Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate A Field Study in «Baqubah, Jalawla, Khanaqin»

Dana Sofi

Abdulla Khalid 2017

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

The Project Team

Project Manger Salar Ahmed The team of Al-Masala Organization for Human Resource Development 1. Halmat Karim 2. Jalal Abdulkarim 3. Snur Omer The team of Peace and Freedom Organization 1. Fanda George 2. Ibrahim Salam 3. Mustfa Zahid 4. Fatima Imad The team of Reform for Development Organization 1. Ayad Khalid - project coordinator 2. Omer Hussein 3. Nur Jimhur 4. Koshish Muhammed

UNDP is not responsible for the content of this study

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Foreword This study is conducted within ÂŤStrengthening Social Cohesion in Diyala GovernorateÂť, a joint project between (Al-Masala Organization for Human Resources Development); (Peace and Freedom Organization) and (Reform and Development Organization) with funding from the UNDP. This study aims to explore the nature of the relationship between Diyala components as well as to understand the causes of the conflicts. It also aims to invest this new understanding in finding ways for common coexistence. The study avoids using any predefined theoretical or academic framework in exploring the conflicts and the conflict de-escalation technics. The study starts its investigation, analysis and conclusion through the perception of the population of the areas. In other words, we want to learn how the ordinary people, activists and officials of Diyala see the situation, how the minorities view their inter-communal relations and the possibilities of coexistence, and how they view the return of the IDPs to their homes in a peaceful way.

The issues we wanted to understand include the nature and causes of the conflict and the possible solutions from the perception of the components.

Also what is the role of the main players in naturalizing the situation, peace building, insuring the peaceful return of the IDPs and coexistence. It is clear that conducting such study in the unstable and insecure situation is a difficult task; it is even a challenge for these areas are still under terrorist threats after their liberation from ISIS. Despite all these risks, we made serious attempts to gather the necessary data within a short period of time in the second half of 2017. This study is important because it is more than an attempt to understand the conflict between Diyala components; it goes beyond that to present a number of recommendations and suggestions to solve the differences and the conflict, and to insure the peaceful return of the IDPs. These recommendations can become the bases for future plans and policies of the relevant parties, for example: local and national institutions, civil society organizations and international agencies. The findings of this study can also serve as a reference and a tool for those who wish to establish peace in the area. Finally, understanding the nature of the conflict and the possible solutions in Diyala can be an opportunity for a more comprehensive analysis of the conflicts and their solutions in Iraq and Kurdistan Region.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Part One General Background of Diyala Governorate Study Methodology The Conflict in Diyala and its Parties

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

One: General Background of Diyala Governorate After 2003 Diyala became one of the hotspots and sources of resistance against the new rules of Iraq. It is one of the governorates known as the Sunni Triangle; where any armed groups appeared and turned the governorate into one of the grounds of armed conflicts between these armed groups and the state. Due to the terrain of the area, Al-Qaida and other groups found bases in the area and in 2014 ISIS affiliated groups appeared in the area. Because of the sectarian and religious conflicts in the area and because of its location at the Iranian border and its proximity to Baghdad, the area witnessed neglect and attempts to change its demography.

The Diyala Governorate Council is made of 29 seats. In the last elections in 2013, six lists won seats: National Alliance List in Diyala 12 seats, Iraqia List in Diyala 10 seats and Fraternity and Coexistence in Diyala 3 seats, the rest of the seats went to the other lists. People in Diyala call the first List the Shiaa List, the second List the Sunni List and the third List the Kurdish List. Some of the analyses indicate that the Sunni lists got more votes than the Shiaa lists in the elections though the turnout was low. The Sunnis got 209.120 votes, or %45.3, while the Shiaas got 170.292 votes from the total of 416.302 valid votes, or %36.9.

In the last general elections in 2014, Diyala has 14 representatives in the Iraqi Council of Representatives, four of whom are women. Diyala Hawiatuna ( Diyala is out Identity) came first with 5 seats, the Rule of Law List won 3 seats, the national Alliance List and the Kurdistani Peace List each won 2 seats, and Citizens Alliance and Free Alliance each got one seat. According to the High Independent Electoral Commission, the total number of the valid votes was 560.300 votes. The Sunni List, Diyala Hawiatuna won five seats and the Shiaa Lists (the Rule of Law, Citizens and Free Alliances) together received five seats.

In relation to its ethnic makeup, Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, Assyrians, Chaldeans, Syriacs, Sabiah and a number of remaining Jewish families live in the governorate. Regarding religious makeup, the majority are Muslims living alongside a number of Christian, Jewish, Sabiah and Kakaie families. Regarding denomination the Majority are Sunni Muslims living with Shiaa Muslims.

There a number of tribes in Diyala governorate including Al-Izza, Kinanah, Al-Abeed, Al-Jabur, Bani Qais, Al-Mahdiah, Al-Dulaim, Al-Said, Al-Askari, Taiy, Bani Tamim, Al-Bayat, Bani Saad, Bani Khalid, Bani Harb, Bani Zaid, Al-Ajwad,

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate Atabah, Al-bu Muhammed, Al-Jaff, Al-Daloiy, Zargush and others.

Economically the governorate is famous for its citrus farms and pomegranates and palm orchards, making the city the producer of various types of date palm. In addition to orchards, the governorate produces wheat, barley and all the other types of grains, as well as vegetation. The unregulated import of cheap agricultural products from Iran as well as the decrease of electricity and water supply caused the farmers great losses.

There are seven undeveloped oil fields in the governorate, except Alwand (Naft Khana) which is distinguished for its easy transportation through a pipeline to Baghdad without pumping. The Iraqi government neglected the fields though they are among the joint fields with Iran and the availability of gas within the oil fields. The Mansuriya gas field is the second largest in Iraq and was presented for investment, but the investing companies could not operate because of security incidents(1).

Because of its geographic location on Iraq-Iran border, there are two formal border crossings (Al-Munziriah and Sumar Mandali). These border crossings give the governorate a noticeable trade success and great sources of revenue form taxes and customs leveed on trucks and goods and transportation cars that transport the pilgrims form outside Iraq. If the Iraqi laws are enforced properly these revenues can be used for the benefits of the governorate.

1-A Study on Diyala Governorate http://www.newiraqcenter.com/2017/07/03/%D9%85%D8%AD%D8%A7%D9%81%D8%B8 %D8%A9-%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%89

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Two: Study Methodology and Information In this study (Mixed Method) is used as one of the appropriate tools. Quantitative and qualitative methods are jointly utilized to understand the reality of social cohesion in Diyala governorate. Case studies are conducted in (Baqubah, Khanaqin and Jalawla). In addition, semi-comparative method is used between the perceptions of the study sample in relation to gender and ethnic background.

The study sample is selected at three different levels: survey, interviews and focus groups.

At the first level, the study aims to understand the realities of the three case study areas in Diyala governorate, to identify the main players for strengthening social cohesion. 155 questionnaires were distributed in the targeted areas on various groups of citizens. In selecting the sample, place of work, profession, gender, age, religion, ethnicity and educational attainment were taken into consideration. Between 1st May 2017 and 20th May 2017 the questionnaires were distributed and filled-in by the participants. Then the data were collected and sorted by an expert and finally analyzed by the organizers of the study.

The second level aims to understand the reality of social cohesion in the wider governorate. 30 semi-open interviews were conducted with intentionally selected individuals who have direct relations with the study; such as government representative, civil society representative and academics. The interviews took place at the locations identified by the interviewees. Each interview took approximately 30 minutes. The interviews were collected and transcribed. All the interviews that attracted the interests of the researchers and the repeated themes are used in the study. Thematic Analysis is used to analyze the data.

The third and final level aims to gain a deeper understanding of the study subject. 15 focus groups, 5 in each target area, were organized. The participants were intentionally selected for their direct relations with the study subject. 120 persons participated in the focus groups; including government representatives, civil society activists, academics and youths from both sexes.

Time devoted for each focus group was approximately 120 minutes. Data and statistics were verified using objective analysis technic.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Three: The Conflict in Diyala and its parties If we look at the demographic, ethnic, religious and tribal distribution of Diyala, we can easily understand the types of the conflicts for most of the conflicts are based on those identities. None of the conflicts is devoid from political disagreements, in other words, all the conflicts in the area is part of a larger crisis and a greater conflict, which is the political conflict between the Kurds and the Arab sides. Sometimes the Arab side are represented by the central government while other times Sunni or Shiaa Arabs claim representation. To put it differently, the parties of the conflict are made of Sunni and Shiaa Kurds on the one hand and Sunni and Shiaa Arabs on the other hand. This does mean that there are no problems between the Kurdish groups or between the Sunni and Shiaa Arabs, because the conflict between Sunni and Shiaa Arabs is one of the main problems of the governorate. However, the conflict between the Kurds and Arabs existed before and during the previous rulers of Iraq. Below is a presentation of the most important issues of differences. We present them here because the population of the area often discus them. It seems that this type of crisis and differences exist in the wider Diyala governorate and all of Iraq to a varying degrees.

We should mention that most of the times these conflicts converge and mix with one another. Thus, the characteristics of these conflicts are complicated and present more challenges to finding solutions: 1. Ethnically based conflict has historical roots in the area. Belonging to the Kurdish, Arabic or Turkmen ethnicity is beyond individual will. This belonging determines the fate of individual and the type of life under the print of ethnic identity. Benefiting, losing or suffering is closely related to and dependent on individual’s identity in any given incident. There are many people who have been victimized because of their Kurdish, Arabic or Turkmen identity.

2. The sectarian conflict between Shiaa and Sunni, particularly as Diyala is located near Baghdad and on the Iranian border. The area became the theatre of sectarian conflict from 2003 and it is still ongoing.

3. Tribal conflict: it is clear that the tribal relations are still dominant in Diyala. In most of the issues and events, the ethnic and religious identities give way to the tribal identity. In this area, there are tribal feuds as the result of property ownership issues and other social issues. After the arrival

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

of ISIS the number of these feuds increased, while they are portrayed as ethnic and political conflicts, as happened in Jalawla for example.

4. Conflict between IDPs and the host communities: the issue of IDPs is a sensitive issue in the conflicts of this area. Displacement is widespread issue in Diyala. According to the available information the Arab IDPs from Jalawla are now in Baqubah unable to return to the areas under Kurdish control. Other IDPs are not able to return for security reasons, lack of services, destruction of their villages and towns. Therefore, the IDPs return has social, economic and political dimensions and there are urgent needs for a strong will to establish peace and request international intervention and programs in this regard.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Part Two Content of the Study One: Case Study of Baqubah District Two: Case Study of Khanaqin District Three: Case Study of Jalawla District

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

One: Case Study of Baqubah District 1. Political and Sectarian Tensions Relations among ethnic and religious components in Baqubah, the central district of Diyala, are good despite the political competitions among their political representatives and the political parties and movements(2) . Women see the relations, especially social relations, in a more positive light among the components in Baqubah(3) . The different ethnic groups see the relations among the various components of Diyala differently (4) .

On the other hand, there are other views that see “the peaceful coexistence in Baqubah as merely formal for in reality there are a serious of problems and differences between the components of Diyala in general.” (5) Although there are assurances that the inter-communal relations are good and that there are a common history, interests, language, culture and even religion that bind the majority of the people of Baqubah, political and religious problems and differences surfaced after 2003 affecting the relations among the components, particularly between 2006 and 2007 as well as 2013 and 2015(6).

One of the interviewed ladies stated that “the current conflict is a conflict over power and offices. As the result of lack of awareness and ignorance, these political conflicts impact the society and the conflict has become a social conflict.” (7)

2- from the total of 51 participants, %55 agree with that and %33 see the relations as more than good; while %8 see the relations as bad and %4 think that relations between various components is very bad in the area.

3- All the female interviewees were 17; of which %52.9 think that the relations are very good; and %47.1 think they are good. The mail interviewees have different thought in this regard; while the majority; or %59 think that the relations are good and %23 think they are good, around %12 think that relations between the ethnic and religious components are very bad.

4- %59.5 of the Arab interviewees, 23 out of 51 in total, think that relations between the components is good in Baqubah, while lower rate; %55 of the 11 Kurdish interviewees think the same. The rate increases to %57 among the 7 Turkmen interviewees of the total of 51. Among the interviewees no Turkmen see the relations as bad or very bad. Most of those who see the relations as bad are ethnic Arabs with the rate of %9.5 and %3 as very bad; and %9 of the Kurds in Baqubah see the relations as bad and the same rate as very bad.

5- Statement of one of the interviewees.

6- Opinion of a participant in the focus groups.

7- A female interviewee who wished to remain anonymous because of security concerns.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate Despite the good relations the data gathered during the study indicate that there is a serious of factors that affect the relations among the components and the stability of the area. There is a common view on the impact of the security situation on the relations among the components (8).

The views of the main components of Baqubah are not very divergent; on the contrary they are very close to one another. All the components of the central district of Diyala (Arabs, Kurds and Turkmens) believe that security is the main issue, then in the second place the political issues and finally the issue of terrorism; with the exception of the Kurds who place terrorism in the second place after security issues and put the political issues at the end (9).

One of the interviewees stated that “the biggest problem is security agencies’ bias and the spread of weapons without state control. Individuals and families possess weapons.” In addition, in the second place people think that the “political issues and conflicts over power and authority lead to the creation of security problems and appearance of terrorist groups in the area.” The focus groups emphasized that the “problems facing the society are security related and present a heavy burden on the Baqubah society for they give opportunities to the saboteurs to create and ignite problems and conflicts in the area.

Adding that there are minor sectarian conflicts and that the tribal and class issues are the main factors behind the conflicts and the bad reputation of the area. Other problems include lack of social justice and equal opportunities and not utilizing the local talents in the administration of the local government.”

Another issue often brought up in the focus groups is related to the sectarian conflict and its implications. Some of the participants thought that the sectarian issue and the unsolved problems are directly related to the fact that Diyala is close to Baghdad, it is also on the Iranian border and the border with Kurdistan. They made references to the issue of disputed areas like Jalawla and Khanaqin and other issues related to the ethnic and sectarian demographic changes.

8- The results of the field survey indicate that most of the participants, %49, think that the main problem in Baqubah, the central district of Diyala governorate, is security. This is followed by political problems %25.5, then terrorism %25.5. The views differ between male and female regarding the sequence of the problems; %41.2 male see security as the main problem, followed by terrorism %32.4 then political problem %25.3; while female see security as the main problem %64.7, followed by political problem %29.4 then terrorism %5.9.

9- %53 Arabs, %46 Kurds and %43 Turkmens think the main problem in Baqubah is security.

While %25.5 Arabs, %23.5 Kurds see the political problem as the second main problem and %23.5 Turkmens see the political problem and terrorism to be equal in priority in Baqubah.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

The Rule of Law, structural violence and social justice

The collected data indicate many cases of structural violence, including the destruction of the infrastructure, lack of public services, failure of the education system, widespread unemployment and poverty and restriction on liberties and free speech.

According to the views of many of the participants in the study, the rule of law is the main source of concern to the most people in Diyala, especially with the bias of the security agencies in favor of one group against another; they emphasis that return of the rule of law is the only solution to address their concerns (10). Some of the participants of the focus groups in Baqubah disagreed and through that because of the tribal nature of the Diyala the only solution is negotiations among the tribal leaders and families that are parties to the conflict for they are interconnected through various types of relationships, including intermarriage and common interests. However, if these negotiations fail, the only alternative solution is enforcement of law. An important point raised in some of the interviews is related to the fact that structural violence is part and parcel of the Iraqi laws, particularly the anti-terrorism law and the biased law enforcement by the authorities in Baghdad. “If there is no rule of the law all the attempts will be in vein and the situation will not change.” (11) Another problems closely related to the rule of law is lack of trust in the authorities in Baqubah. During the discussions with the people of Baqubah, most of them, like elsewhere in Iraq, have no hope in the authorities’ abilities to build peace and they distrust their attempts. One of the interviewees said that “they have no role; if they do it is simple and ineffective one.”

Another one said “right now their role is limited and requires a strong infrastructure of the state and its formal institutions to stop military activities outside the framework of the law and the state. Also it requires enacting the necessary laws in accordance with the Constitution, such as the political parties’ law, council of ministers law and others.” All of these can contribute to partial rebuilding of trust in the authorities.

There was a popular view in the focus groups that “the role of the authorities is very weak even close to non-existent in peace building, it may also be a negative role right now.”

10- The felid survey data show that %56.9 of the participants think that the rule of law and law enforcement are guarantees to avoid conflicts in Baqubah. The views of male and female and of the various components differ on this issue. %70.6 of male and only %29.4 of female agree with this view. While %62.5 Arabs, %45.5 Kurds and %42.9 Turkmens agree.

11- Statement of one of the interviewees in Baqubah.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate “Since they are part of the problem, how they can be part of the solution” said of the participants of the focus groups and almost all the others agreed.(12) The political parties have negative impacts on the issue of the rule of law and stability in the area. The political parties in Iraq in general have relatively long history. They were active as civil forces in the twenties and fifties of the Twentieth Century. after 2003 many new political parties were found on sectarian, religious or ethnic lines. The post 2003 political parties have become sectarian and territorial. In Iraq there is a lack of political parties that have grown independently from sectarian and territorial motives.

The political parties are mostly dominated by insider personalities and groups. Nepotism and favoritism are widespread. This shadows the structural designs of the ministries resulting in appointments based on political party loyalties rather than functional capacities. Most political parties lack the basic elements of democratic culture and practices. Backroom negotiations, deals and policies based on force and threats are used as tools for the promotion of non-transparent activities and to sideline some voters and groups from representation. As indicated by the interviews and focus groups discussions, this situation has resulted in the decline of trust and confidence in the political process.

The political parties are still the possible movers and motivators of the sectarian conflict. However, they are beginning to restrain from that due to disappointment of many Iraqis rather than changes in the nature of the political parties. This point was emphasized more than once in the interviews made during this study.

“Most of the political parties do not necessarily represent the citizens; therefore they are not able to meet the needs of the people. Politicians must come from within the society, known by the public and their supporters so that they can be the public voices. Unfortunately, most of the Iraqi political parties are led by politicians who have lived in exile for many decades in a different environment and culture. Thus it is difficult for the leaders to understand the people’s needs.” this sums up the views of most participants in the focus groups in Baqubah on the issue of trust in political parties role in the peace building process.

It seems that rebuilding trust in the political parties’ role in the peace building process requires “to get rid of ethnic, sectarian and tribal nepotism and monopoly practiced by the political parties that lead Iraq. It also requires the enactment of a strict political parties’ law to prohibit the current practices,

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate provide for the separation of powers and equal opportunities and combat corruption.” This was emphasized in one of the interviews.

In one of the focus groups on the role of the political parties in the peace building process in Baqubah, one of the participants stated that “the role of the political parties in the area is not positive; they incite conflicts so that they can maintain the positions that they abuse.” (13) Political and economic factors are the main issues that can be negatively utilized, especially in a corrupt country line Iraq. The economic situation cannot be sustainably developed because of insecurity, which leads to more corruption. For example, as there is no transparency in granting contracts and tenders by the local authorities, the process favors the tribal leaders and the affiliated elites with the officials in the governorate. According to the collected data, most citizens emphasis on the provision of services as a mechanism for conflict resolution. (14) In addition to all that, some of the participants emphasized on the importance of the rehabilitation of the infrastructure and provision of the basic services such as roads, bridges, electricity, water and health and sanitation services. %3.9 emphasized that the responsible authorities need to fulfill their duties so that the population can return home and restart normal and peaceful lives with the others. Of this %20.6 are male and %11.8 are female; regarding their components %15.6 are Arabs, %18.2 are Kurds and %28.6 are Turkmens. This was emphasized during the interviews and focus groups. In one of the focus groups one of the participants said that “if the government and the political parties spent all the money that they now spend on wars and conflicts on the infrastructure; there would have been no conflicts and our youths would have been continuing their education.” (15)

13- Results of the field survey: “do you trust the political parties in the peace building process?” the response was negative; %52.9 said “no I do not trust the political parties in the peace building process in Baqubah”; of which %52.9 male and %47.1 female. Regarding ethnicity %52.9 Arabs, %36.4 Kurds and %42.9 were Turkmens.

14- Around %11.8 agreed with that; of which %2.9 were male and %29.4 were female. Regarding ethnicity %15.6 were Arabs, and %9.1 were Kurds. No Turkmen agreed on the correlation between overcoming conflicts and improvement of basic services.

15- Field survey results: %25.5 agreed; %26.5 male and %23.5 female. Regarding ethnicity; %18.8 Arabs, %45.5 Kurds and %28.6 Turkmens.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Understanding the others and their participation

Iraq has become a state of components instead of a state of citizens. Even this state of components is not based on equality for most of the components sense injustice and exclusion. Thus, some of the participants think that true representation of the components in the administrative and political offices is of no less importance than participation in the decision making process.

Without true representation of the components there are no true participation of these components in the decision making and therefore no true enforcement of the laws and decisions.

In the interviews and focus groups the participants emphasized that “participation of the components in the works of the administrative and service institutions in the city contributes to finding solutions for some of the existing problems. The monopoly of one or more component or political party over the institutions in the city, on the expense of the other components, lead to more conflicts and competitions in the area.” In one of the interviews it was stated that participation of the components in the decision making, especially in the city, be it at the political, economic or service levels, facilitate understanding and dialogue on finding suitable mechanisms to solve the problems in ways that satisfy all the components.”

Although Diyala is an ethnically and religiously mixed city, most of the political parties in the area have religious or ethnic directions towards citizenship, serving the people and building a modern state. The ethnic and sectarian conflicts have a long history that go back to before 2003, though they were hidden and unannounced then. According to the field survey %29.4 of male and %12.5 of female give priority to the ethnic and sectarian conflicts in Baqubah. While %22.6 Arabs, %27.3 Kurds and %14.3 Turkmens agree with that. In the focus groups and the interviews the views were not very different, on the contrary all of them agreed. One participant of one of the focus groups said that “in our area in Baqubah in 2006-2007 the situation was deteriorated and the intense sectarian conflicts resulted in the large displacement and many killings. However, the following years this was decreased by %50-60 until the saboteurs found new ways to ignite conflicts, which was kidnappings of members of a particular ethnic or religious group to incite hatred within the community.”

Baqubah is one of the areas that people are displaced from and to, in a certain period after 2006 many families from Baqubah were displaced and moved to more secure areas in Kurdistan Region, Kirkuk or Baghdad. After 2014 the same scenario was repeated while many families from Diyala and

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate the other governorates were displaced and took refuge in Baqubah. As the result some people in Diyala see displacement as a problem that impacts the community and the governorate. Understanding the situation and planning for dialogue between the IDPs and the host communities can contribute to achieving peace in the governorate. (16) When talking about the IDPs return, people immediately express fears of return, particularly in relation to feuds and revenge killings in the areas invaded by the armed groups and later liberated by other armed groups. We see this picture clearly in Diyala. Therefore, fears of revenge and retaliation are real fears.

One of the often mentioned mechanisms during the focus group discussions or the interviews is encouraging joint works between the returnees and the people who stayed in the cities. (17) They also suggested encouraging the discourse of peace and coexistence between the IDPs and the others, which can contribute to addressing the issue of revenge and retaliation. One of the participants said that “it is important to build the capacities of the potential returnees and the people who remained in the cities on coexistence.�

In relation to the suggested mechanisms, %5.9 of the participants think that reconstruction of the ruined areas would greatly contribute to addressing the issue of revenge and retaliation and to encouraging dialogue and joint works.

Reconstruction of the infrastructure, services and institutions encourages IDPs and the people who remained in the city to contribute to the development of their areas instead of confrontations and violent retaliations.

16- Most of the participants in the study agree that return of the IDPs can be another factor for avoiding conflicts in Baqubah. %2, all female and Turkmens mentioned this, no Arab, Kurds and male mentioned this at all in the focus groups, the interviews and the field survey.

17- %56.9 of the participants gave priority to this mechanism; of which %55.9 male and %44.1 female; regarding ethnicity; %59.4 Arabs, %45.5 Kurds and %57.1 Turkmens.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Safety and security

In any given epoch, when the state, for any reason, fails to provide security for the citizens, the people search for protection through resorting to the tribes, sects or political parties. In Iraq after 2003 not only the citizens, but also the government, resorted to the tribes and sects to protect the state!

Therefore, another cause of conflict in Baqubah is security. All the interviewees emphasized this from two aspects: one aspect is the fact that the security agencies are not impartial and they are biased to one side on the expense of another, and the second aspect is the logistical, mental, ideological and even legal inability of the security agencies to control the situation. In addition, the results of the field survey indicate that %15.7 of the participants see security agencies as deteriorating factors of the conflict in Baqubah; whereas they should have been stability factors and contributors to de-escalation of the conflicts in the area.

Even in the subject of the return of the IDPs people hang their hopes on the security authorities. Around %62.7 stated that the security agencies must provide security and protection for the returning IDPs and work to insure stability and protection of the IDPs after their return. Although most of the participants think that the current structure of the security agencies is partial and not skilled to protect citizens’ lives and properties. This requires review and restructuring in such a way that make the security agencies the protector of all citizens. Out of this rate: %20.6 were male, and %11.8 were female; regarding their components %15.6 were Arabs, %18.2 Kurds and %28.6 Turkmen.

Since 2003 up to now there are fears, doubts and mistrust in the security agencies and so far trust is not rebuilt between the citizens and the security agencies. Citizens do not consider themselves included in the security and protection system. This is another factor for lack of security in the governorate.

(18)

Many tribes joined the security forces and implement their tribal agendas under the banner of the security agencies. This is one of the biggest dangers that threaten the relationship between the citizens and the security agencies.

(19)

18- Contribution of one of the participants in the focus groups.

19- Interview with someone in Baqubah.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

The role of civil society and activists

Although everyone uses the concept of civil society, however, after listening and analysis one can see a divergent definition of the concept. Participants in the interviews and the focus groups talked about the tough Iraqi environment for civil society. In the interviews the concept of “civil society” was mainly used to refer to non-governmental organizations, popular organizations, syndicates, associations, cultural centers and groups and youths and voluntary initiatives.

It must be noted that there are wide differences in the views on civil society in Iraq. It is justifiable to say that there is no consensus on the definition of the concept. We thus summarize the views of the interviews and focus groups: 1.Civil society is a fledgling force and a foundation for democracy The civil society organizations are major players working in crucial sectors, representing important interests and causes to bring about democratic change. This is an important dimension of democracy to enable people’s voices to be heard. They play the role of “watchdog” over government and impact a number of areas that the government is not able to have any impact. The civil society organizations are active in the solution of major issues, working with groups suffered losses and addressing needs that the government is not addressing. It is also a major player in overcoming sectarianism; though lately we see organizations here and there that have sectarian inclinations! In the focus groups and the interviews this issue was strongly emphasized.

2. Civil society is facade of political parties!

Most of the interviewees mentioned that the political parties and movements use civil society as their façade; they are used to increase political influence on their supporters and even as schools to develop their cadres.

Contrary to the interviews, most participants of the focus groups stated that “civil society must be separated from the political parties for the civil society organizations enjoy good relations with the public and has effect on the peace building process.”

3. Programs of the civil society organization are non-Iraqi programs!

This is one of the existing views on the NGOs in Iraq. Holders of this view claim that: - NGOs are personal tools used for financial gains; - NGOs programs are in the interests of the donors rather than the citizens or communities they are supposed to serve.

4. Civil society is a strong instrument for peace building!

There are other views on the civil society organizations. The field survey of this

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate study shows that there is a strong trust in civil society’s role in building peace.

There were discussions on the youths and voluntary initiatives in Baqubah during the focus groups, in which the majority agreed that “the activists that appeared 6 years ago play a crucial role in disseminating the language of coexistence between the ethnic components.” (20)

Gender based violence (GBV) and women rights:

In a tribal and unstable society where various armed groups appear every now and then, women rights will witness setbacks. This was discussed in most of the interviews and focus groups. Issues of widows, divorce, child marriage, forced marriage outside courts, polygamy, inequality in job opportunities and limited participation of women in the political process, lead to marginalizing the role of women in society.

Most of the participants think that the main factor behind limited participation of women in public life in Baqubah is the dangers facing women due to the tribal nature of the area. Since 2003 the armed groups have had a negative impact on the daily lives of women. Freedoms of women are curtailed from various aspects such as forced Islamic traditional costumes, restricted education and job opportunities for girls, violence against women, polygamy, marriage outside the courts and other types of violence against women.

“Despite all, the situations of women in Baqubah, the central district of Diyala governorate, are generally better than those in the other districts and sub-districts.” (21) Some women have leading positions in the some aspects of public life and in the civil society and syndicates. There are many women NGOs run by women in the central district. In addition, educated girls play leading roles in the youths and voluntary initiatives as well as many female journalists work in the media.

20- %56.9 of the interviewees agreed; of which %52.9 male and %64.7 female; regarding their ethnicity %56.3 Arabs, %90.9 Kurds and only %14.3 Turkmen. %25.5 of the participants await greater impact from local and international organizations and selected “I don’t know”; of which %26.5 male and %23.5 female; regarding their ethnicity %18.8 Arabs, %9.1 Kurds and %71.4 Turkmen. %13.7 selected “No” I don’t trust civil society in the peace building process; of which %14.7 male and %11.8 female; regarding their ethnicity %18.8 Arabs, %14.3 Turkmens and no Kurd selected this option.

21- View of a female participant in the review meeting for the draft of this study.

23

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

The role of the youths

Baqubah is one of the areas where voluntary youth groups are active. Groups of voluntary male and female youths are visible in Baqubah. The most visible of them is a group called (Diyalas). They compete with the NGOs through their direct contact with the community. The relation between these groups with the NGOs is a competitive rather than complementary one. Sometimes they exchange accusations! (22) The youths face neglect and lack of opportunities and even harassment in relation to freedom of expression. The sectarian conflict has a negative impact on the youths of the city; some have been arrested, others displaced and some left the county.

They contribute positively to the administration of some of the important services in the area. They play a crucial role in voluntary community works.

They have limited personal freedoms and entertainment places are almost non-existent. Most of them use social media and utilize them in an effective manner. Most of the youths’ groups use social media to inform people about their activities.

The armed groups, instability and the tribal nature of the area contribute to militarization of the youths and popularization of violence discourses and incidents amongst the youths. The female elements within the youth groups exist albeit their limited number.

22- View of a group of voluntary youth and leaders of organizations in one of the focus groups.

24

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Recommendations First: to the local government in Baqubah

1. Working on building trust with the citizens through dialogue, meetings, field visits and fulfilling promises about the basic services that are among the competencies of the local government; as well as participation of the public in planning, implementation and monitoring of the projects.

2. Enforcing the rule of law and non-discrimination against the citizen to boost the public trust in the authorities.

3. Building partnerships with civil society and the voluntary groups in the governorate with the aim of peace building, coexistence and the protection of human rights.

4. Starting community initiatives to increase dialogue and communication among the various components.

5. Presenting a clear memorandum to the central government on the most important needs of the people of Baqubah in relation to the fears of some of the people regarding the ongoing demographic changes in the governorate, which have negative impacts on social cohesions in the governorate.

Second: to the community leaders

1. Encouraging the various armed groups not to use arms against the citizens and the civilian and service institutions.

2. Coordinating the attempts among the local leaders to increase their impact on building common relations.

3. Encouraging religious clergy to play a balanced role and denounce violence and sectarianism and reject hate speeches. Selecting the clergies that can strengthen peaceful coexistence and affection among the components.

4. Calling upon the conflicting parties to abandon violence and return to dialogue and negotiation as a more humane and less costly way to gain their rights and achieve their objectives.

5. Cooperation with the civil society to build peace and social cohesion.

6. Cooperation with the governmental agencies to overcome militarization of the society and return the control of the state on arms and weapons.

25

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Third: to civil society

1. Preparing strategic plans for sustainable peace building.

2. Building partnerships with the local leaders and the relevant institutions to peace building process. Establishing community peace committees.

3. Preparing plans for various studies on building peace and social cohesion.

4. Building partnerships with other organizations and supporting voluntary initiatives in the area.

5. Participation of the youths in civil society works in the governorate rather than marginalizing them. They should look at the youths as crucial elements of civil society and build their capacities.

6. Using mechanisms that insure inclusion of girls and women in civil society works and advocating for women rights. Inclusion of women in peace building process through strategies based on the Security Council Resolution 1325.

7. Developing income generating programs and projects and encouraging joint works between the IDPs and the host communities.

8. Working on the sustainability of civil society that overcome sectarianism and establish organizations on the bases of citizenship and diversity within their organizational structures.

9. Inclusion of the citizens and beneficiaries in the programs of the organizations.

Fourth: to the Iraqi government

1. Supporting community works to build peace and preparing a strategy to work with the community in peace building process and social cohesion in Diyala.

2. Stopping all the attempts to change the demography of Diyala governorate and holding all those involved in this into account.

3. Restructuring the security agencies in Baqubah to insure that they equally protect all the Iraqis.

4. Establishing a realistic program to disarm armed peoples and keep arms only in the hands of the state.

5. Preparing a special budget for the hotspots and implementing small

26

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate income generating economic projects focusing on the youths and women to address the problem of unemployment in the governorate.

6. Working with the clergy in relation to Friday prayers and establishing strategies that serve social cohesion and peace building.

7. Establishing a strategy to strengthen the works of civil society and local leaders.

8. Establishing a strategy to end the various armed groups.

9. Announcing a national plan for a true national reconciliation with the participation of all the parties to the ongoing conflict to end violence.

10. Preparing long-term programs with special budgets for rehabilitation of the victims of the conflicts and violence, particularly women, youths and children.

11. Encouraging the government to prepare a special program for transitional justice.

Fifth: to the international community

1. Working with the Iraqi government to insure the rule of law.

2. Working with the Iraqi government to insure transparency and accountability.

3. Supporting the Iraqi government to prepare a special program to end the militias and confiscate weapons outside the relevant state agencies.

4. Asking the Iraqi government to end all the attempts that lead to demographic changes.

5. Supporting a national plan for inclusive national reconciliation to end all the conflicts and violence.

6. Encouraging community works that aim to build peace and coexistence in Iraq.

27

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Two: Case Study of Khanaqin 1. Political and sectarian tensions

Khanaqin is one of the areas where various ethnic, religious and sectarian groups live together. Beside the Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens, Assyrians, Chaldeans and Syriacs live. In relation to the religious groups, there are Muslims, Christians, Kakais and Zarasustrians as well as Shia and Sunni Muslims in the city. Khanaqin is considered relatively secure in Diyala governorate. It is one of the disputed areas between Kurdistan Region and Baghdad in accordance with Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution. Although it is officially administered from Bagdad through Diyala governorate, in reality the Kurdistan Region runs the district through Sulaimani governorate and Garmian Administration, namely by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. The relationship between the components in Khanaqin is good albeit some incidents(23).

In the interviews conducted with social and academic personalities and the relevant authorities in Khanaqin district, most of them stated that the relations between the components are good and all the components live in peace, particularly at the community level. However, there are limited sectarian tensions every now and then. One of the participants said “previously there were no ethnic or religious tension between the people, but now there is sectarian tension though it is mostly emotional.”

In the focus groups there was agreement that social relations among the components are good due to the common history of the people of Khanaqin.

Communal intermarriages are sign of the good relations. On participant said that “there are some discrimination between Sunnis and Shias, however there is no confrontation, there are members of our families from both sides and most of the people of Khanaqin know one another, therefore, they respect the others sect or ethnicity.” On the other hand there are others who thought that there are discriminations and bad relations between the components. One participant said that “the Kakaies are close to Islam, yet the Islamic clergymen do not respect Kakaies because they are not Muslims. Sunnis and Shiaas do 23- Most of the participants, %45, in the field study think that relation between the components is very good, of which %51 male and %33 female; regarding their ethnicity %61 Arabs, %38 Kurds and %29 Turkmens. Around %43 think that relation between the components is good; of which %32 male, and %61 female; regarding their ethnicity %31 Arabs, %42 Kurds and %71 Turkmens. On the other hand, %4 see the relation as bad, of which %3 male and %6 female, regarding their ethnicity %8 Arabs and %4 Kurds.

28

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate not eat our food and often ask me about my mustache and why I don’t shave it (it is customary among the Kakaies to keep their mustache unshaved)”.

Another participant said that “there is little conflict between Shiaa and Sunni in the city and the main reason behind this is Iran. The people of the city participate in each other’s celebrations; during political or religious events all the people of the city participate regardless of their religion or ethnicity.”

There are a number of factors that affect the relations between the components and stability in the area. The results of the field survey indicate that most of the participants, %39, see terrorism as the main problem in Khanaqin district. Gender and ethnicity views are close on this point; %39 male and female and %38.5 Arabs, %35 Kurds and %43 Turkmens agree on this point. The views in the interviews and focus groups were also close on this point.

The political problems come second in the focus groups that discussed the main political issues in Khanaqin as follows: •

Many youths joining the Shiaa Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) and when there is a terrorist attack the Sunnis are blamed. This has to be stopped to avoid future conflicts.

•

There are talks about sectarianism by the Sunni clergymen that are seen as provocative by Shiaa and vice versa.

•

The political parties discriminate against the citizens.

•

Some authorities exploit citizens and issues like unemployment and financially incite the youths to join PMU.

•

More than 1300 persons joined the PMU and many members of the Peshmarga forces resigned because of low salaries and delay in payment, some joined the PMU after leaving Peshmarga ranks. The participants said that this threatens social cohesion as the PMU is a Shiaa force and joining its ranks done through Hussainyahs (Shiaa mosuqes).

Most of the interviewees mentioned that “the problems of the city are caused by the disputes between the central government and the Kurdistan Regional Government over the administration of Khanaqin with its current boundaries.”(24) 24- Around %37 agree that political problem is the major one, of which %45 male, and %22 female; regarding ethnicity %%38.5 Arabs, %35 Kurds and %29 Turkmens.

The security issue is ranked among the major problems in Khanaqin. Around %16 agree; of which %%13 male and %22 female; regarding their ethnicity %23 Arabs, %29 Kurds and %14 Turkmens. There are many security agencies, militias and armed groups.

29

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate Other factors mentioned including: 1. Administrative problem: because the area is within Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution. Also there is lack of skilled administration staff.

2. Economic problem: most of the recent young graduates are not employed by the government and due to the economic crisis there is a great number of unemployed people.

3. Militarization of the society: as the result of the economic situation and the general sectarian situation in the city, most of the youths resort to joining the armed groups.(25)

2. The rule of law, structural violence and social justice

In discussions with people in Khanaqin regarding trust in the local authorities, there are in general signs of trust, though conditional. One of the interviewees said “yes I trust them in the peace building process in only one case; if they face the people and inform them through the media that they will step away from discrimination and division.” Most of the interviews indicate this kind of conditional trust.

In the focus groups the views were different from the ones in the interviews.

Most of them think that “the government and the authorities are causes of ethnic and sectarian conflicts in Khanaqin.” One participant of the focus groups said that “we don’t trust the political authorities as they are more concerned with their personal and political party interests rather than the citizens. They are the main causes of the problem.”

Most of the participants said that the rule of law and law enforcement can guarantee avoiding conflicts in Khanaqin. The views of men and women differ on this point; %52 of male and only %33 of female participants agree with this view. Around %46 Arabs, %42 Kurds and %29 Turkmens agree with this view.

The results of the focus groups and interviews show agreement in this regard and show that the majority are concerned about the rule of law and think that if there is no rule of law many people will resort to tribal customs rather than the law. One of the interviewees said that “we resort to tribal customs rather than the law and this is our biggest problem.” (26) 25- Participations in the focus groups 26- The results of the field survey support the results of the interviews but not the focus groups. In relation to the question “do you trust the authorities in the peace building process?” the answers were positive around %41 said “yes I trust the authorities in the peace building process in Baqubah”; of which %52 male and %22 female; and %39 Arabs, %38 Kurds and %43 Turkmens. The negative response; “I don’t trust the authorities” was close to this rate; %39 said they don’t trust the authorities in the peace building process; of which %35 male and %45 female; regarding ethnicity %46 Arabs, %36 Kurds and %26 Turkmens.

30

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate “The political parties ignite and manage the sectarian conflicts in Khanaqin…” this was the view of one of the interviewees regarding trust in the political parties in Khanaqin in the peace building process. During the discussion it became clear that there is a lack of trust in the political parties in the peace building process though in Khanaqin everything is done through the political parties. This attitude towards the political parties may be the natural result of assessment of the political parties’ performances and their relations with the citizens.

Most of the current political parties are sectarian parties established on the bases of ethnicity, religion, sect or all of these together. The number of nonsectarian political parties is very small and they are very weak; they suffer lack of popular support. Thus, during the elections all the political forces use ethnicity, religion or sect to get more votes and get to the power to implement their sectarian political parties’ platforms. According to the discussions with the people, since 2003 until now this is a recurrent scene.

In all the focus groups it was emphasized that the political parties paly a negative role in the peace building process in Khanaqin. “We don’t trust the political parties in peace building; they are only working for their political party and sectarian interests.” (27) Many bombings carried out in Khanaqin resulted in the death of many innocent civilians. Despite the existing laws and regulations on compensation of the victims of the terrorist attacks, families of the victims are not compensated while they are in dire needs for such compensations. The results of the field survey show that reparation and compensation of the victims of the conflicts, terrorist attacks or acts of sectarian revenge in the area contribute greatly to strengthening social cohesion in the area.(28) Provision and improvement of services such as roads, water, electricity, health and municipality services is one of the chosen options by the participants in Khanaqin. Around %14, of which %13 male and %17 female agree on this.

However, %15 Arabs, %19 Kurds and Turkmens did not agree that there are interrelations between the conflicts and improvement of basic services.

27- The results of the field survey support this view. In relation to the question “do you trust the political parties in the peace building process?” the response was negative: around %49 said “no I don’t trust the political parties in the peace building process”; of which %49 male and %50 female; regarding ethnicity %54 Arabs, %50 Kurds and %29 Turkmens.

28- Around %13 agree on this; of which %26 male and %39 female; regarding ethnicity %38.5 Arabs, %23 Kurds and %43 Turkmens.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Understanding the others and their participation

“The city suffers from sectarian conflicts between Shiaa and Sunna and ethnic conflicts between Kurds and Arabs; thought these conflicts are weak and in their infancy when compared with the other parts of Diyala governorate” this was stated by one of the interviewees. This appears to be true as it was restated in all the interviews and focus groups. The reality of the conflicts in Khanaqin indicates existing conflicts between Shiaa and Sunni and Kurds and Arabs. Although these conflicts are not as intense as they are in the other districts and sub-districts within the same governorate, the issues interrelate with political and economic interests in the wider areas. Thus the sectarian and ethnic conflicts are sometimes disguised as political and economic conflicts.(29) Although Khanaqin is distinguished for ethnic, religious and sectarian diversity, most political parties are ethnic, religious or sectarian political parties that are not able to represent all the people of Khanaqin. In other words, they play negative roles regarding social stability.(30) After 2014 thousands of IDPs took refuge in Khanaqin. IDPs live in the camps and a number of them outside the camps in Khanaqin. The IDPs come from different ethnicities and sects, but most of them are from Diyala governorate.

During this study voluntary return of the IDPs was discussed and relevant questions were directed at the participants. The analysis shows that %53 of the participants see the possibility for peaceful and voluntary return of the IDPs to their original homes, of which %48 male and %67 female, regarding their ethnicity %58.1 Arabs, %63.6 Kurds and %85.7 Turkmens.

Although the relations between the IDPs and the people of Khanaqin were good at the beginning and the locals helped and sheltered the IDPs, as time went by problems have arisen, particularly after the intensification of the conflict between Baghdad and Kurdistan Region over those areas. One of the participants of the focus groups said that “the IDPs have impacts on price increases and their presence threatens security of the city. The have negative impact on our children for their culture is different from ours.” A participant in another focus group said that “our children begun to learn about Shiaa and Sunna conflict through mixing with the IDP children. Also the IDPs presence has effect on labor market as they work for lesser pay.”

29- The results show that the political conflict in Khanaqin is the major problem; around %37 agree; of which %32 male and %44 female; regarding ethnicity %54 Arabs, %31 Kurds and %29 Turkmens.

This is followed by ethnic and sectarian conflicts; around %14 agree; of which %13 male and %17 female; regarding ethnicity %15 Arabs, %15 Kurds and %14 Turkmens.

30- The opinions of the people of Khanaqin on the political parties were mentioned in the last pages.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate When discussing the return of the IDPs, people express fears about revenge, killings and retaliation issues, especially in those areas that were invaded by some armed groups or later liberated by other armed groups and some of the population was not displaced. We see such scenes in Diyala making fear of revenge and retaliation a real one for the IDPs. One of the mechanisms discussed with the participants in the interviews and the focus groups, is encouraging joint works between the returnees and the people who remained in their homes. Around %35 of the participants gave priority to this mechanism; of which %39 male and %28 female; regarding their ethnicity %31 Arabs %27 Kurds and %57 Turkmen.

On the other hand, the participants discussed encouraging peaceful discourse that emphasis peaceful coexistence between the IDPs and the others. Many participants highlighted the importance of this to avoid revenge issues. Around %19 of the participants agreed on this point; of which %23 male and %11 female; regarding their ethnicity %15 Arabs, %23 Kurds and %14 Turkmens.

Compensation and reparation of the victims of the terrorist attacks, sectarian violence or acts of revenge, may contribute to the employment of the victims and their families regardless of their ethnicity or religion and leaving what happened behind. This also contributes to coexistence and social cohesion and decreases acts of revenge and retaliation. %18 agreed on this point; of which %19 male and %17 female; regarding their ethnicity %23 Arabs, %15 Kurds and %19 Turkmens.

In relation to the mechanisms; %12 of the participants see that reconstruction in the destroyed areas may contribute greatly to overcome the issues of revenge and retaliation and encourages dialogue and joint works. Reconstruction of the infrastructure, services and government institutions contributes to the inclusion of the IDPs and the others in their areas to rebuild their cities rather than confrontations and violent retaliations. Of this rate; %12 male and %22 female; regarding their ethnicity %23 Arabs, %15 Kurds and %29 Turkmens.

Also strengthening the language of dialogue and reconciliation among the returnees is another discussed mechanism to avoid retaliations; around %8 agree on that; all women with %22 rate, and all Kurds with %15 rate.

Finally there is another mechanism to avoid retaliations; that is the establishment of peace and reconciliation committees between the returnees and those who remained behind. Around %6 of the participants, all male,

33

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate agreed on that, regarding their ethnicity %8 Arabs, %4 Kurds and no Turkmen.

(31)

Security and protection

Security is one of the factors that contribute to the intensification of the conflict in Khanaqin. Around %6 of the participants agreed on this; of which %7 male and %6 female; regarding their ethnicity %15 Arabs, and only %4 Kurds.

The interviewees and participants of the focus groups emphasized this view.

Since Khanaqin is a disputed area and practically administered by the security forces of Kurdistan Region, some of the non-Kurdish participants stated that the Kurdish security forces are not impartial, though most of them agreed that without them people could not defend themselves from the brutality and terror of ISIS. Regarding the role of the security agencies in the return of the IDPs, %47 of the participants think that the security agencies must provide security and protection for IDPs return and work to provide stability and protection after their return. Of this rate, %45 male and %50 female; regarding ethnicity %54 Arabs, %46 Kurds and %43 Turkmens. This view was clearly reiterated in the interviews and the focus groups. One of the interviewees stated that “the government must provide safety, services and job opportunities.”

Protection required real participation of all. If the citizens don’t feel that they are crucial part of the state, they would not contribute to the protection system(32). Around %22 of the participants think that the most effective mechanism to encourage coexistence and cohesion is true participation in all the administrative, political and security institutions. Of this rate, %26 male and %17 female; regarding ethnicity no Arab agreed on the importance of this, %31 Kurds and %43 of Turkmens. In the interviews they highlighted that there are “attempts to exclude the others and monopolize power, which will have 31- In the focus groups and interviews there was agreement on the importance of capacity building process and awareness raising of the IDPs on toleration and acceptance of the others. They also discussed preparing a national plan for transitional justice; through joint works with Arab tribal leaders that have major roles in the Arab society. One of the participants of the focus groups said that “tribal reconciliations attempts have greater impacts that the governmental or organizational attempts. People listen to the tribal leaders and may avoid retaliations. Therefore, it is important to organize workshops and raise awareness by the government and civil society for all the tribal leaders on issues of reconciliation, amnesty and non-discrimination.”

32- View of an interviewee.

34

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate negative impact on peaceful coexistence.” In addition, there were emphases on participation of the components in decision making from the design, implementation to monitoring stages of the projects. There were complaints in this regard in the interviews and focus groups. Around %20 didn’t see this as important, of which %19 male and %22 female; regarding ethnicity %23 Arabs, %19 Kurds and Turkmens.

The treatment of citizens by the security agencies has not changed people’s perception of the former security agencies. Until now people view the security agencies as oppressive forces against the citizens rather than effective protection forces.(33)

The role of civil society and activists

The Iraqi and Kurdistani civil society have their characteristics. The most unique characteristic is surpassing sectarianism in a country that suffers from sectarianism down to the core! However, this does not immune civil society from criticism, particularly in relation to transparency, seriousness and lack of clarity and vision.

In this part of the study on trust in civil society and peace building, it became clear that people have high level of trust in the civil society’s role in the peace building process, especially when compared with the other authorities and the political parties and even the local community leaders. One of the interviewees said that “I don’t trust the authorities and the political forces, but I trust civil society for they are different from the rest.”

In all the focus groups the role of civil society in the peace building process was commended and references were made to a number of characteristics of civil society that we can summarize as follows: 1. Civil society is beyond sectarianism and work with all the components.

2. Some of the civil society organizations are established independently from sectarianism; so we see Kurds, Arabs, Christians, Shiaa and Sunna, Kakaiy and Zarasustrian work together in one team without any problems.

3. They don’t have political ambitions such as gaining power.

4. They don’t have historical problems with themselves or the others.

5. The nature of their work allows for flexibility and minimum bureaucracy that exist within the public authorities.

33- View of an interviewee.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Gender based violence and women rights

The reality of women in Khanaqin is somewhat different form the rest of Diyala governorate; because of political, social and security factors. The relative peace in the area and the setback of social customs and norms that used to restrict freedom of women, as well as the impact of the secular and civil political parties on the district; made improvements to the situation of women.

However, this does not mean that women in Khanaqin have no problems.

In the last few years, number of cases of violent against women increased.

The first security unit for the protection of women in all Diyala was opened in Khanaqin, which belongs to Garmian Administration Police that is part of the Kurdistan Region’s Ministry of Interior.

According to the data of this study;“in spite of the strength of Khanaqin women and their participation in most aspects of public life, women face violence and oppression at home, on the street and in the workplace.”(34) Recently the phenomenon of child marriage has become widespread, especially after the flows of the IDPs and security and political instability in the area(35).

The role of youths

The youths in Khanaqin suffer from a number of issues; the most important one is unemployment. Most of the youths in the area suffer from lack of job opportunities or investment projects that can employ the youths. Also the disputes between Baghdad and Erbil over this disputed area restrict any of these sides to provide real employment opportunities.

Because of the areas proximity to Iran, most of the youths, particularly the IDPs are involved in drug abuse. Some civil society organizations campaign to raise awareness about the dangers of substance abuse.

Militarization of Khanaqin society as the result of Baghdad-Erbil disputes, particularly affects the youths. Because of the created conflicts and calls to join the armed groups, especially after the appearance of ISIS. Many youths joined the PMU and many others joined the Peshmarga forces.

According to gathered data, there is also the problem of youth migration in Khanaqin to the other governorates such as Baghdad, Sulaimani or Erbil in search for work; also there is ongoing migration of Khanaqin youths to outside Iraq, particularly to Europe, the USA and Canada.

34- Interview with a women activist.

35- A view in the focus groups.

36

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate Although there are a number of youth organizations and centers, so far real services are not provided to the youths in Khanaqin. All that are provided by the political parties are based on political affiliations and loyalty and don’t cover indiscriminately all the youths in Khanaqin. Thus one of the main characteristics of Khanaqin is political parties’ conflicts.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Recommendations First: to the local government in Khanaqin

1. 1. Building capacities on communication skills, conflict management and dialogue of the local officials in Khanaqin.

2. 2.

Contribution to creating dialogue between the IDPs and host community in Khanaqin aiming at decreasing conflicts that may arise in the area.

3. 3. Building partnership with civil society and voluntary initiatives in the governorate with the aim to build peace, coexistence and protection of human rights.

4. 4.

Introducing clear policy to enable the participation of all the components in the development of a strategic plan in Khanaqin.

Second: to the community leaders

1. Coordinating the attempts among the local leaders to increase their impact on building common relations.

2. Encouraging religious clergy to play a balance role and denounce violence and sectarianism and reject hate speech.

3. Calling upon the conflicting parties to abandon violence and return to dialogue and negotiation.

4. Cooperation with the civil society to build peace and social cohesion.

5. Offering consultation to the local government to strengthen social cohesion.

Third: to civil society in Khanaqin

1. Preparing strategic plans for sustainable peace building.

2. Building partnerships with the local leaders and the relevant institutions to peace building process. Establishing community peace committees.

3. Preparing plans for various studies on building peace and social cohesion.

4. Building partnerships with other organization and supporting voluntary initiatives in the area.

5. Participation of the youths in civil society works in the governorate

38

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate rather than marginalizing them. They should look at the youths as crucial elements of civil society and build their capacities.

6. Using mechanisms that insure inclusion of girls and women in civil society works and advocating for women rights. Inclusion of women in peace building process through strategies based on the Security Council Resolution 1325.

7. Developing income generating programs and projects and encouraging joint works between the IDPs and the host communities.

8. Working on the sustainability of civil society that overcome sectarianism and establish organization on the bases of citizenship and diversity within the organizational structure.

9. Inclusion of the citizens and beneficiaries in the programs of the organizations.

Fourth: to the Iraqi government and KRG

1. Working towards solving the disputed issue of Khanaqin administration.

2. Establishing a realistic program to disarm armed peoples and keep arms only in the hands of the state.

3. Working towards peaceful return of the IDPS. 4. Working with the clergy in relation to Friday prayers and establishing strategies that serve social cohesion and peace building.

5. Establishing a strategy to strengthen to the works of civil society and local leaders.

6. Establishing a strategy to end militarization of the society.

7. Preparing long-term programs and with special budgets for rehabilitation of the victims of the conflicts and violence, particularly women, youths and children.

8. Encouraging the government to prepare a special program for transitional justice.

9. Combating corruption and holing the corrupt element accountable.

10. Enacting special laws to prohibit inciting sectarianism and strengthening the principle of citizenship and protection of the components.

39

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Fifth: to the international community

1. Working with the Iraqi government to insure the rule of law.

2. Working with the Iraqi government and the KRG to insure transparency and accountability and drafting a strategic plan.

3. Supporting the Iraqi government to prepare a special program to end the militias and confiscate weapons outside the relevant state agencies.

4. Asking the Iraqi government to enact laws and regulations on nondiscrimination against citizens and components and insure their participation in the authorities.

5. Encouraging community works that aim to build peace and coexistence in Iraq.

40

Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Three: Case study of Jalawla 1. Political and sectarian tensions

The population of Jalawla is ethnically divided into (Arabs, Kurds and Turkmens) and religiously divided into Shiaa and Sunni Musilms. According to the results of this study, the major problems of this district include conflicts between the political parties and ethnic and sectarian groups. According to the participants the political conflicts are mostly based on certain political parties’ domination attempts at the expense of the others, particularly after the liberation of the area from ISIS. The existing political parties have various affiliations and supporters; so political parties support and affiliation is not necessary purely ethnic or sectarian. It is possible, for example, someone from an ethnic group to support a political party traditionally affiliated with a different ethnicity. This is a complex equilibrium; it may appear to indicate toleration and intercommoned relations, but deeper contemplation indicates to the deepening of the existing political problems and conflicts. Mostly these types of political affiliations reflect certain personal and group interests and once these interests disappear so would the affiliations(36).

According to the data collected during this study, the types of existing conflicts in the city reflect the existing problems and challenges. Around %47.10 of the participants think that the major conflicts are political conflicts; of which %45.70 male and %50 female. Around %15.70 of the participants think that the existing conflicts are ethnic and sectarian. This contradicts the answer to the question regarding the relations between the components; this relation was defined as very good; %14.30 male and %18.80 female; regarding ethnicity most Turkmens, %63/60, see the conflict as political, %50 Kurds and %36.40 Arabs. Also %13.70 of the participants think that the conflict is only social and %14 think that the conflicts are different from all of these, without defining them. In relation to the causes and factors that intensify the conflicts and problems between the components in Jalawla, around %51 of the participants think that political interests and conflicts over them are the main causes of conflicts and problems. Also %23.50 think the conflict to be over power and domination in the city. There are two other factors mentioned that intensify the conflicts; they are security factor as seen by %4 and geographic domination and conflicts over expansion of authorities over these areas. Other 36- Around %66.70 of the participants describe the relations between the components as very good and %33.30 as good.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate unspecified factors got the views of %2 of the participants and the same rate did not express their views.

The questionnaire raised the subject of factors that may intensify the conflicts between the components of the city, including political interests over financial gains through political domination. As shown below; %51 of the participants agreed on this; of which %57.10 male think that political interest is at the center of the most effective conflict; while %50 of female think that power and domination are the main factors that intensify the conflicts(37).

On the other hand, it is clear that tribal relations still dominate the area.

In many issues and events, ethnic and religious identity gives way to tribal identity. In this area, instead of defining someone as Kurd or Arab, we hear the name of the tribes such as (Bajalan, Dalu, Karui and Jaburi). There are feuds and conflicts between some people over land ownership and social issues. After the arrival of ISIS, these cases of conflicts have increased and then portrayed as ethnic and political issues. For example, in Jalawla the Sunni-Arab tribes joined ISIS because they were previously in conflicts with the Kurdish tribes over land ownership as some of them lived on lands owned by Kurdish tribal leaders. In this regard we often hear Karui tribe’s name among the Kurds of the area.

Administrative belonging of the area is another interrelated issue with the existing conflicts in the area. The city is a disputed area between central and regional governments. Thus the area and its population became victims of these types of conflicts. It is also possible for one of the components to enter and dominate the city at the expense of the others.

2. The rule of law, structural violence and social justice

Jalawla is one of the hotspots and areas of conflict. It hasn’t cooled down since 2003. Sometimes it faces waves of violence and conflicts between the ethnic groups, other times between armed groups and the terrorists. Some of the residents of the city have become part of the conflicts, particularly in relation to Arabization of the area in the past and forcefully displacing some people in the area during the rule of the former regime.

The people of Jalawla dream of stability and protection. The provision of security, stability and safety are among the desires of the people of the area; which may contribute to finding solutions to the problems facing the area.

Also participation of all the components in the works of the administrative and 37- Around %56.90 think that encouraging joint works among the components bridge their views. Around %31.40 think that spreading the language of coexistence and reconciliation among the components bridge their views.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate service institutions of the city, may contribute to solving the existing problems.

The monopoly of one component or political force over the institutions on the expense of the other components may lead to more conflicts.

The participation of the components in the political, economic or service related decision making processes facilitate dialogue and search for suitable solutions and mechanism that are agreeable by all the components. This is was the view of %33.30 of the participants who think that participation in decision making can be a solution for the existing or potential conflicts.

Another discussed solution is compensation and reparation of victims of the conflicts, terrorist attacks, ISIS invasion and the operation to liberate the city.

The reparation process may result in people been preoccupied with works and leave what happen behind and live in peace.

In addition, %15.70 of the participants think that reconstruction of the destroyed areas greatly contribute to the spread of peace and coexistence between the various components. It will also encourage dialogue and joint work. Reconstruction of infrastructure, services and government institutions encourage the participation of the components in rebuilding their cities rather that confrontation.

Until now there is lack of public services and the important public institutions are still closed, such as citizenship department, courts and banks; because Diyala government and the central government do not allow the return of these institution unless the police and emergency units return, who were, according to eye-witness statements, mostly the causes of the 2014 incidents and armed conflicts, Also the main roads that link the city to the other areas face terrorist attacks or armed robberies, which make travel within Diyala areas very difficult.

There are problems of class differences among the population of the city and lack of employment opportunities. Also deterioration of the city structures and lack of the major services; such as water distribution system, making access to water a great challenge for the people. Frequent power cuts for long hours force the people to rely on expensive electricity generators; with most poor families can’t afford and stay without electricity for many hours a day. Also the health services have problems; Jalawla hospital lack equipment and medicine sufficient for the number of patients. This forces many people to search for treatment outside the city, resulting in death in emergency cases.

The issue of land ownership in the area is closely related to ethnic and

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate tribal conflicts. After the arrival of ISIS two types of issues of land ownership appeared: There were previous damages caused during the Arabization process, as the lands were confiscated from the non-Arab residents to be given to Arabs. Now these lands are under Kurdish control for those Arabs left the area.

The second type is related to ISIS. The Arabs who left their homes because of their affiliation with ISIS or they were forced to leave; now their lands are under Kurdish control. The land disputes are common in the area. Politically this is connected to the disputes over boundaries between Kurds and Arabs.

In general the land left behind by the Kurds, are now controlled by the Arabs, and conversely the lands left by the Arabs, are now controlled by the Kurds(38).

The economic conflicts come in the second place after the political ones.

These two types of conflicts are interrelated. Economic interests are protected and supported by political authority, thus attempt to impose political will is in itself an attempt to monopolize the economic sectors for the benefit of one component (or allied components). The major economic problem is unemployment; most of the youths suffer from unemployment and how to spend their times in self-development and contribution to rebuilding their areas. Unemployment leads to exploitation of youths’ capacities in the conflicts; resulting in the deterioration of the relations between the various components. Sometimes the youths are exploited by the political parties to protect their political interests. Also lack of basic services, such as electricity, water and sanitation contribute to deteriorations of the conflicts.

Understanding the others and participation

Residents of Jalawla is made of %65 Arabs, %25 Kurds and %10 Turkmens; and regarding sectarian distribution %90 are sunni and around %10 are Shiaa. The ethnic conflicts in Diyala mostly appeared after the fall of the Baath regime. Types and pretexts of these conflicts vary depending on the periods, authorities and the various groups that controlled the area after 2003.

If we look at the demographic, ethnic, religious and tribal distribution of Jalawla, we can easily understand the types of the conflicts for most of the conflicts are based on those identities. None of the conflicts is devoid from political disagreements, in other words, all the conflicts in the area is part of a larger crisis and a greater conflict, which the political conflict between 38- Among the questions in the questionnaire that the participants focused on is the political problems as the major problems; around %68.60 agreed on that. Terrorism came in the second place with the rate of %15.70. And security problem was mentioned only by %2.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate the Kurds and the Arab parties. Sometimes the Arab parties are represented by the central government while other times Sunni or Shiaa Arabs claim representation. To put it differently, the parties of the conflict are Sunni and Shiaa Kurds on the one hand and Sunni and Shiaa Arabs on the other hand.

This does mean that there are no problems between the Kurdish groups or between the Sunni and Shiaa Arabs, because the conflict between Sunni and Shiaa Arabs is one of the main problems of the governorate. However, the conflict between the Kurds and Arabs existed before and during the previous rulers of Iraq.

We started by asking the participants to describe the nature of relations between the various components in Jalawla. Some of the answers were not as honest as to reflect the realities on the ground. This will be shown during the presentation of the results of the questions on the types and causes of conflicts and the possible solutions. The people of the area have their reasons for their moderation and not been straightforward in portraying the realities; the obvious reason is lack of security and stability and rapid changes of the security and military realities in the area. Control of the area frequently changes hand between various armed groups and authorities!

Before the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003, the Baath regime implemented discriminatory policies on the basis of ethnicity and sectarian affiliations. This was expected from the Baath regime as they had implemented such policies in other Iraqi governorates. After the fall of the Baath regime, we witnessed the implementation of discriminatory policies against the Sunnis and the former regime supporters. These were reactions against the past discrimination against ethnic and religious groups. The fall of Saddam and the appearance of ISIS deepened and revitalized the old conflicts.

Now the issue of coexistence and peaceful return of the IDPs is a sensitive one, particularly after the liberation of the areas from ISIS and major political and social changes. There must be comprehensive political, social and educational reconciliation to heal the wounds and avoid acts of retaliations and insure peaceful coexistence. At this juncture, it is important that the major local, national and international players have great sense of responsibility.

This sense of responsibility should be put in the service of peace building.

However, to be realistic and objective regarding reconciliation, there must be an understanding of the conflicts and the views of the population of the area about what kind of reconciliation they think is possible.

The issue of the IDPs is sensitive for displacement is a widespread issue.

According to available information the Arabs of Jalawla are now displaced

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate in Baqubah and are not able to return to their areas that are under Kurdish control. Other IDPs are not able to return because their villages and homes are destroyed. Thus the issue of IDPs return has political, economic and social dimensions and there is a dire need for strong will to build peace and for international intervention to this end.

Regarding the possibility of IDPs return and coexistence in the mentioned areas, %86.30 of the participants think yes it is possible while %11.80 think it is not possible and %2 of the participants selected I don’t know.

The following recorded data concentrate on the reality, solutions, possibilities and ideas to limit and overcome the conflicts in the area. They are presented as follows: the participants are asked what are the mechanisms to minimize the conflicts and violence and facilitate peaceful return of the IDPs to their areas? How to avoid acts of revenge and retaliation during the process of IDPs return?(39) What are the roles of the authorities, political parties, local community leaders, civil society and the international community regarding the peaceful return of the IDPs to their original areas? Around %68.60 of the participants think that they should play roles in providing security and stability; but %11.80 think that they can only play roles in reconstruction and rehabilitation. Also %4 think that the role of the authorities is to reinstate the governmental institutions.

Around %7.80 see that their role is to encourage political reconciliation; and %3.90 think that their role is to rebuild the infrastructure.

Security and protection

The components represent a complicated mosaic where ethnic and tribal identities diverge. At the same time, these identities are given political dimensions to become parts of the power balance. For example, the KurdishArabic-Turkmen conflicts are related to issues of independence, military and administrative control of the area. These conflicts are also related to the issue of disputed areas as stipulated in Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution. Some of the ethnic groups developed sense of victimization. Some of these groups suffered great human and material losses as the result of destruction and 39- The field survey results show that around %27.50 of the participant think that encouraging discourse of peaceful coexistence is among the mechanisms that can help that. While around %29.40 think that joint works between the IDPs can help that. Around %13.70 agree on the importance of reconstruction of the IDPs original areas, compensation and reparation of victims are important mechanisms. Around %14 thin that compensation and reparation is the needed mechanism and %11 thin that joint settlement and reconciliation committees will be the successful mechanism.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate confiscation of the properties and lands. Also some of the neighborhoods are in ruins and all the ethnic and religious groups, one way or another, are the victims of the war and conflicts.

Security violations increased and the existence of ISIS elements in the nearby areas create uncertain situation and blurry boundaries. In the absence of security, members of the society are forced to resort to ethnic and religious groups for protection. Also in the absence of effective security agencies and judicial institutions, people are forced to arm themselves to protect their lives.

In a situation like this a kind of competition arises.

Activating the security and judicial institutions and rebuilding people’s trust in them; will lead people to disarm and stop confrontation. This requires administrative, legal and structural reforms as well as capacity buildings. Both governments in Iraq and Kurdistan Region must provide necessary budgets for the local authorities to enable them to fulfill their duties and regain public trust. The civil society organizations and the international community should assist the relevant institutions to implement administrative and legal reforms and train their staff. The data show that the citizens highlight the importance of building strong institutions and the rule of law(40).

Despite what happened and all the changes in authorities, most participants in Jalawla have strong trust in the authorities. In answer to the question regarding trust in the authorities in starting and maintaining reconciliation, around %70.80 trust the authorities in peace building and only %17.60 don’t trust the authorities in peace building.

Most of the participants in the interviews and the focus groups think that without peace building in the area the citizens are not protected and there would be no security in Jalawla. The question here was who can build peace?

The data show diversity of views and understandings of strengthening peace in the city. Around %27.50 of the participants think that the builders of peace are governmental and non-governmental representatives. Also %19.60 think that the real peace builders are the civil society organization; while %21.60 think that the authorities and the political parties are the peace builders. The local community leaders got the trust of %15.60 of the participants and the

40- Around %40.10 think that the rule of law and law enforcement is the solution for the conflicts; around %11.80 think that the provision of services and insuring their qualities will ease pressures on the citizens and lead to de-escalation. Also %12 think that toleration and reconciliation process between the components will lead to de-escalation of the conflicts.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate international community and organizations working on reparation of the victims got %16.

The role of civil society and activists

Although Jalawla is sensitive area that suffers from a serious of violent crisis and conflicts, it is a small and developing area. Even after what the city went through after 2003 until now, there are a number of civil and voluntary initiatives and strong civil society organizations in the city(41).

Despite the limited number and weakness of the community initiatives and civil society organizations, there are hopes and trust in them. We asked about the participants’ trust in civil society organizations and the international community in peace building: around %80.40 answered yes and %17.60 answered no and %2 answered don’t know. In comparison with the authorities and the political parties in the area, it seems that the trust is greater in civil society organization and comes ahead of the authorities, political parties and the local community leaders (42).

In relation to the IDPs and their return, most of the participants think that civil society can play crucial role in IDPs return. Also they think that civil society can play role in the provision of protection by the formal agencies, reconstruction, capacity building, rebuilding trust, avoiding acts of retaliation and national reconciliation. We asked a question regarding the role of the authorities, the political parties, local community leaders, civil society organizations and the international community in the peaceful return of the IDPs to their original areas? Around %68.60 of the participants think that they should play roles in providing security and stability; but %11.80 think that they can only play roles in reconstruction and rehabilitation. Also %4 think that the role of the authorities is to reinstate the governmental institutions and %7.80 see that their role is to encourage political reconciliation.

41- Contribution of a citizen in Jalawla in the investigative meeting about this study.

42- Regarding whether the participants trust the authorities in the peace building process: %70.60 responded yes they do; %17.60 responded No, %7.80 responded don’t know and %3.90 chose not to response to this question.

Regarding trust in the political parties in the peace building process: %45.10 responded Yes and %33.30 responded No; also %19.60 responded Don’t know and %2 chose not to respond.

Regarding trust in the local community leaders in the peace building process: %60.80 responded Yes and %33.30 responded No; also %3.90 responded Don’t know and %2 chose not to respond.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Gender based violence and women rights

In relation to the problems that face women of the area; they are mostly related to power struggle or lack of employment. Generally the sectors where women work are very limited. The area lacks any entertainment facilities or decent shopping centers for women to release some of the pressure. Women in Jalawla suffer from violence, pressure and interference in their lives and decisions are made for them in most issues. These interferences are done by the family before marriage and the husband after marriage. These factors have indirect impact on the deterioration of the conflicts. It is logical to state that increasing the role of women in different sectors will have positive effect on de-escalation and spread of peace (43).

Women participation in public affairs is limited in Jalawla because of a number of factors related to the conflicts in the area as well as the tribal nature of the area and the existence of armed groups (44).

The role of youths

Youths in Jalawla suffer from unemployment, militarization and lack of entertainment and youth friendly places (45). The area in general suffers from unemployment and conflicts. As the result of this, the youths are joining the armed groups, whether the armed groups of the Iraqi or Kurdistan governments or the extremist groups.

Although there is a youth center of the Ministry of Culture and Youth, most the activities are sports related such as football, basketball, volleyball or others (46) .

43- Contribution of a participating lady in one of the focus groups.

44- Contribution of a participant in the investigative meeting about this study.

45- View of an interviewee.

46- This was frequently emphasized in the focus groups.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Recommendations During the interviews and the focus groups solutions have been discussed and the participants presented recommendations that they think can contribute to social cohesion and coexistence between the various components. As the participants are from the city they know the nature of the problems and challenges and how to solve them.

The following is a summary of the presented recommendations: 1. Creation of a suitable environment for joint works among the components of the city.

2. Working to provide security and stability at the political, social and economic levels.

3. Encouraging dialogue and creating the right climate for that.

4. Guarantying the rights of the citizens belonging to the different components and insuring the rule of law: lifting legal and political discrimination and committing to true representation and participation in the political process. Participation of the people of the areas in the administration of their areas and their inclusion in the political process, require true representation at the local and national levels.

5. Organizing public meetings and discussions and encouraging voluntary work.

6. Encouraging the language of peaceful coexistence and toleration, particularly in the religious speeches. Preparing a national reconciliation program; preparing the ground for coexistence and social cohesion.

Encouraging peace and coexistence is important as a bottom-up and to-down approaches, there are many programs and activities to achieve this objective. For example, establishing joint cultural centers and activities that include all the ethnic and religious groups. This can cover activities like training and the establishment of common platforms for peace activists and representatives of the various groups. These types of activities bring the various groups closer and avoid extremism and violence. It is also important to organize a national conference for dialogue between ethnic and religious groups; which can prepare the ground for common understanding and mutual respect.

7. Compensation of the victims and reconstruction of the city.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate 8. Participation of all the components in decision making and avoiding marginalization of any component.

9. Representation of the components in the administrative and political institutions and activating the security and judicial institutions to provide services to all and gain the trust of the citizens. This will contribute to avoiding acts of revenge and people will resort to the judicial institution to get justice rather than arming themselves and take retaliation. To this end the Iraqi and Kurdistan Regional governments must undertake administrative, legal and structural reforms and provide the necessary budgets for the local authorities to be able to fulfill their responsibilities and gain the public trust. The international organizations and local civil society can assist the relevant institutions to carry out the necessary administrative and legal reform and train their staff.

10. Creating job opportunities for the unemployed persons and utilization of local experts. Establishing programs for training and awareness raising to improve skills of the employees of institutions like police, security, judges and judicial staff. This will contribute to peace building and coexistence and to finding solutions for the problems in a civil and legal way.

11. Utilizing the impact and role of the political parties and local community leaders in reconciliation process.

12. Awareness raising of the public to accept the others’ views for accepting and respecting the opposite view contribute to coexistence.

13. Increase the presence of the international organization. Their limited number is caused by the bad security situation in the area. Their presence can be increased through coordination with the local organization that can learn from their expertise. The international organizations can also provide a number of services and contribute to social awareness raising.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Part Three Concluding remarks Annexes A. Results of Baqubah survey with explanatory photos B. Results of Khanaqin survey with explanatory photos C. Results of Jalawla survey with explanatory photos

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Recommendations

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Concluding remarks After the completion of the analysis of the results and gathered data through personal interviews, survey and focus groups, we conclude the followings: 1. Politicization of ethnic relations: the components represent a complicated mosaic where ethnic and tribal identities diverge. At the same time, these identities are given political dimensions to become parts of the power balance. For example, the Kurdish-Arabic-Turkmen conflicts are related to issues of independence, military and administrative control of the area. These conflicts are also related to the issues of disputed areas as stipulated in Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution. Out of the three target areas of this study two of them are disputed areas; namely Khanaqin and Jalawla.

2. Some of the ethnic groups developed sense of victimization. Some of these groups suffered great human and material losses as the result of destruction and confiscation of their properties and lands. Also some of the neighborhoods are in ruins and all the ethnic and religious groups, one way or another, are the victims of the war and conflicts.

3. Security violations increased and the existence of ISIS elements in the nearby areas create uncertain situation and blurry boundaries. In the absence of security, members of the society are forced to resort to ethnic and religious groups for protection. Also in the absence of effective security agencies and judicial institutions people are forced to arm themselves to protect their lives. In a situation like this a kind of competition arises.

4. Lack of basic services, widespread unemployment and inability and ineffectiveness of the institutions are common problems. Unemployment increased in the area because for so long there are no implementation of service or commercial projects due to the security situation and lack of budget. The government also failed to provide job opportunities.

5. Limited number and weakness of peace building initiatives; they are mostly basic and unorganized. Although the civil society is new and weak, there is a wide trust in civil society in all the areas. They mostly consider civil society to be a basic pillar in peace building in the area. Civil society comes before the authorities and the local community leaders.

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate 6. In all the areas the political parties play negative roles. Although the areas are ethnically and religiously diverse, most of the political parties have sectarian inclinations and represent one side.

7. In the three targeted areas, there were talks about demographic changes, either on ethnic basis as in Jalawla or on sectarian basis between Shiaa and Sunna in the other areas.

8. The issue of militarization of the society, especially the youths, is widespread in the area. There are political, ethnic and religious factors as well as unemployment behind this issue. The armed groups have money and ability to attract the unemployed youth to join their ranks.

9. Due to the tribal nature of the governorate, women suffer from a serious of violations, including violence against women, child marriage, polygamy, limited participation in public life, etc.

10. Youth groups in Baqubah have the abilities to organize, do voluntary work and inform the public. However, due to the tribal nature of the society and the ethnic and sectarian conflicts, the youths don’t play their potential roles in the equation. The age group of 18-29 don’t have any representation in the elected authorities in the governorate council or the Iraqi Council of Representatives because of legal barriers that allow candidacy only after 30 years of age!

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Social Stability Context in Diyala Governorate

Annexes

A. Results of Baqubah survey with explanatory photos B. Results of Khanaqin survey with explanatory photos C. Results of Jalawla survey with explanatory photos

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