤﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﺎﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺭﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ؟‬

‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻔﺶ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮐﭙﺴﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻧﻘﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﺎﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺘﺎﺏ »ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﮑﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻐﺰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﮐﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻡﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺎﻧﺎ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻧﺎ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﮑﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ »ﺍﻳﺎﻧﺎ« ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ TLD‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻧﺎ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۳۰‬‬

‫‪۲۹‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬

‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ ‪ -‬ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮐﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﮑﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮐﺪﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ! ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪﺵﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﮐﺲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ« ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۶۷‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﺲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ!‬

‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

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‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺨﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺑﻴﻀﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺒﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ« ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﮑﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺆﺍﺧﺬﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺭﺯﻡ ﺁﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﭙﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﻞ ﻃﻬﻤﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﮐﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮐﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺯﺩﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪!.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﻬﻴﻦﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫» ﮔﻔﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﮑﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻟﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﮑﺴﻮ ﻧﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﺮﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ‪ :‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻨﺎ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ )ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ( ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻻﻗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﺑﺎﻟﻲ ﻻﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻪ )ﺑﺎﺑﻲ( ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﮑﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮓﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﭘﻮﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﮐﺮﺑﻼ ﻭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺳﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﻠﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ »ﺯﻧﺎ ﺑﮑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﻱ ﺑﮑﻦ‪،‬‬

‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﮑﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﻮ‪(۱) «.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺯﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﺸﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺠﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐﺗﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪(۲) «...‬‬

‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﮐﺲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺎﻣﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﺭﺯﻡ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﮋﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮐﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﮐﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۴۰۰‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﮐﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﺷﺖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺸﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮐﺰ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﮐﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ » ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫‪ ۴۰۰‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ » ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ » ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﮑﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺭﮐﺲ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ »ﺯﻧﺎ ﺑﮑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﮑﺶ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﻮ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺐ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﺷﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻠﻮﮎ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ » ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ » ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﮏ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ« ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻡ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﻮﻣﻦﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮐﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‪ » :‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺷﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺩﺍ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ« ﺷﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺮ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻤﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺸﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻟﻮﺣﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ » ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ » ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ‬

‫ﭘﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺐﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﮔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﻌﻞ ﻟﺒﻲ ﺻﺪ ﻏﻨﭽﻪ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺎﻍ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻲ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻲ ﮐﺲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﮔﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺸﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺟﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬

‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۷‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‬ ‫******‬ ‫‪ .۱‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﮐﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .۲‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻞ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﻬﻴﻦ ﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪.۱۴‬‬

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‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ‪،‬‬

‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺑﺲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﺰﺩﻱ‬

‫‪۳۰‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﻤﻞﺑﺎﻑ‬

‫ﺑﺨﺶ ‪٨‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ« ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺣﺴﻮﺩﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻲ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻔﺖ ﮐﻔﺶ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺗﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺸﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﮐﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻢ ﻋﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺱﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻔﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ! ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﻳﺎ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ! ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺗﻴﺰﻫﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺗﻠﻤﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻣﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻧﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻐﺾ ﮔﻠﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺯﺍﺭ ﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺑﻲ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﺋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺵ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺵ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺵ ﺍﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻱ ﮐﺎﺵﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺵ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﻮ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﮔﻞ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﮑﻨﻢ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻏﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﻢ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺐ ﺳﻴﻪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻏﻤﮕﻴﻨﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﮏ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺍﺷﮏﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻫﻖ ﻫﻖ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺏ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺎﻳﻮﺱ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻃﻔﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺎ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻠﻮﻱ ﺑﻐﺾ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺴﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻳﮑﺴﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﭘﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮑﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ! ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺒﺶ ﺯﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٢٨‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺗﮑﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ‪ DNS‬ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪» ۱۹۹۸‬ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻞﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۲‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۹‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ »ﺁﻳﮑﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻄﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪ ﮐﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﮑﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﮏ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻠﻲ« ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﺩﺍﺭ؛ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ »ﺍﺳﻨﭗﭼﺖ«‬

‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻨﭗﭼﺖ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﮎ‬ ‫)ﮔﺠﺖ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻳﮏ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ ۱۳۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﮏﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺿﺒﻂ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﭗﭼﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﮑﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻳﺪﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﭗﭼﺖ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻨﭗ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ« )‪ (Snap Inc‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻨﭗﭼﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺵ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ‪ ۲۶‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﭗ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻱﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﭗﭼﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۳۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ‪ ۱۱۵‬ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺵ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﻲ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻨﭗ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﭗ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻨﭗ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﮏ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ )ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﮔﻠﺲ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺶ ﻧﮑﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖﭘﻼﺱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮐﻢﻧﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﭘﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻟﻨﺰ ﻭﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻟﻨﺰﻱ ‪ ۵۶‬ﻣﻴﻠﻲﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻮ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻥﻗﻴﻤﺖ ‪ SLR‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ‪ ۳۲‬ﮔﻴﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲۸‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۵۶‬ﮔﻴﮕﺎﺑﺎﻳﺘﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﭙﻴﮑﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﭙﻴﮑﺮ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﭙﻴﮑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﻮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﺍﺱ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺭﮊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﮏ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻃﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۷‬ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﭘﻼﺱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ‪ ۶‬ﻭ ‪ ۶‬ﺍﺱ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ ﺟﮏ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥ؛ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺳﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺟﮏ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﮏ ﻓﻠﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻠﻮﺗﻮﺙ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻮﺭﺕ »ﻻﻳﺘﻨﻴﻨﮓ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻢﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺟﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺮﺩ« ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﮏ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﺩﺍﭘﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻞ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺳﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬ ‫‪ ۱۵۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﮊ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ ۱۵‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺧﺎﮎ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻳﺶ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺿﺪﺁﺏ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﻤﭙﺎﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺷﻨﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺏﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬

‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﭘﺘﻴﮑﺎﻝ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻱﻓﻮﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‬

‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﺣﺎﻓﻈﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻡﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫)‪ (Chrome OS‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﮏ ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﻮﮐﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻲ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﻭﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﻠﺘﻔﺮﻡﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۸‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻭﻳﻨﺪﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﮏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻴﻨﻮﮐﺲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻠﻴﮑﻴﺸﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻼ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻓﻼﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺗﻴﻔﻴﮑﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﮔﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ »ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻳﺲ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ« ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻟﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻔﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﮊﺍﭘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۵۰‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﭘﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪٢٢‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﮐﺜﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻟﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻢ ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۶‬ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏﮔﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ LG‬ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ‪ LG‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﮔﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ‪ LG‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۴‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺋﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻱ ‪ LG‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ LG‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﮑﺰﻳﮏ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﻭﺏ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻗﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ‪LG‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻳﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﺎﺭﺗﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺁﻭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ Oppo‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﺋﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﺍﻓﻴﮏ ﻭﺏ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﺴﺎﻧﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ‪ LG‬ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻮﺁﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺋﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ‪ Oppo‬ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﻨﻪﺩﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻝ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﮐﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‬

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‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫»ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ۵۴۸‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۳۳‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺨﻲ ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻢ ﻏﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﺳﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻝﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‪» :‬ﻗﺼﻪ ﺷﻤﻊ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۴۵‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ‪ ۱۳۴۶‬ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﭘﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮊﺍﻟﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ« ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﮐﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻟﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻢ« ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪،۱۳۴۰‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﻐﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ »ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺭﻣﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺑﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﮑﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﺴﮑﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻝﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺶ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﮐﺘﺐ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ ۱۳۶۸‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۴۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﮑﺘﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ‬

‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‪ :‬ﺩﺷﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ‪۴۶ ،۱۳۳۳ :‬ـ‪.۱۳۴۵‬‬

‫ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ »ﭘﺎﭖ« ﻭ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺘﻤﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۲۱‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ ﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﻟﮑﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺭﺛﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻦﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﻣﻬﺴﺘﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﮐﻮﭼﮏﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﺮﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺟﺎﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ‪ /‬ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﻮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻘﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﻮ ﭼﻮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﮔﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺯﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﻳﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﻧﺎﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻡ ﻧﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﺭﻭﻡ ﺯ ﺑﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﺑﺮﻡ ﻧﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮐﺲ ﺯ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﻏﻢ ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻤﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻮ ﺟﻠﻮﻩﮔﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪۲۳‬‬

‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻔﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻮﺽ ﮐﺮﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﯼ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺑﻄﺮﯼ ﺁﺑﺠﻮﯼ ﺗﮕﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻱ‪....‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﮐﺮﺩﯼ؛ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﯼ؛ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺷﮑﻴﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻫﻨﮓ »ﻭﺍﮐﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﺎ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻗﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺸﮑﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺪﯼ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﺼﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﯼ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﺷﮑﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﻫﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻤﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ۲۲۱۶‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﮐﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﭺ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺒﺪﺭﺑﻪ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺛﻲﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،۲۰۱۴‬ﺻﻨﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻳﻤﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺨﻦﭘﺮﺍﮐﻨﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﮑﻼﺱ ﻫﺎﭘﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﺪﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﺟﺎﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺴﻮﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺕ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﮏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﺘﺮﺷﮑﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺩﯼ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺳﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ ﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﯼ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺁﻧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﯽ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﯼ!‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻩ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪!...‬‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﮔﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻼﻩ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻦ ﮐﻠﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺮﺳﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺖﻫﺎﯼ ﭘﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻭ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﮔﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬

‫‪۳۳‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

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‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ( ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻲ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺭﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﮐﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٠,٩‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺸﻴﺶ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ١,١ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻗﺮﺹ ﺍﮐﺴﺘﺎﺳﻲ‪ ١,٩ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﮎ‪٠,٢ ،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻫﺮﻭﺋﻴﻦ ﻭ ‪ ٠,٤‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،١٣٩٤‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ١٣٠» ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ـ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ »ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ٣٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺎ‪ ١٣٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﮐﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ )ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ( ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٨٧‬ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ »‪ ٣٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ« ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،١٣٩٢‬ﻃﺎﻫﺎ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ »ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،٩٢‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٧٥‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ،١٣٩٤‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﺿﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ ١٣‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ‪ ١٣٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،١٣٩٤‬ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺻﺮﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﮐﻞ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻳﮏﺑﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻨﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ـ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻤﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻞ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ« ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪» ،١٣٨٨‬ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻭﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺧﺒﺮﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﮑﻢ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺻﻔﺎﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﺁﻧﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬

‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﺍﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٨٦‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺎﮎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻭﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ »ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﻣﺤﺾ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻫﺮﻭﺋﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﻮﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮐﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮐﻼﺱ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻱ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﺣﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﺗ ِﻪ ﮐﻼﺱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻮﻥ )ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ‪ ١٤‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﮎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺸﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ‪ ١٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ِﺮﻡ ﺣﺸﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ‪ ١٥‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺸﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔَ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﺭﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭼﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻮﻥ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ »ﮔﻞ« ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺳﺎﻗﻲﺍﺵ«‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﭘﺰﺷﮏ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻲﺍﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺣﺸﻴﺶ ﻣﺦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﮐﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻱﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻱ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ‪١٦‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺗﻴﻨﺎ )ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻧﮏ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺼﺮﻑﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮐﻢﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻤﺶ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻐﻠﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﺎﺵ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺭﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺸﻤﺖ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻱ ﻣﻐﺰﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻴﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﮔﻮﻝﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ «.‬ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﭘﺴﺮ ﺗﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ »ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺠﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻻﻏﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﮐﻢﻏﺬﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭼﺎﻕ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺩﻧﺪﻭﻥﭘﺰﺷﮑﻢ ﺑﻬﺶ ﮔﻔﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﺷﺒﺎﺣﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ »ﻣﻌﺘﺎﺩ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺤﺚ ـ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ« ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ـ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ـ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﮑﺘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫‪۳۴‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ )ﺑﺮﻩ(‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺠﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ )ﮔﺎﻭ(‬

‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺫﻫﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﮑﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ(‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺩﻡ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺁﻥ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻴﺮ )ﺧﺮﭼﻨﮓ(‬

‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺳﺎﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﻠﻮﻍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﮏ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ )ﺷﻴﺮ(‬

‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮑﺎﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﺧﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺛﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ )ﺧﻮﺷﻪ(‬

‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮ )ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ(‬

‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﻴﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ )ﮐﮋﺩﻡ(‬

‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺵ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﺗﺎﻥ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻏﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﮑﺮﺩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺫﺭ )ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺪ ﺍﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

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‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻱ )ﺑﺰ(‬

‫ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺳﻨﺎﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﻤﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﺍ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ )ﺩﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﮐﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ )ﻣﺎﻫﻲ(‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺫﻳﺖﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻳﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻱﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﺷﺎﺩﻣﻬﺮ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻨﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺞ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﮔﻠﻮﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﺗﻴﻨﻤﻨﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ (۴۰۴) ۴۸۸-۵۹۵۲‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬

‫ﻳﮑﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ٢‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ )‪ ١٢‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﺗﺎ ‪٧‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ(‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ٦‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺰﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻢﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ )‪٦:٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ(‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ٨‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻲﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ )‪٧:٣٠‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ(‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ١٤‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺷﺐ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ )‪ ٧:٣٠‬ﺷﺐ(‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ٢٢‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺷﺐ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺺ ﻭﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺯﺭﺧﻴﺰ ﻭﻃﻦ )‪ ٧:٣٠‬ﺷﺐ(‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ٢٨‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ )ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﮑﺎ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ )‪ ٧:٣٠‬ﺷﺐ(‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ ١٠‬ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ‪ ٣‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫‪3146 Reps Miller Rd. Norcross, GA 30071‬‬

‫‪(۴۰۴) ۳۰۳-۳۰۳۰‬‬ ‫‪www.kanoon.info‬‬

‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﮐﻤﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﻣﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺩﻟﺠﻮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﮐﻴﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ‪ ۸‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻠﻮﺩﻱ ﺷﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ‪ melodyshekari.com‬ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪۰‬‬

‫ﺷﺐ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮ ﺩﺍﻻﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۲۲‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺷﺐ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺷﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺮﺡ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻳﮑﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﭘﺮﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ ۱۱‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻤﭙﺎ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۲‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺎﺭﮔﺎﺩ« ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ »ﺗﻴﮑﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺮ« ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﭙﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ‪ (۸۱۸) ۸۳۳-۵۴۰۸‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﺴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ‪(۳۰۵) ۵۹۶- ۱۱۱۱‬‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﺗﻴﺎﺗﺮ‬

‫‪ ٢١‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﻞ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻧﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﻠﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫»ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ؟«‬ ‫‪ ٢٢‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﺖ‬

‫‪ ٢٧‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ »ﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻦ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻴﭗ ﻫﺎﭖ‬ ‫‪ ٩‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ٢٤‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻨﺪﻕﺷﮑﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ‪(800) 745-3000‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ ‪www.‬‬ ‫‪ ticketmaster.com‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﺲ ﺍﺭﻳﻨﺎ‬

‫‪ ۵‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۹‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺦ‬ ‫‪ ۱۵‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﻣﺮ‬ ‫‪ ۲۸‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﺩﻝ‬

‫ﻣﻮﺯﻩ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ‬

‫»ﺗﺐ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﻠﺪ ﻻﮐﺖ« ﺍﺯ ‪۹‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۸‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪.۲۰۱۷‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ :‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫‪ ««۱۹۵۰-۱۹۱۵‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭗ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱‬ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‪" :‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩ"‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﻩ _ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﻟﺤﻈﻪ _ ﺳﺮﺥﺭﻧﮓ _ ﮐﺎﻓﺮ _ ﺣﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﺣﺴﺪ _ ﻣﺤﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻭ _‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻱ ﺳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۵‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ _ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ _‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۶‬ﺁﺗﺶ _ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ _ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﮐﻔﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۷‬ﻻﻏﺮ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ _ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺽ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۸‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ _ ﺗﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﺯ« _ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬ ‫_ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۹‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ _ ﺧﺎﺭﭘﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺏ _ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ _ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﻲ _ ﻭﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ _ ﺍﺫﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ۱۲‬ﮐﻮﻩ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ! _ ﺳﻴﻼﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ _ ﮔﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۳‬ﻣﺨﺘﺮﻉ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ _ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ _ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ _ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭼﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۴‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ _ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۵‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ »ﺷﺎﺩﮐﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻩ ﻗﺮﻩﺳﻮ« ﻭ »ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻮﺧﺎﻧﻢ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۶۳۶۴‬ـ ‪(۷۷۰) ۳۶۹‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬

‫ﻳﮏ ﺯﻭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﮐﺴﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ‪ ۶۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۷۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﮎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﮑﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻭﺝ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۶۳۳۷‬ـ ‪(۸۶۵) ۳۳۵‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‪Suwanee‬‬

‫ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﻻﻧﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺸﮏﮐﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻭﺩﻱ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ۸۰۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫‪ (Utilities‬ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ۱۹۱۶‬ـ ‪ (۴۰۴) ۹۲۵‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﮔﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ‬

‫»ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ )‪ (20‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬

‫‪ ۲‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﻥ _ ﻳﺖ _ ﻣﻲ _ ﺭﮎ _ ﺳﻲ _ ﺣﻆ _ ﻳﺮ _ ﻗﻮ‬ ‫_ ﺩﺕ _ ﻳﺎ _ ﺩﺍ _ ﺁﺏ _ ﻳﻦ _ ﻧﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۳‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺎ _ ﺭﺍﻭ _ ﻓﺮﻱ _ »ﺗﺎﺭ« _ ﻭﺍﻥ _ ﺁﺳﺎ _ ﺷﺴﺖ‬ ‫_ ﺗﺮﺏ _ ﮐﻮﺩ _ ﺩﺭﺍ _ ﺭﺍﺱ _ ﺍﺳﻲ _ ﻫﻤﺎ _ ﮐﺮﺍ‬ ‫_ ﻧﻮﻝ _ ﮐﻴﺶ _ »ﻧﺎﻑ« _ ﻳﺮﺕ _ ﺗﺮﺍ _ ﺑﻮﻕ _‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺱ _ ﺁﻭﺍ _ ﻭﺗﻮ _ ﺩﻫﺎ _ ﺁﻧﻲ _ ﻧﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۴‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻲ _ ﻭﺍﻫﻲ _ ﻳﺴﻨﺎ _ﻫﻴﻮﻥ _ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ _ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫_ ﻻﻭﮎ _ ﮔﻴﺮﺍ _ ﺳﻮﺯﻥ _ ﻳﺴﺎﻝ _ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ _‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۵‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ _ ﺍﻳﻬﺎﻡ _ ﻣﺎﻟﻤﻮ _ ﺍﺭﻣﻴﺎ _ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﻡ _‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۶‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻮﻝ _ ﻣﺎﻻﻳﺎ _ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻲ _ ﺳﻤﺎﻭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۷‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩﺳﻴﻤﺎ _ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ _ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺯﺍﺩ _ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺩ _‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻭﻳﺎﻥ _ ﻟﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ۸‬ﺣﺮﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻝ _ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﻝ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ۱‬ﺭﻳﺰ ﻧﻤﺮﺍﺕ _ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۲‬ﻋﻼﻣﺖ _ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻨﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻟﻖ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﮑﺘﺮﺍ«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۳‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺯﻏﺎﻝ ﺳﻨﮓ _ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ _ ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ _ ﮔﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۴‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻭ _ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ _ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﻤﺎﻧﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۵‬ﺷﻌﺮ _ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻮﻳﺮﻱ _ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۶‬ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ _ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ _ ﺑﻮﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۷‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ _ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۸‬ﻭﺣﺸﻲ _ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺟﺮﺱ _ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ _ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۹‬ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ _ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭﺗﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۰‬ﭘﺨﺶﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ _ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ _ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۱‬ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻥ _ ﺗﻮﺳﺮﻱﺧﻮﺭ ﭼﮑﺶ _ ﺷﻴﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۲‬ﺳﺮﻧﺪ _ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺷﻴﺞ _ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۳‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ _ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ _ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ _ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۴‬ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩ _ ﮐﻮﭺﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ – ۱۵‬ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ _ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺷﻴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﺸﻨﺪ‪..‬‬

‫‪۳۶‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫‪36‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺩﮎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻧﺠﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺷﻮﺧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺺﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﺍﺵ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﻮﺭﺵ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻼﺷﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺨﺮﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﮏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻧﮑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻓﺨﺮﺁﻭﺭ(‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺟﻼﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‪ :‬ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﻢ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﭼﻢﺍﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪K@Kourosh123.com‬‬

‫ﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﻤﮏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻫﮑﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ« ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻫﮑﺮﺩﻱ( ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻕ ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻭﻓﭽﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻫﮑﺮﺩﻱ(‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﭼﺎﭖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺮﺩﻩ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻫﮑﺮﺩﻱ( ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﮏ ﻧﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺟﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﭘﺮﺩﻳﺲ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ!‬

‫ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻗﺎﺩﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮑﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺰﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻮﻫﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺡ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻸ ﻗﻴﺎﻓﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﭗ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ( ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﮐﻠﻤﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﻠﻖ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺤﮑﻢ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﭙﻴﻮﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻘﻄﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﮐﻼﺱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺑﻌﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ )ﻗﺮﺑﻮﻧﺸﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﻡ( ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﮐﻢﻟﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﭘﺮﭼﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﻓﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻼﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﻼﻱ ﻭﻃﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺿﺮﺭﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۳۷‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﻳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﭼﻤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺼﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺋﻴﺰ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﮔﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻠﻤﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺯﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺧﺸﮑﻲ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻧﺴﭙﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻮ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﺐ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺷﻨﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻨﺠﺮ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺸﻤﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‬

‫ﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻥ! ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻤﻦ‬

‫ﺩﻟﻲ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺼﺮ ﺍﻣﻴﻦﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺯﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺩ ﭘﻴﭽﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻏﻢ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﻐﺎﻡ ﮔﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﻡ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻲ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺁﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﺷﺐ ﺭﻭ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻮﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﭙﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﭙﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮔﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﮐﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻴﭻ‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ‬

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‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﻓﺮﺧﺰﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻝ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮒﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﺎﻳﮏ ﺯﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻡ ﭘﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﻢ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻩ ‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ,‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭﺭﻧﮓ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺩﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻐﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﭘﺮ ﺷﮑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺮ ﻏﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﻘﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺰﻟﮕﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭﺑﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺵ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬

‫ﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻒ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﻦ«‬

‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﻨﺎﮐﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﮑﻮﺕ ﭘﺎﮎ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﮐﺶ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺷﻮﻻﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻧﻲﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺲ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺯﺭﺗﺎﺭ ﭘﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﺯﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻧﺴﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﺧﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻍ ﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬

‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻫﺮﻣﻴﻦ« ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻞﻫﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ« ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﮐﻒ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻠﻮﺭﻳﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻪ ﺯﺩ‪» .‬ﻫﺮﻣﻴﻦ« ﭼﻨﮕﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﮑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺷﻤﻌﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻮ ﺯﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ« ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﮐﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺐ ﺗﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﺭﻗﺼﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺒﺐ ﮔﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﻍ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺦ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻣﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺎﻏﺬ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻠﻪﻱ ﺳﺮﮐﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮐﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﻼ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺩ ﭼﻮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﭘﻠﻨﮓ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻝﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺷﮏ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍ ِﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻏﺰﻝ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻏﺰﻝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﺘﺎﺧﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ »ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ« ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻡ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﺍﺳﺪﻱﭘﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪١٣٧٧‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺮﻡ ﮐﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﮑﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫***‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﮐﻦ ﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﮐﮑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻱ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮ!‬ ‫ﮔﻨﺪﻣﮑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﻠﺨﺎﺑﻪﺟﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎ! ﺷﺒﻨﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻥ! ﺻﺒﺤﺪﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭼﻤﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻨﻢ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ!‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻧﮓ ﺟﺮﺱ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺁﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺗﮕﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﮓ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﺶ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﮊﻩﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻩ…‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﺳﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻧﮓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭ ﮐﺎﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺩﮔﺮﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ!‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻫﻨﻢ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﻥ! ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻤﻦ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺸﺐ ﻫﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﺶ ﺁﻫﻲ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺶ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﺸﺒﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺸﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ـ ﺳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ؟‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻝ ﻏﻤﻨﺎﮎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻲ ﺗﺎﺑﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻲ ﺷﻌﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ–‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﺧﻢ ﺗﺒﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ـ ﺁﺷﻔﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﭘﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ـ ﺳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﮏ ﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﺳﺮﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺩﻟﻢ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻱ ﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮﮐﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ ـ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ـ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻧﺠﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺪﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺩﺍﺑﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ِ ﻏﺰﻝ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ؟‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﮐﻦ ﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﺐ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻘﻒ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺗﺮﮎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﺒﻴﺰ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﻡ ﺩﻝ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺷﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮏ ﻏﺼﻪ‬

‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺳﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﺸﻲ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻫﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﺧﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺍ ﻓﺮﻫﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻢ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎ« ﻭ »ﻭﻟﻲ« ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ »ﺷﺎﻳﺪ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﺮ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﮓ ﺑﺴﻲ »ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻲ« ﺭﻫﮕﺬﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺝ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻃﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺷﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﮑﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺴﻲ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺂﺧﺮ ﺭﻩ ﺳﺒﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺯ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻞ ﺭﺥ ﮔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻢ‪...‬‬

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

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‫ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ٬‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﻴﺎﺩ )ﺩﻭ ﮔﻞ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ ۱۷‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ‪ ۲۴‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﺀﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﺮﺩ‬

‫ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﮔﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻞﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺫﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻫﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲﺍﻡ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺁﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻋﺎﻣﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺩﺭﻓﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﺏﺁﻫﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺣﺬﻓﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺤﻴﻲ ﮔﻞﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۱‬ﻭ ‪ ،۲۰۱۵‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ‪ ۱۳۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ ﺑﻴﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﮕﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۱۰‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ۲۰۷‬ﺗﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۱۲۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﮏ ﻋﻴﺴﺎﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۹۰‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺮﺑﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﮑﻮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻪ ‪ ۵‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‬

‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ ‪ ۷۶‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻴﮏ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۷۵‬ﺭﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۶۹‬ﺭﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺘﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۶۲‬ﺭﺃﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﺎﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ۶۰‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭ ﻫﺎﻣﺎﮐﻮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‪ ۵۹‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺶ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ ۱۱ ،‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﮐﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫‪ ۹۸‬ﺭﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ‪ ۷۶‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﮐﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۱۰‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻭﺷﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻬﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻭﺷﻮﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻟﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺷﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺎﮐﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮑﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺳﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۶۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭙﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬

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‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺯﻣﻲﮐﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻱ ﮊﻭﻱ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ‪ ۵۶‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﮊﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻭﺷﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻴﻼ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺗﮑﻨﻴﮑﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻱ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ‪۶۰‬‬ ‫ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻭﻭﺷﻮﮐﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮐﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﻼﻧﮑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﮐﺎﺋﻮ ﻭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ‪ ۸۵‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺳﻴﻨﮑﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﻳﺰﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۸۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﻨﺠﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﮎ ﺍﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪ ۷۰‬ﮐﻴﻠﻮﮔﺮﻡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻠﻲ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮐﺴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺟﺎﻗﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﻭﺷﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﺎﻟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﮊﻧﮓ ﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻗﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻟﻮﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻮ ﺷﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻧﻲﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﺎﻟﻮ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻡ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ۹۰‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ۹۰‬ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻡ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬

‫‪۴۰‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ۹۰‬ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺑﺎﻁ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭﺍﻡ ﺻﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﻣﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﮐﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ،۹۰‬ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ‪ ۱۰‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ( ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۸۸‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺳﺌﻮﻝ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ‪) ۲۰۱۲‬ﺭﺩﻩ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻫﻢ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮐﻴﻔﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۱۲) ۲۰۰۰‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ( ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫)‪ ۲۴‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‪ ٬‬ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻮ ‪۲۰۱۶‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻤﺮﺩﻱ )‪ ۲‬ﻃﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻳﻦ )ﻭﺯﻧﻪﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﻟﻮﻧﺪﻱ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻼﻣﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ )ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ )ﻭﺯﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ(‪ ٬‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ )ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ‪ :‬ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﮐﺒﺎﺯ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌﻪﻧﺎﺻﺮﻱ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﺴﮏ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ )ﻣﻴﮑﺲ ﺭﻳﮑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ( ﻭ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺣﻴﺪﺭﻱ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﮏ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ(‪،‬ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺮﻱ )ﺩﻭﻱ ‪ ۱۵۰۰‬ﻣﺘﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻧﺠﺒﺮ )ﺗﻴﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ )ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﮐﺎﺋﻴﺪﻱ )ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰﻩ( ﻭ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﮑﻴﺐ‬ ‫)ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﮐﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﮐﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ »ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﮐﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۲۰‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ۴۸ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺭﮐﺎﺏ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﮐﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻧﺤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺒﻮﻻﻧﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻤﺪ ﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﮔﻠﺒﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻨﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﻳﻮ ‪ ۲۰۱۶‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺯﮔﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﻼﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ‪ ۲۴‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ )‪ ۸‬ﻃﻼ‪۹ ،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﻭ ‪ ۷‬ﺑﺮﻧﺰ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺭﺩﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻝﻫﺎ )‪۸‬‬

‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۶‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ« ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۶‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻞ ﻣﺴﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺳﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﺭﮊﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ۴ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺋﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮑﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﭖ‬ ‫ﻃﻼ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۷‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﮐﺎﮐﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻦ ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۵‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﭖ ﻃﻼﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ« ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ »ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ »ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ »ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻱ« ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻱ »ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉﺍﻟﺨﺮﻭﺟﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮑﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻮﺷﺎ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﻭﺍﺯﻩﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﭙﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻱﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺶ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺷﺎ ﻣﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﮔﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎ ﻻﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻴﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﮐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺴﮑﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﻤﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﮐﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻻﻳﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴـﻮﻥ ﺍﺧـﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮑﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﺮﮐﺎﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۰‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۹۷‬ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﻻﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪ ﭘﺎﺯﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻋﺸﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﻓﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺣـﺴﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﮏ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۵‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻃﻼ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﺮﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺗﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۰‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮑﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻳﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۷‬ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺗﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﻳﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﮐﺸﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ـ ﮐﻠﻴﭽﮑﻮ‬

‫ﺗﺎﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﮐﻠﻴﭽﮑﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﮐﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺎﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﺰﺷﮑﻲ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۹‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﭽﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺪﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺯﮎ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪۲۹‬‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺬﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﺴﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﭘﺮﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻠﻴﭽﮑﻮ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻨﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﭼﺎﻕ«‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮐﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﮔﺴﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﭘﻴﻨﮓ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﺩﻳﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ »ﺑﻲﺑﻲﺳﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮐﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ـ ﮐﻠﻴﭽﮑﻮ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ‬

‫‪۴۱‬‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻠﻴﭽﮑﻮ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺷﮏ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻮﺭﻱ ‪ ۲۸‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﮐﺲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ »ﺩﺑﻴﻠﻮ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻭ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻱ« ﻭ »ﺁﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۵‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﮐﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ »ﺁﻱ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻑ« ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﺷﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﮐﺴﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ـ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬

‫‪ ۵۶‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺬﮐﺮﻱ ﮐﺘﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ‪ ۵۵‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺬﮐﺮ ﮐﺘﺒﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ »ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﮔﻮﺩﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ »ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺮﻋﻪﮐﺸﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺷﻨﺒﻪ ‪ ۱۹‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ‪ ۲۰‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۱‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﮐﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ۲‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ‪» ،‬ﻓﻴﻔﺎ« ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﮑﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎ« ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ« ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ »ﻓﻴﻔﺎ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۱۵‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻔﺎ« ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲﭘﻮﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺣﺘﻤﴼ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪ ۱۰۰‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﮐﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۹‬ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۶‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺳﻮﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻳﮏ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ »ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍﻳﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻻ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺟﻴﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﮐﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﻩ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﮐﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﮐﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺮﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﺎ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺟﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﮐﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻋﻪ ﮐﺸﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۸‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﻔﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻔﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻟﻴﮓ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ـ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ـ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮑﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺫﻳﻨﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۰۰‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﮐﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮐﺸﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﮐﺘﻴﮑﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ـ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ‪ ۲‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ۲‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺷﮑﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺯﺑﮑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ‪ ۳۶‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺷﮑﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﮑﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻓﮑﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺽ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮐﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﮐﻲ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ‪ ۲۰۱۴‬ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻮﺗﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻭﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪۸۷‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﺎﺭﺿﻪ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻟﻘﺐ »ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﮏ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺬﺏ ﮐﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﮔﻠﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻻﺗﺮﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺴﻴﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۲۹‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻪ ﭘﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮑﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻒ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻓﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺭﻧﻮﻟﺪ ﭘﺎﻟﻤﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺭﻻﻧﺪﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۴‬ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۲‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺮﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ« ﺗﺎ »ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ«‬

‫ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﮐﻤﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻡ« ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ»ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻱ ﮔﻤﻨﺎﻡ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲﺩﻓﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺶ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﮊﮔﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺧﺎﻟﻲ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻩ ﺧﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻱ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﮊﻧﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﮑﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺮﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ(‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﮐﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ـ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ـ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ )ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ( ﻳﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺰﺣﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺧﺮﺝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ »ﭘﺮﺱ ﺗﻲ ﻭﻱ«‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﺴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ(‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﭘﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﮑﻼﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﻴﺮﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ »ﭘﺮﺱﺗﻲﻭﻱ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩ‪) «.‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ ‪١٧‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ .(١٣٩٤‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ـ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ـ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬

‫ﺩﻭﺭﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ« )ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻱ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺮﺩﺑﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﮐﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﭼﺎﭖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤﮏ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺒﮑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﻲﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﭽﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ(‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﮎ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﻱ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺣﺴﺎﺱﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺬﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻴﺮ ﻗﻠﻲﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻟﭗﺗﺎﭖ ﻭ ﻋﮑﺲﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﺭﺑﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮐﻨﻢ« )ﺟﺎﻡ ﺟﻢ ‪ ١٧‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪.(١٣٩٤‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮐﺎﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ »ﭘﺮﺱ ﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ« )ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻱ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﮑﺬﻳﺐﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﺪ ﻏﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﻝﻭﻗﻮﻩﻱ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﮑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﮑﺮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ؛ ﭘﻴﺶﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﮏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ ـ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭖ ـ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﮐﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ـ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ـ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﴼ »ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫ« ﻭ »ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎ« ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﺮ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﮐﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻢ ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﮐﻨﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪...‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﺍ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪۴۳‬‬

‫‪October 2016‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ ‪۱۳۹۵‬‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬

‫‪ ٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« )ﺍﻳﮕﻞﻫﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ٢٤‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﮎ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻠﻤﺒﻴﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ «.‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻲﺍﻥﺍﻥ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ »ﻓﺎﮐﺲ ﻧﻴﻮﺯ« ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮐﻠﻤﻪ »ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﺑﺎﺯ« ﺍﺯ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺎﻟﺶ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺃ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮐﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻑ ‪ ٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ ٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺁﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﮐﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﮏﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻃﻴﻒ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻲ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﮐﻼﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﮐﻠﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ«‬ ‫)ﺍﻳﺮﮐﻮ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻗﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺁﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺩﺭﻳﮏ ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺏﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺟﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ‪ ٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﮐﺘﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻓﮑﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﺁﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﻤﭙﺎﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺮﺯﺵ ﻋﺮﺵ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺐ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﻀﺎ ﻧﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﭙﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﮐﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺧﺘﺨﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﮑﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﮐﻢﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮎﺷﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﮑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺷﻬﺮ ﮐﻮﭼﮏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﮐﻮﻳﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺠﺎﻱ ﺳﺮ ﮐﭽﻠﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻟﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﮑﺮ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮐﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﮐﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﮐﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﻲ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲﺍﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻬﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻳﻮﺍﺷﮑﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻧﻨﻪﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﮐﺘﮑﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺰﺍﺩﻩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪«.‬‬

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‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺭﻭﺱﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ« ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﮐﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﴼ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺼﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮏ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﭘﺨﺶ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ـ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻼﮐﺖﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻧﺶ ـ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﴼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ـ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ...‬ـ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ـ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﮐﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻟﺸﮑﺮ ﻗﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ١٣٩٥‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﮑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬

‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ـ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﮐﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﴼ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﻭ‪...‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ـ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﺕ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )‬ ‫ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮑﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮐﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪ ،(...‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﻭﺱﮔﺮﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮑﺎﻑ ﺭﻭﺱﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻭﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲﺍﻱ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

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Shiraz in Shiraz Why wine is integral to Persian culture

Economist.com, BY J.B.

Zarathustra’s creed.” In longing for the drink that had once fuelled the Persian Empire, the poet revealed an IT IS easy to assume that Iran has never been a affection for Iran’s pre-Islamic past. site of drunken revelries. Westerners imagine Iranians Later poets would come to be synonymous with wineto be a homogenously pious and modest group, and swigging and bacchanalia. Omar Khayyam’s “Robaiyat” so suppose that viticulture is wholly foreign to them. (1048–1131 A.D.) is a celebration of wine in the face of This image is not helped by recent legislative action; in transience. “Drink wine,” Khayyam exhorted, “for long January, the government banned the printing of the word under the earth shall you sleep”. Hafez’s odes, too, brim “wine” in all books as it deemed the beverage an element with references to wine. “Sick I am of the hypocrite’s of a “Western cultural onslaught”. Yet suggesting that cloak and his shrine”, he complained. “Where is the drinking is a quasi-blasphemous act obfuscates the Magian temple and its pure wine?” Some scholars have fact that alcohol—and wine in particular—has been posited that Hafez uses wine as a symbol of divine, an inextricable part of Iranian culture and identity not earthly, intoxication, but his vivid descriptions of for millennia. Indeed, current estimates suggest that both wine and drunkenness suggest an intimacy with Iranians imbibe around 60m litres of alcohol a year his source material. To such an extent did these poets despite the government crackdown. exalt alcohol that it has arguably been the image most During the heady reign of the Pahlavis (1925-79) associated with Persian poetry. Goethe, who, like many Iranians freely indulged in drinking as it was legally other European writers of the age had been charmed by permissible to do so. While it is true that legislation Persian poetry and philosophy, wrote in his “West-East was much more liberal before the Revolution than it Diwan”: “Hafiz…to love like thee, like thee to drink, is today (one need only take a glance at popular pre- shall be my pride, shall be my life.” It was a tribute both Revolution Iranian cinema and advertisements of the to the medieval Persian sage and to his choice of subject. era), the Pahlavi dynasty was far from the first to openly European accounts of Safavid and Qajar-era Iran tolerate drinking. Indeed, the oldest-known traces of (1785-1925) dispel any doubt about the longstanding grape wine—found in the Zagros Mountains in western Iranian penchant for wine. Early adventurers such as Iran—date back some 7,000 years.

John Ussher, Charles James Wills and Henry Austen In Aryan times (the early part of the second Layard, told far less of “Mahometan” piety in their millennium B.C. onwards), it is said that with the travelogues than they did of debauchery and dissolution. wine given to him by the Prophet Zarathustra, King Orgies, topless female musicians and boozing were Vishtaspa beheld God in a vision and thus became very much “the order of the day”, according to Ussher. the Prophet’s first convert. Herodotus stated that wine Even mullahs instructed foreigners in the Iranian art of played a key political role in the Achaemenid Empire winemaking. So enamoured of wine were these Iranians (550-330 B.C.): “It is their custom to deliberate the that many of the travellers who encountered them could gravest matters when they are drunk…and if, being hardly fathom that they were pious. “The people were sober, they still approve it, they act on it.” The opposite a laughing, careless set, devoid of fanaticism, having was also true; “if they have deliberated about a matter indeed very little religion,” wrote Wills. “Nearly all when sober, they decide upon it when they are drunk.” drank wine to excess.”

Whether for divine revelation, administration It was not because of its practical and prophetical of empire or simply a good time, Iranians have uses that wine left an indelible mark on the Iranian psyche, however. In the wake of the Arab invasion in long tippled wine. What would Persian poetry be the seventh century A.D., Iran experienced its most without Khayyam’s drunken verses and Hafez’s Magian profound cultural renaissance. Longing for a revival wine? What decisions would the Achaemenids have of the suppressed Persian language and Iranian culture, made without it? What little would remain of the Qajar the Samanids (819-999 A.D.) were patrons of the poets portraits of topless wine-tippling belles and the Safavid who brought about a renaissance of Persian literature. frescoes of Esfahan’s palaces, brimming with scenes of Rudaki extolled wine, and Daqiqi, in doing so, praised drunken revelry, had there not been any cupbearers? The the Zoroastrian faith of his ancestors and the House of word may be exorcised from Persian schoolbooks today, Sassan (224-651 A.D.), in which wine was imbibed in but, try as some might, wine can never be washed from no small measure. “Four things there are dear, which the Iranian soul. Iranian history paints a purple-stained I so need,” Daqiqi famously declared. “The ruby- picture that some, perhaps, would rather leave bottled up. coloured lip, the harp’s lament, the blood-red wine and

conduct. Nonetheless, they both realize that going back to the pre-2015 situation is not a real option and cannot under any circumstance be construed as serving the interest of the Iranian people.

Therefore, there lies but one road ahead for dealing seriously with the country’s economic crisis: reliance upon the kind of diplomatic dialogue which has in the past three years successfully overhauled and transformed Iran’s image in the world.

It is important not to forget that during the entire period while the nuclear deal was being negotiated, there was no relenting in the level of venomous language that was exchanged between hardliners both in Iran and the West.

Indeed, every single step forward achieved by Iranian diplomats and their counterparts in the 5+1, was attained despite all the obstacles placed before them by self serving forces in the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia whose interests are best served by an ostracized Iran that is kept isolated from the West.

Today, improving Iran’s economy by providing jobs and stimulating domestic production is the number one priority of the Rouhani government.

This can only happen by a huge influx of capital and technology into the country. Hence, what is required is an unimpeded effort to ensure that Iran’s

relationship with the major international financial institutions and various key Western industries is put into place.

Given the state of current turmoil in the Middle East and the increasing tide of ‘anti-Iranian provocations’ generated by populist politicians and well funded lobbies in Washington, this is a delicate task that needs to be confronted head on and as soon as possible.

Constructive dialogue between Zarif and Kerry at the General Assembly – much like the process leading to the nuclear deal, can side track populist diversions and lead to the start of a process in the remaining months of 2016, that could set in motion a mutually beneficial ‘bi-lateral coordination’ focused on ejecting ISIS from all its key strongholds as well as containing violence, instability and migration in places like Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan and Yemen.

Time is now of the essence for the US and Iran to prevent another missed opportunity that is nothing short of a ‘strategic mistake’ by pre-empting populist ranting and focusing on the kind of real dangers we all face in a changing world.

This is an opinion piece is a reprint from Euronews by Mehrdad Khonsari, a former Iranian diplomat. Euronews seeks to represent All Views but does not endorse any political position

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Congress’ DIY Approach to Saudi Arabia But Congress is not willing to make these hard choices. Instead, it passes the buck to American citizens and the U.S. court system, asking them to decide Saudi culpability for terrorist acts—presumably without access to the same classified documents Congress has at its disposal. As with its 2002 authorization for the use of military force against Iraq, Congress once again is handing a blank check to another branch of government.

If the only problem were that JASTA is a weak half-measure, it might not be so galling. But in setting this precedent, Congress is triggering national security risks that extend far beyond the relationship with Saudi Arabia.

First, allowing Americans to sue the Saudi government undermines the timehonored principle of sovereign immunity, which enables the safe conduct of diplomacy and international relations by ensuring that states are not subject to lawsuits in each other’s courts. U.S. code already contains an exception to this principle when a foreign government is officially designated as a supporter of terrorism—the very requirement this legislation is designed to circumvent.

Second, the measure invites reciprocal action against the United States. By President Obama’s own reckoning, U.S. drone strikes in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria have killed up to 116 innocent civilians since 2009. Over the years, U.S.-trained and -equipped foreign forces have committed torture, rape, extrajudicial killings, and other gross human rights abuses in many places around the globe: the Philippines, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and Kenya, among others. What would happen if the survivors and families of victims were authorized to haul American diplomatic and military personnel into foreign courts to answer for the U.S. government’s activities? This has already happened in Italy, where CIA operatives have been tried and convicted (in absentia) for their roles in the extraordinary rendition program.

The proposed law would only encourage more countries to follow suit.

Perhaps Congress is pursuing an override of the president’s veto on the cynical assumption that most foreign countries will refuse to cooperate with U.S. courts and that default judgments will never be paid out, as is currently the case under the terrorism exemption to the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act. But that is a thin reed on which to hang the security of U.S. personnel and financial assets abroad, and a cruel deception of the 9/11 families, who deserve honesty and closure even if justice remains out of reach.

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Despite the record of Iranian compliance, the months since the conclusion of the JCPOA have seen a stream of anti-Iran bills introduced in Congress. Examination of most of these bills yields little idea of how if they were to come into effect they would advance any U.S. interests pertinent to Iran, and little evidence of any thought that in this respect went into the writing of the bills.

The bills instead seem to be vehicles for members to demonstrate, through their sponsorship or support of such legislation, their anti-Iran credentials.

Typical of these proposals is a recent amendment introduced by Representative Ron DeSantis (R-FL) that would require any issuer of securities, as it registers with the Securities and Exchange Commission, to declare in its registration statement whether it does business in Iran or with any entity organized under the laws of Iran. Although this may sound like an innocent requirement for information, existing law already requires such a disclosure by issuers of securities with regard to any business done with the government of Iran, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Iranian central bank, the entire Iranian petroleum industry, and certain other Iranian individuals and entities subject to sanctions. So the DeSantis amendment would only serve to impose the reporting requirement on those dealing with portions of the Iranian private sector that not only have no connection with the Iranian regime but also have given no reason to be sanctioned in the long history of U.S. sanctions legislation directed against Iran.

This would discourage commerce with the very sectors in Iran that are most in favor of peaceful engagement with the rest of the world. The legislation would be counterproductive with regard to any political and economic evolution in Iran in a direction favorable to U.S. interests. (The legislation also probably would violate the U.S. obligation under the JCPOA not to take any new steps to prevent Iran from realizing the economic benefits of sanctions relief.)

Another recent example of a backward approach to affecting political competition within Iran is an interview with Dennis Ross of the Washington Institute for New East Policy. Ross, operating squarely within the school of thought that sees nothing good coming out of any business with Tehran and who sees Iran only as an object for confrontation and punishment, focuses on Iran’s conduct within the Middle East. As usual with that topic and

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that school of thought, there are many general references to Iranian “aggression” without considering exactly what Iran is or is not doing in the region and why, say, Iranian assistance to an incumbent regime in Syria is any more “aggressive” than what other powers have been doing to stoke a rebellion and to try to overthrow the regime. And Ross’s attempt to square his position that Iran “cannot be a partner in the struggle against ISIS” with the fact that in Iraq, Iran is, just like the United States, not only supporting the incumbent regime but also actively opposing ISIS, seems to come down to an assertion that the Iranians are following narrow

(undescribed) policies in Iraq that will leave a lot of angry Sunnis on their Western doorstep but evidently are too stupid to realize that is what they are doing.

For the present purpose note what Ross says about the connection between U.S. actions and political contests within the Iranian regime. He says we should try to decrease the influence of General Soleimani and the Revolutionary Guard, who favor a more “confrontational approach,” relative to the influence of president Rouhani, who favors more of a “normalizing approach.” So far so good.

But how is the United States supposed to affect that Iranian political balance?

Ross says we should do it by being confrontational ourselves—by “applying pressure”that would “demonstrate the costs to Iran of Soleimani’s actions.”

When asked what this means in practical terms, Ross mentions military contingency planning with Israel and the Arab states of the Gulf Cooperation Council.

Let’s see if we have this straight. We supposedly are all agreed that we would like to see less influence in Tehran for hardliners such as those centered in the Revolutionary Guard. Those hardliners are the ones who, in debate within Iran, argue that doing peaceful business with the United States (as with the JCPOA) does not bring any benefits to Iran, that the United States is determined to use its military might and other power to harm Iran, that Washington will always be acting in cahoots with Iran’s regional rivals in Israel and the Gulf Arab states, and that Iran thus has to stand firm and tough against such predatory U.S. behavior in order to protect Iranian interests. So acting in a way that confirms the hardliners’ narrative is supposed to reduce their influence in Tehran? The groundlessness of such an argument can be seen with some role reversal. Such confrontation from a foreign adversary tends to strengthen, rather than to weaken,

hawkish and hardline sentiment in U.S. politics. It works pretty much the same way in Iranian politics.

The sort of illogicality voiced by Ross has some general roots in American exceptionalism and the notion that the United States should be able to push other states around but that other states don’t push the United States around. There is more to it than that, however, where Iran is involved, as suggested by comparing the Iranian case with other cases that offer some parallels. One worth looking at is Burma (a.k.a. Myanmar). President Obama announced this week that the United States is ready to lift economic sanctions on Burma, in light of political reforms there.

This decision is not an obvious call. The Burmese military, which maintained a harsh and closed dictatorship for many years, retains much political power.

The former opposition leader and now de facto head of the civilian government, Aung San Suu Kyi, has made many concessions to the military and has become in important respects a partner of the generals rather than a replacement of them. The treatment of ethnic and religious minorities, most conspicuously the Muslim Rohingya community, is still bad. Human rights organizations believe the sanctions are being lifted too soon.

The U.S. administration decided, however, that enough change has taken place in Burma to warrant a change in U.S. policy toward Burma. At least as important, the administration determined that further economic and political change in a favorable direction in Burma would be more likely by opening up the country to normal commerce and relations than it would by keeping it isolated.

President Obama’s Republican opponents in Congress have, on this issue, taken a constructive and balanced approach. Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, who has had a strong interest in Burma, made remarks on the Senate floor that appropriately noted both the progress to date and the significant problems and challenges that remain.

That’s a much different approach than McConnell and his colleagues take on Iran, and it is a difference in the approach itself and not just in the two countries involved. If they applied to Burma the same perspective they apply to Iran, what we would be hearing is that moderates in Burma don’t matter, that it is nefarious hardliners who still run the show, that gross human rights violations continue, that any relief from sanctions would mean the military-dominated regime would have more resources to do bad things, and that Obama is making a big mistake by lifting sanctions.

Two explanations chiefly account for the difference. One is the objective of denying Mr. Obama any significant foreign policy achievement, consistent with Senator McConnell’s earlier declaration that the number one objective of his caucus was to deny the president a second term. The opening to Iran and

the JCPOA constitute such a significant achievement; nothing the administration is doing on Burma is of comparable importance.

The other explanation is that continued isolation and punishment of Iran is part of a larger objective of the administration’s opponents of taking sides in the Middle East, and in particular to take whatever side the Israeli government is on. Ross’s mention of military contingency planning with Israel directed against Iran represents not so much a way to scare Iran about costs of General Soleimani’s activities but instead the side-taking that underlies the impulse to keep Iran perpetually isolated and punished in the first place.

And the counterproductive effect of confirming the Iranian hardliners’ narrative is not really counterproductive if the objective is to maintain Iran as a bête noire forever; if you want a bête noire, a regime in which hardliners dominate is the best kind of bête noire to have.

IRAN'S LAST CHANCE TO SEIZE THE OPPORTUNITIES OF OBAMA'S ADMINISTRATION

euronews.com This is an opinion piece by Mehrdad Khonsari, a former Iranian diplomat. Euronews seeks to represent All Views but does not endorse any political position An anticipated meeting between the Iranian Foreign Minister and his American counterpart – possibly the last before the advent of a new and probably more hostile US administration in Washington – in the upcoming session of the UN General Assembly, offers Iran one last opportunity to prevent outstanding US-Iranian differences from detracting Iran’s plans for its economic rejuvenation and reintegration into the world economy.

Western reaction to continued economic uncertainties exacerbated by high levels of migration and terrorist attacks by radicalized Sunni Moslems, is showing signs of resembling the kind of negative narratives not witnessed since the 1920s. Those events ultimately eased the way for the election of anti-democratic and Fascist forces in places like Italy and Germany who subsequently drove the entire world to another catastrophic war.

Disassociating Iran from the dangers posed by the likes of ISIS and Al Qaeda, as well as other extremist Moslems imbedded in European and American communities, is an urgent priority for providing a correct understanding of Iran’s non-involvement in these affairs.

Just as in the case of the nuclear dispute, Iranian diplomacy can come to the rescue by ensuring that populist politicians do not poison the atmosphere against Iran and frustrate its efforts as it strives to play a positive role on the international scene while rebuilding its economy and reestablishing its economic ties with its traditional partners.

Radical elements in Iran – a mirror image perhaps of their counterparts in the West – consistently try to undermine and denigrate the Rouhani administration for its overall gullibility in face of a disingenuous 5+1 led by America. They contend that despite humiliating concessions by Iran in the nuclear deal, major barriers essential for improving the economy and the lot of the Iranian people have not been removed.

Concerned with the slow pace of progress impeding the economic reconstruction of the country, both Ayatollah Khamenei as well as President Rouhani have also been quite outspoken on this issue, with Khamenei having harshly accused the US of fraudulent PLEASE GO TO PAGE 44

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

Iran Releases Canadian-Iranian Professor Detained on ‘Security Charges’ Source: VOA Iran says it has released a retired CanadianIranian professor, who had been detained on “security charges.” A foreign ministry spokesman, quoted by the official IRNA news agency, said Homa Hoodfar was released on humanitarian grounds.

Hoodfar, 65, who most recently taught at Concordia University in Montreal, was arrested June 6 after a visit to Evin prison in Tehran.

Her passport had been confiscated and she was banned from leaving Iran, according to her family.

Iran does not recognize dual citizenship and has arrested multiple dual nationals over security-related issue

SIAMAND RAHMAN, THE STRONGEST PARALYMPIAN EVER

Congress’ DIY Approach to Saudi Arabia

by Diana Ohlbaum , lobelog.com If there were a “basket of deplorables” for foreign countries, Saudi Arabia would surely be in it. The Saudi government holds one of the world’s worst records on religious freedom and women’s rights, and harbors one of the most repressive media environments. Saudi forces have committed “gross and systemic” violations of international humanitarian law in Yemen, where their indiscriminate bombings of hospitals and civilian populations may constitute war crimes. For years the House of Saud has underwritten the spread of Wahhabist madrassas that preach religious intolerance and foster violent extremism. And as the newly declassified 28 pages from a joint congressional intelligence report suggest, officials of the Saudi government may have provided financial and logistical support to the 9/11 hijackers.

Small wonder, then, that senators and representatives rushed to support a bill, known as the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act, or JASTA, to allow the families of the 9/11 victims to sue Saudi Arabia in U.S. courts. One of its sponsors called the legislation, which passed both houses over the administration’s objections, a “no-brainer.” But perhaps a more apt description would be “gutless,” because the measure is a shameful dereliction of congressional duty.

As a body, Congress has neither condemned Saudi human rights violations nor determined Saudi Arabia to be a state sponsor of terrorism.

Although congressional patience with the Saudis appears to be wearing thin, the 114th Congress has not enacted a single piece of legislation critical of the Saudi regime. Even JASTA fails to mention Saudi Arabia, its intended target, by name.

To the contrary, Congress remains complicit in Saudi abuses. On Wednesday the Senate rejected an attempt to block a $1.15 billion weapons sale to Saudi Arabia by a vote of 71-27.

Earlier this summer, the House voted to continue selling cluster munitions to Saudi Arabia— although 119 countries signed a treaty to ban these weapons, which the Saudis have used near civilian areas in Yemen. The legislative branch also continues to acquiesce to a longstanding Pentagon scheme that permits wealthy Saudi Arabia to receive subsidized U.S. military training.

Real sanctions, of course, would require real courage, because they would mean taking on U.S. defense contractors and jeopardizing the U.S.-Saudi relationship. Saudi Arabia is in fact the top recipient of U.S. arms exports, inking deals for nearly $48 billion in American-made weapons since 2010. The kingdom is not only one of America’s largest oil suppliers but also one of its largest foreign creditors. Although the United States seems to provide more intelligence to Saudi Arabia than the reverse, some consider the Saudis to be “vital counterterrorism allies” against the Islamic State and al-Qaeda.

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His name is Siamand Rahman, and he is the strongest Paralympian ever, breaking 300kg and winning gold in the men’s powerlifting heavyweight category.

In Rio, Rahman smashed his previous Olympic gold performance.

In 2012 in London he lifted 280kg. He has now raised the bar in Rio by another 30 – reaching an unprecedented 310kg.

To put that into context, that is the equivalent of lifting three baby elephants, and then some.

The 28 year old from Iran set an early lead in the Rio competitions lifting 270kg on his first attempt. By his second he had reached 300kg, then 305kg and then finally 310kg by his third and fourth attempts.

“I feel very happy and proud for having broken the 300kg barrier and for being the strongest Paralympian in the world,” Rahman said to paralympic.org. “I want to be an

inspiration for all people with impairment who stay at home and don’t lead an active life, and especially for the youth.”

In his first post on instagram after winning gold, Rahman expressed his thanks to all of Iranians.

Rahman, is in his second year into a law school. He was born with a congenital disorder in his legs prohibiting him from competing against able-bodied powerlifters. He is from Iran’s West Azerbaijan Province and is Kurdish.

Rahman was expected to break the 300kg barrier. At the 2014 World Championships in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, Rahman lifted 285kg and later that year, 290kg at the Asian Para Games in Incheon, Korea.

He was joined in Rio by fellow medallists Amr Mosaad from Egypt who lifted 235kg (silver) and Jordan’s Jamil Elshebli who lifted 234kg (bronze).

Iran introduces own credit cards

Source: Press TV Iran has introduced credit cards for the first time in what appears to be a plan to encourage spending by the public. The credit cards were introduced to applicants with three limits of Rials 100 million ($3,000), Rials 300 million ($10,000) and Rials 500 million ($15,000). They can be used for purchases in shops or online, the media reported.

The cards are devised within Murabahah Islamic financing structure. Murabahah by

definition involves the purchase of a commodity by the bank, on behalf of the customer, which are then sold to the customer on a cost-plus-profit basis. The profit that the Central Bank of Iran (CBI) has devised for Iran's Murabahah credit cards is 18 percent. The customers can repay the funds they receive through the cards in 36 installments.

Reports said only two banks - Bank Melli Iran and Ayandeh Bank- had started to issue credit cards.

IRNA reported that Ayandeh Bank alone had issued over 12,000 credit cards on the first day the mechanism had been introduced to the public.

The government of Iran had for months put the promotion of credit cards on its agenda.

Communications and Information Technology Minister Mahmoud Vaezi said in August that the country was preparing to introduce credit card services processed by global payment operator MasterCard for the first time.

Credit and debit cards, accepted in more than 210 countries where MasterCard is valid, will be distributed at financial branches of the Iran Post Company, Vaezi emphasized.

On the same front, the CBI announced in March that it is preparing the grounds for its nation to use credit cards provided by Asian banks such as Japan Credit Bureau (JBC) as well as China UnionPay (CUP).

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October 2016 ۱۳۹۵ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ‬

With Boeing Deal, Americans Are Coming to Iran

By THOMAS ERDBRINK, nytimes.com TEHRAN — Long before the first newly purchased Boeing airliner lands at Imam Khomeini International Airport, Iran and the United States will have had to come to terms with a new reality: American citizens will once again be taking up residence in Tehran, the first to do so since the Islamic Revolution and subsequent hostage crisis in 1979 and 1980.

When the United States gave the green light for the direct sale of Western planes to Iran, much more than nearly four decades of sanctions on such deals came to an end.

Not that the deals approved by the Treasury Department are insignificant: 80 Boeing jets and an initial batch of 17 Airbus planes out of a potential total of 118.

But the sale will have the important effect of ending an era of absolute isolation between the countries. Boeing will almost certainly have to open an administrative office in Tehran, and technicians will have to move here to train their Iranian counterparts in the care and maintenance of the planes. Among them, almost certainly, will be many Americans.

That seems to be exactly what the United States had in mind in approving the deal, Iranian analysts say. The deal not only allows President Hassan Rouhani to show a tangible gain from warming relations with the West, but also moves Iran that much closer to his ultimate goal of normalization of relations with the United States.

“Once this deal is a fact it will be much harder for the hard-liners to try to prevent relations with the United States,” said Farshad Ghorbanpour, a political activist who supports Mr. Rouhani. “Nobody can deny that with the planes, people and know-how will enter Iran.”

Word of the Boeing and Airbus deals came as Mr. Rouhani was attending the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Speaking at a news conference on Thursday, Mr. Rouhani said Iranian officials already had developed relationships with counterparts at both aviation companies through “many visits,” and that Iran welcomed foreign businesses and investments.

“I do not see any problems,” he told reporters. It is the United States government, he said, that is responsible for keeping American companies from the Iranian market. “If Americans have problems, they need to resolve their own problems,” he said.

Buying planes from the United States, opening a Boeing office or having American representatives at an international airport might seem insignificant. But they represent a tectonic shift in relations.

In 1980, when ties between the countries were severed, all 140,000 Americans living in Iran were forced to leave.

The United States Embassy was turned into an ideological museum and all American businesses left over the years, as sanctions made commerce increasingly difficult, and more recently, impossible.

The bureaus of The New York Times, Bloomberg and some other news media organizations were long the only official American entities allowed to operate in Iran, either by the Iranian authorities or under United States sanctions.

When Conoco won an oil contract in Iran in 1995, it secretly opened an office in Tehran, only to close it when Congress adopted tougher sanctions.

Many Iranians hope the January nuclear deal, which led to the lifting of some of those measures, changed all of that, citing the jetliner deal as the start of a new era. “We are getting to a point where the gap between economic relations and political normalization is gradually getting smaller,” said Saeed Laylaz, an economist close to the government.

Hatred of the United States was the ideological bedrock of the Islamic republic, however, and there are strong forces dedicated to keeping it that way. Police officers some months

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ago closed a knockoff KFC restaurant after hardliners protested, saying the chicken wings were a symbol of Westernization. When someone tried to open a McDonald’s franchise here 20 years ago, it took just two days for the restaurant to be burned down.

And there are still many sources of tension, particularly the harassment ofUnited States Navy vessels by Iranian naval speedboats and the imprisonment of several Iranian-Americans with dual nationalities. Those episodes and others like them are not likely to disappear soon, as they serve the interests of hard-liners who want to discourage any sort of rapprochement.

“No, we should not have relations,” said Hamidreza Taraghi, a conservative political analyst. “We hard-liners also want safe planes.

But we need to keep our independence and distance from the United States. That is one of the pillars of our ideology.”

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U.S. Hardliners Are Still Helping Iran’s Hardliners

by Paul R. Pillar http://nationalinterest.org/ The unrelenting urge among American politicians to keep punishing Iran—or more precisely, to be seen supporting steps with that objective—continues to work against sensible statecraft and U.S. interests in multiple respects.

One of those respects concerns how measures taken by the United States affect political competition within Iran.

Here’s the current background to questions of U.S. policy toward Iran. The most important development in recent years regarding such policy—the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the formal name for the agreement that

limits Iran’s nuclear activity—has been in effect for over a year. According to the International Atomic Energy Agency, which does the detailed monitoring of the Iranian program, Iran is fully in compliance with its obligations under the agreement. Those in the United States who have opposed any agreement with Iran all along continue to seek any possible basis for

accusing Iran of violations. One of the most recent such accusations concerned some issues of implementation that opponents described as “secret exceptions” granted to Iran. They were in fact not that but rather were typical of the detailed questions that inevitably arise in the implementation of any agreement this extensive.

A Joint Commission was created under the

agreement precisely to resolve such questions, and it has successfully been doing exactly that. The principal real questions of adherence to the agreement involve whether the United States and the West have been fully living up to their obligations regarding sanctions relief and refraining from further steps to damage the Iranian economy.

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