EU PDSF magazine, issue 2 - The Green Issue by REDSTAR Works

Winter 2014

EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility

News Magazine

The

Green Issue Advancing Agriculture

Interview with Tricia Marcouse

Clean Food Production

Addressing Climate Change

Involving Citizens

Challenges of Consultation

The Great Green Grid The Cost of Growth

Welcome to the second edition of the EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility (PDSF) news magazine.

Welcome 前言

欢迎阅读中国-欧盟政策对话支持项目（PDSF）的第二期项目通讯。

Welcome to the second edition of the EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility (PDSF) news magazine. Since our first edition last Summer, PDSF has taken off rapidly and currently supports 11 sectors in the fields of urbanisation, telecoms, agriculture, water resources, urban transportation, higher education, youth work, social assistance, smart cities, eco design, culture, innovation and the environment. PDSF continues to be driven by the demands of our European and Chinese dialogue partners to underpin the EU-China relationship. This was most recently manifest at the EU-China Summit in November 2013, featuring a high-level Urbanisation Forum in the Great Hall of the People, a 4-day Urbanisation Exhibition and 5 sub-fora on Smart Cities, Green Cities, Innovative Cities, Urban Mobility and Urban Culture. The focus of our first edition last Summer was on Urbanisation in China, with feature articles on water resources, youth and new media, China’s broadband development and clean production in agriculture. In this second edition, we turn our attention away from China’s growing urbanisation and examine China’s plans for focusing the quality of its GDP and putting in place a strategy for greener growth, notably in the rural sector. From the 1990s, China used infrastructure investment to build transport networks across the country to bring manufacturing production to market. This vast undertaking created jobs, allowing for transfer of employment from a stateplanned economy to a market-based

one. The downside to this fast rate of GDP growth was a detrimental effect on China’s environment, agricultural sector and its already scarce water resources. China’s economic growth is now shifting away from policies that focused on the quantity of its GDP to the quality of growth. China now requires a new round of stimulus, but the nature of this investment will change. Instead of more road networks and urban construction, resources will be channeled into the conversion of the existing fossil fuel-based energy grid to one based on renewables. The issue of sustainable macro-economic growth and development is central to the EU-China partnership where both sides are increasingly engaged in sharing good practices and expertise. These issues are examined in more depth in this edition by some of our experts and practitioners who help to put the dialogues into practice. In this edition, we also take a look back at some of the many events that have taken place over the past six months. This has been an intensive and highly rewarding period for PDSF where we have implemented highquality activities in both China and Europe. We can say with confidence that the influence and impact from the first 18 months of implementation of phase 2 of PDSF continues to meet the expectations of our dialogue partners.

Looking ahead In the first half of 2014, our focus is on initiating new activities in rural development including land-related issues, the environment, rule of law and energy.

Details of our activities can be found on our website: www.eu-chinapdsf.org

欢迎阅读中国-欧盟政策对话支持项目（PDSF)的第二期项目通讯。去年夏季第一期项目通讯与大家见面了，随后PDSF各领域项目加速开展，目前已涵盖领导力培训、电信、农业、水资源、交通运输、高等教育、青年工作、社会救助、生态产品设计、文化创新和环境等11个不同领域。 PDSF以中欧关系发展过程中所需的对话支持为动力。刚刚召开的中欧峰会包括一系列高级别活动，如在人民大会堂举办的城镇化发展论坛，为期4天的中欧城市博览会，以及智慧城市、绿色城市、创新城市、城市交通性和人文城市5个分论坛。在项目第一期通讯中，我们重点介绍了城镇化现状，并介绍了有关水资源、青年领域和新媒体、中国宽带发展和农业清洁生产等专题文章。本期通讯中，我们将重心转移到中国不断推进的城镇化发展方面，探讨中国，尤其是农村地区，如何制定绿色增长策略。自上世纪90年代，中国利用基础设施投资建立了全国性交通网络，实现制造业生产市场化。这一措施创造了大量就业机会，使人员雇佣从国家计划性经济转化为市场型经济。但GDP的快速增长对中国的环境、农业及其已经稀少的水资源造成了不利影响。现在，中国的经济增长已经由原来的重点抓 GDP转移到重点提高质量上。如今中国需要的是新一轮刺激措施，投资的性质也将随之发生变化。与以往道路网络和城市建设不同，资源利用将由燃煤型电网向可再生能源发电的方向发展。中欧伙伴关系核心是宏观经济的可持续增长和发展，双方都在不断加强良好实践和技术的分享。本期通讯中，参与项目实施的专家将对上述问题进行深入探讨。借此机会，我们回顾了过去六个月项目开展的各项活动。这段时期PDSF的工作虽然十分紧张忙碌，但也大有收获，我们在中国和欧洲不同城市组织进行了不同领域的活动。我们可以满怀信心地说：PDSF二期前 18个月的项目实施效果和影响已经达到甚至超出了预期。

展望未来 2014年上半年，我们将启动不同领域的新项目，其中包括农村（土地）发展、环境、法律制度和能源等议题。欲了解PDSF 所支持项目的实施情况，请访问项目网站：http://www.eu-chinapdsf.org/

PDSF News Magazine

Inside

China’s Great Green Grid

Sectoral Advancing Dialogues Agriculture

Project Background

Clean Agricultural Production

Funding Future Change

Investigating the Landscape of EU-China Cultural and Creative Cooperation

Involving Citizens

The EU Ecodesign Directive

Number Crunching

Year in Pictures Design by REDSTAR WORKS www.redstarworks.com

Dialing Down Transport Demand

Our Successes

PDSF News Magazine

EU-China Sectoral Dialogues Relations between the EU and China have intensified in recent years, partly as a consequence of China’s economic growth and increasing importance on the world stage. China’s rapid development has had an effect in a wide variety of sectors. Sectoral dialogues have helped to develop a solid foundation for the EU-China relationship which is now characterised by increasingly close policy co-ordination in many important areas. The European Union strongly encourages these dialogues, which are an important area of support to the overall relationship with China. The dialogues constitute an effective tool for further widening and deepening EU relations with China, for exploring new areas of common interest, for exchanging know-how, and, especially in the area of economic reform, EU models and best practices.

Sectoral Dialogues Project Background

Sectoral Dialogues cover a wide spectrum of fields and sectors, like Education & Culture, Environment, Energy, Employment and Social Affairs, Information Society, Public Health and Agriculture, Regional Policy, Food Safety etc. Sectoral dialogues can also pave the way for businesses and other sectors by eliminating potential regulatory obstacles, and through raising awareness and facilitating contacts. Regular exchanges between specialists, officials and the business community serve to boost mutual understanding, and provide the substance for further developing the EU-China strategic partnership.

of Sectoral Dialogues between the European Commission’s DirectoratesGeneral (DG) or European External Action Service (EEAS) and Chinese Ministries or State Agencies. Smaller activities often prove more effective than conventional projects, provided that they can be mobilized quickly and respond to an immediate demand. PDSFI implemented 26 activities with 62 separate events over five years, involving 19 Chinese Ministries & State Agencies and 12 DGs with a total budget of almost € 6.6 million. More than 200 senior policy-makers and experts were involved in these activities. The launch of this follow-up phase manifests the obvious demand of a continued support to the dialogue partners in the EU and China. The project is implemented on behalf of the European Union (the EU) by a consortium led by Grontmij A/S.

中国-欧盟政策对话支持项目（PDSF）由欧盟和中国共同资助，以促进和支持当前进行的和未来将要进行的中欧政策对话。政策对话涉及各类重点领域，旨在全面深化中国和欧盟的战略伙伴关系。政策领域对话近几年中国与欧盟的关系不断加强，这也是中国经济增长和其在世界舞台上重要性日益提高的结果。中国的快速发展对很多领域产生了影响。政策领域对话有助于为中欧关系奠定坚实的基础，现阶段中欧关系的特点是在许多重点领域里日益密切的政策协调。欧盟大力

支持这些对话，这也是其与中国发展全面关系十分重要的领域。这些对话是进一步扩大和深化中欧关系，探寻双方共同关注的新领域，扩大经济改革、欧盟模式和最佳实践经验方面技术交流的有效工具。政策对话涵盖的领域十分广泛，如教育和文化、环境、能源、就业和社会事务、信息社会、公共卫生和农业、区域政策、食品安全等。政策领域对话可以通过为企业和其他经营者消除潜在的法规障碍，并通过提高认识和加强联络为企业和其他经营者铺平道路。专家、官员和企业间的定期交流能够促进相互理解，并为中国与欧盟战略伙伴关系的进一步发展打下基础。

中国-欧盟政策对话支持项目中国-欧盟政策对话支持项目二期（PDSF II）于2012年3月启动，为期四年，承接已于2011年12月结束的项目一期。中国-欧盟政策对话支持项目是一个独特的灵活机制，对在欧盟委员会总司、欧洲对外行动局和中国部委或国家机构倡导的领域对话框架内的不同项目提供支持。只要小规模项目能够迅速启动，并对临时性要求做出快速反应，往往比传统项目更加有效。中国-欧盟政策对话项目一期与19 个中国部委和国家机构、12个欧盟委员会总司合作，实施了26个项目，共62个活动，活动总经费约合660万欧元。200多位高级决策者和专家参与了项目活动。 PDSF II的启动表明了中欧对话伙伴所需对话支持的不断增长。本项目由以Grontmij A/S（荷隆美公司）为首的咨询机构实施。

Background to PDSF

The EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility (PDSF) is a project co-funded by the European Union and China to facilitate and support current and future implementation of Policy Dialogues between the EU and China on a broad range of key sectors and issues, with the overall aim to strengthen strategic relations between the EU and China. The Team (from L to R) /（由左至右）: Tang Jia 汤嘉, Wang Xiaotong 王晓彤, Zheng Xijun 郑希军, Chris Brown 克里斯布朗, Juergen Ritter 周裕耕, Yang Yue 杨玥, Liu Ye 刘晔

www.eu-chinapdsf.org

The second phase of the EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility (PDSFII) started in March 2012 and runs for 4 years, following on from PDSF I which ended in Dec 2011. The PDSF provides a unique and flexible mechanism to support a wide variety of activities in the context

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PDSF News Magazine

Advancing Agriculture David Friesen talks to Tricia Marcouse about EU-China cooperation and dialogue on agricultural technology, the environment and compensation models Can you tell me a bit about your background and involvement in the recent study tour to Europe as part of the EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility (PDSF) II on agriculture? PDSF is supporting development of eco-agriculture and compensation models through both phases of PDSF, working with the Tianjin Institute of Agro-Environmental Protection. As part of this, we have conducted three study tours to the EU to show Chinese policy-makers the examples of what we’ve been talking about in theory in China and how these policies are implemented in EU. The recent study tour in Europe was mainly looking at waste treatment from intensive livestock units that meet the EU Nitrates Directive requirements and contrasting this with organic agricultural systems. My specific

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background is in Chemical Engineering, but I have been working in the environmental sector for a long time. I came into this project from the water and soil pollution point of view, but I have also worked in local environmental action plans and community agriculture projects as well. The purpose behind the project is really to look at the environmental impacts of agriculture and how these can be addressed whilst retaining an economic model for food production, rather than agricultural as an industrial unit in its own right.

What experiences and lessons What experiences and lessons can China learn regarding agroecological compensation from the EU model? At the moment, Chinese policy on providing compensation to farmers

is very similar to the model in Europe 20 years ago. It is about quantities of products rather than the way people farm. In China, this means providing a guaranteed price of wheat, for example, or subsiding inorganic fertilisers or certain types of machinery. But this doesn’t control the way people interact with the environment. In the EU, the model has moved from paying farmers to produce more into how farmers can produce in a different way. This is really what China is looking to implement, given that pollution from agriculture is more than 50 per cent of total pollution in the country, and we are offering insight into how this model can be implemented. The challenge is making sure farmers do not lose income whilst they maintain the environmental resources such as

social and water resources around them. In the EU this is handled through a mixture of penalties for misuse of land or resources as well incentives to reduce the environmental impact of farming.

On our pilot sites for PDSF, we have had centralised composting units and AD units for animal waste in Changzhou.

Is organic food production also an area of interest?

Food security is a definite problem in China. Although they are purchasing food externally, and have a programme of investment in farms in many other countries and continents, the general policy is for China to produce its own food. This is not realistic if they are trying to produce all the food that people want to eat, particularly as wages rise and demand for meat or better quality vegetables or organic food increases. This is even more of an issue as prices need to be kept low to avoid high inflation – pork prices, for instance, are a significant marker of inflation in China. To achieve this, the government would have to control what individual farmers or farming areas grow, and how many crops each year.

Yes, China is also looking to develop this area of the industry. But as we can see right now, progress is still muddled. For instance, it is introducing subsidies on organic fertilisers, but without removing inorganic fertiliser subsidies, thereby piling one subsidy on another. But the eventual goal is to shift to the less environmentally damaging model and really incentivise organic production.

What about livestock waste management? The recent study visit in Germany and UK in September 2013 looked at different models for handling animal waste, including using treated waste as fertilizer on land in farmers’ control or contracts with many surrounding farmers. Some animal waste is treated on the farm, whilst some is handled on outside units run by third parties that need planning permission and licenses. We looked at the benefits, challenges and subsidies available to farmers to do this and how this could translate to situations within China.

Is the issue of food security also being addressed?

However, the reality is that farmers are independent of government policy for production other than through the subsidy programme. So, for example, there is a problem with the eastern seaboard provinces around Shanghai growing only two crops a year rather than the old three crops a year because they don’t need that income: it is a rich province.

So if the government does not want prices to rise, and wants people to have the food they want, and wants to control pollution, then production subsidies, or government investment in treatment systems, are the only models available. Getting the balance right here is going to be a continuing issue.

Are there challenges that China is facing which cannot easily be informed by EU experiences? At the moment, one of the EU issues that cannot work in China is additional requirements on farmers for animal husbandry and welfare standards due to a lack of animal rights laws. We don’t have that correct across the whole of the EU at present, with some countries finding it much more difficult to implement legislation than others. Even where consumers are willing to pay more, it is hard for the regulators to police activities on farms. It would be impossible to do in China with such a number of farms and without consumer demand for change. So this is going to have to wait until the public demands such change in the future. Another area is the problem with contaminated land. China has a legacy of contaminated agricultural land which isn’t replicated in the EU where, on the whole, agricultural land has been separated from land used for industry and industrial

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PDSF News Magazine

waste. There is a large amount of research into this in China which is not replicated in the EU, although there are major research institutions into plant genetics in EU that might provide partners. However, an area where we can help is in rural development. The EU has a good history of local environment and development action plans, and this local approach is certainly needed in China.

PDSF News Magazine

What does the future hold for cooperation and development in agriculture between the EU and China? This isn’t totally clear at the moment. PDSF is negotiating for a project on education systems to encourage farmers to change behaviour, but the terms have not yet been decided. This would include further study tours or training with the EU to look at methodologies. We hope that the current ecoagriculture projects will have a

further tranche, but there isn’t a proposal yet. Overall, there are lots of other agricultural projects between specific governments in the EU and China, and EU technical projects as well. Research cooperation on agriculture between Chinese and European institutes is also commonplace. In fact, the EU is looking to fund new agricultural research between EU institutes and those in other countries, including China, in 2014.

标题：推动农业发展

然而实际情况是，除了补贴计划，农民生产并不需要政府的其他政策支持。如上海周边东部沿海省份，以往是种三季稻，而现在却种两季，因为这些省份较富裕，他们不需要这份收入。

另一大难题是受污染土地问题。中国还有很多历史遗留的受污染农田，这是欧盟无法复制的，因为欧盟的农田总体上是与工业用地和工业废弃物相分离的。中国就此开展了大量的研究，虽然欧盟也设立了植物遗传学研究机构，可提供合作伙伴。

所以，如果政府不希望价格上涨，希望人们得到所需食物，又想要控制污染的话，那么，生产补贴或政府投资兴建处理系统就成了唯一可行的模式。如何实现合理协调将是一个长期的问题。

不过，在农村发展上，还是有我们的用武之地。欧盟在地方环境和发展行动规划上历史久远，而中国也必然需要这种地方模式。

有没有中国正在面临的、但欧盟经验又无法借鉴的挑战？

中欧农业合作如何发展？

目前，由于缺乏动物权利相关法律，欧盟经验其中一个无法在中国有效实施的是关于农民畜牧养殖和福利标准的附加要求。当前，并不是所有的欧盟国家都能实行改革，有些国家立法的实施就要比别的国家困难。即使消费者愿意支付较高的价格，管理部门也很难对农场活动实施监管。以中国的农场数量，如果消费者需求不改变，根本不可能实施改革。所以只能待日后，在公众产生了这种改革需求的时候再实施。

目前还不完全明了。PDSF项目办正在协商教育体系相关的一个项目，鼓励农民改变行为方式，但具体情况尚未确定。该项目可能包括深入的学习考察或与欧盟共同培训，探讨实施方法。我们希望正在进行的生态农业项目能够扩大其范围，但目前还没有提出相关申请。不过，总体而言，欧盟与中国已经开展了很多农业合作项目，还有欧盟技术项目等。中国与欧洲各研究机构之间的农业研究合作也十分普遍。事实上，欧盟正资助其与中国等其它国家的科研机构在2014年开展新一轮农业合作研究。

内容摘要：David Friesen向Tricia Marcouse介绍有关欧洲-中国在农业技术、环境和补偿方式方面的合作情况能不能介绍点此次赴欧洲开展欧盟中国政策对话支持项目（PDSF）第二期中农业考察调研的情况？ PDSF一期和二期与农业部环境保护科研监测所携手，支持生态农业和补偿模式的发展。两期项目中共组织了三次赴欧学习考察，向人们展示了在中国讨论的理论问题及这些政策在欧盟的实施情况。此次赴欧洲考察主要是探讨如何按照欧盟《硝酸盐指令》要求处理集约型畜牧产生的废弃物，并对有机农业系统进行分析研究。我的专业背景是化学工程，但在环境部门工作了很长时间。进入该项目的初衷是研究水土污染问题，但也参与了地方环境行动计划和社区农业项目。此项目旨在切实探讨农业的环境影响，以及如何在解决环境影响的同时，保留食品生产的经济模式。

中国在农业生态补偿模式方面从欧盟能得到哪些经验和教训？目前而言，中国在农民补偿方面的政策与20年前我们采用的欧盟模式十分接近。因此，问题不在于人们如何耕种，而在于产品的数量。在中国，这就意味着要提供小麦

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等粮食的担保价格，或对无机肥料或某种类型的机械提供补贴。然而，这种方式并不能控制人与环境的互动方式。在欧盟，已从资金鼓励农民多生产转变为如何让农民改变生产方式。中国目前的农业污染超过了全国污染总量的50%，我们正努力为其提供如何实施该模式的方法。问题的难点在于如何让农民在维护社会和水资源等环境资源的同时，不减少现有收入。在欧盟，这个问题是通过对土地或资源滥用进行处罚、鼓励减少农业环境影响等综合措施解决的。

有机食品生产也是其中一个关注点吗？是的。中国也在寻求开发这一产业领域。但就目前而言，进展仍然不太明朗。例如，中国正在引入有机肥料补贴，但又没有废除无机肥料补贴，由此造成两种补贴的相互重叠。但最终目标还是向降低环境危害、切实鼓励有机生产的方向进行转变。

牲畜废弃物管理呢？

不同畜禽废弃物的处理方式，如农民利用处理过的废弃物作为肥料，或与周围多家农户签订合同等。有一部分废弃物是在农场进行处理，还有一部分是在第三方经营的外部单位进行处理，这种情况下第三方需要办理规划许可和营业执照。我们探讨了农民实行上述方案可获得的利益和补贴以及所面临的挑战，以及如何针对中国国情进行合理调整。 PDSF的示范点之一常州就设置了畜禽废弃物集中堆肥单位。

有没有针对食品安全问题开展研究？食品安全在中国是一个切实的问题。从外部采购食品、与许多国家和大洲也有农场投资计划，但中国粮食生产总体政策是要自给自足。但在工资不断上涨、肉类或高品质蔬菜或有机食品需求量不断提高的情况下，生产全国人口所需的各种食物是不现实的。价格要保持在较低水平，以避免高通胀，比如猪肉价格水平就是中国通货膨胀的一个显著标志。为此，政府需控制农民个人或农业地区的种植品种，以及一年种植的庄稼数量。

近期赴德国和英国的学习考察就是探讨

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PDSF News Magazine

Clean Food Production For Addressing Climate Change

he following article was prepared following a study visit to the UK and Germany by a group of participants from the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and its affiliated institutes. The study visit focused on the two pillars of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), including implementation, monitoring and evaluation management system, and experience of Good Agricultural Practices (GAP) with a focus on the Catchment Sensitive Water Scheme, biomass energy use, waste recycling, water resources stewardship and rural development.

The EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) framework and operational mechanism The CAP was set up to fund sustainable agricultural and rural development in the EU (currently 28 Member States). CAP funds from the EU budget are allocated to the Member States in different proportions according to actual national needs and the amount of agricultural land that is up to standard. The EU framework consists of Pillar 1 and Pillar 2. Pillar 1 is for direct payments to farmers, in other words, the Single Payment Scheme (SPS) which makes direct annual payments to farmers. Pillar 2 is for rural development and draws a percentage of money from Pillar 1, not less than 10%, determined by each country. Pillar 2 has 3 axes, namely

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business development, agricultural environmental protection, as well as biodiversity and improvement of living quality of farmers. The agro-environmental scheme is one of the 3 axes of the CAP Pillar 2. For example, a project called Environmental Stewardship (ES) implemented in England aims to provide financial incentives to good land managers who have improved the quality of the environment. The environmental monitoring project is implemented by Natural England (NE) on behalf of the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra). It includes the Entry Level Environment Stewardship Plan, Organic Entry Level Environment Stewardship and Higher Level Environment Stewardship for which farmers apply according to their actual situations. The Renewable Energy Act amended by the UK and Germany provides that power plants must have a certain proportion of renewable energy sources. Farm biogas power generation facilities can be connected to the utility grid and get subsidies, giving biogas projects another way to yield profit by processing excrement. For example, a 300 kWh biogas facility built by an intensive farm in Kemble deals with 550 tons of dung per day, and stores and transports biogas residue and slurry to surrounding farmlands for application. Germany provides

that the electricity generated by biogas facilities with a capacity of less than 75kWh based on animal waste biogas can be priced at 22-24 euro cents/kWh, three times that of nuclear electricity.

Development of organic agriculture and environmental stewardship Germany is one of the pioneering EU actively promoting organic agriculture and developing it rapidly. In 1990, the world’s leading trade fair for organic food -- BioFach Fair – was set up in Germany. The German Federal Government develops goals and plans each year to provide financial subsidies, technical services and supervision in organic agriculture. Germany has transformed 7% of 17.3 million hectares of agricultural land into organic farming land and plans to raise the number to 20% by 2020. At present, about 50% of the income of farmers in Germany comes from agricultural subsidies and bonuses of the European Union and the Federal Government. 12,000 of 101,000 European organic farming enterprises are in Germany, constituting 2.6% of its agricultural enterprises. The organic produce

sales accounts for 10% of total agricultural sales. In recent years, the annual turnover of German organic agricultural enterprises has increased steadily at a rate of 15 -20%. Thanks to the support of the CAP pillar 2, Germany aims for development of organic agriculture on 20% of the agricultural land to enhance input and output of local farm products. Developing organic agriculture, supporting the development of advisory bodies, and enhancing the connection between service and production, processing and marketing are important means. The EU organic farming subsidy policy can date back to the Regulations 797/8520 enacted by the EC in 1985, i.e. subsidies for environmentally sensitive areas, but only in 1991, the Regulations on Organic Agriculture and Relevant Agricultural Products and Food (EU 2092/91) adopted by the EU Council meeting of agriculture ministers built a legal framework for the development of EU organic agriculture. In 1992, the EU implemented a Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) reform to protect the environment and reduce

overproduction to save public spending, and established the agroenvironmental scheme to subsidise transition to organic agriculture and organic agriculture production. In the late 1990s, with increasing care for rural development, biodiversity, nutrition and food safety, CAP further emphasised the importance of organic agriculture. In the Common Agricultural Policy adopted by the European Parliament in 2000, a consensus was reached between organic agriculture development goals and public agricultural policy goals that a mandatory agro-environmental scheme in the CAP framework becomes the main measure for organic agriculture subsidies. In 2003, the agro-environmental subsidies of 15 EU member states amounted to 32 billion euros, with 14% for organic transition and production. In 2009, the EU issued Regulations 73/2009, abolished Regulations 1782/2003, amended Regulations 1290/2005, 247/2006 and 378/2007. Public guidelines on direct and specific subsidies for organic agriculture were established therefore under the CAP framework.

Rural development and environmental stewardship The Catchment Sensitive Farming

Scheme (CSFS), implemented successfully in the UK for many years, is intended to reduce non-point source pollution and implement and achieve the EU Nitrates Directive and Water Framework Directive. The CSF scheme was launched in 2005, and has implemented 7,000 schemes worth £55 million so far to help farmers on Good Agricultural Practices and the protection of rivers. In Germany, the groundwater nitrate content in many areas of the Weser basin of 49,000 km2 in Lower Saxony is higher than 50 mg/ kg due to intensive farming. It needs to take measures, such as reducing the market share of milk and sugar, reducing animal breeding incentives, strengthening animal waste management and assuming obligations, to enhance nutrient management and reduce nutrient input to achieve the EU WFD requirements. It also includes agricultural environmental measures, development of renewable energy with biomass products, increase in the world market price of agricultural products, increase in fertilizer price and energy technology introduction, etc. The protection of drinking water sources is also subject to local government support. A negotiating contract with farmers was adopted

The Team in the UK

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to improve their capacity and awareness of environmental protection, and compensate them for losses caused by reduced fertilization or planting structure adjustment.

Policy mechanisms of agroecological compensation in the EU 1. Linking agricultural subsidies with ecological compensation. The increasingly diversified EU Common Agricultural Policy includes multiple targets on food safety, environmental protection and rural development. Especially, the dual function of agriculture food production and environmental protection - needs to be embodied. Concerns for the environment mean that the agricultural subsidy policy makes farmers environmental manager by using less intensive production methods and executing environment-friendly measures. Maintaining a scenic beautiful countryside through agroecological compensation should be the major initiative to build ecological civilisation or a sustainable environment in vast rural areas

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when the term ecological civilisation became part of the Five-in-One national strategy following the 18th National Congress of the CPC in 2013. Government subsidies and support are a must for China to achieve sustainable development of agriculture, for farmers to increase income, and for the government to protect the environment and develop rural areas. Therefore, Chinese agricultural policy should consider diverse goals, including at least a supply of agricultural products, an increase in rural incomes, agricultural environmental protection and development of rural communities. 2. Implement stepped agro-ecological compensation policies. The EU takes a two-track legislative action by combining mandatory compliance and voluntary participation in the environmental plan. Agricultural subsidies are institutionally oriented to environmental protection, animal welfare improvement and preventing biodiversity loss and reduction, in order to help solve water, air and soil pollution and other issues

triggered by agriculture, ensure food safety and support rural development. Every member state is also allowed to take appropriate agro-environmental subsidy measures as it thinks fit according to the situation of agricultural land used or type of production, which include direct payments in exchange for agro-environmental commitments, support to general mandatory environmental requirements and with specific environmental requirements as conditions. EU legislation clearly defines the principle of availability: any expenses and losses incurred by the environment-friendly agricultural practices (agro-ecological services for the community) pursuant to the provisions of agro-environmental contract when farmers adopt environment-friendly agricultural technologies beyond legal obligations should be compensated appropriately (by the government). The approach that the EU takes for agro-environmental problem solving provides a reference method and path for China’s future agricultural ecological compensation legislation.

Ecological/organic agriculture development UK and Germany are good examples of EU countries which have succeeded at organic agriculture by establishing a set of strict rules and regulations, a market system, technical specifications for production management and policy support programmes. To ensure quality, organic farming must take a farm as a unit to meet the standards for organic agricultural production environment as a whole. There must be a transition period of 2-3 years when conventional farming changes to organic methods. No chemical fertilizers and pesticides shall be applied in and after the above period to ensure an organic environment. The strict manufacturing rules for organic products require that inputs must all come from natural eco-products, for example, all the manure used in organic farming must come from organic breeding and must not use any antibiotics and other chemical drugs. Subsidies are granted by the EU in the transition period and production period to support organic agriculture. There are specialised advisory bodies responsible for guiding farmers on organic production, processing, marketing, etc. in Germany to provide farmers with all kinds of information and advisory services to ensure maximum benefit to farmers. At present, there is large space in the development of organic agriculture in China and a big gap with the EU in production management, certification, subsidies and other aspects. We can, by learning from the EU’s experience in production management, strictly certify origin management, earnestly implement relevant provisions in the transition period, formulate subsidy policies to provide organic farmers with subsidies for transition, certification and maintenance, and establish market surveillance mechanisms to strengthen organic

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product sampling, so as to promote the healthy development of China’s organic agriculture.

Lessons for China - security support system 1. Increase and rural areas. The agricultural output in Britain and Germany is less than 1% of their GDP, but both have put a lot in rural development and agricultural education. In addition to subsidies, the budget for agricultural work, education and training is adequate. The annual budget of the Chamber of Agriculture of Lower Saxony is as much as 159 million euros. One thing important for rural development is to keep local culture. In rural construction, Britain and Germany pay great attention to maintaining character of older buildings. Local characteristics and historical features are retained outside the buildings no matter how modern they are inside. 2. Establish agricultural advisory system. Agricultural advisory services play an active role in enhancing farmers’ quality, approaching market dynamics, improving their competitiveness and even promoting the development of modern agriculture. Both UK and Germany focus on advisory services for farmers and people who work in the related rural economy. 3. Strengthen education and training. Cultivate a new generation of agricultural operators,

Agricultural study assignment to Europe

strengthen academic education and practical training, and attract some outstanding personnel on agricultural operations to stay in the countryside – in the context of national agricultural policy support – to provide personnel for rural development. Strengthen training and education of farmers, teach agricultural environmental knowledge and cultivate farmers’ awareness to protect the land. 4. Increase technological support. Every decision of the EU governments comes from a large number of scientific research, research that relates closely to functions of the government. Demonstration goes before overall application for every scientific result and verified effect, ensuring smooth promotion. 5. Perfect management mechanisms. Britain and Germany have simple governing bodies with clear function, definition and efficiency in operations. This is a huge contrast to China, where complex organisational structures with overlapping functions continually pass their responsibilities onto another exist. Streamlining the system and improving the mechanisms are a prerequisite to any work, which deserves a second thought by policy-makers.

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应对气候变化的农业清洁生产

本

文是在由农业部及其附属机构组成的代表团赴英国和德国学习考察报告基础上完成的。

本次学习考察重点围绕共同农业政策（CAP）两个支柱框架，执行、监管与评估管理体系，良好农业实践（GAP）经验，结合敏感流域水质管理计划、生物质能源利用、废弃物处理再生、水资源管理、乡村发展等方面进行调研。

欧盟共同农业政策（CAP）框架及运行机制欧盟共同农业政策的主要目标是为28 个成员国农业和农村可持续发展提供资金支持。共同农业政策的资金来自欧盟的预算，并根据各国实际需求和符合标准的农业土地数量按照不同比例分配给各成员国。欧盟共同农业政策框架包括支柱1和支柱2两部分，支柱1是对农户的直接支付项目，即单一支付计划（SPS）按年度直接支付给农户。支柱2是农村发展项目，本部分补助资金来源于支柱1并不低于10%，具体比例由各国确定。支柱2有3个轴心，即商业开发、农业环境保护以及生物多样性和改善农民生活质量。农业环境项目是欧盟共同农业政策支柱2的3个轴心之一。在英格兰实施了被称作“环境管理计划（ES）”的项目，该项目旨在为改善环境质量的良好土地管理者提供财政奖励。环境监管项目由自然英格兰（NE）代表英国环境、食品和农村事务部（Defra）来实施。项目包括入门级环境管理计划、有机入门级环境管理计划以及高级管理计划等不同项目计划，由农户根据自身实际进行申请。英国、德国修正了可再生能源法，规定发电厂必须有一定比例的可再生能源。养殖场建设沼气工程发电可上网并获得补贴，因此沼气工程成为养殖场处理粪污和获得收益的另一条途径。如英国肯布尔集约化养殖厂建设了一个300千瓦时的沼气工程，每天处理粪污550吨，沼渣沼液贮存并输送到周围农田施用。德国规定小于装机容量小于75 千瓦时的沼气工程，并用动物粪尿制沼气的，每度电可以22-24欧分的价格上网，是核电的3倍价格。

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有机农业发展及环境管理

乡村发展及环境管理

德国是欧盟积极倡导有机农业且快速发展的先驱国家之一。1990年，在德国成立了世界上最大的有机产品贸易机构-生物行业商品交易会(BioFach Fair)。德国政府每年制定发展目标和计划，给予有机农业提供财政补贴、技术服务和监督管理。德国农用地1730万公顷中，有机农业土地面积已占到7%，并计划到2020年达到20%。目前德国农民的收入中，欧盟和联邦政府的各项农业补贴及奖金占到50%左右。欧洲现有10.1万个有机农业企业，其中德国 1.2万个，占其本国农业企业的2.6%，自产有机农产品年销售额占整个农产品销售额的10%。近年来，德国有机农业企业的年营业额以15%-20%的速度稳步增加。源于共同农业政策第二支柱支持，德国的目标是20%农业用地要发展有机农业，引导加强本地种植养殖产品循环输入和输出。发展有机农业大力支持咨询机构发展，强化服务和生产、加工和销售的链接是重要的手段之一。

在英国成功实施多年的敏感流域农业管理计划（CSFS），旨在减少农业非点源污染，执行并达到欧盟硝酸盐指令（ND）和水框架指令（WFD）。该计划于2005年启动，截至目前已实施了7000个价值5500万英镑的计划帮助农民开展良好农业实践和保护河流行动。

欧盟有机农业补贴政策源于1985 年欧共体颁布的797/8520 号监管条例，即对环境敏感地区进行补贴，但直到1991 年，欧盟理事会农业部长会议通过的《有机农业和相应的农产品和食品监管条例》（欧盟2092 /91 号）才奠定了欧盟有机农业发展的法律框架。1992年，欧盟实行了共同农业政策（CAP）改革，提倡保护环境和减少生产过剩以节约公共支出，并设立农业环境项目对有机农业转轨和有机农业生产进行补贴。到20 世纪90 年代末，随着人们对农村发展、生物多样性、营养和食品安全等问题的关注，CAP 进一步强调有机农业发展的重要性。2000年，在欧盟议会通过的《共同农业政策》中，有机农业发展目标和公共农业政策目标达成共识，CAP框架中的强制性农业环境项目成为有机农业补贴的主要衡量标准。2003 年，欧盟15个成员国农业环境补贴达320亿欧元，其中14%用于有机转轨期和维持生产。2009年，欧盟颁布了73/2009 号监管条例，废除了1782/2003号监管条例，对 1290/2005号、247/2006号和378/2007 号监管条例进行了修正，建立了在CAP框架下的有机农业直接补贴和特定补贴的公共准则。

在德国下萨克森州面积49,000平方公里的Weser流域，由于该河域处在养殖密集区域，很多区域地下水硝酸盐含量超过 50毫克/千克。为达到欧盟水框架指令要求，需要加强养分管理，减少养分投入。措施包括减少牛奶和糖的市场份额、减少动物养殖奖励、加强动物粪肥管理、承担义务等。还包括农业环保措施、提高生物质产品发展可再生能源、提高世界市场农产品价格、提高能源肥料价格以及技术引进等。对饮用水源地的保护同样受到当地政府的支持。和农民以协商合同的形式培训提高其环境保护的能力和意识，同时对于其因减少施肥或种植结构调整的损失给予补偿。

展；并允许各成员国可根据所用农地情况或生产类型而采取其认为合适的农业环境补贴措施，这些措施包括以换取农业环境承诺、一般强制性环保要求的支持和以特定的环境要求作为条件的直接支付。欧盟在立法中明确规定了提供者获得原则，也即：在法律义务之外采用环境友好型农业技术，因根据农业环境合同规定适用这些环境友好型农业实践（为社会提供农业生态服务）而增加额外费用和收入损失的农民，理应获得相应的补偿（政府埋单）。欧盟解决农业环境问题做法为中国未来农业生态补偿立法提供了借鉴方法和路径。

生态/有机农业发展英德两国是欧盟有机农业发展较为成功的两个国家，建立了一套严格的法规制度、市场体系、生产管理技术规范和政策扶持方案。为保证质量，有机农业必须以农场为单位，整体达到有机农业生产环境标准。在由常规农业转为有机农业生产的过程中，必须经历2-3年的过渡期，过渡期间及以后生产中不得使用任何化肥和农药，保证产品出自有机生态环境。有机产品的生产过程十

分严格，各类投入品必须全部来自于天然生态产品，如有机种植过程中使用的畜禽粪便必须来源于有机养殖，不得使用抗生素等化学药物。为扶持有机农业发展，在常规农业向有机农业转轨期、有机农业生产期，欧盟均有补贴。德国还有专门的有机农业咨询组织，负责指导农民进行有机生产、加工、销售等，为农民提供各类信息、咨询服务，最大限度保证农民的利益。当前，中国有机农业的发展还有较大空间，但在生产管理、认证、补贴措施等方面还与欧盟存在较大差距。可以借鉴欧盟生产管理经验，严格产地管理认证，认真执行转轨期的有关规定，制定补贴政策，对进入有机农业生产的农户实行转轨补贴、认证补贴、维持生产补贴，建立市场监督机制，加强有机产品抽检，切实推进中国有机农业走上良性发展道路。

对我国的启示-支撑保障体系 1、加大对农业农村的投入。英国、德国农业产值不到总产值的1%，但是国家对农村发展和农业教育的投入却很多。除补贴之外，用于农业工作预算、教育和培训的资金十分充足。如下萨克森州农业委员会一年工作经费就高达1.59亿欧元。对于农村发展重要的一点是保留乡土文化。如英德在农村

建设方面，十分注意保留过去建筑的特色，内部无论怎样现代化，外面却保留了当地特色和历史文化。 2、建立农业咨询服务体系。农业咨询服务对于农民素质提升、贴近市场动态、提高自身竞争力乃至促进现代农业发展均具有积极作用。英国、德国都非常注重咨询服务，对象可以是务农群体，也可以是服务于务农群体的人士。 3、强化教育和培训。培养新一代农业经营者，加强学历教育和实践技能的培养，在国家农业政策的支持背景下，吸引一部分优秀农业经营人才留在农村，回哺农村，为农村发展提供人才保障。加强对农民的培训教育，传授农业环保知识，培养农民爱护家园、保护家园的主人意识。 4、加大科技支撑。欧盟政府的每一个决策，均来自于大量的科学研究成果。科研工作与政府职能密切相关，每一项科研成果在全面推广应用前，往往先经过示范，经效果验证确保没有问题时，才全面推广。 5、健全管理机制。英德的管理机构十分简单，部门少，人员少，但办事效率非常高，很少出现职能交叉、扯皮现象。这与中国当前的机构庞杂、职能交叉、相互推诿是一个巨大反差。机构精简、机制健全是推进工作的前提，值得今后认真思索。

欧盟农业生态补偿政策机制 1.农业补贴应与生态补偿挂钩。欧盟共同农业政策的目标已趋多元化，主要包括保障食品安全、环境保护和农村发展等多重目标。尤其是要体现农业的双重功能——生产粮食和保护环境，对环境的关注意味着，农业补贴政策支持农民运用较低集约化生产方式、执行环境友好措施，成为环境管理者。十八大以来，生态文明作为五位一体之一的国家策略，通过农业生态补偿，建设美丽乡村应该成为实现广大农村地区生态文明的主要措施。中国农业要实现可持续发展，农民要增收、环境要保护、农村要发展都离不开政府的补贴和支持。因此，农业政策的目标不应是单一的，至少应该考虑农产品供给、农民增收、农业环境的保护、农村社区的发展等多元目标。 2. 实施阶梯式农业生态补偿政策。欧盟实行强制性遵守与自愿性参与环境计划相结合的双轨制立法行动。制度性地将农业补贴导向环境保护、改善动物福利、防止生物多样性丧失或减少等，以有助于解决因农业所引发的水、空气和土壤污染等问题，保障食品安全，支持农村发

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Investigating the Landscape of EU-China Cultural and Creative Cooperation And a few suggested tools for landscaping By Katja Hellkötter

All of this means that expanding links, to highlight people to people contact and promote a more realistic understanding of China, is of great importance. The recent establishment of the China focused think-tank MERICS in Berlin, by the private Mercator Foundation, responds to the need for more factual and contemporary China analysis, aimed at both government and business leaders and the general public in Europe.

“Landscaping is both science and art, and requires good observation and design skills. A good landscaper understands the elements of nature and construction and blends them accordingly. (…) Understanding of the site is one of the chief essentials for successful landscaping. Different natural features like terrain, topography, soil qualities (…) must be taken into account.” Within the support to the dialogue between the Chinese Ministry of Culture and the Directorate-General of Education and Culture the following large and challenging task was formulated by the EU-China Dialogue Support Facility: to “Map the EU-China landscape in the fields of creative industries, cultural heritage, and contemporary art, [taking into account] stakeholders, their collaboration projects, and their issues of concern, in order to gain a strategic overview, and some insights into the blind spots and into potential fields for future cooperation.” We decided to take the word “landscape” literally and structure our investigation by focusing on the different features which make up a landscape: the topography, the climate, the soil and natural resources, the roads and pathways, the man-made structures, and the human players in this environment. We also developed a ‘landscape card game’, which was used to facilitate and trigger analysis from more than 40 experts, who were invited to a stakeholder meeting. Here are some of the results of our exploration:

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In Europe, meanwhile, in the aftermath of the economic crisis, the EU has placed greater emphasis on economic cooperation rather than cultural cooperation. At the same time, European attitudes to China remain a combination of fascination and fear: on the one hand, for more and more people cultural differences have become a part of their reality; on the other hand the EU-China landscape is also shaped by ‘peaks and troughs’ of misunderstandings. This is due in part due to a lack of information and knowledge, to media perceptions, as well to the effects of the crisis.

The Roads and Pathways

Illustration by Chu Yang

The Macro Climate Shifting Perceptions and Interests In terms of the wider climate, we identified opposing trends in China and Europe. China is increasingly investing in culture – and its export: In parallel with an increased assertion of its culture and identity at home, China has seen the potential of soft power to support its ambition of a ‘peaceful rise’ on the global stage: the government has promoted a Go Abroad Strategy for big Chinese corporations, while cultural exchange is also encouraged, as reflected by, for example, the setting up of Confucius Institutes around the world, with 13 in Germany alone to date.

From Cultural Diplomacy to People to People Relations The flow of exchanges between China and Europe has increased over recent decades and will continue to do so. There is now a much wider variety of actors involved in links—from entrepreneurs to artists— and a diversification of interests and of ways of relating to each other. Relations, including cultural ones, are no longer the monopoly of governments and of their semi-official bodies. As Jan Melissen, Chair of the Clingendael Conference on “Culture and Understanding in China-Europe Relations” (The Hague, Sept 2013) puts it: ‘Diplomacy is more and more enmeshed with society’. Cultural relations between Europe and China are thus increasingly relations between civil societies and at the initiation of individuals.

Furthermore, globalization has created transnational spaces which challenge national boundaries, particularly in major European and Chinese cities, where a hybridization of culture and creation is taking place. Thomas Fuesser, author of “Short Cuts – Artists in China”, noted that since he first came to the country in the early 1990s, he has observed “the hybridization of cultural scenes in China. It is really no longer about the ‘Chinese-ness’ of Chinese artists: the scene is much more global today, national and cultural boundaries are kind of floating together.” Fuesser points out, for example, that “as a German, based in Shanghai, I am currently organizing an ‘Artist-inResidence’ program for New York City together with, and for, young Chinese artists—supported by Swiss partners in China and the USA!” Such changes are also bringing with them a shift in the overall ethos of Sino-foreign cultural exchanges, from “learning from each other” towards “learning with each other”— and beyond that towards “working and creating with each other”. Thus the idea of the “cultural bridge” can now be extended, to lead to a new concept of “shared space”.

The Players In The Landscape The Cultural Entrepreneur and the emergence of a Third Sector So who are the actors in this growing shared space? The European cultural sphere has long been made up primarily of comparatively small players, ranging from individual freelancers and cultural entrepreneurs to relatively small arts organizations and companies. China’s cultural scene, on the other hand, was for many years dominated by state-owned cultural groups, such as Gehua or Beiao, which organized events, performances and exchanges. While their role remains important, however, privatisation has altered the landscape. SMEs now constitute a

critical mass in the cultural and creative landscape, and the profession of ‘cultural entrepreneur’ (‘wenhua chuangyiren’ 文化创意人, also referred to as ‘grassroots creative’) has increasingly become a career option, particularly for individuals who have studied abroad and are driven by a desire both to express themselves and to make use of their entrepreneurial energy in China. As Dr. Shen Qilan, author and art critic puts it, Chinese cultural entrepreneurs are “cultural value driven but able to apply business models, which do not necessarily need to be profit making, but can support the independence and sustainability of cultural undertakings in the long run.” The enterprises set up by such people may be small in size, but they are often the most creative and innovative—and this entrepreneurial spirit is helping to drive the change from ‘made in china’ to ‘created in china’. This phenomenon also reflects a gradual change in China from a top-down policy of government decreed “creative clusters”, to a more people-driven development of the creative industries, where social innovation is just as important as built infrastructure. It is also linked to a significant generational shift, with young graduates and young professionals born in the 1980s now among the most important partners in Sino-European cooperation projects. There is, however, still a need for an adequate policy support framework. According to Dr. Marina Guo, Head of the School of Creative Studies at the Shanghai Theatre Academy, “This is an area where China can learn a lot from Europe in terms of what kind of policies and support mechanism could be implemented for creative and cultural entrepreneurs.”

The Soil A Search for Values, Meaning and Identity

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Dean of the Faculty of Architecture & Environment at Sichuan University, meanwhile, says the EU should support Masters degrees in a number of Chinese universities, similar to the MA which he has set up in “Cultural Heritage Protection and Planning”: such courses, he says, can help change students’ attitudes to society, making them “understand how important the cultural fabric of a piece of land is, and that we cannot only look at the economic value and GDP per square meter, but have to look at the cultural value as well. “ Poet Zhai Youming, owner of the popular White Night Cultural Café in Chengdu, also called for EU support for small-scale cultural programmes in grassroots venues such as hers. Michael Kahn-Ackermann, who set-up the Goethe Institute in China in the 1980s, agreed, emphasizing the importance of “cultivating the soil”, and of promoting exchanges in areas such as poetry, “something which does not sell and is not viable economically, but is viable in a human and cultural sense.” At the same time, the growing interest within China in the nation’s own heritage and cultural traditions also emphasizes that simply importing values and ideals from Europe would be neither popular nor appropriate.

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Resources A Need for Cultural Skills and for more Creative Talent Despite the emergence of the cultural entrepreneur, the ‘natural resources’ of the cultural landscape in China remain depleted, with stakeholders identifying a shortage of talented creative professionals with both cultural and artistic knowledge and business management skills. Vladimir Djurovic, President of Labbrand Brand Innovations, a creative enterprise focusing on brand identity, says that, while his company has grown quickly and now has a staff of 30, “the biggest challenge […] is people, human resources. Even though we are based in M50, one of Shanghai’s premier creative hubs, it is somehow extremely difficult to find good Chinese creatives, designers, who have both the skills and the mindset to come up with innovative solutions.” There is a huge and ever-growing number of Sino-foreign education projects, ranging from short term summer campuses to increasingly long term institutions such as the Nottingham University campus in Ningbo or New York University in Shanghai, yet there are still almost no educational programs in culture studies and cultural management

fields, or even general programs targeted at developing the appropriate creative leadership skills and capacities.

The Fields Cross-Fertilization and the Transversal Role of Culture Not only are there opportunities at the interface of the cultural sector with the education sector, but beyond that there is enormous potential for cross-fertilization between culture and other sectorial fields in general. Europe’s new ‘Creative Europe 2020 Strategy’ acknowledges more than ever that culture and the creative economy are a major transversal driving engines not only for European cohesion, but also for job creation and economic growth. In China the Cultural and Creative Industry sector has – since 2000 – been identified by the government first as a new tertiary industry field driven by the need for structural reform, while its cross-sectorial potential is now appreciated. The “Hangzhou Declaration: Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies”, signed at a UNESCO meeting in Hangzhou in May 2013, also provides a framework for the promotion of the transversal potential of culture. Looking at EU-China sectorial dialogues in particular, and in how far

they have nurtured each other, it is evident that cultural dialogue and its participants have been largely restricted to their own thematic boundaries, and have only recently begun to link these themes more with society in general, and with societal challenges and global issues specifically. Similarly, EU-China dialogues in other fields such as environment, urbanization and sustainability, have been primarily technology and legal policyoriented, and are just starting to integrate culture more into their program designs. Cross-fertilization between the cultural and other fields is crucial and offers opportunities for untapped innovation. Nicolai Petersen, a Chengdu-based social entrepreneur and author of “The Ethical Economy” (2013) for example, identifies “a need and potential for cross-fertilization of cultural spheres with social entrepreneurship. Cultural differences should act as input to a creative process of new cultural output.” Petersen cites the example of a fashion project he has helped set up in Sichuan province, where local people produce garments inspired by traditional culture, and suggests that “protection of cultural heritage could be part of a creative process and act as inspiration for social entrepreneurship”.

Topography Megatrend Urbanisation. European tools for heritage sensitive city making One area worth highlighting, where there is huge potential for the transversal role of culture, is China’s urbanization, which is developing at an unprecedented pace, and creating a huge tension between progress and conservation. European cities can be a good example, offering best practices on how heritage, arts and culture can be integrated into the modern cityscape, and how these can shape urban identities and thereby boost tourism and city revenues. Professor Chun Lan from Sichuan University’s Faculty of Environment and Architecture, who studied in Belgium, believes European players can play “a positive role in the new round of Chinese urbanization, in terms of both market driven practice and related professional, educational and cultural exchanges.” One area where cooperation could bring benefits relates to the fact that many Chinese cities are seeking to become ‘creative cities’, but frequently lack the knowledge, and the coordinated approach to policy and investment, to make this a reality, leading to both a lack of creativity

and the construction of lavish but underused cultural infrastructure.

The Man-Made Structures The Art of Conversation and of Incubating Ideas In the new ‘shared creative space’, ‘co-creation’ is key. But how exactly does this work? How can European and Chinese partners achieve a deeper level of working and creating together? One ‘blind spot’ is a need to look at interaction more as an art-form. Many cultural dialogue forums between China and Europe are rather conventional, based on the belief that different cultural traditions of dialogue in China mean that innovative dialogue formats, such as World Café, would be difficult to apply here. However, a playful approach is often appreciated in China—so why not, when exchanging on creativity, also apply creative exchange methodologies to the conversation? People in the cultural sphere in China, who often express a desire for deeper interactions, could thus use their creative skills to the full. At the same time, there is a need for more capacity for co-creation support: co-creation requires a facilitated process designed to generate ideas, stretch, grow and incubate them to maturity. Creating the space

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for this process to take place, and bringing the right people together, is fundamental. “Organizational development and learning”, offers a set of methodologies for social interaction: theories such as “Theory U” (Otto Scharmer/ MIT) provide frameworks and tools for transforming the quality of conversations towards deeper levels of listening and co-creating. More digital exchanges could also facilitate the building of EU-China co-creative communities and peer groups—particularly since the Internet has arguably grown faster, and social media has had a greater impact, in China than in any other country. At the same time, though, there will continue to be a need for grassroots face-to-face interaction, via what interviewees described as “more real built spaces, joint cultural living rooms, or more cultural cafés to meet in reality.”

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Conclusion The lie of the land Based on our observation of the EU-China cultural and creative cooperation landscape, we propose a number of recommendations—or landscaping tools. These include the design and establishment of: •• Longer-term personalized dialogue formats that enable tandems and team work: e.g. Job Placements and Internship Programs on a larger scale, and an EU-China Mobility Fund •• An EU-China School for Cultural Entrepreneurship •• A Europe-China Cultural Entrepreneur Fund with seed Money for Start-Ups •• An EU-China Program “Learning through Creating” (CCI Idea Incubation…)

•• An EU-China “Training Co-Creation Facilitators” (or the “Art of Conversation”) Program •• An EU-China Creative Cities Intelligence Network to map creative economy knowledge •• EU-China Masters degrees programs on “Cultural Heritage Protection and Planning” in a number of Chinese universities •• An EU-China Learning Network On Museum Management & Cultural Programming This article is based on a research for the above mentioned mapping project. The appointed experts for this project included beyond the author of this article CUI Qiao, Huang Shan and Lea Ayoub. Site investigation to be continued… Contact the author at: kh@constellations-international.com

理解中欧文化与创意合作的景观以及一些用以景观设计的工具作者：何凯迪翻译：沈奇岚 “景观设计既是科学的也是艺术的，它需要好的观察和设计技能。一个好的景观设计师懂得自然和构造的要素并使之互相协调……对场所的理解是成功景观设计的主要元素之一。不同的自然特征，例如地势，地貌，土壤质量等，都要考虑进去”。由中国文化部和欧盟教育文化总司共同提议、中欧政策对话支持项目予以支持的：“中欧双方在文化创意产业、文化遗产和当代艺术领域中相关方的现状研究，【考虑】相关方、合作项目和关心的问题，旨在得到一个战略概述，并洞悉存在的盲区，发掘未来合作的潜力领域。” 我们决定将“景观”一词从字面意义展开，并且将我们的调研构架在景观构成所需特征上：地貌、天气、土壤、自然资源、道路和通道、人造结构，以及在这个环境中的个人参与者。我们开发了“景观卡片游戏”，用以鼓励和激发40余位与会专家进行讨论。以下是我们共同探索得出的结果：

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宏观天气（大环境）：正在变化中的认知与利益点在一个宽泛的意义上谈论天气，我们可以看到在中国和欧洲不同的趋势：中国正在加大文化方面的投资及出口。中国看到了“软实力”在支持其“和平崛起”中的重要支持，政府对中国的企业提倡推广“走出去”的政策，并且鼓励更多的文化交流。比如在世界各地设立孔子学院，迄今仅在德国就有13所。此时的欧洲，在经济危机的余波中，欧盟更加强调经济方面的合作，而非文化合作。同时，欧洲对于中国的态度既迷惑又恐惧：一方面越来越多的人遇到了文化差异，另一方面中欧的景观依然被不同形式的误解所囿。部分原因是相关信息和知识的缺乏，也与媒体所传播的认知以及经济危机所产生的结果相关。这些都意味着，加强联系、关注人文交流、促进对中国的理解是非常重要的。近期墨卡托基金会在柏林建立的中国智库 MERIGS是至今为止欧洲相关机构中最大的。这个智库正是基于对中国更实际的理解分析所需而建立的，将服务于欧洲的政府、商业精英及公众。

道路及通道：从文化外交到人文关系中欧间的交流在过去几十年中不断增加，而且也将持续。现今已有不同的参与者——从企业家到艺术家，其中有不同的利益诉求，也有不同的关联方式。所有的关系，包括文化关系，已经不再由政府及其半官方的组织垄断了。荷兰克林根达尔（Clingendael）国际关系研究院的主席 Jan Melissen在《中欧关系中的文化和理解》（2013年9月,海牙）中提到：“外交已越来越多地融入到社会”。中欧文化关系将更多地关乎民间社会关系以及个体行动。此外，全球化扩大了跨国空间，挑战着国家边界，特别是在欧洲和中国的大城市，一种混杂的文化正在形成。《Short Cuts – Artists in China》一书的作者 Thomas Fuesser记录到，他在九十年代初首次来中国时，已经观察到了“在中国有一种混杂的文化景象”。这已经不再关乎中国艺术家的“中国性”，这个文化景象如今已经越来越全球化，国家和文化的边界都在其中模糊。”Fuesser指出：“作为一个住在上海的德国人，我正在为纽约组织一个艺术家驻留项目，其对象是由瑞士合作伙伴支持的在中国和美国的年轻艺术家。” 这些变化使得他们经历着一个“中外文化交流”的转变：从“向彼此学习”到“互

相一起学习”——而且在此之外“一起工作一起创造”。这样“文化桥梁”的概念可以延展为一个新的概念，即“共享空间”。

景观中的参与者：文化创意人及第三领域的崛起在这个“共享空间”中谁是参与者呢？欧洲的文化氛围长期由小型的参与者所形成，其中有独立的自由职业者，也有小型艺术机构和公司的文化企业家。中国的文化景象中，一方面长期由国企大集团所主导，例如歌华集团、北奥集团，他们组织大型的活动、演出和交流项目。他们的角色依然非常重要，但是在这个景观中，私有化正渐渐改变着格局。中小型企业正逐渐成为文化和创意产业的重要力量。文化企业家，或者说“文化创意人”，这更指草根式的创意，渐渐成为了一个职业选择，特别是对那些在国外留过学，并由价值驱动的人，他们有一种表达自己的渴望，并擅于运用自己的商业才能。作家和艺术评论家沈奇岚博士这样描述：“中国的文化创意人是有文化价值驱动，但同时具有运用商业模式的能力，他们未必追求利润，但是可以长期地支持其独立运营，并能够可持续地进行文化运作。” 这些企业往往是小规模企业，但却极具创意活力和创新精神——这种企业家精神可以帮助他们从“中国制造”走向“中国创造”。这个现象也反映了中国正逐渐从一个至上而下的政府主导的“创意板块”，走向一个由普通人驱动的创意产业的发展。其中社会创新和基础设施建设是同等重要的。这也与一个显著的代际转型相关，八十年代出生的人是新生力量，也是新的专业人士，他们正活跃在中欧合作项目中。然而，仍需要一个充分的政策支持框架。根据上海戏剧学院约翰霍金斯创意产业研究中心负责人郭梅君博士所说：“在此领域，中国可以向欧洲学习很多，比如怎样的政策及怎样的支持机制可供文化和创意企业家所用。”

土壤：寻找价值、意义和认同 “土壤”，这片土地的文化结构与价值观，在未来的合作中会如何发展呢？我们的专家提及了现今在中国，越来越多的人在追寻他们生活的意义，这是对中国社会在过去几十年中剧变的一个回应。他们经历了高速的城镇化，与传统的断裂，日益显著的社会不公，以及对经济利益的过分强调。武汉W.HAT博物馆馆长Colin Chinnery提到了一个趋势——在艺术圈思

想性的讨论和反思氛围日益浓厚，“近些年，对一些当代艺术家而言，哲学变得越来越重要。这与2010年很不同。2009年，我邀请了哲学家及艺术评论家Boris Groys 及其他有名的作家和策展人来上海参加艺术博览会。艺术家们并不乐意去参加他们的讲座，因为Groys在国内并不知名。但现在对许多中国艺术家而言，他是最被尊敬的也是最有影响力的理论家之一。中国美术馆馆长范迪安也同样指出“ 中国的当代艺术正在经历一个认同危机。” 因为艺术家们更多地研究这个社会的传统价值，而不是简单地去拥抱西方艺术形式。这同样也是对艺术家角色的一个重新定义：在上海外滩美术馆所举办的“Hugo Boss亚洲艺术大奖——2013中国新锐艺术家”就非常强调中国新一代艺术家的思想性和社会潜力，他们将自己视作艺术家的同时，也把自己当作社会中的行动者。四川大学建筑与环境学院赵春兰教授认为欧盟应当支持中国大学设立“文化遗产保护和规划”硕士学位。他认为这样的课程有助于改变学生对社会的态度，使他们了解文化土地结构的重要性，而不仅关注经济价值和GDP。诗人翟永明，成都“白夜”酒吧创始人，呼吁欧盟支持草根文化活动。Michael Kahn-Ackermann，八十年代在中国设立了歌德学院，也强调了“土壤耕作”的重要性，以及在诗歌等领域需要加强交流，这些领域“无法出售、在经济领域未必有活力，但是在人类和文化的意义上是绝对有活力的”。同时，在中国国内，对自身文化传统和文化遗产强调的同时也表明了单单从欧洲进口价值观已经不再受欢迎，也不再合适了。

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对文化技能以及更多创意人

才的需求尽管有文化创意人的出现，但在中国文化景观上“自然资源”依然是贫瘠的。与会专家们也表示了专业创意人才的缺乏，特别是同时具有文化和艺术知识、又有商业和管理能力的人才。朗标总裁Vladimir Djurovic说到，朗标这个致力于品牌形象的创意公司正在快速发展，已有员工30人，“但最大的挑战还是人，人力资源方面。虽然我们在M50 这个上海最重要的创意园区工作，但是依然很难找到同时具有专业技能又能够创新的中国创意人才或设计师。”

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在日益增多的中外教育交流活动中，既有短期的夏令营也有长期的机构合作项目，比如宁波的诺丁汉大学校区，或者上海的纽约大学校区，但至今仍几乎没有在文化研究和文化管理方面的教育项目，也没有用以培养创意领导力和文化能力的普通课程项目。

领域：跨界合作与文化横向作用文化和其他领域的跨界合作具有巨大的潜力。欧洲新的“创意2020战略”更多地关注文化和创意经济这两个重要的驱动，不仅为了增强欧洲凝聚力，也为了创造就业机会、促进经济增长。联合国教科文组织 2013年5月在杭州签署的《杭州宣言：将文化作为可持续发展政策的核心》，同样为促进文化发展提供了一个框架。回顾中欧领域对话，文化对话及其参与者总是局限在框架范围内，到近期才将这些文化议题与更广泛的社会议题相连，甚至与社会挑战及全球议题相连。同样的，在环境、城镇化和可持续化发展等议题的中欧对话中，长期由科技和法律政策等议题主导，现在才开始更多地将文化议题融合到项目设计中。文化与其他领域的跨界合作是非常重要的，这为未开发的创新提供了机遇。一位在成都的社会企业家、《道德经济》（2013 ）一书的作者Nicolai Petersen认为“文化和社会企业跨界合作是有需求和潜力的。文化差异可以在创意过程中成为养分，并产生新的文化。” Nicolai列举了他在四川所进行的时尚相关的例子，如当地人们受传统文化的启发而制作衣服。他说到 “对文化遗产保护是创造性过程的一部分，同时也是社会创新的灵感。”

地貌：城镇化的大趋势，欧洲方法可为城市建设中的遗产保护提供工具特别需要强调的是，中国的城镇化正在以前所未有的速度发展，文化横向作用

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的潜力巨大。欧洲城市可以成为一个很好的范例，在如何将文化遗产、艺术和文化融入现代城市规划和建设方面、如何塑造城市形象进而促进旅游业和城市收入方面，提供了最佳实践。曾在比利时学习、来自四川大学环境与建筑学院的赵春兰教授说到，相信欧洲伙伴可以“在中国新一轮城镇化过程中扮演一个积极的角色，不仅在以市场为主导的实践中，也在与之相连的专业、教育的和文化的交流中。” 许多中国城市正在努力成为“创意城市”，但是它们缺乏所需的知识、相应的政策和投资使之成为现实。这就造成了城市缺乏创意和活力，并导致了文化硬件设施的浪费和空置。

人造结构：对话和创意孵化的艺术在新的“共享创意空间”，“共同创造”是关键所在。但是究竟如何运作？中欧合作伙伴如何共同达到一个较深的工作与创造层次呢？需要扫除的盲区之一，就是要将互动更多地视作一种艺术。中欧之间的许多对话和论坛都是非常传统的，许多具有创新形式的对话方式比较难以实现，如“世界咖啡”这种形式。但是一个具有趣味的方式在中国总是被欣赏的——为什么不在进行创意交流时，同时以具有创意的方式来进行呢？在文化领域的中国人总是表示希望有一个更深层次的互动，这样才能动用到他们全部的创意能力。与此同时，对于共同创造的过程需要更多的能力支持：共同创造需要有一个良好的设计和被引导的过程，其目标是产出新的想法、框架，使得它们成长、被孵化到成熟。需要创造一个可用的空间，将合适的人聚在一起。

“组织性的发展和学习”就提供了一套社会互动的方法：例如“U理论”（Otto Scharmer/MIT），这样的理论可以提供一个框架和工具，使得对话的质量得到提升，无论是聆听还是共同创造，都能进入一个更深的层次。更多的数字化交流也能促进中欧共同创意团体和合作伙伴的建立。特别是互联网的运用及飞速发展，以及社交媒体日益增长的影响力，数字媒体发展对中国的影响已经大于其他国家。同时，民间面对面的互动同样会成为一种需求，一个受访者将这种需求表达为：“更多的现实空间，共同的文化客厅，或者更多的文化咖啡厅，来进入现实世界。”

结论：在中欧文化及创意合作景观研究的基础上，我们有如下建议，或者说提供一些进行景观设计的工具。其中包括： •• 长期的个性化对话机制，促进团队工作。如工作机会和实习项目，建立中欧流动基金 •• 中欧文化创意学院 •• 中欧文化创意种子基金，支持文化创业者 •• 中欧创意学习文化项目（文化创意产业创意孵化） •• 中欧合作创造者培训（或对话的艺术）项目 •• 中欧创意城市信息网络，了解创意经济知识 •• 在中国部分大学设置中欧“文化遗产保护和规划”硕士学位课程 •• 建立中欧博物馆管理和文化项目学习网络此文是在以上提到的中欧文化现状研究项目基础上完成的。项目专家除本文作者外，还包括崔峤、黄姗和Lea Ayoub。实地调研未完待续…… 联系作者： kh@constellations-international.com

Involving Citizens The challenges of online consultation and participation

onsulting with the public on new policy proposals, laws and regulations is an essential element of good governance. Governments advancing reform without citizen input do not only forfeit a vast resource of know-how about the need, possible impact and alternative ways of reform. If public opinion is not consulted before new provisions come into effect, or so late that changes are hard to make, there is also the considerable risk of resistance against the implementation of a law or policy that appeared to be completed. Dealing with public resistance after the policy process is finished is costly and poses an impediment to efficient government work. In order to avoid this, governments need to involve citizens and civil society groups in the policy-making process at very early stages, and continuously. Ideally, in every stage of development, a new policy or law should be exposed to public

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scrutiny, opinions and feedback should be collected and the findings should find a structured way into the public sector’s decision-making process. This may seem like a natural thing to do for a government understanding the relevance and quality of the public’s input. How to actually manage this process is more complex. Technology now provides new communication and feedback channels in the form of what is often called “E-Consultation” or “E-Participation”. This is obviously a great opportunity to reach out to more citizens than could be reached through “offline” participation channels such as town hall meetings, displaying infrastructure development plans at city halls or the possibility to write a letter to the government. E-Consultation suggests a more immediate influence on public decision making. Frequently, this is far from the truth. A statement by a citizen concerned about a

new highway construction project, voiced at a town hall meeting or at the mayor’s office, may have much more impact than an email sent to an online consultation website or a posting in the online comments section of a draft law. Online systems open the opportunity to contribute to many more citizens, but in order to have an impact and become useful input to public sector deliberations, online consultation systems need to have a very clear concept of purpose and structure. Decisions need to come first on what kind of documents or concepts should be put up for consultation, at what stage of development. Also, clear commitments need to be made about what happens to public input, how it will be processed within the administration. A system that merely collects citizens’ opinions, but then makes no use of them, not only discourages participation in the future, but actually offends those citizens who put in an effort to contribute.

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The scale of online consultation will also vary between various public projects: whereas consultation on a city budget or a new public building can be a one-off effort, consultation about more fundamental policy reforms such as health policy or energy policy require a long-term approach, with the consultation stages starting from a wide approach on fundamental directions, and continuously narrowing down to specific items on implementation issues. All this is still independent of the availability of information technology. Technology can, however, facilitate each step of the process if utilized intelligently. It can specifically: •• Improve information dissemination: through websites, social media and open data portals the policy or legal reforms can be explained in various degrees of detail, the underlying data and the potential impact of draft measures can be conveyed.

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Before deploying electronic consultation systems, a government needs to make sure the necessary framework is in place. This involves the legal framework (allowing draft laws or policy papers to be published, requiring public consultations for certain measures, such as budgets or national laws, establishing an online petition system), but also the institutional setup

(responsibility for handling the consultation, dealing with incoming comments, keeping the public informed about developments) and the financial framework (the necessary human resources and financial means for establishing and maintaining the system). While a mere blog with comment function can be established quickly and cheaply, systems with higher level of interac-

tivity such as social networking sites or policy simulation games can be expensive to develop and maintain. They do, however, also allow for much more substantial input from more engaged citizens. Practice shows that citizens are very willing to engage in public consultation processes if the relevance to them is clearly explained. This is most easily accomplished in practical small-scale efforts such as improvements to the local infrastructure. Initiatives such as FixMyStreet in the UK allows citizens to report damaged roads or broken street lights to the city council, and the progress of fixing potholes is documented online. Participatory budgeting on the city level has also proven to be a success, with citizens discussing the budget allocation and contributing to the decision-

making about how to prioritize scarce city resources. Larger scale efforts to involve citizens in fundamental policy directions are harder to manage and their success harder to assess. The German example of the “Dialogue on Germany’s Future” does show that even on the highest level of decision-making (lead questions were: how do we want to live together n the future? How do we want to earn a living? How do we want to learn?) there are ways of collecting and processing citizen and expert input in a structured way. The EU Commission’s DG CNECT recently initiated a public consultation on a similar scale under the headline “What future do you want?”. On the “Futurium” debate platform, people’s opinions on the future trends for innovation and research are collected and discussed. A voting and ranking

process on 11 visions of what the world could look like in 20-40 years will help steer the long-term policy or research planning. The vital part of any consultation system is the fundamental decision on how much participation a government really wants. The most sophisticated technology platform will be a waste of resources if there is no willingness to actually take public opinion into account, allowing it to change the content of the drafts and committing to a partnership relationship with those citizens willing to contribute. This is a more complicated process than mere top-down decision making, but it will ensure more sustainable decisions, and a better system of good governance.

•• Improve transparency and accountability: make the decision-making process transparent, provide continuous updates of the planning stages, and update on the implementation progress. •• Collect citizen opinions: through comment functionality, discussion forums, structured deliberation processes and polling. An overview of the Dialogue on Germany’s Future

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市民参与在线征询意见和参与的难点

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对新的政策建议和法律法规问题征询公众意见，是良好政府管理的基本要素之一。政府在缺乏市民参与的情况下推行改革，不仅会丧失大量相关需求、可能影响和替代性改革方式的资源。若新规定不经征求公众意见就直接施行，或征询太晚，无法进行改变实施时，还会引起人们较大的抵触情绪。待政策程序完成后再处理公众抵触，不仅耗资巨大，而且还会妨碍政府有效工作。要避免上述情况的发生，政府部门应积极鼓励市民和民间团体尽早并持续参与到政策制定的过程中。一项新政策或法律制定前，最好能尽早向公众发布以供审查，同时收集意见和反馈，并将结果通过科学程序引入到公共部门的决策过程中。对于了解公众参与相关性和质量的做法对政府而言应该是再自然不过的事情。但如何管理这一过程就复杂得多了。当今时代，技术通过所谓的“电子资讯”和“电子参与”等形式形成了新的交流和反馈渠道。这种做法可通过市政厅会议、在市政厅展示基础配套开发规划或向政府写信的可能性等“离线”参与方式，为加大公众参与规模提供更好的机会。在线征询似乎对公众决策有更直接的影响。但事实往往远非如此。市民在市政会议或市长办公室提出的有关新建公路建设项目的意见，相比发送到在线征询网站或法律草案在线点评栏目的论坛而言，产生的影响可能更大。尽管在线系统创造了更多面向市民的机会，但为了对公共行业的审议产生影响并成为有益输入，在线征询系统还需要确立非常明确的目的概念和结构。决策时，应首先确定需要发布哪份文件或概念用于征询，属于哪个开发阶段等。而且还需要对公众参与给出最终结果，即管理部门对如何处理公众意见做出明确承诺。如果一个体系仅仅是收集市民意见而根本不采用这些意见，不仅会影响市民日后参与的热情，而且还会让努力提出意见的市民产生消极情绪。在线征询的规模也会因为公共项目的不同而各异：如就城市预算或新建公共大楼征询时，可采取一次性征询的方式；而就健康政策或能源政策等更基础的政策征询时，则需要采取长期的方式分期开展，从基础方向的大课题入手，逐步缩小到实施问题等具体事项。上述所有方式无需信息技术即可完成。如果技术应用得当，又能进一步推动上述过程中每一个步骤的进程，如：

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•• 提高信息传播率：通过网络、社会媒体和开放的数据门户，政策或法律改革能得到不同详尽程度的解释；措施方案的基础数据和潜在影响能得到更好的传达。 •• 提高透明度和改善问责制：实现决策过程透明化，提供规划阶段的持续更新和实施进度的更新。 •• 收集市民意见：通过点评、研讨论坛、规范化审议过程和投票等方式。政府在设定电子征询系统时，需先确定必要的框架。其中不仅包括法律框架（许可发布法律或政策提案，要求公众对预算或国家法律等某些措施提出意见，确定在线诉求体系等），同时还包括制度结构（办理征询意见、处理群众意见、随时向公众通告进展等责任）和财务框架等（建立和维护该系统所需的人力和财力）。尽管创建具有点评功能的博客速度快、成本低，但社交网站或政策模拟游戏等高水平互动体系的开发和维护却需要更多的经费才能完成。不过，这类设施却能扩大市民的参与规模，得到更大的可持续性优势。实践经验告诉我们，只要向市民说明了公众征询与其自身利益的相关性，市民是非常乐意参与征询过程的。通过改善地方基础配套等具有实效的小规模项目，即可轻松达到这一目标。英国开展了街道修缮等活动，让市民向市议会报告哪些道路损坏了，哪里的街灯破损了，并在线记录维修进度。全城范围的参与性预算也开展得非常成功，市民们积极讨论预算分配问题，并对城市珍贵资源优先排序的决策提出了相应意见。基础政策指向方面，市民参与的规模越大，越难以管理，其成功与否也更难评价。德国开展的“德国未

来对话”活动就表明，即使是最高水平的决策（引导问题为：我们希望将来怎样一起生活？我们希望怎样谋生？我们希望怎样学习），也能采取结构性方法收集整理市民和专家的意见建议。欧盟通信网络、网络数据和技术总司不久前发起了类似的在线征询活动，其标题为“您想要的未来是怎样的？”，“Futurium”辩论平台对人们就未来创新和研究趋势发表的意见进行了收集和讨论。对 20-40年后世界是什么样子的11种观点发起投票和排名，可为长期政策或研究规划提供导向。对于任何征询系统而言，其关键环节是政府对实际参与规模的决策。即使是最高端的技术平台，如果不愿意真正考虑公众意见，让公众意见改变草案内容，并致力于与愿意参与的市民共同协作的话，就只能是浪费资源。尽管这一过程相比单纯的自上而下决策要复杂得多，但做出的决策会具有可持续性优势，建立的体系会达到更好的政府管理效果

China’s Great Green Grid Re-Calculating the Cost of Growth

n January 2013, Beijing and other major Chinese cities from Shanghai to Chengdu suffered historically unprecedented pollution levels. Two decades of hypergrowth have transformed China from an economy of scarcity to one of over-supply, but what is the cost of too much unbalanced growth? The world’s most luxurious cars are a dime a dozen in cities like Beijing and Shanghai, but what’s the point if they’re surrounded in smog and soot? This leaves China’s new leadership with a dilemma: juggling the trade-offs between high growth rates and environmental protection. It is critically important that the Chinese government put forth a comprehensive energy and environmental policy now that strikes the right balance between maintaining robust economic growth and mitigating pollution. Negative impacts upon the environment have become increasingly urgent as environmental degradation can even threaten long-run stability as it is a rising cause of social dislocations and health costs nationwide. Today, China has become the largest emitter of greenhouse gasses in the world, followed by the United States and India. The bottom line is the planet can no longer sustain

our economy the way it is being run. Trading carbon is not the answer, reducing the carbon footprint is. But the real question is, who will lead?

Re-Engineering the Quality of Growth In the 1990s China used infrastructure investments as an economic stimulus to build transport networks across the nation. This effort to make the transportation of manufactured goods to market more efficient was a vast undertaking. Along with creating jobs, it allowed for the transition of employment from a state-planned economy to a market-based one. In the decade that followed these policies were continued on the presumption that high growth, fueled through investments of fixed asset infrastructure, would assure social stability. But much of the investment over the past decade has been in redundant infrastructure, motivated by short-sighted GDP policies that care only about quantity and not quality of growth. What this has led to is actually the opposite, namely ruining China’s environment, agricultural sector and water sources, with the potential to spark even more social instability. It has led to inflation and mini-financial bubbles across the economy making China’s comparative advantage in labour

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less cost competitive. This could lead to outward flows of capital in the coming decade that may impact China’s foreign exchange reserves and economic security. To avoid being dragged into a global recession, China does require now a new round of stimulus, but the nature of them has to change. Instead of redundant buildings and road networks that continue to waste resources and drive up prices, the new stimulus should be invested into conversion of the existing energy grid from fossil fuels to renewable energy. This will be a gargantuan infrastructure project that will create generations of jobs from the highest Ph.D. in engineering to the unskilled migrant worker. The energy network – or Great Grid will be a bigger infrastructure undertaking than any in the history of China. Rather than investing in more cement to pour roads, it will be in converting all electrical and power networks to solar. To some extent this will require decentralising grids to the community.

Seeking Opportunity From Crisis IIn Chinese the word “crisis” is composed of the two characters for “danger” and “opportunity.”

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The current environmental crisis presents China’s new leadership with both. If the right policy decisions are taken in the years ahead, China could create a new model of “green” growth. This could prove to be a new form of soft power, as well as the greatest legacy of this new generation of Chinese leaders. A three-pillar approach promoting Green Growth in China would be required that sets forth the following essential policies in order: technological and industrial transformation, fiscal and financial support, and social and economic management. This three-pronged framework could be a way to seek opportunity from crisis to confront numerous pitfalls. The first of which is that China will need to undertake massive state investments – funded by new green bond issues to keep most of the debt domestic – to convert the current fossil fuel-based grid into one for renewables. Such a comprehensive grid conversion will create a whole range of high- to low-skill jobs in every province and region. Second of all, industrial economic policies would have to encourage a new growth cycle in developing and manufacturing products that

are energy efficient for consumers, as well as the equipment required for the production of renewable energy. This will need to be encouraged through such fiscal levers as tax incentives and rebates. In 2012 China was already giving rebates to encourage the purchase of energy saving television sets and electric cars. Envision a repeat of China’s export surge in the 1990s, but with incentives like rebates and tax reductions to encourage the exportation of China’s new energy efficient products to global markets. And lastly, the banking system and financial sector would need to take a leading role in providing favourable lending, through “green credits” for low carbon property developments and for companies investing in renewable or energy efficient products. China’s capital market regulators could favour the listing of energy efficient or renewable energy-focused companies as new standards of stakeholder value. China’s banking sector is now brainstorming financing mechanisms for a host of low carbon city projects. Managed both publically and privately, these interconnected urban services range from green energy transport buildings and waste treatment, to a plethora of related

products needed to make a green city work. Imagine entire buildings where the glass windows are actually solar panels. As futuristic as it may sound, this is something China could accomplish. The vision of a pilot program is already underway. China’s Ministry of Construction and Urbanisation has selected several test cities such as Suzhou, Hangzhou and even Baoding to become trial green cities during the coming five-year plan. The China Banking Regulatory Commission wants to come up with guidelines for financing. By 2012, China’s banking sector fully sensed that a massive green financing opportunity was waiting to be grabbed. Chinese banks were not just interested in carbon trading, the West’s answer to climate change, but rather how to finance low carbon buildings. Yes, actually reducing the carbon footprint.

The Great Green Grid Financing the Great Green Grid would require coordinating fiscal, monetary and financial policies. Fiscal policy would encourage manufacturing and exporting of energy efficient products through incentives like tax rebates or deductions for consumers purchasing “green” products. The Carbon Development Mechanism (following expiration of the Kyoto Protocol) could become a Green Development Growth Fund and pioneer such efforts. Promotion of green credit would need to be comprehensive throughout the banking system. Preferential loan policy could be structured on two tiers:

Green Real Estate Preferential construction financing for green urban footprint construction (energy efficient smart buildings utilising renewable energy for electricity) and supportive preferential real estate loans

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encouraging consumers to purchase units in green real estate projects.

Manufacturing Energy Efficient Products Promoting manufacture of a wide range of energy efficient products, from televisions and electrical appliances to comprehensive solar and waste treatment facilities. Local government would in the next stage begin programmes for urban green construction and smart cities, which would connect power systems to the Great Green Grid or in some areas decentralise power to local renewable sources. Cities across China would need to invest in green infrastructure to adopt renewable energy or energy efficient methods for all major utilities (waste treatment, electricity and water). The achievement of local government officials would not be based on showcase construction projects or GDP statistics, but rather on how much energy they can save and how efficient they were in converting to renewable energy.

Toward a Comprehensive Strategy of Green Growth China’s infrastructure development over the past two decades has effectively been driven by state stimulus financed through bond issues. China’s debt is largely internal so this policy can be continued to support the Great Green Grid through local bond issues, which would in turn support green urban growth and employment.

Banking policy can establish standards of green credit, but other ministries would issue requirements that the company, enterprise or office must reach a certain amount in annual energy savings. In other words, the company must meet a standard in the same way that GDP was a required standard, and this is how the company would be judged in meeting it. Banks, however, cannot determine if a developer or company is meeting environmental standards, they must receive confirmation of inspections from other ministries. So this is where coordination would come in and it means re-introducing macrocoordinating bodies. New accounting measures would be required. Education system reform must train a whole generation with the technical skills now necessary to cope with issues of water and food security, renewable energy and energy efficient technologies. This new generation of engineers and other specialists would commercialise this technology into profitable business plans for a green and economically sustainable industry. Business training, from operations to capital markets and finance, will be necessary for this new generation’s green economy to flourish.

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Education must span across sectors and social strata, from graduate studies to blue collar workers, and involve programmes for technical skill development and training. Here though is the twisted irony and potential business opportunity: renewable energy accounts for less than one percent of China’s energy, yet this makes China the world leader in both renewable energy investment and production of energy efficient systems. Coal accounts for nearly 80 percent of China’s energy, with hydroelectric and nuclear power making up the rest. Environmental cleanup and carbon reduction is in the self-interest of China’s new leadership, and necessary for China to show soft power leadership on the global stage.

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The ultimate power to reduce carbon levels in China lies within the policies that will be adopted in this coming decade. This dramatic shift can be accomplished with new banking regulations and fiscal policy measures. China’s economy needs far-reaching financial and industrial reforms, driven by new products for each and large-scale stimulus to drive the economy. The structure of growth needs to change, however, as in the end it is a question of economic sustainability. Laurence Brahm is an author, lawyer and one of Asia’s first social entrepreneurs based in Beijing. He is a member of the United Nations Theme Group on Poverty and Inequality. He has been a Fellow at the East-West Center in Honolulu.

中国的绿色能源网格

这种促进绿色经济增长的模式，应该有三个重要的支柱作为框架性组成部分：科技和工业转型、财政和金融支持以及社会和经济管理。这三支柱被寄望为一种能从隐患中寻见转机的方式。

到，由这场绿色转型所带来的巨大融资机会已渐成熟。中国的银行感兴趣的不仅只是碳贸易，也并非是西方所给出的气候变化答案，而是如何对低碳建筑给予资金支持。是的，总之是减少碳足迹。

首先，中国需要进行大规模国家投资，将以化石燃料为基础的能源网络转变成可再生能源网络，这需要发行新的绿色债券作为财政支持，保证债权控制在国内。如此全面的网格转换，将会引起所有省份和地区的新的就业潮。

宏大的绿色能源网格

重算经济增长成本去年1月，从京沪到成都，这些大城市的环境污染达到了前所未有的严重程度。的确，二十年经济高速增长使中国由经济匮乏转变成供过于求的状态，但失衡增长的代价是什么呢？为此，中国付出的代价是：在北京上海这样的国际化都市，人们却无法把头探出他们的名车豪宅，因为外面的空气令人窒息。

式只追求数量而忽略了质量，反而适得其反，中国的环境、农业、水源等被破坏，导致了社会的不稳定性。这些破坏进一步导致了经济通胀和小规模经济泡沫的产生，使得中国曾相对有优势的劳动力资源变得不再有竞争力。这可能会导致未来十年的资本外流，影响中国的外汇储备和经济安全。

这使中国新一代领导们陷入了进退两难的窘境：经济发展和环境保护之间，如何取舍？如何平衡？对于中国政府来说，环境恶化会引发社会混乱，影响整个民族的健康状况，进而威胁到社会稳定。因此，推行清洁可持续能源，出台既能保持经济增长又能降低环境危害的政策已经刻不容缓。

为了避免被拖进全球性经济衰退中，中国现在确实需要新一轮的经济刺激计划，但是其性质必须改变。更多的交通运输网络建设会继续浪费资源，也会抬高物价。新计划应投入到可再生能源的使用中。

时至今日，中国已超越美国和印度，成为了温室气体排放量最大的国家。地球已经不能再承受这样的运行方式。碳贸易也不是办法，减少碳排放才是正确选择。但问题是，谁来引导呢？

重建经济增长质量上世纪90年代，中国通过基础设施投资，建设了遍及全国的交通运输网，进而增强了运输的效率，提升了制造业市场的生产力。很多就业机会应运而生，国家计划经济向市场经济的转型顺势而起。政策仍以经济高速增长和通过固定资产基础设施投资而继续实施，继而保证社会稳定。不过，在一味追求GDP增长的盲目驱动下，在过去十年间，中国的投资很大部分都用在了冗余的基础设施上，这种经济发展模

这将是一场大规模的基础设施建设，将会创造适合工科博士也适合农民工的大量工作机会。能源网格会成为中国史上最大的基建事业，它将电力和电网转换为太阳能，而非铺设更多的水泥公路。从某种程度来说，这场工程将会把能源网格分散到社区中来。

从危机中寻求转机 “crisis”的中文翻译是“危机”，“危险”和“机遇”各取一字组成。现在环境问题带给中国领导者们的正是危和机。如果未来几年实行新的政策，中国将会进入一种新型的绿色经济增长模式。这是软实力崛起的证明，也会是中国新一代领导最大的成就和贡献。

其次，产业经济政策必须鼓励新的经济增长周期，开发生产高效节能产品以及生产可再生能源的设备。这些目标需要通过财政杠杆的调节，如税收优惠和退税鼓励来促进。2012年，中国就已经给予消费者购买节能电视的折扣，对节能轿车亦是如此。设想一下，如果中国又出现了像90 年代那样的出口盛景，而同时又有折扣和减税优惠的话，中国的节能产品出口到世界各地肯定是一片乐观景象。最后，银行系统及金融部门需要发挥主导作用，通过“绿色信贷”为一些低碳产业、可再生或新能源公司提供优惠的贷款政策。中国资本市场监管机构可支持那些注重能效和可再生能源的公司上市，把他们作为相关方（绿色能源支持者）价值的新模范。中国银行业正在集思广益以融资机制为主的低碳城市项目。从绿色能源建筑到废物处理，再到绿色城市所需要的大量相关产品，这些紧密相关的城市服务涉及公共和私人的各个方面。想象有这样一幢大楼：所有的玻璃窗实际上也是太阳能电池板。这听起来似乎遥不可及，但其实是可以在中国实现的。试点项目的愿景已经展开。中国住房和城乡建设部已经选择了一些试点城市，如苏州、杭州、甚至保定也成为下个五年计划中的绿色试点城市。中国银行业监督管理委员会也想要提出关于财政援助的相关指导方针。2012年，中国银行业已觉察

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投资这张宏大的绿色能源网格需要综合协调财政、货币和金融政策。在节能产品的制造和出口过程中，财政部门可以推出类似退税或抵扣的政策，来鼓励消费者购买节能产品。随着京都议定书的期满，碳发展机制可能成为一个绿色发展成长基金，并鼓励走在前头的企业模范。银行系统应全方位推行绿色信贷方案。该优惠贷款政策要用在两层结构中：

绿色不动产 •• 向绿色城市早期建设（如采用可再生能源提供电力的节能智能建筑）提供优先建设融资，并向有意购买绿色不动产的消费者提供优先不动产贷款。

生产节能产品 •• 开发生产节能产品，如电视、电器、太阳能和废弃物处理设施等。当地政府下一步应当启动城市绿色建设和智慧城市项目，从而将能源系统和绿色能源网格相结合，至少使部分地区使用当地可再生能源。中国各城市应投资绿色基础设施建设，并在主要应用上（如废水处理、水电等）采取可再生能源或节能方法。地方政府政绩标准不应该简单地表现为可以看到的建设项目或GDP数字，而应当衡量节约了多少能源，以及可再生能源的转换利用率。过去二十年间，政府通过发行债券刺激经济，中国的基础设施建设取得了长足发展。中国的债务主要是国内债务，所以要想发展绿色能源网格，政府刺激发行债券也是一个可行的方式。发展绿色能源网格，可以更好地实现绿色城市发展和就业。

银行政策可以建立绿色信贷标准，但其他部门也会提出要求，即公司或企业必须达到一个相应的标准或者每年都实现节能减排。换言之，企业的绿色发展必须达到和之前对GDP一样的标准，正是通过此标准，银行才能判定此企业能否申请资金援助。然而，银行自身无法评判公司或开发商是否达到了环境标准，他们需接受其他部门的检查确认，所以说需要合作，这意味着需要重新引入宏观协调机构，也需要采取新的核算方法。在教育系统方面也要做出相应的改革，设置一些专门的课程来解决水污染问题、食品安全问题、可再生能源问题和能源效率提高问题等。这些专门人才或专家可将这些技术应用于商业，从而营造一个绿色和经济可持续发展产业。同时，为了绿色经济的繁荣发展，运营、资本市场和金融等商业培训也是必要的。教育应该跨越部门和阶层，既要包括刚毕业的大学生，也要包括蓝领工人，同时也应提供技术技能开发和培训的课程。现在有个潜在的、还未成型的商业机会摆在我们面前：可再生能源在中国能源中所占比例不足百分之一，然而这使中国成为高效生产和可再生能源投资领导者成为可能。煤炭占中国能源总量的近80%，水电和核电占20%。环境清洁和碳减排已成为新一代中国领导人关注的重点，同时也是中国向国际社会展现软实力的一个重要方面。降低碳排放量的目标能否实现，很大程度上取决于未来十年中国的政策，同时也需要新的银行管理制度和财政政策。中国经济要想取得显著发展，需要进行深层次的金融和产业改革。从根本上讲，改变发展结构也是寻求经济可持续发展之道。

Laurence Brahm是一名撰稿人、律师以及亚洲最早一批社会企业家之一，现居北京。他也是联合国解决贫困和不平等专题组成员、东西文化研究中心研究员。

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PDSF News Magazine

Funding Future Change Green travel improvements are a hot topic in today’s China. However, deciding how to fund these changes is an area for debate. David Friesen looks at the recent findings by the EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility (PDSF II) and how international experiences of various funding methods could inform future China strategies.

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here is widespread understanding that green travel measures and sustainable urban mobility are an important part of current and future transport development. However, how these areas can be funded is another question entirely, and choosing the right methods can have a significant impact on success. Working out where the responsibility for funding lies, and how this funding will be collected, are crucial aspects of sustainable urban mobility. Issues of fair pricing, making sure that incomes from taxes are long-term, sustainable and do not have too many negative consequences (such as reducing transport to such an extent that the wider economy is affected) and also the need to cover the costs of any transport systems, are also important. This is particularly true for a country such as China where transport demand and infrastructure is still growing at a rapid rate, and making the right decisions for funding are crucial for future sustainable mobility.

In most cities, however, the considerations above have led to realisations that public transport should be subsidised. Typical subsidy rates are around 30 to 70 per cent of operations costs. Investment costs usually come on top of that.

Public Transport Fares

Fuel and Parking

Efficient public transport fares should cover marginal operations costs, but not fixed costs. This means that additional revenues will be needed to cover fixed costs (including investment costs). Fares should reflect costs for crowding and road congestion. Crowding in the public transport systems is an external cost: each individual traveller does not take the additional crowding he causes into account. This means fares should be higher whenever crowding is a problem. On the other hand, fares should also take into account that there is often unpriced road congestion, and assuming it is possible to entice drivers to switch to public transport, it is rational to decrease fares to make them do so. Striking the right balance between crowding and road congestion is difficult, and different cities have reached different solutions.

In most European countries, fuel tax revenues nowadays exceed spending on roads, since road systems are relatively mature and fuel taxes high. It is very uncommon that fuel tax revenues are earmarked, although several countries have had such earmarking earlier.

Parking charges are a very important policy instrument, with profound consequences also for congestion, emissions and urban planning in general. Fortunately, it is usually easy to implement – far easier than implementing conges-

From an efficiency point of “Green travel measures are an view, fares should be differentiated important part of current and future with respect to transport development.” crowding levels, road congestion levels and marginal operations costs. Particution charges, for example. Parking larly as crowding is becoming an charges also require almost no increasing problem in many cities, technological investment, except for the problem of unlimited flat-fare efficient parking control. systems is receiving increasing attention, and more and more cities Congestion Charging are looking into differentiating Since congestion is highly nonlinear fares with respect to time of day in traffic volumes, a relatively small and distance. An important example traffic reduction usually causes is London, which now has a fairly substantial congestion reductions. differentiated system in both time Hence, congestion charging schemes and space, primarily to reduce the often aim for such relatively small intense crowding during peak hours. traffic reductions – around 15% or so, and mostly during rush hours.

In terms of parking, it is important that prices are not too cheap in order to prevent overcrowding, and parking spaces should be limited in order to incentivise other greener forms of transport. For example, the City of Nottingham in the UK has implemented a parking tax paid by employers (including private companies), who provide parking facilities for staff. The tax is an incentive for employers to reduce the urban space allocated to parking. The revenue is used to improve public transport in the city.

One of the main economic advantages with using pricing to reduce congestion is that the most valuable traffic gets prioritised. Those vehicle which represent the highest value of time, and where changing mode, time or destination is most difficult to change, will stay on the road, while the vehicles that have lower values of time and have better alternative options will change. This increases the overall efficiency of the transport system, with important secondary efficiency gains in the overall economy – labour markets, housing markets, trade and specialization. Congestion pricing has been successfully implemented in several cities, such as London, Stockholm, Gothenburg, Milan, Singapore etc., and to some extent in Norway (e.g. Oslo, Bergen and Trondheim).

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PDSF News Magazine

From a fiscal perspective however, congestion pricing is seldom an important funding source, except as a relatively minor addition. Collection costs are usually a substantial fraction of revenues, and since only a fraction of total traffic is affected, revenue volumes are relatively small compared to total investment needs.

Vehicle Taxes and Quotas Vehicle purchase and ownership taxes are generally not very effective methods for revenue generation – taxing fuel is often a more sustainable source of revenue and also is linked more closely to actual road use. However, vehicle quota systems are quite a good way to bring in revenues and also incentivise greener modes of transport. Vehicle quota systems (VQS) are being adopted in a growing number of cities, especially in China. The first VQS in the world was in Singapore in 1990, and in China it was introduced in followed by Shanghai in the mid-1990s. A VQS is complementary to vehicle purchase taxes and requires those who wish to purchase a motor vehicle to first obtain a permit to do so. A VQS, as applied in Singapore, can encourage purchase and use of smaller, cleaner, newer motor vehicles as well as restraining the number of vehicles in use at any given time in an area. It can encourage retirement or export of older,

PDSF News Magazine

more polluting vehicles. But these effects can be lost if the VQS does not differentiate by vehicle size or technology. If a VQS employs a lottery, rather than an auction, as in Beijing, to distribute COEs, there will be no revenue produced for government and it may foster a black market for motor vehicles. All of these methods of pricing and taxation need to be balanced with funding from national and local government levels outside of the transport sector, such as general taxation or property taxation. If the balance of funding is right, a country such as China will be able to continue growing its transport infrastructure, but in a way that is fair and yet also encourages efficient, green and cost-effective transport use in the future. in Beijing, to distribute COEs, there will be no revenue produced for government and it may foster a black market for motor vehicles. All of these methods of pricing and taxation need to be balanced with funding from national and local government levels outside of the transport sector, such as general taxation or property taxation. If the balance of funding is right, a country such as China will be able to continue growing its transport infrastructure, but in a way that is fair and yet also encourages efficient, green and cost-effective transport use in the future.

未来改变的资金投入内容摘要：改进绿色出行是当今中国的一个热门话题。但是，如何为这类改革进行资金投入，却饱受争议。David Friesen探讨了中欧政策对话支持项目（PDSF）二期的成果资料，以及中国如何借鉴国际资助经验等问题。

人

们普遍认为，绿色出行措施和可持续城市交通是当前和未来交通发展的重要组成部分。然而，这方面的资金如何投入又完全是另一回事；如何选择合理的方式，对改革的成败与否具有重大影响。明确资金投入的具体责任及资金筹措的具体方法，是可持续城市交通发展的关键环节。除此以外，公平定价问题，如何确保税收的长期性、可持续性、不会产生过多的负面结果（如使交通运输减少到影响扩大经济的程度等），以及如何收回交通系统成本等，也是十分重要的问题。尤其是像中国这样仍然在快速发展的国家，做出合理的资金投入决策，更是未来可持续交通发展的重要基础。

公共交通费有效的公共交通费，应包括边际运营成本，但不包含固定成本。也就是说，还需要额外税收才能回收固定成本（包括投资成本）。另外，交通费还应反映拥挤和道路堵塞的相应成本。公共交通系统的拥挤是一项永久性成本：乘客个人并不会考虑其自身造成的额外拥挤。也就是说，只要拥挤问题不解决，交通费就会高一些。另一方面，交通费还应考虑往往存在有道路拥挤未收费的情况；设定能说服私家车主改乘公共交通的话，那么降低交通费，吸引改乘公共交通就可称为明智之举。要想协调拥挤和道路堵塞之间的矛盾并非易事；而不同的城市也提出了不同的解决方案。不过，多数城市在经过上述考虑后，得出了必须补贴公共交通的答案。一般而言，补贴率都在交通成本的30%-70%之间。其中的投资成本通常居榜首。从效率看，交通费可根据拥挤程度、道路堵塞程度和边际运营成本的不同，实行差异化定价。尤其是众多城市越来越拥挤的情况下，无限制的一票制问题已引起了越来越多的关注；越来越多的城市开始探讨按时段

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和距离实行差异定价的问题。伦敦就是一个典型的例子，该市在时间和空间两方面都实行了较差异化的定价制度，主要目的是减少高峰时期的极度拥挤问题。

燃料和停车当前，多数欧洲国家的燃料税收都超出了道路支出，这是因为道路系统相对成熟，而燃料税收则相对高昂。虽然有国家曾经有过燃油税拨款，但此类专项拨款还是非常少见的。停车方面，价格不能太低，否则无法预防过度拥挤的情况。停车场应尽量缩小，以便推广普及绿色交通出行方式。例如，英国的诺丁汉市就实行了凡雇主（包括私人企业）为员工提供停车设施的，就由雇主支付停车税的制度。采用该法，可鼓励雇员减少停车占用空间。收入可用于改善城市公共交通。停车收费是一项非常重要的政策工具，同时对拥堵、排放和城市规划总体具有长远的影响。幸运的是，这种方法往往很容易实施，比起实施拥堵收费等要容易得多。另外，除有效停车控制所需的技术投入外，停车收费基本上不需要其它的技术投入。

拥堵收费

市场、房屋市场、贸易和专业化等。已有多个城市成功实施了拥堵定价，如伦敦、斯特哥尔摩、哥德堡、米兰、新加坡等；挪威也实现了一定程度的拥堵收费（如奥斯陆、卑尔根和特隆赫姆等）。从财政角度看，拥堵收费几乎不是重要的资金来源，只是略微增加了资金量而已。代收成本在税收中通常占有较大比例。由于对总体交通量的影响不大，相对于总投资需求而言，税收量则相对较小。

车辆税和配额一般情况下，车辆购置税和车辆拥有税并不是很有效的创收方式，燃料税通常是更具持续性的收入来源，同时还与道路的实际利用密切挂钩。不过，车辆配额制度倒是相当不错的创收方式，也是鼓励绿色交通的有利手段。目前，中国国内越来越多的城市开始采用车辆配额制。世界上首个车辆配额制是1990年在新加坡实行的。在上世纪90年代中期引入中国上海。车辆配额制是车辆购置税的补充措施，规定想买机动车辆的人员必须事先办理购车许可证。

由于拥堵在交通量上具有非线性特点，只需稍微减少交通量，往往能大幅度改善堵塞情况。为此，拥堵收费方案通常会从这种相对较小的交通减量入手，大约在15%左右，且多数是在高峰时段。

新加坡实行的车辆配额制能鼓励购买小型、环保、新型的机动车，同时控制给定地区特定时间的车辆使用量。该制度能够使老旧、高污染车辆报废或出口。但是，如果车辆配额制不能按车辆规格或技术实现差异化，那么这些效应就会失去意义。

利用定价减少拥堵的其中一个主要经济优势，是多数最有价值的交通方式得到了优先权。那些时间价值最高、模式或目的地又难改变的车辆将留在道路上，而那些时间价值低、又有更多其它选择的车辆则会改变出行方式。这一举措能提高交通系统的总体效率，而且从经济上又能实现二次效益，人力

上述各种定价和税收方法都需要综合协调国家和地方政府在交通行业以外的资金投入，如一般税或财产税。如果资金投入实现了合理协调，不仅能实现交通设施的持续发展，而且发展的方式也更公平、更能鼓励未来的交通向高效、绿色和成本节约型方向发展。

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how people can use transport. This includes measures just as parking controls, traffic flow restraints, mobility management and low emission zones. Parking controls are often neglected in urban mobility policy, despite being central to managing car use. To combat this, parking measures need to be integrated with wider urban transport targets, and enforcement of parking rules needs to be as strong as possible to help manage demand.

Dialing Down Transport Demand Managing travel demands is one of the crucial ways in which pollution levels and future green travel targets can be achieved in China. David Friesen reports on the recent findings and international experiences as demonstrated by the EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility.

hilst creating new technologies and innovating in order to push forward a green travel future is one way to alter the transport infrastructure landscape, being able to manage demand is also crucial. This article looks at some of the ways in which demand can and has been managed in Europe as an initial discussion point for future strategies in China. Firstly though, it is important to understand the drivers of travel demand. Textbooks on travel start by noting that most travel is a derived demand (i.e. people don’t travel for the sake of it, but do so to reach specific locations). Yet, in practice, the analysis and modelling of travel behaviour is based on the assumption that travel is something that people demand in its own right. This can be seen in the diagram below, which illustrates the factors that drive the demand for goods and services, and so indirectly influence travel demand. Those in grey are excluded from current travel demand models, leaving only a sim-

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plistic relationship between person characteristics and travel behaviour. This is significant, both in terms of the poor underlying basis for travel demand forecasting, but also in not alerting policymakers to the underlying drivers of demand which would need to be addressed if there is a which to limit overall travel demand, at least in higher density megacities in countries such as China. Transport planners need to take a more comprehensive look at the movement of people in cities and the production and consumption patterns associated with these movement patterns.

Land Use One of the most important factors in determining urban mobility demand is land use. Therefore, strong land use planning can significantly reduce the demand for mobility. For example, locating services and employment close to residential areas can reduce the demand for mobility and cars. The allocation of urban space to cars (private and

public parking and roads) will also determine future transport patterns. Alternatively designing urban areas so they have a high degree of ‘accessibility’ with efficient (high density) public transport as well as easy walking and cycling are key determinants in determining the value and attractiveness of an urban environment. European property developers increasingly understand that the ‘accessibility’ of a site determines its value and are increasingly prepared to contribute to funding accessibility improvements.

Car Ownership CCar ownership and availability is also a strong indicator of demand – and with China’s rising car ownership numbers, a crucial area for future demand management. As car ownership increases, annual person kilometres of travel usually increase in parallel – at least until we encounter the so-called ‘peak car’ phenomena. There are also smaller increases in time spent

travelling. This is because car travel is extremely convenient, and also car travel is often faster than other modes of transport it displaces such as walking or cycling, and therefore travel distances increase. This means that limiting car ownership – as cities such as Beijing have experimented with to some degree – is an important step forward. However, how this balances with China’s growing economy and demand from consumers due to rising incomes is not yet clear. Models such as directly limiting car ownership, such as the one car per household rule in Bermuda, are probably unlikely in China. However, relating car ownership to parking provision or introducing high vehicle registration taxes (as Shanghai has already done) are more likely solutions in the short to medium-term in China.

zones. In the next few years it is expected that more and more cities in areas such as Europe will implement low emission zones so that only the cleanest vehicles can enter certain sectors of a city, thereby not only managing demand but also combating some of the problems of road traffic pollution. This is certainly an area where China could look to develop strategies, particularly as its domestic car industry grows and vehicles become more efficient. However, this of course means policy revisions every few

The same is true for traffic flow management. Whether this is through physical “Parking controls are often neglected measures such in urban mobility policy, despite being as reducing road widths or making central to managing car use” it unattractive or difficult to drive through environyears in order to maintain the mentally sensitive areas by installeffectiveness of the scheme as cars ing traffic cells or mazes that slow become increasingly more efficient down flows, or through regulatory and more models quality for the measures such as limiting vehicle zone. types or times of travel – they all contribute to effective manageA Shift in Culture ment of demand. However, these Of course, a more long-term measures are often only as good as strategy for managing demand is to the level of enforcement. go to the root of the issue by looking at ways to alter behaviours and the The next logical step along the path culture of mobility. Increasingly, of limiting flows is low emission

Managing Flows and Access Many of the other solutions for managing travel demand centre on managing where, when and

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Western governments are employing ‘behaviour change’ programmes to encourage more sustainable/healthy behaviour patterns, not just in the transport sector, but also involving home energy use and food consumption. In the transport sector, the focus is on encouraging car users to switch to greener modes of transport (public transport, walking and cycling). Various attitude surveys have shown that most car drivers acknowledge that not all travel by car is essential – typically at least 10 per cent could be dropped altogether or easily switched to other modes. One UK survey found that around half the parents who drive their children to school – an urban journey which is a major source of local traffic congestion and air pollution – would

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prefer not to, if a reasonable modal alternative existed. Advertising campaigns are often used in order to raise awareness of issues and disseminate information on areas, often as a complement to coercive measures such as congestion charging to encourage behaviour change. Many of these initiatives have been closely monitored, and typically achieve a 10 to 15 per cent reduction in car trips and car mileage. Culture change is an important component of success, but as with all these measures it is just one part of a wider raft of strategies. All of those mentioned, and more, are already being implemented in various urban areas throughout the world, and can help China to continue development its own set of demand management strategies over time.

降低需求内容摘要：出行需求管理是中国实现污染水平和未来绿色出行目标的重要途径之一。 David Friesen探讨了中欧政策对话支持项目（PDSF）二期的成果资料和相关国际经验。

尽

管创建推动绿色出行未来的新技术和创新活动是改变交通设施景观的一种方式，但能否管控出行需求也是一项重要课题。该文章探讨了出行需求可采用、且已在欧洲成功实施的几种管控方式，作为中国未来策略的初始讨论点之一。不过，首先应该了解的是出行需求的驱动因素。有关出行的教科书一开始就会指出：出行是一种派生需求（即人们并不是为了出行而出行，而是为了到达某个特定位置而出行）。但实际上，出行行为的分析和模式都会设定出行是人们因出行的本质而需求的东西。这一点可从下图中有所反映。图中显示了物品和服务需求的驱动因素，也因而直接影响到出行需求。灰色部分不属于本次出行需求模型范围，仅需观察个人特点与出行行为之间的简化关系图。这一点意义重大。一方面，驱动需求的预测缺乏合理的基础数据；另一方面，又没有提醒政策制定者认识到需求的内在驱动因素能影响到总体出行需求。尤其像中国这类高密度大都市更是如此。交通规划者需要综合考虑城市居民的流动问题，以及与这种流动模式相应的生产和消费模式。

土地利用确定城市交通需求的其中一个最重要的因素是土地利用。因此，合理的土地利用规划能大大减少流动需求。例如，在居住区附近设置配套服务和用工场所，就能减少流动和车辆的需求。城市空间对车辆的分配（私人和公共停车区和道路）同样能决定未来的交通模式。改变城市区域的设计方式，通过有效的（高密度）公共交通、便利的人行和自行车通道等方式提高城市的“可达性”，也是决定城市环境价值和吸引力的决定因素。欧洲地产开发商越来越认识到，“可达性”决定了现场的价值，他们也越来越愿意投资兴建此类项目。

车辆所有车辆的拥有和可用性也是出行需求的重要指标，而且随着中国车辆拥有人数量的不断增加，这也成为未来需求管理的关键环节。随着越来越多的人拥有车辆，年均人出行公里数通常也会随之增加，至少在我们遭遇所谓的“高峰车”现象之前都会如此。出行花费时间上也会有小幅增长。这是因为开车出行及其便利，也因为开车出行往往要比其它交通方式快捷，因而取代了步行和自行车出行，也继而加大了出行距离。

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也就是说，减少车辆拥有量，如北京就实行了一定程度的控制，是推行需求管控的重要一步。然而，出行控制如何与中国日益增长的经济及因收入增加带来的消费需求增长等问题相平衡，

目前尚不明确。直接降低车辆拥有量，如百慕大实行的一家限买一辆车等模式，不大可能在中国实行。不过，将车辆拥有与停车设施挂钩，或提高车辆登记税（上海就已实行该制度），更可能成为中国的中短期方案。

流量和出入管理不少其它的出行需求管控方案都是针对人们使用交通工具的地点、时间和方式展开的。其中包括停车控制、交通流量限制、流动管理和低排放区等措施。城市流动政策尽管会以车辆使用管理为核心，但往往会忽略停车控制问题。要解决这一问题，就必须将停车措施与更大范围的城市交通目标结合起来，同时加强停车管理制度的实施，配合出行管控的开展。交通流量管理也是如此。无论是通过缩小道路宽度、设置减缓流速的交通区让人们不愿意或难以在环境敏感区域开车等措施，还是通过减少车辆类型或出行时间等管理措施，都有助于出行需求的有效管控。然而，这些措施往往只是浮于实行层面。流量控制的下一个逻辑步骤是设置低排放区。今后的几年，预计会有越来越多的城市实行低排放区制度，使得城市某些区域仅允许最干净的车辆通过。这种做法不仅能有效管控出行需求，而且还能解决一部分道路交通污染问题。这当然也是中国需制定策略解决的问题，尤其是在国内汽车产业不断增长，车辆效率不断提高的情况下，更是如此。不过，这也意味着政策每几年就需要随着车辆效率的提高、车型的增加而相应调整。

文化转变当然，更长远的需求管控策略，是溯本求源，探讨改变行为和文化流动的合理方式。西方政府不断推行“行为改变”计划来鼓励更具持续性/更健康的行为模式，不仅是在交通领域，而且还涉及到能源利用和食物消耗上。交通领域，重点是鼓励车辆使用者改用更环保的交通方式（公共交通、步行和骑车）。不同的态度调查显示，多数驾驶者都认识到并不是所有的驾车出行都是必须的，一般都能减少10%左右，或者能改用其它方式。英国的一项调查发现，送孩子上学的车流中--这种城市出行方式也是地方交通堵塞和大气污染的重要来源之一--有一半左右的家长认为，只要有合理的替代方式，他们情愿不要开车送孩子上学。经常通过广告宣传来提高人们对问题的认识，传播相应信息，也常作为强制性措施（如拥堵收费）的辅助手段。许多措施都已严格监控，车辆出行次数和车辆行驶里程数基本上都能降低10%-15%。文化的改变是成功的重要组成部分，但与上述措施一样，文化的改变也只是广泛策略的一个组成部分。上述所有措施及手段，已经在全球各地不同城市地区进行了实施，可以帮助中国制定本国所需的需求管理策略。

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that there will be a greater focus on lifetime energy use and other environmental aspects during the concept and design phases of a product, before it is manufactured and brought to market. Product eco-design considers the product lifecycle as a whole and moves energy conservation, pollution control and related work from the consumer end to the stages of product development and design with a view to minimise resources and energy consumption and pollutant generation in the whole product lifecycle and raising the level of cleaner production.

The EU Ecodesign Directive

For Energy-Related Products

he EU’s Ecodesign Directive establishes a regulatory framework under which manufacturers of energy-using and energy-related products are obliged to reduce the energy consumption and other harmful environmental impacts that occur throughout the product life cycle.

which is covered by other legislation. The revised Ecodesign Directive, which entered into force in November 2009, extended the scope to include all energyrelated products such as windows, insulation materials, and certain water using products like shower heads and taps.

The Directive applies to all energy using products sold in the domestic, commercial and industrial sectors with the exception of transportation,

It is widely understood that the lifetime energy use of a product is strongly influenced at the design phase. The term ecodesign means

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The Ecodesign Directive establishes a policy framework through which performance criteria are established that must meet in order to legally bring products into the European market. In order to establish those performance criteria, the European Commission follows a detailed analytical process of technical analysis and discussion with stakeholders to develop product-specific implementing measures. Manufacturers who begin marketing an energy-using or energy-related product covered by an implementing measure in the EU area must ensure that it conforms to the energy and environmental standards set out by the measure.

The revised working plan for 20122014 was released in December 2012 and it included the following product groups (including estimates of potential savings for some of the product groups): windows (19 million tons of oil equivalent (Mtoe) per year of savings on heating fuels), water-using products such as taps and showerheads (21 Mtoe per year of savings on water heating and water distribution), steam boilers (4 Mtoe per year), power cables (4 Mtoe per year of savings on electricity distribution losses), and other products and equipment. For more information about Ecodesign, please visit the PDSF website and look for “Activity 13: EU-China Collaboration on Product EcoDesign Policy”. This activity is implemented by DG Enterprise & Industry (ENTR) in Europe and the Ministry of Industry & Information Technology (MIIT) in China. These government bodies are working together to increase the understanding of ecodesign as it relates to consumer and commercial products.

The Ecodesign Directive is complemented by the Energy Labelling Directive, which informs consumers of the relative efficiency of a given product on a performance scale. The combination of Ecodesign (i.e., ‘market push’) and Energy Labelling (i.e., ‘market pull’) is considered as one of the most effective policy tool combinations for improving the energy efficiency of a market. The Commission therefore most often develops and adopts the Energy Labelling requirements in parallel with Ecodesign implementing measures. The Commission’s Ecodesign working plan sets out an indicative list of prioritised product groups.

欧盟能源相关产品生态设计指南《欧盟生态设计指令》建立了一个监管框架，能源利用和能源相关产品的生产商必须减少产品整个周期中可能产生的能量消耗及对环境有害的影响。该《指令》适用于国内销售、商业和工业领域的所有用能产品。交通相关的用能产品通过其它法规另行规定。修订的《生态设计指令》于2009年11月生效。该指令扩大了对象范围，将窗、绝缘材料及某些用水产品如淋浴头和水龙头等与能源相关产品纳入了规定范围。总所周知，产品的能源利用周期在设计阶段就受到极大影响。所谓“生态设计”，是指在产品的概念和设计阶段就较重视能源利用及其对环境的影响，最后才付诸生产和上市销售。产品的生态设计综合考虑产品总体的寿命周期，将能源节约、污染控制及相关工作从用户端转移到产品开发设计阶段，目的是最大程度减少产品寿命周期内的资源和能源消耗，提高清洁生产水平。

生态设计指令建立了政策框架。通过政策框架明确必须满足的性能标准，确保产品能合法投入欧洲市场。为了确定这些性能标准，欧洲委员会通过详细的技术分析，并与相关者进行认真商讨，以制定针对产品特性的实施措施。生产商开始在欧盟地区销售措施规定的用能产品时，必须确保产品符合该措施规定的能源和环境标准。生态设计指令是《能源标签指令》的补充完善。《能源标签指令》让消费者了解给定产品在性能上的相对效率。“生态设计” （即“市场推动”）和“能源标签”（即“ 市场拉动”）相结合，被认为是最能有效提高市场能源效率的政策工具组合之一。因此，委员会在制定和采纳“能源标签”要求时，通常会与“生态设计”实施措施并行。委员会的“生态设计”工作计划规定了优选产品组合的指示性清单。2012-2014 修订版工作规划于2012年12月发布，其中包括以下产品组合（包括某些产品组合潜在节省量的估算值）：窗（每年节省 1900万吨油当量（Mtoe）的采暖燃料），水龙头和淋浴头等用水产品（每年节省 21Mtoe的水加热和水配送)，蒸汽锅炉（每年4Mtoe），电力电缆（每年按节省4Mtoe 的电力配送损耗）等其它产品和设备。有关生态设计的更多信息，请访问中欧政策对话支持项目二期网站，参见“项目13：中国-欧盟产品生态设计政策合作” 。该项目由欧盟企业与工业总司和中国工业和信息化部共同倡议实施。两个政府部门携手合作，为促进对商业产品生态设计的了解而共同努力。

“It is widely understood that the lifetime energy use of a product is strongly influenced at the design phase”

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Number Crunching 数据明细

Our Year in Pictures

As we enter the New Year, we can reflect on all that has happened over the past twelve months and prepare for another busy year ahead. 2013 has proven to be a truly busy year, with many activities taking place on a wide range of topics, in a wide variety of locations and involving a huge number of individuals across many sectors and areas of expertise. 随着新年的到来，我们得以回顾过去12个月发生的一切，准备迎接新的繁忙的一年。2013年的确是繁忙的一年。这一年里，我们针对不同的话题，在不同的地点，开展了大量活动，得

Cultural stakeholders meeting

Agriculture environmental awareness raising

到了各行各业不同人员的支持和参与。

PARTICIPANTS WHO ATTENDED OUR EVENTS

截至2013年底参与本项目活动的总人数

EU MEMBER STATES VISITED BY CHINESE DELEGATES 中国代表考察的欧盟成员国数量

Smart City Sub-Forum

Broadband Study Tour

Social Assisatnce

CEWP sudy tour

EVENTS HELD 2013年举办的活动总数

CEWP Business Forum

EXPERTS DEPLOYED BY PDSF PDSF部署的专家人数 42

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CHINESE PROVINCES & REGIONS INVOLVED IN OUR EVENTS 参与本项目活动的中国省市自治区总数

Agricultural experts meeting

Budapest High Level Conference

Urban Mobility Sub-Forum

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Our Successes

We have already had many successes in the first 18 months of PDSF II and we hope that there are more to come. Here are just a few of the highlights from each month of 2013 PDSF二期在前18个月已经收获了很多，我们希望

January Launch of study on Broadband Policy Expert Group 发起了宽带政策专家组研究

Febuary

日后能获得更丰硕的成绩。2013年各月活动列举如下：

March Inception seminar for Promoting Green Urban Transport in Beijing and 4th China Europe Youth Symposium in Hunan and Shanghai 北京举办“促进绿色城市交通” 专题座谈会在湖南和上海举办第四届欧洲青年研讨会

Start of China Europe Water Platform (CEWP) mobilisation 中国欧洲水 phase 平台（CEWP）动员阶段开始

April International conference on Raising Environmental Awareness in Agriculture in Chongming Islands in Shanghai and 1st Meeting of EU-China Higher Education Platform for Cooperation and Exchange (HEPCE) in Brussels 在上海崇明岛召开国际增强农业环保意识大会在布鲁塞尔举办第一届欧盟中国高等教育合作交流平台（ HEPCE）会议

May 1st experts’ meeting on Agricultural Clean Production in Changzhou in Jiangsu province and Xianning in Hubei province and Launch of EU-China Smart Cities Cooperation in Guangzhou 在江苏常州和湖北咸宁举办第一届农业清洁生产专家会议在广州启动欧盟-中国智能城市合作项目

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June Study visit to Denmark,Belgium and France on Broadband Policy and China Europe Water Platform (CEWP) research roundtable in Brussels

July

Kick-off event in Beijing for Urbanisation Leadership Training Programme and Launch of policy study on Eco Product Design in Beijing

组织赴丹麦、比利时和法国进行宽带政策调研考察在布鲁塞尔举办中国欧洲水平台（ CEWP）研究圆桌会议

城镇化领导力项目启动会产品生态设计政策合作项目启动会

August September Study visit to UK and Germany on Clean Agriculture Production and Phase 2 Urbanisation Leadership Training Programme in Hainan, Shanxi, Sichuan, Gansu, Xinjiang and Qinghai (through to November 2013) “应对气候变化农业清洁生产技术实践与生态补偿政策研究”赴欧学习考察，英国和德国城镇化领导力项目培训，海南、山西、四川、甘肃、新疆和青海（此培训至2013年11月）

Inception seminar for mapping of EU-China stakeholders in fields of Cultural Heritage, Cultural & Creative Industries & Contemporary Art 中欧双方在文化遗产、文化创意产业和当代艺术领域中相关方的现状研究项目启动会

October High-level conference on China Europe Water Platform (CEWP) in Budapest 中欧双方在文化遗产、文化创意产业和当代艺术领域中相关方的现状研究中欧水资源交流平台高层会议，布达佩斯

November EU-China Urbanisation Forum, Urbanisation Exhibition and Sub-Fora on Smart Cities, Eco Cities, Innovative Cities, Urban Mobility & Urban Culture. And Conference on Social Assistance between China and EU in Wuhan

December

2nd experts’ meeting on Agricultural Clean Production in Changzhou and Xianning 农业清洁生产第二次专家会议，湖北咸宁和江苏常州

中欧城镇化论坛，中欧城市博览会，智慧城市、生态城市、创新城市、城市交通与人文城市分论坛中欧社会救助政策比较研讨会，武汉

www.eu-chinapdsf.org

EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility www.eu-chinapdsf.org

The EU-China Policy Dialogues Support Facility II is a project financed jointly by the European Union and the Government of the People's Republic of China, implemented by a consortium led by Grontmij A/S. This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The content is the sole responsibility of Grontmij A/S and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. 本项目由中国和欧盟共同资助,由以Grontmij A/S (荷隆美公司)为首的咨询机构实施。本出版物得到欧盟资助,出版物内容由Grontmij A/S(荷隆美公司)全权负责,不代表欧盟立场。