Revista m v 10

Enero - junio de 2013 - Volumen 10 Número 1

Enero - Junio de 2013 Volumen 10 Número 1 ISSN 1692-5114

FACULTAD

RIESGO Y PLANIFICACIÓN Editorial

Angela Colucci, Marcella Samakovlija, Carlos Gómez Arciniegas

Resilience and urban-territorial systems. Approaches comparison Resiliencia y sistemas urbano-territoriales. Comparación de puntos de vista Angela Colucci

La planificación de las áreas verdes periurbanas a través de la salvaguarda y recuperación de enclaves de valor ecológico y paisajístico bajo riesgo. El caso de la ciudad de Aguachica (Colombia)

The planning of periurban green areas throughout the safeguarding and recovery of ecological and scenic value sites at risk. The case of the city of Aguachica (Colombia)

Carlos Humberto Gómez Arciniegas, Daniel Reinaldo Urbina Rojas, Carlos Andrés Zuleta Torrado

Dealing with the risk of natural hazards through networks of planners – The case of Klimafit

Tratar el riesgo relativo a los desastres naturales a través de redes de planificación - el caso de Klimafit

Territorial risk and vulnerability: planning tools at municipal scale

Riesgo y la vulnerabilidad territorial: herramientas de planificación a nivel municipal Marcella Samakovlija

Floodings and social vulnerability: their spacial equivalence in the city of Curitiba, Brazil

Las inundaciones y la vulnerabilidad social: su espacio de equivalencia en la ciudad de Curitiba, Brasil Clovis Ultramari, Beatriz Hummell.

Prevención de la malaria mediante estrategias medioambientales y técnicas tradicionales aplicadas a la arquitectura

Malaria prevention through environmental strategies and traditional techniques applied to architecture

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Alejandro Ordóñez Ortiz

REVISTA DE LA DIVISIÓN DE INGENIERÍAS Y ARQUITECTURA

Gérard Hutter

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Revista M Volumen 10 No 1 Enero-Junio 2013 ISSN 1692-5114

Contenido

Portada: Anillo verde y Parque Agüil en Aguachica, Colombia. Imagen suministrada por Carlos Andrés Zuleta y Daniel Reinaldo Urbina

Editorial Directivos Rector Seccional Universidad Santo Tomás Fray Faustino Corchuelo Alfaro, O.P. Vicerrector Académico Fray Guillermo León Villa Hincapié, O.P. Vicerrector Administrativo-Financiero Fray José Rodrigo Arias Duque, O.P. Decano División de Ingenierías y Arquitectura Fray Fernando Cajicá Gamboa, O.P. Decana Facultad de Arquitectura Arquitecta Claudia Patricia Uribe R. Editor Liliana Rueda Cáceres, arquitecta Mgs. Editores invitados Angela Colucci, Politécnico de Milán, Italia Marcella Samakovlija, Politécnico de Milán, Italia Carlos Gómez Arciniegas, Universidad Santo Tomás, Colombia Comité Científico Fabio Restrepo Hernández, arquitecto Ph D Universidad de los Andes, Colombia

Resilience and urban-territorial systems. Approaches comparison.

Resiliencia y sistemas urbano-territoriales.

Comparación de puntos de vista

Andrés Satizábal Villegas, arquitecto Mg Ph D (c) Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Manizales, Colombia Comité Editorial Jorge Alberto Galindo Díaz, arquitecto PhD Profesor asociado Universidad Nacional, Manizalez, Colombia Verónica Mercedes Zagare, arquitecta Mgs, Ph D (C) Instituto Superior de Urbanismo, Territorio y Ambiente Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Jemay Mosquera Téllez, arquitecto Ph D Profesor asociado Universidad de Pamplona Pamplona, Colombia Carlos Humberto Gómez Arciniegas, arquitecto Ph D Profesor Investigador Universidad Santo Tomás Bucaramanga, Colombia Néstor José Rueda Gómez, Historiador Ph D Profesor Investigador Universidad Santo Tomás Bucaramanga, Colombia Liliana Rueda Cáceres, arquitecta Mgs Profesor Investigador Universidad Santo Tomás Bucaramanga, Colombia Corrección ortográfica y de estilo Ciro Rozo Gauta Camilo Andrés González Garzón Ruth Marcela Díaz G., arquitecta Ph D Departamento de Idiomas Universidad Santo Tomás Licenciada en Idiomas Laura Cristina Dueñas Angulo Ruth Marcela Díaz G., arquitecta Ph D Facultad de Arquitectura Director Departamento de Publicaciones Luz Marina Manrique Cáceres

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Angela Colucci .............

La planificación de las áreas verdes periurbanas a través de la salvaguarda y recuperación de enclaves de valor ecológico y paisajístico bajo riesgo.

El caso de la ciudad de Aguachica (Colombia) The planning of periurban green areas throughout the safeguarding and recovery of ecological and scenic value sites at risk. The case of the city of Aguachica (Colombia) Carlos Humberto Gómez Arciniegas, Daniel Reinaldo Urbina Rojas,

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Carlos Andrés Zuleta Torrado…........

Fernando Gaja i Díaz, arquitecto Ph D Universidad Politécnica de Valencia, España Michele Paradiso, doctor arquitecto Universidad de los estudios de Florencia, Italia

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Angela Colucci, Marcella Samakovlija, Carlos Gómez Arciniegas..............…

Dealing with the risk of natural hazards through networks of planners – The case of Klimafit Tratar el riesgo relativo a los desastres naturales a través de redes de planificación - el caso de Klimafit

40-51

Gérard Hutter ..........

Territorial risk and vulnerability: planning tools at municipal scale.

Riesgo y la vulnerabilidad territorial: herramientas de planificación a nivel municipal Marcella Samakovlija.........

Floodings and social vulnerability: their spacial equivalence in the city of Curitiba, Brazil.

Las inundaciones y la vulnerabilidad social: su espacio de equivalencia en la ciudad de Curitiba, Brasil.

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64-81

Clovis Ultramari, Beatriz Hummell........

Prevención de la malaria mediante estrategias medioambientales y técnicas tradicionales aplicadas a la arquitectura Malaria prevention through environmental strategies and traditional techniques applied to architecture

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Alejandro Ordóñez Ortiz ........

Diseño y Diagramación Diseñador gráfico Olga Lucía Solano Avellaneda

Facultad de Arquitectura Universidad Santo Tomás, Colombia E-mail: revistaarqui@mail.ustabuca.edu.co Tels: 6800801 Exts: 2500 – 2240 – 2241 REVISTA INDEXADA PUBLINDEX CATEGORIA C Bucaramanga, Colombia

Revista M es una publicación de la Facultad de Arquitectura de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga. Con edición continua desde el año 2003, nace con el objetivo de proyectar en el escenario académico, el pensamiento y las acciones del quehacer profesional del oficio del arquitecto y de sus profesiones afines, mediante la publicación de resultados del ejercicio investigativo, analítico, crítico y propositivo de este quehacer. Revista M está dirigida a un público conformado por profesionales y estudiantes del área de la arquitectura y, el urbanismo y la planificación urbana y regional. Los artículos publicados son de responsabilidad exclusiva de sus autores, que han autorizado previamente su publicación en este medio, así como garantizado el carácter inédito de los mismos.

EDITORIAL

Ante la reciente innovación disciplinaria relacionada con la gestión de riesgos territoriales -la cual a partir de enfoques primordialmente disciplinarios y sectoriales que han demostrado una incapacidad para comprender la complejidad del territorio y las relaciones entre los diferentes sistemas que lo componen - el debate disciplinario ha desarrollado en los últimos años propuestas complejas que podrían integrar los aspectos de la gestión sostenible de los riesgos territoriales en los instrumentos de planificación. Con base en estos planteamientos innovadores, a partir de 2007, dentro de la AESOP (Association of European School of Planning) se fundó el Grupo Temático “Resielince and Risk Mitigation Strategies”, formado por académicos, planificadores y técnicos que se ocupan de riesgo a nivel internacional, tanto en Europa como en otros continentes. El grupo temático “tiene el objetivo general de fomentar el debate, la coordinación de la educación, la investigación, las políticas y prácticas sobre estrategias de resilencia y mitigación de riesgos, así como la adaptación para un desarrollo territorial sostenible en Europa” (http://www.aesop-planning. eu/blogs/en_GB/resilience-and-risks-mitigation-strategies).

Con el Departamento de Arquitectura y Urbanismo (ahora DAStU, Departamento de Arquitectura y Estudios Urbanos) del Politécnico de Milán, se han desarrollado iniciativas para profundizar en algunos temas y áreas de trabajo:

¿Cómo ha cambiado el concepto de riesgo, de natural a fuertemente antrópico (ambiental, climático, unido a nuevas tecnologías, socio-económico y demás) y cuál puede ser la contribución de la planificación del territorio para su mitigación y gestión

La institucionalización de la investigación sobre los riesgos y la gestión de la información en las áreas de desarrollo

La conceptualización de los términos “peligrosidad”, “vulnerabilidad”, “riesgo”, “resilencia”, “mitigación”, “ayuda”, “rehabilitación” vistos por los planificadores - las divergencias y convergencias de los términos con la terminología utilizada en otros campos científicos y profesionales relacionados con la gestión de riesgos

Modelos y métodos de evaluación de la vulnerabilidad y la resilencia

Los métodos de identificación de los riesgos en los diferentes niveles de planificación para la mitigación

Participación y comunicación de riesgos - la gestión de riesgos y la planificación, la forma como cambian

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Indicadores y estándares relacionados con la resilencia en la ordenación del territorio

Los fondos internacionales para la investigación y para la reconstrucción en situaciones de emergencia.

Los artículos de este edición de la Revista M, fruto de una proficua sinergia entre el Departamento de Arquitectura y Estudios Urbanos (DAStU) del Politécnico de Milán (Italia) y la Facultad de Arquitectura de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga (Colombia), se ocupan de distintos aspectos relacionados con el tema del riesgo en la planificación.

Así bien, se discute sobre diversos enfoques metodológicos para el tema de la resilencia y cómo éstos pueden contribuir al proceso de innovación de la disciplina de la planificación del territorio mediante aspectos estrechamente relacionados con el riesgo (Colucci); se introduce en el tema de las modalidades de gestión de las decisiones, ilustradas a través del caso de un grupo de planificadores de la Región de Dresden (Hutter); se propone un método para la gestión de riesgos territoriales a nivel municipal (Samakovlija) y al mismo tiempo se ilustra cómo el diseño arquitectónico puede ayudar a mitigar el riesgo, en este caso se habla de la salubridad (Ordoñez Ortiz). A todos estos enfoques se suma la premisa que riesgo a menudo significa reconstrucción, o sea, la observación de la ciudad, de sus aspectos de vulnerabilidad social y la forma en que se vuelve a reconstruir en la fase posterior al desastre (Ultramari y Hummel) y finalmente, una contribución evidencia cómo el término riesgo puede ser sinónimo de la pérdida de la biodiversidad de un lugar (Gómez, Zuleta, Urbina). En síntesis, una serie de artículos provenientes de autores de diferentes nacionalidades donde en modo sucinto pero conciso llevan al lector nuevamente a pensar en la cuestión del conocimiento del territorio, de sus relativos riesgos y de las relaciones entre los diferentes sistemas que lo componen las cuales son la base para un planificador o un arquitecto que propende por el diseño de entornos más seguros.

Ángela Colucci, Politécnico de Milán, Italia Marcella Samakovlija, Politécnico de Milán, Italia Carlos Gómez Arciniegas, Universidad Santo Tomás, Colombia Editores Invitados

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REVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA

RESILIENCE AND URBAN-TERRITORIAL SYSTEMS. APPROACHES COMPARISON Angela Colucci* Politécnico de Milán, Italia

Recibido: 21 octubre 2013 Aprobado: 01 abril 2013

Schematic summary from families of literature on Resilience. Figure elaborated by Revista M from author’s information.

*

M. Architect, Ph.D. in planning. Researcher and professor. Adjunct Professor at Politecnico di Milano – Italy (courses of urbanism, and urban design). Since 2008 she is a member of the Resilience and Risks mitigation strategies thematic group of AESOP (Co-Responsible and Coordinator of the Research action domain). She took part, as research staff or partner, to various research projects on the sustainable risk management and on landscape planning. She is a senior partner of the cooperate company since the 2004 worked a large number of planning and strategic environmental assessment, consulting for local and regional administrations in the planning, environmental and landscape aspects. angela.colucci@polimi.it

ABSTRACT Since the end of the last century, with a significant increase over the last few years, resilience has featured as key concept in many technical, political papers and documents, and appears in many researches. In this paper we present a summary of the literature approaches comparison (initial survey stage of the research) with the aims to identify and understand the approaches to resilience developed; identify which aspects and what resilience strategies these approaches share and propose. The aim is to understand whether the proposed concept of resilience, or rather strategies, constitute progress and contribute to innovation in the areas of urban planning and design in relation to risk mitigation. The first results presented will underline: • The shared resilience strategies and the common concepts taken form the resilience approach and used for the urban systems strategies management/visions; • The methodological and planning instruments used for the integration of resilience inside the planning process; • The innovation aspects developed by the different authors and experiences that could enrich risk mitigation polices.

KEYWORDS Resilience, Risks prevention, Risk mitigation, Urban/territorial systems.

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RESILIENCIA Y SISTEMAS URBANOTERRITORIALES. COMPARACIÓN DE ENFOQUES

Dibujo esquemático de literatura sobre grupos de Resiliencia. Elaborado por Revista M a partir de información del autor.

RESUMEN Desde finales del siglo pasado, con un aumento significativo en los últimos años, se ha caracterizado a la resiliencia, como un concepto clave dentro de documentos políticos y técnicos y aparece en numerosas investigaciones. En este artículo se presenta un resumen de los diferentes enfoques existentes (primera etapa de la investigación) con el objetivo de identificar y comprender los métodos de la resiliencia desarrollada e identificar qué aspectos y que estrategias de resiliencia proponen y aportan estos enfoques. El objetivo es comprender si el concepto propuesto de resiliencia, u otras estrategias, constituyen un avance y contribuyen a la innovación en el ámbito de la planificación urbana y diseño en relación con la mitigación del riesgo. Los primeros resultados presentados destacarán: • Las estrategias de resiliencia propuestas y los conceptos comunes a los diferentes puntos de vista en relación con la capacidad de resiliencia utilizados dentro de estrategias / visiones de gestión en los sistemas urbanos.

• Las herramientas de programación y metodología utilizadas para la integración de la resiliencia en procesos de planificación.

• Los aspectos de innovación desarrollados por diferentes autores y experiencias que puedan enriquecer las políticas para mitigar el riesgo.

PALABRAS CLAVE Resiliencia, Prevención de riesgos, Mitigación de riesgos, Sistemas urbanos/territoriales.

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ADOPTING RESILIENCE1 The concept of resilience, and the term itself, is used in many disciplines (from engineering to the natural sciences, psychology and sociology) with meanings that are not always the same.

In the discipline of ecology, from which the agreed term used here is taken (and which, in a nutshell, epitomises the capacity of a system to adapt itself in response to the action of a force, achieving a state of equilibrium different from the one it originally had), resilience has been defined and explained in different way, and has evolved in line with the innovations that have occurred in that discipline (White, 2011).

Generally speaking, we have seen this concept become widespread in recent years, often used as a key concept in many documents and books, at conferences and on websites.

More recently, resilience has been used also when shaping development strategies for cities, and defining alternative development models for urban systems, local communities or social-ecological systems on a considerably bigger scale.

The concept of ecological resilience, as it relates to the development of territorial systems, was officially introduced into international politics and the European Union in 2005 when the document Resilience and Sustainable Development: Building Adaptive Capacity in a World of Transformations2 was first presented.

The on-going research presented here focuses on the concept of resilience with regard to the development of regions, cities and local communities.

While not claiming to be complete, in terms of the widespread disciplinary and political/ social interest, this paper presents a summary of the first stage of the work carried out, and consists in a comparison of the wide-ranging literature published on the concept of resilience and cities (and/or resilience and regional systems).

The research, in relation to which this paper presents a summary of the initial survey stage, has three main aims: 1) Understanding the approaches to resilience developed so far, and identifying which aspects (concepts, strategies and so on) of these approaches are shared (or not shared); 2) Understanding which strategies are being proposed for resilient regions, cities or social-ecological systems (and pointing out the shared strategies); 3) Understanding whether the resilience strategies proposed involve innovations in urban and regional development disciplinary fields.

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A paper published on the Journal TEMA (by Angela Colucci in 2012, see bibliography) presents the research and the whole literature approaches, this paper focuses on the Risk approach to resilience and on the main results of the literature comparison.

Building Adaptive Capacity in a World of Transformations (Background paper to WSSD) is a technical-scientific paper in support of the Swedish Government’s Environmental and Scientific Advisory Council during the World Summit on Sustainable Development

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The research aim is to comprehend whether the concept of resilience, or rather, whether the strategies of resilience proposed constitute progress and contribute to innovation in the areas of urban planning and design.

Three main families of literature have been identified from the recent literature promoting resilience as a key strategy. For each of these families the aim of the research – at this early stage – was to understand which particular concept and which aspects of resilience are used, which resilience strategies are proposed, how the term ‘city’ is defined and interpreted and, consequently, which are the key concepts related to strategies for resilient cities.

How can resilience be defined?

The concept of resilience has two main definitions involving different visions and approaches with regard to the concept of stability (Holling and Gunderson, 2002). The most common established definition may be called ‘engineering resilience’: in physics (and engineering), the resilience of a material is the property that enables it to resume its original shape after being deformed. This definition recalls the concepts of control, consistency and predictability.

The second definition, ‘ecosystem resilience’ is based on the concepts of persistence, change/unpredictability, adaptability and variability, emphasising conditions that are far from aequilibrium. Resilience is the property of complex systems to react to stress phenomena by activating response and adaptation strategies in order to restore the mechanisms by which they function. Resilient systems under stress react by regenerating themselves while maintaining the functionality and recognisability of the systems. Thus, resilience does not imply the restoration to an initial state, but the restoration of functionality through change and adaptation.

In ecology, resilience derives from functional strengthening through the various levels and hierarchies and from functional overlap between the levels. The vulnerability of the systems gradually increases as the sources of regeneration (diversity, redundancy, functional overlap and so on) and functional diversity are reduced.

This article refers to the concept of ecosystem resilience, and all the papers and documents consulted refer to this agreed notion of resilience.

THE LITERATURE: FAMILIES AND APPROACHES Since the end of the last century, and with a significant increase over the last few years, resilience as a key concept has featured in many technical and political papers and documents, and in a great deal of research that has been undertaken. The paper focuses on the texts that combine resilience with strategies, processes and models for the development of cities, communities and regions.

It is possible to identify three main families within the literature (to which can be added best practices, documents of intent and a large number of websites as research platforms, sharing of experience, networks of best practices and so on):

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REVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA

a) Resilience and territorial risks: resilience is used as a key concept for the innovation of territorial risk mitigation/management strategies (with the integration between the risk mitigation goals and the regional quality goals). b) Resilience and sustainability: the concept of resilience is used as a way to gain the sustainability of the development of social-ecological systems. c) Resilience and adaptation: the resilience is used as the key concept to the adaptation strategies with regard to climate change, natural resources reduction and the quality of local communities.

Assigning the contributions of the different authors to one of these three families has inevitably been forced in some cases. As we shall see, many concepts and strategies are common and shared, and, while the family of origin can still be identified, there is often intertwining and overlapping.

A synthesis of main characteristics of the families of “Resilience and sustainability” and “Resilience and adaptation” are below underlined (Table 1). This paper focuses on the family of “Resilience and Risk” aspects.

Table 1: A synthesis of main characteristics of the families of “Resilience and sustainability” and “Resilience and adaptation”. Source: Elaborated by the author.

It is possible to relate the first group of authors at The Resilience Alliance3, a multidisciplinary network of researchers promoting regional and local development processes based on resilience. The family of texts is undoubtedly very large, and includes such authors as Carl Folke, Lance Gunderson, CS Buzz Holling, Elinor Ostrom, Johan Colding, Fikret Berkes, and numerous others.

Resilience is used as a key concept to achieve sustainable development. While accepting the definition of sustainability as a given, the debate on the different routes (ways) to ensuring sustainable development is certainly more complex.

The approach to complex systems and resilience is part of this debate.

The common distinguishing features of a huge and complex range of authors, research and experiments, are: RESILIENCE AND SUSTAINABILITY

a sizeable theoretical output integrated with their application in different contexts (creation of theoretical models and their application ); the central role of, and sharing of all experiences, texts and research on, the ecosystem (ecological) approach, and its integration with the social dimension; a large scientific output (theoretical, methodological – modelling – and application) concerning the sustainable management of natural resources in which the sustainable management of natural resources is integrated with the social aspects of local communities (for example, there are many studies and experiments carried out on the management of fishery resources, and the local communities connected with these, in the Nordic countries of Europe); considerable attention to the development of local communities and regions in crisis (integrating their ecological and social dimensions as a means to ensure development for even the poorest communities).

3. The Resilience Alliance is a research organisation comprised of scientists and practitioners from many disciplines who collaborate to explore the dynamics of social ecological systems. The body of knowledge developed by the RA, encompasses key concepts of resilience, adaptability and transformability and provides a foundation for sustainable development policy and practice, http://www.resalliance.org/.

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THE CITY MODEL

The Urban Resilience program4 is a research project started in 2007. In order to understand the mechanisms of resilience, the urban system is the results of the inter-relations between the metabolic flows (that support the urban functions, human well-being and quality of life), governance networks (the ability of societies to learn to adapt and organise themselves), the social dynamics (of people as citizens, community members, service users, consumers of products and all the networks of relationships that support interrelationships between communities and social populations), and the built environment (that is formed from physical and spatial elements, but also, and above all, from the relationships and the interconnections between them).

The amount of literature and documents related to climate change adaptation strategies and peak oil is enormous, including with regard to the relevance of the issue. It is possible to identify two main groups: there are a number of texts on the resilience of urban areas or regions (such as those by Stephen Coyle or texts by authors such as Peter Newman, Peter Beatley, Heather Boyer) and the initiatives of English Transition Cities (texts of Rob Hopkins and Shaun Chamberlin).

RESILIENCE AND ADAPTATION

One aspect common to these texts is that of using resilience as a key for coping with the important changes taking place, and for building adaptation strategies for climate change, the lack of – and fall-off in – natural resources (particularly oil), and energy crises.

In terms of using and referring to the concepts specifically related to resilience, the works focussing on cities and adaptation (e.g. Newman) do not expand upon theoretical references and/or close examination of the properties or principles of ecosystem resilience.

In the works related to Transition Cities, numerous concepts related to ecosystem resilience and properties are explicitly mentioned: diversity and redundancy, modularity and hierarchies/organisation and feedback processes.

These principles are the basis for constructing processes, strategies and actions for resilient communities.

A general objective shared by these authors is the development of an action plans to make in the neighbourhoods, community or region more environmentally and economically healthy, habitable and resilient.

THE CITY MODEL

This group of authors (such as Coyle, Newman, Beatley and Boyer, for example), by greatly simplifying the models devised in the texts, separate out the built environment and other issues connected with networks or ‘supporting systems’.

For example, Coyle proposes a model of the city (or urban system) consisting of the built environment and supporting systems. The built environment consists of the physical structures and organisation patterns of buildings, blocks, neighbourhoods, villages, towns, cities and regions. The supporting systems are: Transportation, Energy, Water, Natural environment, Food production, Agriculture, Solid waste, Economics.

RESILIENCE AND RISK In the most innovative research and best practices aimed at the mitigation of territorial risks, the concept of resilience has assumed a central role in the construction of strategies that include within the objectives of reducing risks and hazards a plurality of goals aimed at territorial quality345.

4 CSIRO, Australia; Arizona State University, USA; Stockholm University, Sweden; Urban Resilience Research Prospectus 3 Coordinatore Brian Walker Science Program Director and Chair; Board of Members The Resilience Alliance, February 2007.

4 5 See, for example, the many contributions relating to the research project on the sustainable development of the U.S. territories bordering the Gulf of Mexico, presented at the Venice Biennale, collected in the work by Eugenie L. Birch and Susan M. Wachter, Eds, 2006: Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster: Lessons from Hurricane Katrina, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia; the best practices and researches devised by Pelling on the resilience of cities and urban systems.

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The concept of resilience in territorial risk management has now been established, certainly in scientific debate. Since that the topic of resilience has long been debated, there are also significant theoretical focal points in terms of interpretation, such as the relationship between resilience and vulnerability. As underlined Pelling the idea of resiliency suggest a proactive stance towards risks. It has been discussed within ecological theory, system analysis and disaster studies (Pelling, 2003 p.7) The concept of resilience was initially associated with (and opposed to) the concept of vulnerability: resilience was employed as the opposite of vulnerability and resilience strategies were therefore aimed at reducing the vulnerability of systems with regard to territorial risks.

Subsequently, in the context of the scientific debate, resilience was associated with a wider vision and not just related to the reduction of vulnerability. From this point of view, the approach to resilience includes dynamic aspects (increasing the resilience of a system over time including theories of adaptation, not only at the time of reaction to disasters), aspects of scale and management of complex systems (reduction of the causes and determinants of hazards and phenomena that increase the severity of disastrous events), socio-economic aspects (including both organisational and social aspects) (White, 2010).

The conceptualisation of resilience in academia has been fuzzy and contested, and some lucidity is needed to understand this relatively new theoretical construct in relation to water and spatial planning. In recent texts, the study of resilience, while related to the issue of territorial risks (clear configuration of the aim) includes more general objectives: a more resilient system with regard to territorial risks is and must be, in general, an urban-territorial system characterised by higher overall environmental and social quality.

CONCEPTS OF ECOSYSTEM RESILIENCE The concept of resilience used by many authors is that of ecosystem resilience. Resilience is understood as the capacity and ability, after a disaster, to emerge from stalemate in a condition that is not necessarily the same as the initial pre-existing condition. The capacity of a region to be resilient largely depends on the organisation and relationships that existed before the event: the more flexible the system, the quicker will be recovery to normality from the perspective of improvement and awareness.

If a community chooses to go on living despite the risk, then growth must be directed towards creating resilient cities capable of responding to the effects of a disaster. This type of approach, namely being aware of and cooperating with nature and not against it, can simultaneously achieve the goals of conservation and exploitation of natural resources without reducing the opportunities for growth (Burby, 1998).

The integrated use of appropriate management tools and regional planning is needed to achieve a vision of resilient cities, reducing the intensity of growth in hazardous areas: by reducing the need to distort and obstruct natural processes, we will be able to reduce both the economic the social costs of vulnerable cities.

RESILIENCE STRATEGIES In the construction of strategies for territorial resilience against risks, there are many concepts characteristic of ecosystem resilience that are used as key principles:

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• The homeostasis principle: systems are maintained by feedbacks between component parts which signal changes and enable learning. Resilience enhanced when feedbacks are transmitted effectively • The omnivory principle: external shocks are mitigated by diversifying resource requirement and their means of delivery. Failures to source or distribute a resource can then be compensated for by alternatives.

• The high flux principle. The faster the movement of responses through a system the more resources will be available at any given to help cope with perturbation.

• The flatness principle. Overly hierarchical systems are less flexible and hence less able to cope with surprise and adjust behaviour. Top-heavy system will be less resilient • The buffering principle: a system which has a capacity in excess of its need can draw on this capacity in times of need, and so is more resilient.

• The redundancy principle: a degree of overlapping function in a system permits to system to change by allowing vital functions to continue while formerly redundant elements take on new function. (Pelling 2003, p. 8).

Other authors (as Watson and Adams, 2011) identifythe agenda of resilient design that can be expressed by three key principles: multiple scales of impact, collaborative design and innovation in design, technology, and policy.

These strategies/principles are also contained in official documents of many bodies (as NOOA, FEMA and ONU agencies) set up to protect populations against risks: for example, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has identified checklists for resilient cities/regions (related to flood plain management) or the document from the National Science and Technology Council Committee (Grand Challenges for disaster Reduction 2005, report for the White House office for science and technology) which contains actions to be implemented towards resilient systems.

The concepts common to different authors for a risk-resilient system are: diffusion and diversity (redundant and diverse city), the rapid responses properties (efficient and strong city), the redundancy circuit (feedback and smart city); the storage capacity and the scale/ hierarchy connection (independent, collaborative and adaptable city).

RESILIENT CITY MODEL In general, the structure of the urban and regional systems proposed by the authors of this family is derived from the established methodologies and models of risk analysis and management. The local systems are broken down into subsystems and components (analysis by component: social, environmental, etc.) and into the relational components that exist between the subsystems (relational analysis: interactions between subsystems).

A set of characteristic of a “resilient city” is defined in the UNISDR report on “Making Cities Resilient” (UNISDR, Making Cities Resilient campaignReport 2012). Based on the Campaign, the report defines a resilient city as one where: •

Disasters are minimized because the population lives in homes and communities with organized services and infrastructure that adhere to sensible building codes.

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• An inclusive, competent and accountable local government is concerned about sustainable urbanization and that commits the necessary resources to develop capacities to manage and organize itself before, during and after a natural hazard event.

• The local authorities and the population understand their risks and develop a shared, local information base on disaster losses, hazards and risks, including who is exposed and who is vulnerable.

• People are empowered to participate, decide and plan their city together with local authorities and value local and indigenous knowledge, capacities and resources.

• Steps are taken to anticipate and mitigate the impact of disasters, incorporating monitoring and early warning technologies to protect infrastructure, community assets and individuals, including their homes and possessions, cultural heritage, environmental and economic capital, and is able to minimize physical and social losses arising from extreme weather events, earthquakes or other natural or human- induced hazards.

• There is an ability to respond, implement immediate recovery strategies and quickly restore basic services to resume social, institutional and economic activity after such an event.

• An understanding exists that most of the above is also central to building resilience to adverse environmental changes, including climate change, in addition to reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

INITIAL CONCLUSIONS The table 2 shows a summarised comparison from this initial analysis of the literature on cities and resilience. In particular, the main disciplinary backgrounds, the scales or spatial dimensions under consideration (neighbourhoods, regions, cities, etc.), the models of urban systems and the main concepts of ecosystem resilience referred to in the texts are specified for each family.

Table 2. Families of literature: comparison synthesis. Source: Elaborated by the author.

Disciplinary backgrounds

Resilience definition

Resilience and sustainability

Resilience and adaptation

Resilience and risks

Natural sciences, biology, ecology, economy and social and political sciences

Planning, architecture, natural science, sociology

Engineering, building architecture, planning, social science

‘R. as the capacity to lead to a continued existence by incorporating change’

Planner approach

Transition cities

No definition of R.

R. as the ability of complex system to absorb the stress using adaptation strategies

- Theoretical / theoretical modelling Research and experiences Focus (scales and places)

- Development of local communities and regional development

- Models / strategies applied to city / urban and metropolitan

- Management of natural resources (linked to development of local community / regional development)

- Development of neighbourhoods and local communities

R. as the capacity and ability, after a disaster, to emerge from stalemate in a condition that is not necessarily the same as the initial pre-existing condition

- Regional development - Urban contexts - Projects focused on specific phenomena

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Planner approach - Social-ecological systems

Cities model (components)

- Urban areas is the result of the interaction of four system (that have the same relevance): metabolic flows, governance networks, social dynamics, built environment.

- Feeding diversity for reorganization and renewal

Resilience concepts used as key strategies

- Interconnection between temporal and spatial scales varying - Recognition of the slow variables

Cities system composed by the build environment (center of the model) supported by the supporting systems (Transportation, Energy, Water, Natural environment, Food production, agriculture, Solid waste, Economic) Planner approach No strong relation between resilience concepts and the strategies developed

- Compact strong feedback

Transition cities

Community process of changing (not structured models)

- diversity - modularity - local based - feedback - small

Resilience strategies (innovation for planning)

- Feeding diversity for reorganisation and renewal - Combining different types and systems of knowledge and create opportunities for self-organization - Adaptability, flexibility and innovation based on feedback - Memory

- Buffering - Core protection - Diffusion - Rapid responses - Redundancy circuit - Storage capacity - Wa s t e n u t r i e n t recovery self-help

- Knowledge and communities

- Learning to live with uncertainty and change

- City component physical, social and organizational

Transition cities

- Adaptability, flexibility and innovation

- Life is full of surprises

- Cities/regional models are based on traditional risk analysis methods

No innovation strictly related to the resilience Newman proposes, strategies related to: Renewable Energy City, Carbon Neutral City, Distributed city, Photosynthetic City, EcoEfficient City, Place-Based City, Sustainable Transport City.

- Diversity (and creative redundancy)

- Redundancy & diversity

- Modularity (organisational networks / and governance)

- Efficiency & Strong (with the capacity to withstand events/external attacks of various kinds)

- Local-based - Small - Balance between environmental, social and economic resources, and the type of development and their levels of consumption and use

- Independency & connections (ability to mutually support one other) - Adaptability - Ability to learn from experience - Collaboration(multiple opportunities and incentives)

With regard to the concepts used, we are proposing a schematic summary which attributes the key concepts used by the authors of the three families researched. The scheme highlights where the key concepts are innovative in the field of planning and urban design and where these concepts can be found in the literature or are already in use.

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The most innovative aspects and concepts shared and underlined by the three families are: • A strong link between physical, social and organisational elements; • Strong relevance of local community and relevance to the social aspects; • Focus and role of ecosystem services; • Strong innovation in terms of the process; • Relevance of the concept of process dynamics (and therefore of flexibility with respect to the dynamism of processes).

Figure 1: Schematic summary: strategic concepts, belonging and sharing (The scheme highlights (darker colour) where the key concepts are innovative in the field of urban planning/design and where these concepts can be already found or are already in use in the urban planning/design literature). Source: elaborated by the author.

Within the context of local governance processes, the concept of resilience affords possibilities and opportunities. Certainly the concept of resilience in itself contains significant possibilities, especially in the construction of scenarios and visions shared with local communities from a positive and optimistic perspective (Hopkins, Pelling). Issues such as the protection of environmental and ecosystem performance or the prevention of local risks can be translated not only into guidelines for constraints and safeguards, but as active construction projects for resilient territorial systems and communities.

Integrating the concepts of resilience into forward thinking capabilities for plans and programmes. Many benefits are derived from the efficient functioning of ecosystems, and, therefore, considering the services and benefits that derive from ecosystems as an integral part of the system of services and functions of local systems.

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The following are the shared key strategies for resilient regions and cities.

• (Diversity and) redundancy: A resilient world promotes diversity in all its aspects and biological, landscape, social and economic forms. Diversity is a major source in terms of the options for our future. At the same time, if diversity implies the differentiation into elements and components, redundancy implies multiplicity of functions. Redundancy can also be approached through the principles of subsidiarity, understood as the interrelationship and repetition of a number of decision-making mechanisms including at the local scale. A resilient world has institutions that include some redundancy in the institutional structures and a degree of overlap between public and private in respect of access to ownership.

• Recognition of slow variables: A resilient world must have policies focused on controlling threshold-related variables. By focusing on the slow variables that give shape to social-ecological systems and on the thresholds that remain , we have a better ability to manage the resilience of the system.

• Adaptability, flexibility and innovation: A resilient world places the focus on learning, experimentation and the development of local rules, and embraces changes.

One approach to resilience is to encourage new developments and innovations. In general, we aim for solutions to avoid change rather than find innovative solutions that mutate or assist the changes.

• Knowledge and communities: a resilient world fosters social networks and flexible leadership. The resilience of social-ecological systems is closely connected with people’s capacity to respond jointly and effectively to changes and disturbances.

• Interconnection between spatial scales and time variables: the issue of interconnection between different spatial scales and dimensions of time is certainly complex, and widely discussed in the field of urban planning and design. Studies on complex systems, however, tell us that in a resilient system, not everything is interconnected and dependent. There are relatively independent parts. The notion of over‑interconnection, especially at intermediate hierarchical levels of hierarchy implies that once one part suffers stress, this shock reverberates throughout the whole system.

• Solid strong feedback: The feedback processes allow us to perceive the thresholds before crossing them. A resilient world has strong feedback (but not too strong). In this case there are very many references to the flexibility of decision-making processes and construction plan processes (Steiner but a great many others).

RESILIENCE: OPEN QUESTIONS The concept of resilience must be understood for the opportunities that generates in terms of responses to the critical phenomena characterising the processes of design / planning of urban and territorial systems. the resilience should not be construed as a “way of salvation” or as a “solution” to all problems (Hopkins, White and others).

If we assume as “consolidated” the definition of ecosystem resilience, the concept of resilience in relation to urban-territorial complex systems (or socio-ecosystems) is not consolidated at all (as the concept of resilience in relation to the governance/management of cities and territories).

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There is, in fact, a widespread tendency to associate and/or to overlay the concept of “resilience” to the “resilient territory/city”. This overlay gives rise to some confusion.

Resilience is a property of ecosystems that are characterized by numerous and complex properties and therefore can also be more or less resilient. The use “resilient city” in itself, as the only defining aspect or all-inclusive, involves the risk of reducing the opportunities and potential offered from taking on an approach to resilience and complexity that characterizes the resilience ecosystem.

Propose a “plan / project” of “city / territory resilient” could against with some principles of the resilience: the distance from stability, continuous dynamic tension towards adaptation and innovation, characteristics that make “not planed” a “status of resilient systems” in itself.

An open question is whether “resilience” could be planned: it follows from the foregoing considerations that it is not possible to design or plan a territory or a city resilient in itself, but it is certainly important and necessary to include in the processes of transformation/ development of urban-territorial systems solutions that can enhance the properties of urban and territorial systems that make them potentially more resilient.

REFERENCES AAVV (2002) Resilience and Sustainable Development: Building Adaptive Capacity in a World of Transformations (Background paper to WSSD). Scientific Background Paper on Resilience for the process of The World Summit on Sustainable Development on behalf of The Environmental Advisory Council to the Swedish Government of April 16, 2002.

Berkes, F., J. Colding, C. Folke, eds (2003). Navigating Social-Ecological Systems: Building Resilience for Complexity and Change. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Burby, R. J., ed. (1998). Cooperating with Nature: Confronting Natural Hazards with Land use Planning for Sustainable Communities. Joseph Henry Press, Washington, D.C. Campanella, T.J.; Berke, P.R. (2006). “Planning for postdisaster resiliency”, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 604.

Chamberlin, S. (2009). The Transition Timeline for a local, resilient future. Green Books Ldt., Devon UK. Colucci, A.(2012). Towards resilient cities. Comparing approaches/strategies, in TeMA, n 5 (2) Colucci, A.(2012). Le città resilienti: approcci e strategie, Polo Interregionale di Eccellenza Jean Monnet, Pavia (sito www.jeanmonnet-pv.it) Coyle, S., ed. (2011).Sustainable and resilient communities. A comprehensive Action Plan for Towns, Cities and Regions. Hoboken: John Wiley & Songs Inc..

Folke, C., Colding, J. and Berkes,F. (2003). “Synthesis: building resilience and adaptive capaciy in social-ecological systems”, in Folke C., Colding J. and Berkes F., eds (2003) Navigating Social-Ecological Systems, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

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Gunderson, L., Holling, C.S, Lance, H. (2002). “Resilience and Adaptive Cycles”, in Gunderson, L., Holling, C.S., eds (2002) Panarchy: understanding transformations in human and natural systems, Island Press, Washington, D.C. Gunderson, L., Holling, C.S., eds (2002). Panarchy: understanding transformations in human and natural systems, Island Press, Washington, D.C. Gunderson, L., Pritchard, L. Jr., eds (2002). Resilience and the behaviour of large-scale systems.

Island Press, Washington, D.C. Janssen, M., ed. (2003). Complexity and Ecosystem Management. Edward Elgar Publishers, Northampton.

Hopkins, R. (2008). The Transition Handbook. From oil dependency to local resilience. Green Books Ldt., Devon UK. Low, B., Ostrom E., Simon C., Wilson J. (2003). “Redundancy and Diversity: do they influence optimal management?” in Folke C., Colding J. and Berkes F. eds (2003) Navigating Social-Ecological Systems, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Ostrom, E. (2005). Understanding Institutional Diversity. Princeton University Press, Princeton.

Newman, P, Beatley, P., Boyer, H. (2005). The Resilient city. How modern cities recover from disaster. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Pelling, M. (2003). The vulnerability of cities. Natural disasters and social resilience. Earthscan, London.

Steiner, F., Sipes, J., Faga, B., and Yaro, R. (2007). Mapping for Sustainable Resilience in the Gulf Coast of the United States. PLANUM web site, Publication date: September 2007 (http://www.planum.net/topics/themesonline.html) UN/ISDR (2004). Living With Risk: A Global Review of Disaster Reduction Initiatives. Vol. I&II. United Nations, New York.

Vale, L. J., Campanella, T. J. (2005).The resilient city: how modern cities recover from disaster.

Oxford University Press, New York.

Walker, B.H., Salt, D. (2006). Resilience Thinking: Sustaining Ecosystems and People in a Changing World. Island Press, Washington, D.C. Watson, D., Adams, M. (2011). Design for flooding. Architecture, landscape and urban design for resilience to climate change. John Wilwey & Songs Inc., Hoboken.

White, A. (2010). Water and the city. Risk, Resilience and planning for a sustainable future, Routledge, Abingdon.

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PLANIFICACIÓN DE LAS ÁREAS VERDES PERIURBANAS A TRAVÉS DE LA SALVAGUARDA Y RECUPERACIÓN DE ENCLAVES DE VALOR ECOLÓGICO Y PAISAJÍSTICO BAJO RIESGO. EL CASO DE LA CIUDAD DE AGUACHICA (COLOMBIA)* Carlos Humberto Gómez Arciniegas, Arquitecto, MSc. Phd.** Universidad Santo Tomás, Colombia Daniel Reinaldo Urbina Rojas, Arquitecto*** Carlos Andrés Zuleta Torrado, Arquitecto**** Recibido: 29 enero 2013 Aprobado: 08 abril 2013

Paisaje Aguachica desde el Bosque del Agüil Fuente: Archivo de los autores

RESUMEN *

Artículo desarrollado a partir del proyecto de grado en modalidad de investigación: La articulación del bosque del Agüil dentro de un corredor ecológico periurbano para Aguachica (Cesar), incluido dentro de la Línea de Investigación: Planificación y Gestión del Territorio de la Facultad de Arquitectura de la Universidad Santo Tomás, Bucaramanga, Colombia. ** Arquitecto egresado de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga (Colombia) con MSc de la Lancaster University (Inglaterra) y PhD del Politécnico di Milano (Italia). Actualmente se de-

Con el paso del tiempo y el avance de la tecnología, las ciudades crecen de manera abrupta, consumen indiscriminadamente áreas que aún poseen las características necesarias para contribuir a su desarrollo sostenible. Este trabajo de investigación parte de un interés particular por las áreas periurbanas de las ciudades, territorios que se han visto afectados por el fenómeno de la expansión urbana descontrolada y que ha arrojado como balance poco alentador la disminución o incluso desaparición de las áreas verdes de margen, escenarios fundamentales para la protección del medio ambiente, de la biodiversidad y el mejoramiento del paisaje urbano. En consecuencia, el presente trabajo toma como punto de partida la preocupación por rescatar los márgenes de la ciudad de Aguachica (Departamento del Cesar), con la finalidad de brindarle al municipio una respuesta de múltiple valencia a las situaciones de riesgo que comprometen el verde urbano y los espacios naturales de este territorio. Entra en juego, como eslabón fundamental de la investigación el “Bosque del Agüil”, una joya ecológica localizada en el perímetro municipal y que posee indiscutiblemente las características necesarias para funcionar como primer elemento constitutivo de una serie de polos verdes que entrarían a hacer parte imprescindible de un corredor ecológico que abrace toda la ciudad. Se busca, por tanto, alcanzar este objetivo mediante el desarrollo de cuatro fases que ven un inicio con una lectura del territorio, prosigue con un análisis y diagnóstico de la situación existente, la cual una vez confrontada con una serie de tipologías y normativas identificadas en diferentes ámbitos, cimentarán la formulación de unos lineamientos estratégicos de planificación que permitan postular un corredor verde que bien podría rodear el municipio de Aguachica.

En consecuencia, el Bosque del Agüil participaría como polo inicial y laboratorio experimental destinado a una nueva cultura de la planificación de las áreas verdes periurbanas bajo riesgo, merecedoras de su rescate por la importancia de su biodiversidad y por ser parte indivisible y necesaria de un hábitat ideal para vivir.

PALABRAS CLAVE Enclaves, Ecológico, Corredor, Paisaje urbano, Periurbano REVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA - PP 18-39

THE PLANNING OF PERIURBAN GREEN AREAS THROUGHOUT THE SAFEGUARDING AND RECOVERY OF ECOLOGICAL AND SCENIC VALUE SITES AT RISK. THE CASE OF THE CITY OF AGUACHICA (COLOMBIA)

Bosque La Libertad Fuente: Archivo de los autores

ABSTRACT With the passage of time and advancement of technology, cities grow abruptly, indiscriminately consume areas still possess the necessary characteristics to contribute to sustainable development. This research of particular interest in periurban areas of cities, territories that have been affected by the phenomenon of urban sprawl and has thrown as bleak balance the decrease or even disappearance of the green areas of margin, basic scenarios for environmental protection, biodiversity and improvement of the urban landscape . Thus, this paper takes as its starting point the concern to rescue the city margins Aguachica (Department of Cesar), in order to give the municipality a multiple response valence risk situations involving the urban green and natural areas of this territory. Comes into play, as a fundamental link of the investigation “the Agüil Forest” (Bosque del Agüil), an ecological jewel city located on the urban fringes which arguably has the features needed to run as the first element of a series of green poles that would come to be part must of an ecological corridor that embraces the entire city. The aim is therefore to achieve this through the development of four phases which are the beginning with a reading of the territory , continues with an analysis and diagnosis of the existing situation, which once confronted with a series of typologies and regulations identified in different areas will cement the formulation of a strategic planning guidelines that allow postulate a green corridor that could well encircle the city of Aguachica and in which the Agüil Forest be an initial pole and participate as experimental laboratory, aimed at a new cultural planning culture of periurban green areas at risk which deserve to be rescued by the importance of biodiversity and to be indivisible and necessary part of an ideal habitat to live.

KEYWORDS Urbanlandscape, Peri-urban, Ecological corridor.

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sempeña como docente investigador de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga y es el director del proyecto de creación de la Maestría en Ordenamiento Territorial MOT de la Facultad de Arquitectura de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga. *** Arquitecto egresado de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga (Colombia) **** Arquitecto egresado de la Universidad Santo Tomás de Bucaramanga (Colombia) carlos.gomez@polimi.it canzuleta@hotmail.com

INTRODUCCIÓN El crecimiento demográfico, la despoblación del sector rural, los desequilibrios socioeconómicos y la expansión urbana son fenómenos que se han convertido en un común denominador para la mayoría de las ciudades. Las causas y los efectos inherentes a estos problemas son de diversa índole, afectan el escenario habitado, el paisaje natural y, de una u otra forma, involucran al elemento humano, principal escultor de estos escenarios. Entre estas situaciones negativas, fruto del acelerado proceso de urbanización que afrontan muchas ciudades colombianas, sobresale el déficit de espacio público y en particular el de áreas verdes. En efecto, las ciudades se ven inmersas en la constante “lava volcánica” de la expansión urbana que no da cabida a espacios aptos para el desarrollo de actividades al aire libre, sean activas o pasivas, o simplemente para un simple pero necesario contacto del hombre con la naturaleza.

Paradójicamente, el hombre parece preocuparse más por el hecho de transformar los espacios verdes en un “territorio de cemento” que por los efectos que esta tendencia implica: sobrepoblación, polución descontrolada, sobrecalentamiento climático, problemáticas sociales y caos infraestructurales, entre otros. En fin, un panorama incierto que invita a reflexionar cuán vital es para el desarrollo de una ciudad y de la sociedad que la habita, la inclusión de espacios naturales que funcionen como pulmones, micro climas, o áreas de alivio entre el tráfico y los edificios cotidianos. Escenarios propicios para alcanzar este ideal son las áreas periurbanas, zonas al margen de las ciudades que esbozan un tercer territorio, punto de contacto entre lo rural y lo urbano, una frontera que puede y debe ser utilizada para detener el crecimiento descontrolado de las ciudades y proporcionar espacios naturales para toda la población.

En razón de lo expuesto, se puede entrever el punto de partida de la presente investigación y los elementos concomitantes que coadyuvaron a la selección y definición final del tema de investigación, vislumbrado previamente a partir de reflexiones que llevaban a comparar casos de éxito en ámbito nacional e internacional con la realidad de un territorio seleccionado por un interés personal de los autores: Los márgenes periurbanos de Aguachica, ciudad ubicada en la región Caribe de Colombia, al sur del Departamento del Cesar, entre la cordillera oriental y el Valle del Río Magdalena, a una distancia de 301 km de Valledupar, la capital de dicho Departamento (ver Figura 1).

Figura 1. Ubicación de Aguachica, Departamento del Cesar. Fuente: Google Earth

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Así bien, para consolidar el problema de investigación se realizó un acercamiento al territorio con el fin estudiar sus problemáticas y potencialidades para vislumbrar un posible aporte investigativo que respondiese a la problemática ambiental que actualmente afronta la ciudad. De esta manera, se identifican problemáticas relacionadas con un alto déficit de verde urbano y con el deterioro del verde aún presente en los márgenes de la ciudad, áreas con diferentes características e interesantes particularidades. Sobresale entre ellas el parque denominado Bosque de El Agüil, situado en el margen oriental del casco urbano y el cual es en realidad un bosque periurbano dotado de una gran biodiversidad, donde surgen pequeñas corrientes de agua de gran pureza que se deslizan por algunos sectores de la ciudad compacta pero donde, lamentablemente, se contaminan y se deterioran.

También se identifican otros problemas como la intoxicación de las cuencas urbanas en detrimento de la salud de la población, de la flora y de la fauna vernácula. Más adelante, se pudo determinar, mediante sucesivas visitas de campo y la información proporcionada por los entes administrativos de Aguachica y el departamento del Cesar, cómo el crecimiento descontrolado de la ciudad no solamente ha impactado negativamente el área de El Agüil, sino que ha incidido sobre la mayor parte del territorio periurbano, afectado en gran parte por el deseo de urbanizar, formal o clandestinamente estos espacios vitales para el desarrollo sostenible de la ciudad. Se detectan situaciones análogas en la casi totalidad del “marco periurbano” de la ciudad: un paisaje subyugado por la entronización irracional, deteriorado ambiental, paisajísticamente y afligido por problemas de salubridad.

Por consiguiente, se opta por tomar el Bosque del Agüil como estudio de caso piloto y punto de partida para la lectura del territorio, gracias a sus características y a su posición estratégica que, confrontadas con el déficit de verde urbano y los problemas emergentes del territorio periurbano, cimentaron la formulación de los objetivos. En términos metodológicos, se acude a un estudio de tipo exploratorio y descriptivo aplicado sobre el territorio que sustenta el diagnóstico y posteriormente la verificación de las hipótesis y los eventuales resultados de la investigación. Así pues, se propone un método de investigación articulado en cuatro fases, que incluyen la observación, la deducción y el análisis, todo ello con respeto del rigor de la investigación para establecer una secuencia lógica dirigida de mayor conocimiento sobre el tema en cuestión(Méndez, 2002).

La primera parte de la investigación se enfocó en la lectura del territorio, particularmente en la zona periurbana para identificar la disponibilidad de verde urbano y después concentrarse en el Bosque de El Agüil como estudio primario de caso. Se continuó con el análisis y diagnóstico de los resultados obtenidos en la primera fase donde se procura, mediante el uso de herramientas de planificación, determinar la potencialidad y debilidades del territorio para esbozar inicialmente las primeras estrategias, susceptibles de aplicación. Luego se realizó el estudio de caso o confrontación tipológica, con el fin de tener evidencia de proyectos con características similares en otros contextos y observar qué afectaciones tuvieron estos y sobre la sociedad y qué tan viable sería la realización de una campaña de estas magnitudes en Aguachica. La fase final vela por retroalimentar la información, contrastar y verificar las hipótesis para generar los lineamientos proyectuales necesarios para la realización del corredor ecológico en Aguachica, tomando como polo generador el Bosque de El Agüil para, de esta manera, potenciar sus cualidades naturales para contrarrestar el desarrollo descontrolado de la ciudad y suplir sus necesidades de espacio público mediante la implementación de espacios con cualidades similares.

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MENOSCABO DEL VERDE PERIURBANO EN AGUACHICA La carrera del hombre hacia los nuevos desarrollos residenciales ha contribuido negativamente a la desaparición de las áreas verdes de margen en las ciudades, espacios con gran potencial para el esparcimiento de la población y la integración con la naturaleza. Todo esto se ha perdido con los años y la “evolución del hombre”. En consecuencia, muchas ciudades se ven abatidas por grandes edificios y gigantes avenidas, rogando así por áreas libres destinadas al ocio y al esparcimiento. Este es el caso del casco urbano de Aguachica que cuenta con considerables zonas de expansión urbana con amplios márgenes periurbanos de zonas verdes que han servido durante muchos años como límite entre el suelo urbano y el rural.

Desafortunadamente, con el crecimiento acelerado de la ciudad estas zonas se han visto afectadas por una actividad constructiva abusiva o poco planificada que pretende “devorarlas” y reducirlas hasta el punto de llegar al borde de la desaparición. Entre las debilidades sobresale la ausencia de zonas verdes y espacios destinados al ocio o al esparcimiento de la ciudadanía, problemática verificable al contrastar la realidad de la ciudad con estudios llevados adelante por organizaciones internacionales sobre el espacio público óptimo deseable por habitante en cada ciudad. Así bien, a partir del analisis de investigaciones hechas por la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) se identifica un estándar mínimo de 10m2 por habitante contra un estándar óptimo de 15m2 por habitante1.

Tabla 1. Confrontación de la disponibilidad de zonas verdes por habitante en Aguachica con otras ciudades.

CIUDAD

M2 POR HABITANTE

Curitiba

52

Ámsterdam

27,5

New York

23,1

Singapur

17

OMS Óptimo

15

Seúl

14,7

Madrid

14

OMS Mínimo

10

Barcelona

5,6

Bogotá D.C

4,9

Valledupar

4

Bucaramanga

4

Aguachica

1,55

Fuente: Elaboración de los autores con base en indicadores suministrados por la OMS.

Estos indicadores, aplicados a un gran número de ciudades en el mundo y comparados con las actuales condiciones de la ciudad de Aguachica, en términos de espacio publico, permiten determinar a priori la situación existente e iniciar a intuir una problemática común a todo el casco urbano: el déficit de zonas verdes (ver Tabla 1).En síntesis, Aguachica se ve agobiada por una serie de problemas emergentes del territorio que van en detrimento del medio ambiente y, por consiguiente, afectan directamente a la sociedad. Es evidente la ausencia de concientización en la ciudadanía pero también es notable el escaso 1

Organización Mundial de la salud. Indicadores de verde urbano por habitante en el planeta. http://www.who.int/es/, [consultado en 21 de marzo de 2012]

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apoyo de los organismos y estamentos de gestión, los cuales demuestran un interés casi nulo por estas zonas: no hay evidencia de inversiones ni de mecanismos de protección para estos espacios tan vitales para el desarrollo de la sostenibilidad de la ciudad. Por tales razones, en la investigación se toma como estudio de caso piloto el Bosque de El Agüil, ejemplo claro de la problemática enfrentada: un parque periurbano que cuenta con notables atributos topográficos y naturales, pero que con el paso del tiempo y el auge de la construcción pasó de ser un terreno de 72 hectáreas, a 7 hectáreas (menos del 10% de lo que era antes). Este espacio natural, además de brindarle al municipio de Aguachica un pulmón verde es un espacio con múltiples cualidades tanto para el esparcimiento, la diversión sana, y la integración social y con la naturaleza. En fin, esta investigación se propone fundamentar la consolidación del Bosque El Agüil como polo inicial para la articulación y desarrollo de un corredor ecológico que rodee el casco urbano de Aguachica y de esta forma le proporcione una serie de focos ecológicos y turísticos tanto para la ciudad como para la región y el Departamento del Cesar.

MÁRGENES PERIURBANOS EN EL MUNICIPIO DE AGUACHICA La situación de los márgenes urbanos de Aguachica está directamente ligada a la conformación del trazado urbano de la ciudad, sustancialmente marcado por manzanas regulares y ordenadas a partir de la Calle 5, principal eje articulador de la ciudad que va de oriente a occidente y la cual conecta directamente con la Vía Interdepartamental del Caribe. A partir de ésta espina dorsal, se desarrolla la mayor parte de actividad comercial de la ciudad y además se empieza a expandir irregularmente la ciudad en todas las direcciones, esfumándose el comercio con el uso residencial, caracterizado por viviendas unifamiliares, en su mayoría de uno o dos pisos. A esto se suman los equipamientos institucionales y las escasas zonas dedicadas al verde urbano (ver Figura 2).

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Figura 2. Usos del suelo urbano Fuente: Elaboración de los autores

Más allá del trazado urbano están los márgenes de la ciudad de Aguachica, afectados y/o determinados por características físicas impuestas por la topografía, la cual marca cierta regularidad en los costados oriental, occidental y sur pero definitivamente muy cambiante al norte, zona en la cual se alcanza una altitud máxima que ronda los 215 msnm, donde se localiza un suelo más propicio para el crecimiento de vegetación y la formación de bosques y hábitats para las especies animales. La Figura 3 permite vislumbrar el análisis del margen norte, estudio aplicado a todas las áreas periurbanas de la ciudad. El verde oscuro evidencia las zonas boscosas con alta arborización mientras las áreas en marrón muestran los terrenos dedicados a una incipiente actividad agrícola, agresiva con el suelo y poco planificada.

Figura 3. Caracterización del margen norte del casco urbano de Aguachica. Fuente: Elaboración de los autores.

Específicamente, la zona norte, está caracterizada por el gran espacio boscoso que de forma axial demarca la frontera entre la urbe y las actividades agropecuarias en zonas rurales, el denominado Bosque de El Agüil, una joya natural de 7 hectáreas que se localiza al norte del municipio. Esta zona es un claro ejemplo de lo que sucede en el territorio periurbano de Aguachica, se ha deteriorado a causa de los malos manejos y en este momento sus habitantes tienen problemas de salud, de infraestructura, de seguridad, entre otros (ver Figura 4).

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Figura 4. El territorio del Parque de El Agüil. Fuente: Elaboración de los autores.

En lo que corresponde a la zona sur se puede determinar áreas de expansión altamente demarcadas, como también espacios invadidos por vivienda informal que afectan el paisaje periurbano. Por estos motivos los espacios de borde urbano empiezan a mermar, debido a la apropiación de terrenos por parte de la población de manera ilegal, que están destinados para otros usos, pero no hay respeto por las leyes. La zona oriental tiene como único y mayor impacto la Troncal del Caribe, vía que conecta el interior del país con la costa Caribe que se convierte en un margen y condiciona el crecimiento del municipio, la mayoría de los asentamientos humanos están ubicados sobre el costado occidental con respecto a la calzada.

Las actividades económicas realizadas en esta zona están relacionadas con vehículos, transportes, hoteles, restaurantes y demás. El único espacio de proyección para vivienda está ubicado en el sector sur de esta zona, esta decisión se tomó con el ánimo de legalizar las viviendas informales que ya estaban asentadas en este lugar. Sobre este margen se encuentra la mayor problemática en cuanto a invasión y apropiación de zonas boscosas, protección de las micro cuencas del municipio y más específicamente sobre el caño El Cristo. Se esperaba un plan de reubicación a raíz de la ampliación de la troncal, pero hasta el momento no se ha desarrollado.

Por último, la zona occidental cuenta con fincas de producción agropecuaria dentro de su margen, pero se ha visto altamente afectada por el desarrollo informal de la ciudad y se encuentran muchas viviendas y tugurios que generan barrios ilegales y por su alto grado de segregación, pareciesen conformar parte de otro municipio. Esta situación es una cadena de problemas que va a afectar, poco a poco, a la ciudad ya que no es sólo un sector el perjudicado, es toda la margen periurbana; es incesante el crecimiento de las masas hacia las áreas libres con que cuenta el municipio en la periferia e insaciable su necesidad por construir y apropiarse de terrenos que no les pertenecen.

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PROBLEMÁTICAS Y POTENCIALIDADES DE LOS MÁRGENES PERIURBANOS DE AGUACHICA A partir de la lectura del territorio y el diagnóstico de los márgenes de la ciudad se vislumbraron algunas áreas de importancia ecosistémica que se localizan en el norte, sur oeste y sur del municipio. Estas zonas son el Bosque de El Agüil, el Bosque la Libertad y el Bosque el Potosí, todas de gran valor por poseer los elementos necesarios para pensar a una inminente preservación y rescate de la biodiversidad allí presente que se ha visto altamente afectada por la falta de conciencia social y respeto por el medio ambiente.

Así bien, estos enclaves pueden constituirse como núcleos verdes que pueden ser entrelazados para consolidar paulatinamente un corredor ecológico periurbano. La viabilidad de las conexiones a partir de las visitas de campo permitió establecer las determinantes que afectan las rutas más viables en su planteamiento. La Figura 5 evidencia las posibles conexiones entre los enclaves ecológicos y su grado de viabilidad: la línea punteada en verde oscuro marca los senderos más factibles y la naranja la más inviable o con mayor dificultad de conexión.

Figura 5. Enclaves ecológicos y zonas de conflicto. Fuente: Elaborado por los autores.

Del diagnóstico realizado salen a luz otras áreas con conflicto en los usos de la tierra, y por consiguiente, afectadas por una fuerte problemática ambiental. Se trata de terrenos donde se invaden las franjas de protección de los cuerpos de agua, se violentan

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los enclaves ecológicos y se compromete la identidad ambiental del municipio. Sin duda, un problema que atenta contra el paisaje del territorio del municipio de Aguachica que aún cuenta con algunas fortalezas que ayudarían a una potencial integración de las zonas verdes, naturales y creadas por el hombre, las cuales simultáneamente proporcionarían un lugar atractivo para la recreación y el deporte, contemplación y ambientalismo para otorgarle reconocimiento nacional e internacional en campos como la ecología, arquitectura y urbanismo. Sin embargo, estas fortalezas se ven opacadas por la amenaza constante de la desaparición de las áreas de protección ambiental y espacios verdes de uso público, producto de las debilidades no tratadas por las administraciones y desatendidas por la población, aumentado de manera exponencial el déficit de zonas verdes, problema que para este caso particular la administración pública no soluciona y, por el contrario, contribuye a agudizarlo al destinar ejidos para nuevos desarrollos o simplemente ignorar las secuelas de aspectos negativos como los altos índices de invasión o la aparición de construcciones con afectaciones legales que son actualmente usadas para otros fines como usos de comercio, vivienda informal y problemas no resueltos por las entidades gubernamentales y tolerados por la sociedad.

En síntesis, un buen número de problemas emergentes identificados y analizados a través de la investigación con el método de causa y efecto permitió visualizar las debilidades, amenazas y otros. Se trata de factores negativos que inciden en esta problemática, la mayoría concernientes al verde urbano, zonas de protección y/o enclaves ecológicos afectados por altos índices de contaminación, desinterés de la población, incompatibilidades en los usos del suelo, falta de planificación y gestión de las administraciones públicas y entidades ambientales.

Los aspectos negativos condensados en la matriz están divididos en dos ámbitos, los fenómenos exógenos o externos y los endógenos o internos, acciones puntuales que impiden el buen estado y funcionamiento de las áreas verdes, además de la interacción con la población y el territorio o entorno inmediato en el que se encuentran. Las estrategias barajadas a partir de la identificación de los factores internos o externos de manera positiva y negativa hacen parte de la relación entre cada una de ellas, que serán vitales para la concretización de los lineamientos estratégicos que articulen un corredor ecológico donde el bosque de El Agüil tendrá un rol protagónico.

ESTUDIOS DE CASO (BESTPRACTICES) COMO BASE DE LA PLANIFICACIÓN DE LAS ÁREAS VERDES PERIURBANAS EN AGUACHICA En esta fase de la investigación se observaron, analizaron y determinaron las variantes determinantes de un corredor ecológico, tomado como principio el análisis de cuatro casos internacionales con el fin de encontrar elementos de juicio y bases proyectuales para el desarrollo de un proyecto que permita salvaguardar y reactivar el verde periurbano del municipio de Aguachica. La investigación dirige entonces su mirada hacia la ciudad de Milán (Italia) donde se ubican dos experiencias exitosas relacionadas con el verde periurbano con una fuerte presión por la ciudad compacta. El primero es el Parco Nord Milano (Parque Norte de Milán), un gran parque metropolitano ubicado en la periferia norte de Milán, clasificado como parque regional pues se extiende entre las ciudades de Milán, Bresso, Milanino Cusano, Cormano, Cinisello Balsamo y Sesto San Giovanni. El Parque cuenta actualmente con cerca de 620 hectáreas de tierra que se conservan en las zonas boscosas, praderas, hileras de arbustos, setos y lugares de pequeños estanques.

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Este proyecto es un ejemplo claro de lo que se puede realizar cuando los entes gubernamentales toman una propuesta con claros enfoques que propenden por un desarrollo urbano sostenible y se enfocan en cumplirla. Cabe anotar que aunque este parque no es considerado como una reserva natural, no obstante sus amplias zonas verdes, es catalogado como un parque regional pues involucra varios municipios que han cedido su gestión a un ente único, denominado Parco Nord Milano, porta estandarte de ideales de lo que pareciese una sociedad única y que contribuye al avance urbanístico de la provincia. Este desarrollo de unos intereses comunes a nivel provincial en Milán, se refleja aún más con el caso del Parco Agricolo Sud Milano (Parque Agrícola del Sur de Milán). Abarca 61 municipios de todo el sector sur de la Provincia de Milán, con 47.000 hectáreas dentro de sus territorios. La idea de la implementación de este parque surge en 1993 con el Plan Territorial de Coordinación del Parque, un instrumento de planificación guía para el desarrollo del mismo.

Este estudio de caso es de particular interés para la investigación por el modelo de conexión de amplios campos de actividades agrícolas que se entretejen con el tejido urbano de los diferentes municipios, modelo que se puede evocar cuando se traen sobre la mesa las zonas de actividades de cultivos y pastoreo que en Aguachica empiezan a gravitar alrededor de la malla urbana y que invitan al planificador a preservar la conexión entre medio ambiente urbano y la agricultura periurbana, así como el fomento del desarrollo comercial y turístico del municipio. Aguachica se ha caracterizado a través de los años por el desarrollo del sector agrícola y agropecuario, con producciones de arroz y labores dedicadas al ganado que son reconocidas a nivel nacional, tanto así que el municipio cuenta con unos de los mejores y más modernos frigoríficos en Latinoamérica.

Sucesivamente, se identifica un proyecto de características interesantes y que demuestra poseer elementos análogos al territorio de Aguachica. Se trata del Anillo Verde Vitoria Gasteiz ubicado en el País Vasco, España. Vitoria Gasteiz, capital de la provincia de Álava, forma parte de la Comunidad Autónoma del País Vasco y es una ciudad de tamaño medio con aproximadamente 220.000 habitantes. Su casco urbano compacto, con áreas residenciales e industriales bien delimitadas pero que ejercen una fuerte presión sobre los márgenes de la ciudad y los enclaves y áreas verdes fragmentadas allí presentes. Por tanto, el anillo es el resultado de un “ambicioso plan de restauración y recuperación ambiental de la periferia de la ciudad que persigue fundamentalmente recuperar el valor ecológico y social de este espacio a través de la creación de un continuo natural alrededor de la ciudad articulado por diversos enclaves de alto valor ecológico y paisajístico”, objetivo del Ayuntamiento de Vittoria Gasteiz que bien podría trasladarse o ser adoptado por la Alcaldía de Aguachica.

Finalmente, se trae a colación el anillo verde vertebrador del sistema de espacios libres, situado en la ciudad Zaragoza, España. Este anillo verde se concibe por el Ayuntamiento de Zaragoza “no como algo cerrado en sí mismo, sino como una red capaz de articular los distintos espacios verdes de la ciudad, y con la vocación de desarrollar sub-anillos y ramificaciones”. En efecto, una estrategia que se basa en el díseño de “sub anillos” que se insertan en la estructura del anillo verde principal capaz de articular los grandes sistemas verdes fluviales y diversos espacios verdes de ese entorno, integrando además los espacios periurbanos con los urbanos.

Los ejes principales para el desarrollo del anillo parten de las cuencas hidrográficas que suplen a la ciudad como el río Ebro, y el río Gallego. En el análisis sobre el cinturón verde de Zaragoza se resalta la particularización sobre la zona norte del cinturón, fundamentados en la existencia de dos cuencas hídricas que marcan las pautas del proyecto, muy similar

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a los nacimientos de agua que atraviesan el municipio de Aguachica y proporcionan los fundamentos para el desarrollo del corredor ecológico.

HACIA LA ARTICULACIÓN DEL BOSQUE DE EL AGÜIL EN UN CORREDOR ECOLÓGICO PERIURBANO Con base en las situaciones y experiencias identificadas en los anteriores procesos de la investigación se identifican algunas preguntas específicas, latentes desde el momento en que se formularon las hipótesis, pero que ahora son evidentemente explícitas: ¿Cómo implementar un proceso adecuado dirigido a la consolidación de un corredor ecológico periurbano para Aguachica en el cual el Bosque de El Agüil juegue un papel preponderante?

Esta pregunta ofrece mucho que pensar y plantea más interrogantes sobre el futuro de este proceso: se requiere de un plan específico para implementar un corredor ecológico, o ¿Es más viable encontrarle un espacio al corredor ecológico en los planes municipales con políticas periurbanas? ¿Se requiere apoyar la producción de bienes y servicios al interior del corredor, destinados a la comunidad de Aguachica? o ¿es mejor pensar en un apoyo a la diversificación de las actividades actualmente existentes en los territorios periurbanos a cambio de una oferta de “servicios semi-rurales” a la ciudad?

En síntesis, una serie de interrogantes a los cuales se puede dar respuesta después del proceso de investigación, basado en una cuidadosa lectura del territorio y una praxis fundamental para el proceso de planificación: el acercamiento a la población. De las encuestas realizadas se pudo conocer la opinión de un alto porcentaje de residentes de la periferia y ciudadanos que viven en el casco urbano, especialmente cerca de las zonas verdes afectadas ambientalmente. Las preguntas se enfocaron a conocer el concepto de la población sobre la actualidad del municipio, la calidad de sus espacios verdes, sus necesidades y sus fortalezas. Se abarcó 4 grupos etéreos: de 10 a 20 años, de 20 a 40, de 40 a 60 y de 60 en adelante. La idea era abarcar todos los rangos de edades que tuvieran la conciencia necesaria para reconocer y resaltar los problemas que padece actualmente el municipio, y de esta manera justificar nuestra propuesta a sabiendas de que el problema es notorio para todos.

Los resultados obtenidos fueron: el 72% de la población entre 10 y 20 años considera que Aguachica no cuenta con las zonas verdes necesarias, y el 92% de los mismos considera que debería contar con más parques en su periferia. También cabe resaltar producto de las encuestas, que el 46% de la población de 20 a 40 años considera agradable transitar o caminar por el bosque de El Agüil, lo cual indica que es necesario fomentar este tipo de actividades dándole la importancia y el manejo adecuado al Bosque para que este porcentaje de población aumente. Nos adentramos en el mundo de lo probable, pero siempre pensando en hacer suposiciones fiables que lleven a investigar el futuro de la campaña periurbana en los centros urbanos de Colombia con características similares al de Aguachica.

Básicamente, se trata de desarrollar algunas consideraciones de diseño en un proceso que intenta adaptar, e incluso mezclar, las mejores metodologías identificadas a largo de la investigación con la realidad territorial de Aguachica, todo con el objetivo de sentar las bases para un mejoramiento concreto y preservación de las áreas periurbanas de la ciudad e inclusive de los centros urbanos de Colombia. Para ello, esta parte conclusiva de la investigación se desarrolla a través de cuatro supuestos principales que resaltan algunas cuestiones clave para el posible desarrollo de métodos de intervención en las áreas periurbanas del territorio estudiado. El primero parte de la consolidación de un Corredor Ecológico Periurbano para Aguachica que desde este momento será referenciado con la sigla CEPA.

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Articulación del CEPA desde el bosque de El Agüil como punto de partida Este lineamiento demanda como punto de partida la individuación de un área ambientalmente frágil, a fin de reconocerla como eventual polo generador de desarrollo ambiental, en este caso el Bosque de El Agüil, sección del territorio periurbano de Aguachica en el cual intervenciones de carácter antrópico han desencadenado alteraciones del ecosistema que pueden ser irreversibles. Se pasa entonces a buscar una percepción extensa del territorio, para reconocer las áreas adyacentes inmediatas y proceder a una amplia escala de análisis territorial. (ver Figura 6 ).

Sin duda, las características físicas del Bosque de El Agüil, sus fortalezas y también sus puntos débiles, lo invisten como el escenario piloto del CEPA, a su vez, obligan a encontrar respuestas oportunas siempre pensando en el mantenimiento de una conexión consolidada entre la ciudad y el área rural a través de un área boscosa, con innumerable biodiversidad, fuertemente relacionada con el territorio urbano y al servicio de la ciudadanía, teniendo en cuenta que este polo será el inicio de un corredor que conectara diferentes enclaves ecológicos presentes en Aguachica los cuales repercutirán en términos de calidad de vida, o sea, un nuevo verde urbano tan importante como otras necesidades: transporte, vivienda y demás.

Figura 6. El Bosque del Agüil como punto de partida del CEPA. Fuente: Elaboración de los autores.

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Articulación de enclaves ecológicos (EE), zonas de conflicto (ZC) y primera conformación del Corredor Ecológico Periurbano de Aguachica (CEPA) Se toma como fundamento inicial los resultados obtenidos en la lectura del Territorio y posteriormente en el apartado dedicado al análisis y diagnóstico, con el fin de determinar las características primordiales del territorio periurbano, sus debilidades y potencialidades.

Es, entonces, cuando se identifican otras zonas periurbanas con características no necesariamente idénticas al Bosque de El Agüil pero si con valores ambientales susceptibles de ser protegidos o revitalizados. Estas zonas asumirán el calificativo de Enclaves Ecológicos (EE) y Zonas de Conflicto (ZC), poseedores de una serie de particularidades que las pueden constituir en polos periurbanos de desarrollo ambiental. Estas son el Bosque de El Agüil, el Bosque de la Libertad, el Parque el Potosí, acogidas en la categoría de Enclaves Ecológicos (EE) y los barrios Veinte de Enero y Villa Country así como las Plantas de tratamiento Jerusalem y Puerto Mosquito que se engloban en las Zonas de Conflicto (ZC) las cuales se registran en la Figura 5.

Figura 7. Zonas específicas: enclaves ecológicos y zonas de conflicto. Fuente: Elaborado por los autores.

De esta manera, se establecen una serie de nodos que se integrarán eventualmente a un corredor verde mediante tratamientos adecuados para tal fin igualmente. Las cualidades y potencialidades de los terrenos involucrados deberán propiciar la redefinición, consolidación o adecuación de los usos allí presentes y las conexiones alrededor del casco urbano. Es en este momento que se vislumbra el primer esbozo del Corredor Ecológico Periurbano (CEP), sustentado en precedentes análisis para así delinear, una eventual, pero viable

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franja conectiva entre los componentes de las zonas específicas que permitirá un oportuno espacio de transición entre la ciudad y el territorio rural. (ver Figura 8) Figura 8. Primera conformación del corredor ecológico periurbano de Aguachica (CEPA) Fuente: Elaborado por los autores

Particularización de las intervenciones en los enclaves y el corredor ecológico El objetivo de este lineamiento es sentar las bases para la definición de eventuales estrategias o actuaciones específicas que a su vez deberán ser aplicadas según la normativa que tendrán a bien establecer los planificadores y los legisladores que velarán por la aplicación concreta de las medidas previstas. Este aspecto será ampliado en el lineamiento referido al manejo del territorio periurbano desde la gestión y la interinstitucionalidad. Se sugiere a través de la fabricación de una malla ortogonal, que divida el territorio de acuerdo a su ubicación geográfica por secciones o cuadrantes que permitan la caracterización de cada una de estas zonas. Cada cuadrante o sección, individualiza las características morfológicas y territoriales de manera particular para a su vez ser tuteladas o intervenidas a través de instrumentos de planificación que permitan establecer normativas o intervenciones a nivel de detalle. (Ver Figura 9).

Se trata de delinear los escenarios donde se especificarán en detalle usos permitidos, límites a la actividad constructiva, prohibiciones, expropiaciones, traslados y otras actividades dirigidas a la protección del territorio periurbano. Esta gama de acciones, actividades o estrategias son simplemente la respuesta lógica a la declaración del espacio periurbano como bien de interés público inherente a la aprobación del Corredor Ecológico

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Periurbano. Basados en estos dictámenes se podría entrar en una dimensión más profunda de la particularización que lleva a consideraciones específicas de diversa índole a tener en cuenta para el desarrollo del corredor ecológico, tales como disposiciones puntuales para la protección de la fauna y la flora para las cuales se requiere un trabajo interdisciplinario. Seguidamente, se tienen en cuenta los perfiles externos e internos del corredor ecológico, o sea, el diseño especifico del corredor mediante la utilización de materiales amigables con el medio ambiente y la inclusión de zonas boscosas entrelazadas con los cultivos, la generación de zonas de protección para la biodiversidad, la generación de una barrera natural (setos verdes) para mermar el crecimiento abrupto de la ciudad y estrategias para la protección de los caños presentes en el territorio, con el fin de poder rescatar este recurso hídrico, vital para el desarrollo de la población.

Figura 9. Cuadrantes y Plan Particularizador C-5l. Fuente: Elaborado por los autores.

En el caso de las áreas colindantes con el territorio rural de Aguachica, es pertinente la inclusión de un modelo más específico para la protección de éstas, ya que es aquí donde la investigación trae a luz la importancia de la Agricultura Periurbana (AP) ampliamente evidenciada en el caso del Parco Agricolo Sud Milano (PASM). Se tiene en cuenta además la implementación de “estructuras de cruce” como Pasafaunas, Ecoductos y Greenways dentro del CEPA pues es oportuno, por ejemplo, actuar sobre algunos puntos de conflicto identificados sobre las vías. Estas estructuras ofrecen alternativas para la continuidad de la masa forestal viable, funcional y sostenible, de gran éxito en situaciones como la del proyecto Espacio Natural y Reserva de la Biosfera de Doñana (Andalucía, España), también estudiados en la investigación.

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Desde la protección de los enclaves ecológicos hasta la multifuncionalidad Se aborda aquí una estrategia dirigida a la inclusión de los enclaves ecológicos en función de la vivencia y relación con los habitantes desde una perspectiva protectora de la biodiversidad y el alto valor paisajístico en el territorio que generan estos espacios por su función estética. A esto se agregan las múltiples funciones que los espacios verdes ofrecen al territorio y en especial a los habitantes, en campos como la producción, la salud, la educación ambiental y cultural, el ambientalismo, la protección de áreas sensibles y la integración social-recreativa. Relacionado el proyecto con actividades fuera de su función primaria, estudiadas en proyectos similares como el Parco Nord Milano, referenciado en Confrontación Normativa y Tipológica, se puede sugerir: • La recreación en áreas cercanas a equipamientos deportivos, en el caso de las áreas de borde contiguas al Polideportivo y el estadio Francisco Ramos Pereira.

• La posible implementación de áreas destinadas a la expansión urbana dentro del corredor ecológico, que compacten el desarrollo del casco urbano hacia el futuro.

• El uso del suelo para la producción y turismo agrícola puede ser eventualmente aplicable a las áreas anexas al CEPA de manera externa con respecto al municipio, especialmente en las proximidades al barrio IDEMA y la vía al corregimiento de Puerto Mosquito.

Manejo del territorio periurbano desde la gestión y la interinstitucionalidad La protección y disfrute de los enclaves ecológicos de Aguachica, establecida como el resultado del manejo u ordenamiento del territorio que comprende las áreas de borde urbano, así como la transición a los espacios rurales y todas las dinámicas que confluyen en el ámbito supramunicipal, dependerá de la inclusión de políticas y estrategias que lleven a cabo acciones que generen un uso responsable pero productivo del suelo. De esta manera se busca erradicar del territorio las actividades perjudiciales para las áreas periurbanas que han profundizado las problemáticas del espacio público, manejo ambiental, recreación, normatividad, y contaminación identificadas durante la ejecución de la Lectura del Territorio, posteriormente puntualizadas en el Análisis y Diagnóstico. Estos inducen a la importancia y pertinencia del trabajo articulado de las instituciones con competencia dentro del municipio, a que contribuyan a la conservación, protección y promoción de las áreas verdes, así como la constante actualización de los datos que conciernen al conocimiento, análisis y diagnóstico de los enclaves ecológicos. El manejo y gestión por parte de las entidades municipales de cada división administrativa, estructurada con base en la planificación (técnicas e instrumentos) y gestión (políticas y estrategias) del territorio, permite la posible inclusión de las siguientes estrategias: • La eventual creación de una entidad de planificación y gestión para las áreas rurales y de borde urbano en los municipios que conforman el Valle del Magdalena, y la posterior presentación de un Plan de manejo u ordenamiento de las áreas rurales a escala supramunicipal (PORS) que vele, proteja y planifique el crecimiento de los municipios, así como la regulación de actividades agropecuarias en áreas rurales.

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• La caracterización y clasificación de los espacios de borde urbano según su valor paisajístico, potencialidades, conflictos y la relación directa con el espacio urbano o rural que posean, como método de planificación del territorio para establecer métodos de intervención homogenizados o particularizados según el caso.

• La Implementación de un Plan de Manejo Ambiental (PAM) dirigido a la protección de las zonas de biodiversidad, pues este instrumento de gestión favorecería a la regulación y control del crecimiento urbano, evitaría la invasión de los enclaves ecológicos y las incompatibilidades en el uso de sus suelos, ya que esto contribuye a la destrucción del ecosistema en el municipio. Es urgente tomar medidas sobre esta problemática que agobia los enclaves ecológicos, afecta sus potencialidades y agrava sus debilidades. A razón de esto se incita a proponer el PAM, que de manera simultánea actuaria como agente propiciador para consolidar la conectividad de los citados enclaves, como estrategia de protección y salvaguarda de los espacios periurbanos y las zonas de alta biodiversidad que colaboran a suplir el déficit de zonas verdes del municipio (Ver Anexo A).

• El proceso investigativo sugiere el óptimo tratamiento de los residuos por parte de la empresa de servicios públicos EMPOAGUACHICA, en coordinación con la administración municipal y demás entidades competentes, para la posible reubicación de las plantas de tratamiento de aguas residuales, identificadas en la Lectura del Territorio, ya que se localizan en sectores demasiado próximos al casco urbano, sobre las zonas Noroccidental y Suroccidental del municipio, influenciando en la calidad de vida de los habitantes de los barrios aledaños. También es pertinente sugerir una mejor disposición y métodos de tratamiento de los residuos sólidos en zonas más alejadas a la cabecera municipal, con el apoyo y colaboración de la comunidad a través del Plan de Gestión Integral de Residuos de Aguachica (PGIRA).

• El corredor ecológico como un potencial espacio de vivencia y protección, respaldado en la formulación de Políticas y Campañas por parte de entidades como CORPOCESAR y el Instituto municipal de recreación y deporte (IMDREC) que actualmente no cumplen un papel protagónico en el impulso del uso controlado de los espacios verdes, a través de los equipamientos planteados para el aprovechamiento y cuidado de los mismos.

• La funcionalidad e integración del corredor ecológico en relación con el territorio y la población deriva de la oportuna y beneficiosa creación de la CORPORACIÓN PARA LA DEFENSA DEL CORREDOR ECOLÓGICO DE AGUACHICA (CDCEA) como organismo protector y articulador del desarrollo armónico de este espacio verde. Tomados como referencia los estudios de caso como el Parco Nord Milano, ParcoAgricolo Sud de Milano y el cinturón verde de Vitoria Gasteiz enunciados en la Confrontación Tipológica, en los que se incorporan organismos para el cuidado, la preservación y bienestar de los mismos, desde la culturización de la población mediante el uso de normas y medidas preventivas que contribuyen a la armónica relación de la sociedad y la naturaleza. Paralelamente la población debe contribuir en las decisiones de CDCEA dentro del proceso participativo y su obligación de defender los intereses del municipio.

• La posible instauración de los instrumentos de gestión para la protección de los enclaves y mejora del paisaje periurbano anteriormente enunciados, esperan concretizarse a través de la legalización de predios incluidos en el corredor ecológico, la reglamentación de las actividades, usos y materiales amigables, coherentes con la función de estos espacios y vigilar el cumplimiento de la normativa por parte

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de las administraciones públicas o entidades privadas encargadas del mantenimiento de CEPA, para promover la conservación, protección y promoción de las áreas con biodiversidad y espacio público.

La gestión participativa para el desarrollo sostenible del CEPA La gestión participativa tiene como finalidad la contribución en la toma de decisiones sobre el corredor ecológico por parte de la población local. De manera tal que el desarrollo y el funcionamiento activo del CEPA está directamente relacionado con las decisiones y las interacciones de la población de Aguachica.

Durante todo el proceso de investigación, se pudo contar con la participación activa de la población, un ejemplo claro se refleja en el muestreo poblacional. Como se pudo determinar que el 63% de la población piensa que la intervención del gobierno sobre los espacios verdes es deficiente, y el 95,57% está de acuerdo con la propuestas para la intervención de las mismas. Esto permite sugerir que la interacción de la sociedad con el desarrollo del CEPA, sería completamente aprobada y apoyada. Esto propiciaría además la articulación de campañas de turismo al impulsar los atractivos ecológicos del municipio con la finalidad de transformar al municipio de Aguachica en un lugar turístico a nivel nacional, presentándolo como un foco de biodiversidad ecológica, educación, y diversión para todo tipo de personas.

En lo específico, se podrían implementar actividades como excursiones, observación y fotografía de la fauna local, senderismo, ciclo montañismo, agroturismo y trailrunning que a su vez van de la mano con el proceso dirigido a fortalecer la educación ambiental y cultural en pro del respeto y cuidado de la biodiversidad. Esta propuesta implica programar actividades de culturización y enseñanza sobre la protección de las zonas verdes y la biodiversidad local, para que se les brinde el uso adecuado: • Apoyo a proyectos de investigación y desarrollo de carácter ambiental en niveles académicos.

• Fomentar recorridos por el corredor ecológico con el fin de dar a conocer el entorno inmediato, y de esta manera generar el sentimiento de apropiación.

• Campañas de protección y cuidado ecológico en las escuelas, colegios y universidades locales.

• Pancartas informativas a nivel municipal sobre las cualidades y potencialidades del corredor ecológico como enclave natural.

Finalmente, se identifica como elemento clave para el desarrollo y sostenibilidad del CEPA la vinculación de la empresa privada para la generación de empleo a través del mantenimiento de las zonas verdes, o sea, incluir empresas tales como la Asociación de Ingenieros y Arquitectos (AIA) que se encarga de contribuir a la construcción de paisaje urbano, el CEBU, directamente relacionado con la producción agropecuaria y el desarrollo de las actividades en el ámbito rural y de igual manera, las empresas asociadas a la promoción del turismo como es el caso de VIVETOUR S.A.

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CONCLUSIONES Durante el desarrollo de las fases metodológicas que acompañaron el proceso de investigación se identificaron diferentes aspectos que sirvieron como referencia para establecer la viabilidad de un corredor ecológico periurbano en el municipio de Aguachica, susceptible de consolidarse a partir de la conexión de las zonas forestales, áreas de protección ambiental, parques recreativos así como a través de algunas áreas de conflicto con ciertas particularidades. Sin duda alguna, el papel y la participación del Bosque de El Agüil en este proceso fue decisivo por su envestidura como polo articulador y punto de partida para establecer la conectividad de áreas similares a él o con elementos afines en términos de potencialidad para consolidarlas y convertirlas en enclaves ecológicos.

Es así que la investigación detecta estos enclaves como núcleos capaces de propiciar un desarrollo paisajístico, ambiental y territorial en la zona periurbana del municipio, mediante instrumentos que potencien y exploren sus características y cualidades naturales. Así bien, la conexión e integración de las áreas de biodiversidad a través de un corredor verde formaría un ideal espacio de transición e integración entre el espacio rural y lo urbano al conformar un paisaje armónico logrado gracias a estrategias de protección y revitalización de las áreas de margen que bien podría revertir en la sostenibilidad de las zonas forestales, las de protección ambiental y los parques recreacionales.

De alto aporte a los problemas medio ambientales de la periferia sería también la inclusión de espacios conflictivos o problemáticos con el proceso de planificación del espacio periurbano. Paralelamente, el proceso de búsqueda hacia la integración de los enclaves ecológicos que conformarían el potencial corredor ecológico, permitió entrever la viabilidad y el gran impacto positivo que éste podría generar en las dinámicas urbanas de la ciudad de Aguachica. De igual forma, la investigación develó la importancia de establecer una conjunción férrea entre varios elementos, agentes y actores relacionados con el territorio de Aguachica, en especial con las áreas de borde urbano. Aparece además la trascendencia del trabajo ambiental y la reciprocidad de la comunidad hacia estos espacios, partes vitales de un engranaje necesario para el desarrollo del corredor ecológico y la visualización del municipio con una perspectiva de territorio sostenible y productivo.

En términos de sostenibilidad y productividad del uso del suelo, la conformación del corredor ecológico en el territorio de borde urbano requiere, sin duda alguna, de la articulación de oportunos procesos de gestión y participación de las administraciones públicas y la población.

Asimismo, el proceso investigativo, sugiere la participación activa de la empresa privada en la conformación y mantenimiento de las zonas de conectividad y enclaves ecológicos.

Se trata claramente de una estrategia que requiere del acompañamiento y participación de la población, factor imprescindible para regularizar el desarrollo óptimo de las áreas de expansión urbana y que, a su vez, solventen las necesidades de áreas verdes en Aguachica y del impulso turístico para generar nuevos ingresos económicos en el municipio. Sólo de esta forma, sin duda, podría generar un impacto positivo, viable y sostenible que revertiría en una nueva actitud por parte de la población con relación a los temas ambientales y, a su vez, motivar la inclusión de este tipo de proyectos en la agenda de administración pública.

Sin embargo, la investigación y específicamente la verificación de la hipótesis, todas estas referidas implícitamente a lo largo de estas conclusiones, ponen sobre la mesa el grave problema de las escasas técnicas e instrumentos de planificación así como de los planes y políticas de gestión del territorio. Al respecto es clara la inconsistencia en los mecanis-

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mos de control sobre el poder decisional y ejecutivo de la entidades administrativas del municipio así como la negligencia administrativa de los llamados a ser los “operadores del territorio” en el municipio de Aguachica. Se pone aquí en resalto, un problema de fondo que requiere, en cualquier caso, de posteriores estudios de profundización pues es indiscutible que sin una nueva clase dirigente, capacitada y con alto interés por el bien común, estos problemas continuarán agravándose y podrían poner en peligro el desarrollo sostenible del territorio en Aguachica.

REFERENCIAS ALCALDÍA DEL MUNICIPIO DE AGUACHICA. (2010). Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial Municipio de Aguachica. Documento en aprobación. Colombia.

ALCALDÍA DEL MUNICIPIO DE AGUACHICA. (2012). Plan de Desarrollo Municipal de Aguachica. Colombia.

AYUNTAMIENTO DE VITORIA GASTEIZ. European Green Capital, en:<http://www. vitoria-gasteiz.org/we001> [consultado en 4 de mayo de 2012] Busi, R. (2002). Greenway nella pianificazione urbana e territoriale. Bresica: Sintesieditrice.

CONCIERGE.COM. Parco Nord Milano, en: <http://www.concierge.com/images /italy/ milan/milan_013p.jp> [consultado en 18 de marzo de 2012] EL ANILLO VERDE NORTE, Ayuntamiento de Zaragoza, en<http://www.parquedelagua. com/index.php/anillo-verde-de-zaragoza/anillo-verde-de-zaragoza-norte/ >[ consultado el 17 de mayo de 2012] EL CORREO.COM. Los seis parques naturales de Vitoria, en: <http://info.elcorreo.com/ vitoria/anillo-verde/> [consultado en 21 de marzo de 2012]

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Gómez Orea, D. (2007). Ordenación territorial. Madrid: Ediciones Mundi-prensa, 2007.

Gómez Piñeiro, J. (1987). Análisis geográfico, ordenación del territorio y medio ambiente.

Donostia: Ingeba.

LOS CIUDADANOS DE LOS PARQUES. Parco Regionale Nord Milano, en:<http://2. bp.blogspot.com/PUoaU838pI/ Parco_regionaleNordMilano.jpg> [consultado en 13 de julio de 2012] Massiris, Á. (2006). Políticas latinoamericanas de ordenamiento territorial: Realidad y Desafíos. Tunja: Universidad Pedagógica y Tecnológica de Colombia.

Mata, R.,Tarroja, A. (2006). El paisaje y la gestión del territorio: Criterios Paisajísticos en la Ordenación del Territorio y el Urbanismo. Barcelona: Diputació Xarxa municipios.

Méndez, A. C. A. (2003). Metodología: Diseño y desarrollo del proceso de investigación.

Bogotá: McGrawhill.

MINISTERIO DE AGRICULTURA, ALIMENTACIÓN Y MEDIO AMBIENTE DE ESPAÑA, en:<http://www.magrama.gob.es/es/> [consultado en 15 de mayo de 2012] Navarrete, J. F. Territorio: Asentamientos de borde. En: Revista Escala. No. 225. p. 110 Navarro, A. (2012). El Bosque de El Agüil, joya natural amenazada. Bogotá: Agencia de Noticias UN, en:<http://www.agenciadenoticias.unal.edu.co> [consultado en 28 de febrero de 2012] PARKS.IT. Parco Nord Milano, en: <http://www.parks.it/Parco.nord.milano/mapl. jpeg>[consultado en 5 de marzo de 2012] Zazo, A. El parque agrícola del Sur de Milán: La primera incorporación de un espacio agrícola periurbano al sistema urbano, en:<http://habitat.aq.upm.es/eacc/amilan.html>[consultado en 15 de junio de 2012]

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DEALING WITH THE RISK OF NATURAL HAZARDS THROUGH NETWORKS OF PLANNERS – THE CASE OF KLIMAFIT*

Dr Gérard Hutter** Leibniz Institute of Ecological Urban and Regional Development (IOER), Dresden/Germany.

Recibido: 27 febrero 2013 Aprobado: 30 abril 2013

Three Forms of Network Governance. Source: elaborated by the author, based on Raab & Kenis, 2009.

*

This paper is based on research about two goal-oriented networks in the Dresden region: Firstly, there is the project network “Entwicklung und Erprobung eines Integrierten Regionalen Klimaanpassungsprogramms für die Modellregion Dresden (REGKLAM)” (www.regklam.de). The project network REGKLAM is financed by the “Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF)” within the program of KLIMZUG (www.klimzug.de). The program KLIMZUG focuses on adaptation to the consequences of climate change in cities and regions. The BMBF supports seven regions in Germany within this program. Secondly, there is the project network “Raumentwicklungsstrategie zum Klimawandel durch Untersuchungen zur Wirksamkeit des Regionalplanes und Integration informeller Instrumente (KLIMAfit)” (www.rpv-elbtalosterz.de).

The “Bundesministerium für Verkehr,

ABSTRACT Networks and networking are important for dealing with the risk of natural hazards. However, up to now, it is an open question which types of networks contribute to planning and risk management under certain circumstances. The paper focuses on the type of a goal-oriented network. It uses evidence from a case study about a network of planners, mainly regional planners, in the Dresden region in Germany. The distinction between goal orientation and goal directedness is used to show the following: goal directedness of networks involves intensive and continuous processes of sense making (Weick, 1995) to specify the network goal. The governance form of a lead organization network facilitates goal specification.

KEYWORDS Flood risk management, Goal-directed network, Heterogeneity, Network governance form, Network size, Regional planning, Soil erosion

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TRATAR EL RIESGO RELATIVO A LOS DESASTRES NATURALES A TRAVÉS DE REDES DE PLANIFICACIÓN - EL CASO DE KLIMAFIT

T h e p l a n n i n g r e g i o n “O b e r e s E l b t a l Osterzgebirge” and two project-relevant ILEregions (Note: the planning region consists of the “Landkreis Meißen”, the City of Dresden, and the “Landkreis Sächsische SchweizOsterzgebirge”). Source: elaborated by the author.

RESUMEN Redes y networking son importantes para hacer frente a los riesgos asociados a los peligros naturales. Sin embargo, hasta ahora, aún es una pregunta abierta en cuanto a qué tipos de redes contribuyen a la planificación y gestión del riesgo en determinadas circunstancias. El artículo se centra en un tipo de red con objetivos. Utiliza los resultados de un estudio de caso de una red de diseñadores planificadores, principalmente planificadores regionales, en la región de Dresden, Alemania. La distinción entre la meta a seguir y aquello que orienta esta meta (la directriz) se utiliza para demostrar lo siguiente: las directrices de las redes involucran un proceso continuo e intenso de construcción de sentido (Weick, 1995) que determina el objetivo de la red. La gestión y dirección de una red organizacional en forma de gobernanza, facilita la definición de los objetivos.

PALABRAS CLAVE Gestión del riesgo de inundación, Red de metas orientadas, Heterogeneidad, Red de gobernanza, Tamaño de la red, Planificación regional, Erosión del suelo

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Bau und Stadtentwicklung (BMVBS)” and the “Bundesinstitut für Bau-, Stadtund Raumforschung (BBSR)” support KLIMAfit within the “Modellvorhaben der Raumordnung (MORO): Raumentwicklungsstrategien zum Klimawandel (KLIMA MORO)”, (www.klimamoro. de). In the first phase of KLIMA MORO, eight regions were participating while seven regions are supported in the second phase. ** Dr Gérard Hutter works as a project manager and senior researcher at the Leibniz Institute of Ecological Urban and Regional Development (IOER), Dresden/Germany. He has just completed two empirical and practiceoriented projects on planning for climate change adaptation in the Dresden region. Further research areas are: strategic planning, governance networks and network management, flood risk management, resilience. g.hutter@ioer.de

INTRODUCTION In principle, dealing with the risk of natural hazards involves an ambitious agenda that covers, for instance, issues of knowledge creation and integration, of strategy development, and financial resources, as well as of participation and governance. Actors of various societal spheres are important for dealing with natural hazards (e.g. actors from local communities, the political sphere, administration, research organizations). No wonder then that both practitioners and researchers highlight the relevance of networks and managing networks for connecting people and organizations (Kuhlicke et al., 2012). However, up to now, it is an open question which types of networks (e. g., Diller 2002, Powell & Grodal 2005, Klijn 2008, Raab & Kenis, 2009) contribute to dealing with the risk of natural hazards under certain circumstances. This paper starts with the assumption that networks and network management are not inherently “good” and effective. The conditions under which certain types of networks contribute to planning for reducing the risk of natural hazards need to be specified and explained.

To do this to a certain extent, the paper focuses on goal-oriented networks (Provan & Kenis 2007, 231, use the term “goal-directed network”, see also Kilduff & Tsai, 2003). The paper adopts a network management perspective that pays ample attention to the structural features of networks and processes of network management (Klijn 2008, see Sørensen Torfing 2009, for a more macro-oriented perspective on networks). The paper argues that the specifics of goal orientation of network actors are crucial variables in understanding and explaining the effectiveness of networks (Vlaar et al. 2006, Provan & Kenis, 2007).

Networks are important to connect actors from various societal spheres and institutional levels of planning. Given that actors are significantly influenced by conditions in these spheres (e.g. formal institutional constraints, informal ways of solving problems), it is necessary to demonstrate that network actors actually work together in the direction of a goal at the network level (Huxham & Vangen, 2005). Goal-orientation of networks does not necessarily imply and lead to the goal-directedness of decisions and actions of network members. Goaldirectedness of decisions and actions is a specific achievement. Against this background, the paper asks the following question: How do planners create goal-directedness in networks that aim to reduce the risk of natural hazards?

The paper explores this question based on a case study about a goal-oriented network of planners, mainly regional planners, in the Dresden region in Germany (Hutter, 2012). The network deals with the challenge of adapting to climate change in the region of Dresden. The network addresses issues of dealing with natural hazards in the context of climate change adaptation. The author of the paper was intensively involved in establishing the network and in network management, especially with regard to issues of long-term planning. The paper is an attempt to reflect on these experiences and to propose some generalizations about the case (Yin, 2009). In the future, the findings of the paper may feed into more theory-oriented approaches to network development (based, for instance, on the work of Borgatti and colleagues, Jones et al. 1997, Borgatti & Foster 2003, Borgatti & Halgin, 2011). The following section presents the concept to structure the case study. Then, the case of a goal-oriented network of planners is introduced. The paper ends with conclusions for research and practice.

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THE CONCEPT OF A GOAL-ORIENTED NETWORK In its most general form, the term “network” refers to a set of nodes and a set of ties that connect the nodes to some extent (in the social sciences, nodes are called network actors). This general notion is used in various scientific disciplines and policy contexts.

The paper mainly refers to the literature about network relations between organizations (inter-organizational network, see Borgatti & Foster 2003, Provan & Kenis 2007, Klijn 2008, Raab & Kenis, 2009). The relevance of networks of organizations in the context of dealing with natural hazards cannot be overestimated, especially when organizations seek to develop innovative solutions at the boundaries of knowledge (Powell & Grodal 2005, Van de Ven, 2007).

Core features of a goal-directed network: It is important to distinguish between different types of networks (Diller 2002, Kilduff & Tsai 2003, Powell & Grodal 2005, Wiechmann 2008, Raab & Kenis, 2009). This paper uses the concept of a goal-oriented network to address issues of network management in the context of dealing with natural hazards. This concept has the following core features: • Goal orientation at the network level: A network of organizations declares to realize a goal that is communicated to external organizations as the desired joint output of network actors in the future. The rationale to establish a network is based on the belief that new ties between organizations are necessary to realize the goal. The paper focuses on a type of network with an initial goal statement that needs some specification to be instructive for interpretations, decisions and actions of network actors. Goal-oriented networks refer to multiple levels of social relations (the group, the organization, the network, see Knight 2002, Huxham & Vangen 2005, Raab & Kenis, 2009).

• Collaboration between network actors: In general, networks can combine collaborative with competitive relations (Powell, 1990). A goal-oriented network in particular is based on the belief that collaboration between network actors will lead to the realization of the network goal (Huxham & Vangen 2005, Ansell & Gash, 2007).

• Formal and informal processes of network management: A goal-oriented network shows some formalization of interaction between the network actors (Ansell & Gash, 2007). The term “formalization” refers to both processes of agreeing on and codifying formal structures, procedures, and so forth, and the output of this process in terms of network-specific documents (Vlaar et al., 2006). Of course, informal processes of communication are also relevant for goal-oriented networks (Ring & Van de Ven, 1994).

Provan and Kenis (2007) speak of “goal-directed networks”. We prefer the term “goaloriented” because it is the main question of this paper how (and to what extent) networks of organizations develop goal directedness.

Goal-oriented networks are characterized by a complex set of structural features, network processes, and outputs. There is no “grand theory” that covers all these aspects of goaloriented networks (e. g., Provan & Sydow, 2008). We argue that goal orientation in the context of dealing with natural hazards is significantly influenced by four kinds of variables: 1) processes of making sense of the network purpose to change goal orientation into goal directedness, 2) network size, 3) composition of network actors, and 4) network governance form.

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From goal orientation to goal directedness: The distinction between goal orientation and goal directedness is crucial to understand this paper. Goal orientation means that network actors are aware of being involved in a network that declares to realize a goal at the network level. Goal orientation is, as mentioned above, the rationale to establish the network.

However, this does not necessarily imply that the “official” goal statement is actually of high relevance for interpretations, decisions and actions of network actors. A network goal statement may only be the “façade” of a network to justify its existence in the face of powerful external actors, like organizations that provide resources to the network. Behind this “façade”, network actors may follow their own agendas that are only loosely coupled to the network goal, if at all (Meyer & Rowan 1977, Scott, 2008). Goal orientation is a core network feature, whereas goal directedness may vary with regard to, among others, the willingness, capabilities, and resources of actors to make sense of a network goal.

Goal directedness means that an initial network goal statement is the content of intensive and continuous processes of interpretations, decisions and actions of network actors. It encompasses at least the following two processes: • Specification: The paper considers networks with initial goal declarations that are quite abstract and/or ambiguous. Goal directedness is a process that specifies the content of the goal statement and how network actors interpret the statement. “Goal-directed network trajectories develop around specific goals that members share.” (Kilduff & Tsai 2003, 89, italics added) Healey (2009, 449) uses the similar, but more ambiguous term of “framing selectively” to argue that goal-directedness “involves a selective focus. It offers a way through the morass of issues, ideas, claims and arguments to identify one or more concepts, images and/or principles which are both meaningful and give direction.”

• Implementation: Network actors interested in goal directedness are also concerned about delivering in a more formal way what the network promised to deliver at the outset of establishing the network. Implementation means demonstrating through documented evidence that an initial goal statement has actually been realized in terms of specific network outputs, whatever the content and (argumentative) quality of these products may be.

We assume that making sense of the network goal through some specification and implementation is necessary for network effectiveness and external legitimacy (Provan & Kenis, 2007). This assumption is in line with an interpretative approach to understanding and explaining networks and organizations (Aldrich & Ruef, 2006, 43-46). An interpretative approach sees goal orientation and goal directedness, especially in case of networks with high or modest heterogeneity (Eden & Huxham 2001, Huxham & Vangen, 2005), as unstable social processes “constantly at risk of dissolution” (Aldrich & Ruef, 2006, 45). Network actors face the challenge of continuously making sense of the network goal (Weick 1995, Vlaar et al., 2006). This social process is influenced, among others, by the network size, the composition of actors, and especially the network governance form.

Network size: The term “size” may refer to various features of a goal-oriented network. A network may increase its size due to the entry of new network members. Size is measured by counting the network actors. A network may grow also because of new ties between network members that were previously unconnected. Size is measured by counting the ties between network actors. This paper primarily refers to the former understanding of network size. It is assumed that network size is influenced by, among other factors, funding conditions for the establishment of goal-oriented networks. Network size is also influenced by the willingness of actors to participate in a network based on voluntary, perhaps more

informal resource contributions. Furthermore, network research has shown that existing network relations significantly influence the emergence of new networks (Gulati et al., 2002).

Why is network size important for network management? Firstly, network size can have an influence on the degree of formalization of interactions between network members.

Large networks are more involved in formalization than small networks. However, there a complex causal relations between network size and management that will be explored in the case study. Secondly, network size influences what network actors and external actors expect from a network as appropriate output. To put it simple: Large networks tend to evoke high expectations about the contribution of a network to dealing with natural hazards. Actors in small networks may have the impression that they are forced to be pragmatic about what is expected from the network right from the outset of networking.

Heterogeneity: The meanings of the term “heterogeneity” may also vary. Here, the term refers to differences between network actors that are strongly influenced by formal and informal institutional conditions of these actors. The term “institution” covers not only regulatory institutional constraints, but also normative and cognitive-cultural institutions that are important to understand why an actor interprets, decides and acts like he or she does (Scott 2008). Hence, the meaning of the term “network heterogeneity” is much broader than the heterogeneity of actors. Heterogeneity depends on complex conditions (see Ansell & Gash 2007 for trying to provide a summary), for instance, the history of network relations and processes of agenda setting in regions (Wiechmann, 2008). Sandström and Carlsson (2008) argue that networks with high heterogeneity are necessary, but not sufficient conditions for finding innovative solutions in the context of natural resource management. Network actors with heterogeneous institutional backgrounds provide an equally heterogeneous pool of information, knowledge and referrals that are important for finding innovative solutions. Vlaar and colleagues (2006) argue that goal-oriented networks with high heterogeneity require intensive and complex processes of sensemaking (Weick, 1995) to capitalize on the potential of heterogeneous networks to find innovative solutions (Van Wijk et al., 2003). These authors agree that high heterogeneity can be both a blessing and a curse for goal-oriented networks (Benz & Fuerst, 2002). High heterogeneity may be a blessing if network actors find a way to develop a common understanding as a basis for jointly specifying and implementing the network goal. High heterogeneity may be a curse if it prevents the network actors from developing a focused common agenda that is specific enough to direct interactions.

Network governance form: A network can be understood as a form of governance that is compared with markets and hierarchies as alternative governance arrangements (see the seminal article by Powell, 1990). This paper takes a closer look at goal-oriented networks and how they are managed based on a specific “form of network governance” (Provan & Kenis 2007, 233, Raab & Kenis 2009, 207, use the term “governance forms of whole networks”). The term refers to network structures that shape, firstly, who the main decision makers are with regard to goal orientation at the network level and that shape, secondly, how these decisions are made. Provan and Kenis (2007) distinguish between three forms of network governance: • A lead organization network is a goal-oriented network in which one organization shapes the interpretations and decisions about the goal of the network and about the ways to realize it. Kilduff and Tsai assume (2003, 87-110) that goal-oriented networks are usually led by one powerful organization with the internal and external legitimacy to steer network development. In this paper, we consider further network governance forms.

• A network administrative organization is a network that is characterized by the establishment of a new network-specific administrative unit responsible for network management. All network actors have strong ties with the administrative unit. Often, they contribute to establish the financial basis of the unit.

• A network with shared governance is a network in which all network actors, in principle, have the duty and possibility to shape fundamental decisions about the goal of the network as well as ways of goal specification and implementation (Geddes 2008 uses the term “partnerships”). Provan and Kenis (2007) argue that shared governance is effective in small networks that require only limited professional network management competencies.

The governance form of a goal-oriented network may be due to deliberate decisions of powerful actors at the outset of establishing the network. The governance form may also develop in a more evolutionary way without a “mastermind” choosing the form of the network. The governance form of a goal-oriented network is difficult to see and control because the term refers to the whole network and not to the perceptions of single network actors. This may hold especially for large networks. However, we follow Provan and Kenis (2007) who argue that the governance form of a network is crucial for goal specification and implementation and therefore for its effectiveness. The following case study illustrates this general statement.

KLIMAFIT – A NETWORK OF PLANNERS IN THE DRESDEN REGION IN GERMANY In the Dresden region, it is possible to observe various goal-oriented networks that seek to build capacities for natural hazards (Hutter, 2013). The KLIMAfit network is a small network led by regional planners and supported by national government. The network deals with issues of adapting to the consequences of climate change at regional level, especially with regard to flood risk management and dealing with soil erosion due partly to intensive rainfall. KLIMAfit can be understood as a project network (Windeler & Sydow, 2001) with a limited duration from July 2009 until April 2013. KLIMAfit emerged in the context of the large project network REGKLAM about climate change adaptation in the Dresden region (details about the two networks are given below). REGKLAM was established in July 2008 and will end in December 2013 (Hutter, 2013). The author was, as already mentioned, involved in establishing the KLIMAfit network. He was responsible for supporting the regional planners in implementing the network goal (Hutter, 2012).

The emergence of new networks is an iterative and dynamic process (Ring & Van de Ven, 1994). Network actors try to make sense of relations between possible desired consequences of networking (“goals”) and the means and the resources to realize these consequences.

This assumption about network emergence helps to understand why initial network goal statements may be rather abstract and why they need specification. Network actors assume only after several rounds of making sense of the (possible) network goal that others are reliable and trustworthy. Until then, network actors prefer to commit only to abstract goal statements that leave enough leeway for interpretation while network relations develop further and transaction costs become clearer (Ring & Van de Ven, 1994, Vlaar et al., 2006).

In line with this understanding of network emergence, KLIMAfit was established by representatives from the regional planning office based on communication with potential network partners in the context of meetings of the existing large REGKLAM network (Hutter, 2013). The possibility to apply for funding organized by national government within

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a program about innovative solutions for climate change and spatial planning triggered this process of communication between the potential network partners of KLIMAfit. Regional planners claimed “ownership” of KLIMAfit right from the beginning and were willing to make significant resource commitments, also to comply with the many detailed procedures and requirements defined by national government.

From goal orientation to goal directedness: KLIMAfit is characterized by an intensive process of goal specification that can be divided into three phases: KLIMAfit started with a rather abstract overall goal statement to justify networking. The network declared to formulate a strategy that 1) leads to the “implementation” of existing regional planning statements for climate change (as mainly defined in the existing and legally approved regional plan) and that 2) takes non-statutory planning, especially regional management, more intensively into account. This goal statement corresponds with the well-known argument of planners and planning researchers that statutory planning is not enough to consider long-term challenges with high uncertainty like climate change and that applying a complex portfolio of instruments based on intensive collaboration and networking is needed (e.g. Greiving 2010, Klemme, 2011). Other parts of the application for funding were much more detailed with regard to climate change and the conditions of the Dresden region.

In March 2011, KLIMAfit provided some interim results defined as products: Product No. 1 included detailed empirical results, for instance, about climate change at regional and sub-regional level to consider the interests of regional managers as well as survey results about the relevance of existing regional planning statements for local planning. Product No. 2 gave an overview of recommendations for regional planning and regional management in the Dresden region to consider climate change adaptation more systematically in future planning processes. These recommendations focused on a relatively broad agenda of planning issues (e.g. increasing land used for forestry at specific locations within the region, issues of soil erosion and flood risk management, topics of regional management in rural areas, implementation issues at multiple levels of strategy making).

From April 2011 to April 2013, national government continued to support KLIMAfit based on a more selective choice of planning issues. Regional planners and national government agreed to focus on two issues: Firstly, flood risk management to enhance the influence of regional planning on the building stock, especially with regard to extreme flood events; secondly, issues of dealing with soil erosion due partly to intensive rainfall through a more selective process of prioritizing the most vulnerable areas in the Dresden region. Planners expect that this increases the likelihood of implementing some measures for reducing soil erosion.

In this process of goal specification, the regional plan served as a reference point in many network communications, either to specify the content of further processes of statutory planning or to justify activities that were seen as complementary to statutory planning. The following shows the structural conditions of this process of goal specification.

Network size: KLIMAfit was a relatively small project network. The regional planning office was the lead partner, supported by the research organization “Leibniz Institute of Ecological Urban and Regional Development (IOER)” in Dresden. Representatives of two and then three regional management offices acting on behalf of municipalities in rural areas in the Dresden region were also actors of the project network. Further network actors were

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the “Saxony State Interior Ministry (SMI)” represented by an official responsible for spatial planning and a state agency that supports the “Saxony State Ministry for Environment and Agriculture (SMUL)” with regard to knowledge about climate change and climate change adaptation. Retrospectively, it is possible to observe strong ties between these seven organizations as network partners. Weak ties developed during project network implementation to include actors relevant for issues of, for instance, soil erosion, flood risk management, and regional management on a temporary basis into the network (e. g. representatives of municipalities, authorities responsible for forestry in the Dresden region, the “Technische Universität Dresden”). Due to the contrast in network size between REGKLAM and KLIMAfit, network actors agreed at an early stage of working together that the expected network output would be pragmatically defined and much more limited than in the case of REGKLAM. However, network actors communicated this expectation in a more informal way in the first and second phase of goal specification. This may be due partly to the context of funding and the overall program of national government on climate change and spatial planning. National government as well as supporting research organizations and consulting firms raised a broad agenda of planning issues and related questions which made an early “open” communication about a “selective focus” of KLIMAfit somehow difficult. In a market context, it is probably easier to agree on a “niche” at an early stage of networking when the resource basis is as limited as in the case of KLIMAfit (e.g. less than 100.000,00 EUR funding by national government for the whole project duration, Hutter, 2012).

Network governance form: High reliability characterized the process of working together in KLIMAfit in all phases of goal specification. The relatively high degree of formalization (relative to the network size) facilitated continuous communication between the network actors and effective reporting mechanisms. However, it would be misleading to understand KLIMAfit as a network with the governance form of shared governance. The regional planning office was the lead organization from the outset of project network development.

Network actors never questioned the lead role of regional planning (high internal legitimacy). The planning office controlled the communication with national government and presented the main findings of the network (high external legitimacy). Regional planners also defined the main parameters of the process of goal specification (e. g. the regional plan and planning procedures as reference points for specifying the network goal). However, within this framework set by the planning office network actors had significant leeway for discussion and for working out the details of advancing regional planning and regional management. As mentioned in the introduction to this case study, the decision to establish a network as a lead organization network was to some extent deliberate and shaped by the process of applying for funding by national government. We propose that the governance form is more important for a successful process of goal specification than the size or the heterogeneity of the network (Kilduff & Tsai, 2003).

Modest heterogeneity: Strong leadership based on the network governance form of a lead organization network facilitated goal specification in KLIMAfit. A further contributing structural factor was the modest degree of heterogeneity of actors. The group of repeatedly interacting individuals that represented the seven KLIMAfit network actors shared a similar understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of regional planning and regional management. To put it simple, KLIMAfit was a small network of spatial planners and planning researchers. Actors with a moderate or high “cognitive distance” (Nooteboom 2008, 616) to planning participated mainly in events organized by the network (e.g. representatives of land owners, farmers, forest management, citizens). Network actors focused on the question how to structure and interpret the high complexity and heterogeneity of contents that are relevant to build capacities for natural hazards in the context of climate change

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(e. g. assessing and dealing with uncertainty of climate change variables, analyzing land use changes with a complex spectrum of evaluation criteria, discussing different approaches to understand and analyze flood risk related to extreme flood events).

CONCLUSIONS KLIMAfit was a small project network led by the regional planning authority in the Dresden region. Network actors created goal directedness through an intensive process of goal specification that lasted for more than three years. Strong leadership shaped this process.

Network actors that were connected through strong ties were mainly planners or planning researchers. Joint attention of the network actors to the regional plan and statutory planning made it possible to find “a way through the morass of issues, ideas, claims and arguments” (Healey 2009, 449) that are relevant for dealing with the risk of natural hazards in the context of climate change adaptation in regions. It is likely that some project network results will feed into the preparation of the next version of the regional plan (due in approximately five to six years).

The case study about the network KLIMAfit should motivate planning researchers to assume that configurations of contents, processes, and structural network features are important for network effectiveness. Practitioners attempting to establish networks for dealing with the risk of natural hazards are encouraged to allocate their scarce attention to issues of clarifying and organizing the network governance form. Organizing and strategizing are both important for dealing with natural hazards

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TERRITORIAL RISK AND VULNERABILITY: PLANNING TOOLS AT MUNICIPAL SCALE* Marcella Samakovlija** Politécnico de Milán, Italia

Recibido: 28 enero 2013 Aprobado: 3 abril 2013

The research methodological framework.

Source: Elaborated by the author.

* This paper is derived from the interdisciplinary and international research Quater-Interreg IIIB. The coordinator of the project was the Lombardy Region (with the scientifically supported by Politecnico di Milano). The other partners were: the Ente Parco delle Madonie (Sicily), the Polytechnic University of Valencia and the University of the Balearic Islands (Spain); ARPA Piemonte (Italy), the Mediterranean Institute of Quality of Toulon and the Region Provence-AlpesCôte d’Azur (PACA) (France). For the Politecnico di Milano different research groups were involved: territorial planning, chemical engineering, hydraulic engineering, structural engineering and urban development. ** Graduated in March 1999 in Urban Architecture at the Politecnico di Milano, with a thesis entitled “Elements of characterization landscape of Mantua: proposals for a landscape values​​ plan”, she has collaborated over the years with the

ABSTRACT The paper focuses on the link between territorial planning and risk management. Starting from the results of an interdisciplinary and international research called Quater-Interreg IIIB, we will underline the importance of territorial knowledge and the role that planning can play to mitigate risks such as floods, landslide and other natural and anthropical hazards.

The aim of the research was a kind of certification that would help municipalities learn and operate on their territory. We worked to elaborate a method that can measure the short term and long term decision that public administration should take to turn a risky land into a secure territory. We worked to understand how territorial planning can mitigate the effect of hazard especially on the vulnerability components. Toscolano Maderno (Bs) and Seriate (Bg) are the two case studies in Italy that we will present here. Furthermore, we will introduce the Emergency Plans that we provided for these municipalities and the link that we made with the ordinary tools of planning. In fact we don’t think that it is necessary to introduce new tools, but we believe that the importance of knowledge of a territory can be integrated in ordinary planning tools, in accordance with the 12/2005 Act of the Lombardy Region (Italy), and be helpful in the phases of mitigation, prevention and response. An important role that planner can have is in the recovery phase, especially if we introduce the concept of building a resilience city.

KEYWORDS Risk management, Territorial planning, Emergency plan, Basic knowledge, Resilience.

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RIESGO Y LA VULNERABILIDAD TERRITORIAL: HERRAMIENTAS DE PLANIFICACIÓN A NIVEL MUNICIPAL

Steps of territorial vulnerability analysis and assessment method. Source: Elaborated by the author.

RESUMEN El artículo se centra en la relación entre ordenación del territorio y gestión del riesgo. A partir de los resultados de la investigación interdisciplinaria e internacional Quater-Interreg IIIB, se hace hincapié en la importancia de los conocimientos locales y el papel que puede desempeñar en la planificación de la reducción de los riesgos, como inundaciones, deslizamientos de tierra y otros desastres naturales como artificiales. El propósito de la investigación era elaborar una especie de certificación que pueda ayudar a los municipios a aprender y trabajar en su territorio. Se trabajó en desarrollar un método para medir las decisiones a corto plazo y largo plazo que el gobierno debería tomar a efectos de conseguir transformar un terreno peligroso en un territorio seguro. Se buscó entender cómo la planificación espacial es capaz de mitigar los efectos de peligro, especialmente en los componentes de la vulnerabilidad. Toscolano Maderno (Bs) y Seriate (BG) son los dos casos de estudio en Italia, que se presentan aquí, además de los planes de emergencia que se han desarrollado para estos municipios y la unión que hemos hecho con las herramientas ordinarias de planificación. En conclusión, no se cree necesario introducir nuevas herramientas, pero si señalar la importancia del conocimiento de un territorio que se puede integrar en los instrumentos de planificación, de conformidad con la Ley de Lombardía (Italia), 12/2005 y que puede ser útil en las fases de mitigación, preparación y respuesta a un evento. Un papel importante que el planificador puede tener es en la fase de recuperación, sobre todo si se introduce el concepto de la construcción de una ciudad resiliente.

PALABRAS CLAVE Gestión de riesgos, Planificación territorial, Plan de emergencia, Conocimientos básicos, Resiliencia.

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Department of Territorial Science before and with the Department of Architecture and Planning then, at the Politecnico di Milano. In 2008 she achieved the doctoral degree - XX cycle - in “Urban, Territorial and Environmental Planning” at Polytechnic of Milan with a thesis entitled: “The knowledge for the government of the territorial risk. The tools of the mitigation”. Since December 2001 she is been working with a open-end contract at Politecnico di Milano and she has been in force at Service for Documentation of Architecture and Territory.

Her ordinary activity involves dealing with cartography and data base section present in the Center. In particular she’s in charge of the management and the acquisition of new materials, their elaboration and predisposition for the use of the students of this Center. marcella.samakovlija@polimi.it

INTRODUCTION Every year national and local communities face increasing costs due to environmental and technological catastrophic events. The impact of these events on the environmental and territorial system is really complex. Due to increase and overlapping of environmental costs, all institutions (public and private) feel a need to change the government system from emergency to prevention and mitigation actions.

Either in ordinary planning or in sectoral planning like the one of emergency, knowledge of the territory is fundamental. In fact, this analytic phase can become the common base for a planning that takes into consideration the intrinsic characteristics of the territory (represented also from the presence of risks), towards a development and a sustainable and harmonious management of the territory.

The goal of the research QUATER – INTERREG IIIB, is the development of a “procedure handbook for (the) territorial risk management”. This will synthetically be illustrated in the first paragraphs of this paper. The different workgroups involved in the research have analyzed the following: territorial vulnerability, flood, landslide, chemical and seismic risk, vulnerability of public buildings. The final goal of the research was to integrate territorial risk prevention into the ordinary planning system of public institutions.

The research was applied on a local scale. In the Italian context, municipal authorities are competent in urban planning and they have a deeper knowledge of the context. The research has been tested on three municipalities with different risks: Seriate (BG), Toscolano Maderno (BS) and Lainate (MI).

On the Municipality of Toscolano Maderno and Seriate, the research has not been concluded with the application of the QUATER method, but it has been continued with the predisposition of the Municipality Emergency Plan (PEC). The general objective of a restricted instrument of planning like the PEC is the predisposition of adequate models of intervention and procedures of emergency to place in action in case of a calamitous event, in order to support the population affected. A description of the innovative elements that characterize these PEC is reported in the 6th paragraphs and followings. The application of methodologies used for integration of the prevention of territorial, anthropical and technological risks in ordinary planning and in daily operating of the Local Agencies is slowly starting to pay off. However, there is still lot of work to be done because these applications do not result in isolate cases, but become instead daily practice of the planner.

THE RESEARCH METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK The methodology framework (analysis and assessment) is based on the evaluation of potential damages due to territorial risks that characterize the municipal context. Two aspects can be identified in the general methodology: the risk analysis/assessment and the response system. The risk analysis depends on four interrelated factors: 1. Sensitivity – intrinsic characteristics and resources of the municipal territory/context (natural or human).

2. Exposure – number of goods, people and activities potentially involved during the event.

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3. Vulnerability – the tendency of goods, people and activities to get damaged; 4. Hazard – the characteristics (intensity, frequency, areas involved) of the hazardous events.

Risk is the result of all these aspects. The analysis of hazard and vulnerability can be extended beyond the municipality boundary (local level and territorial level). The aim is to verify the presence of a potential hazard near the municipality boundary that can have some indirect effects on it.

The response system, based on the risk analysis, is characterized by two intervention levels on the territory: the first considers emergency management measures and risk mitigation interventions (these actions must be implemented in a short period). The second level concerns the territorial risks prevention measures that must be implemented over a long period (and that must be integrated in the planning and land uses plan instruments). (Figure 1)

Figure 1. The research methodological framework. Source: Elaborated by the author.

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THE TERRITORIAL VULNERABILITY ANALYSIS AND ASSESSMENT: METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK The method for territorial vulnerability analysis consists of three steps: a preliminary analysis step (level 1), a detailed analysis step (level 2), and a further detailed analysis step (level 3).

The outcome of the preliminary analysis step (level 1) is the determination of the Basic Knowledge (territorial information/data) concerning the municipality. In particular, this level pinpoints the distribution of the population and the localization of strategic buildings.

The second step (level 2) outcome is an investigation into the sensitivity by means of specific indicators, varying according to the characteristics of each municipality, and a preliminary exposure and vulnerability assessment of the territorial system for each risk.

The detailed analysis step (level 3) enhances the results of the previous step by means of a specific analysis (of the different hazards and area of the territory involved).

The outcomes of these three analysis steps help municipal authorities select an action and intervention system aimed to decrease/reduce territorial vulnerability. Every step uses parameters and indicators that can be used to assess vulnerability and carry out a periodic audit of the certification procedure. (Figure 2) Figure 2. Steps of territorial vulnerability analysis and assessment method. Source: Elaborated by the author.

Indications At the conclusion of the detailed analysis, as we have already mentioned, the method allows for the recognition of some indications for the short and long periods. The short period indications are related to emergency management measures and risk mitigation interventions (Municipality Emergency Plan, information campaign for the inhabitants, risk mitigation interventions on strategic buildings). The long period indications are related to territorial risk prevention measures, which have to be integrated in the planning and land use plans instruments (for example a program for new location of strategic buildings and a land use code).

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Table I shows an example of short term and long term indications in the case studies of Toscolano Maderno; the indications are divided in mitigation interventions, Civil Protection actions and planning measures (the red line divides short term indications from long term indications). All the indications are related to the analysis that we have made on the Municipal territory.

In the case studies analyzed, the town/city plan was in use from various years and little or nothing had been done to introduce measures of mitigation which not only refer to the dangerousness, but also to the vulnerability of the territory. The long term indications, for future phases of plan updating, would have to be integrated or be held in consideration in order to create the connection between ordinary and sectoral planning which was mentioned before, with the support of the procedures of maintenance of the certification.

Table 1. Example of short term and long term indications. Source: Elaborated by the author.

A

Mitigation interventions

A1

Programming and design of hazard mitigation interventions.

A2

Municipal programs finalized to hazard B2 analysis.

Design and development Verification and comparison of information campaign C2 with future land use plan and for inhabitants. territorial risk.

A3

Realization of hazard mitigation interven- B3 tions.

Development of a program to stimulate the intervention to keep the safety of the buildings.

A4

Reduction of exposure level for inhabitants and strategic building.

B4

Realization of inhabitants Identification of alternative C4 information. roads in dangerous areas.

………

B5

Development of new location Development of municiC5 pal Emergency Plan. for public services buildings.

B6

Development of programs Arrangement of inforand systems for territorial and mation about territorial C6 network monitoring; improveand network vulnerament of Territorial Information bility.

System.

LONG TERM

SHORT TERM

Indications framework B

B1

Civil Protection actions

C

Updating of Municipal Emergency Plan with C1 all risks present on the territory.

………

Planning Development of internal Municipal office collaboration: development of Territorial Information System.

Development of municipality C3 program for new location of strategic buildings.

………

An important aspect of the proposed method is the verification of goals and actions. The actions efficacy and the targets gained can be checked in two ways: a continuous enrichment of the Basic Knowledge (which improves the efficacy of the indications) and the monitoring of actions over time.

The methodology realized for the redaction of the Municipality Emergency Plans As reported in the short term indication from QUATER methodology, we have elaborated the Municipality Emergency Plans (PEC) for the Municipalities of Toscolano Maderno and Seriate. If we go back to the three parts that compose a PEC, we can then disclose the 57

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methodology set in action in the specific cases presented in the introduction. We can also highlight some innovative elements and their relation to the planning and management of the territory.

Firstly, in both cases we have elaborated a multi-risk plan that also takes into consideration those hazards not explicitly cited in the reference norms. The choice we made derived from the consideration that hazards are intrinsically part of the territory and all hazards, in the first analysis, must be considered and analyzed with the exact same relevance. Only after a careful assessment it is possible to decide which ones are negligible in the plan.

Regarding the general structure of a PEC, this is composed of three fundamental parts: the Basic Knowledge, the Operative Part and the Part of Verification and Updating.

The Basic Knowledge contains: • a territorial organization that must be elaborated independently of the presence of risks; • the analysis of direct or induced dangerousness, also from a close Municipality; • the detection of the vulnerable elements exposed to the risks (es. hospitals, schools, zones with elevated population density, technological infrastructures, etc); • the identification of available resources (es. rapid-reaction force at local and regional levels, areas of reception and/or shelter, vehicles and materials); • the depiction of the risk scenes.

The Operative Part identifies the systems of monitoring and pre-monitoring an event for the expectable risks (es. the alluvial risk) and the drawing up of the aid models (identification of members of the Local Unit of Crisis that comprise the rapid-reaction force of the Municipal territory; the localization of over-local useful forces of intervention in case of particularly serious events or for a particular typology of risks; for every force involved, the “who - does - what” of the tasks).

The Part of Verification and Updating comprises: • the verification of the PEC by drill and, in case of incidental events, through the former post-analysis of the procedures of emergency action; • the updating of the PEC through the identification of protocols for implementing short and long period updates.

For the realization of the PEC we have used GIS, which allows to share and to update the information arranged systematically in a fast and effective way.

The Basic Knowledge of the Municipality Emergency Plans In the Basic Knowledge, after a general organization of the territory under study (comprised of thematic like: climate, geomorphology, hydrography), we have analyzed the urban settlement and the infrastructural system, the distribution and characteristics of the population, the economic activities, agriculture and public services, the emergency infrastructures and the resources available.

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The first phase includes an analysis of population census and the mapping of strategic and vulnerable buildings; the emergency areas available (subdivided in waiting areas, reception areas and recovery areas); the public infrastructures service and resources of Municipal property which could be available in case of necessity. All information obtained in this first part of the Basic Knowledge of a PEC becomes mapped by GIS and in this way we provide a cartography which is always updated and available for the PEC, but also for ordinary planning.

The ideal successive step, today still not completed in these two cases, sees this basic information of the territory, at the moment independent from the typology of present risk, contained into a Municipal SIT (Territorial Information System) where all the councillorships can reach and contribute in the given terms of updating. The structuring of the PEC for this purpose has concurred to supply a common working base in which, once the financial resources have been obtained, a Municipality will be able to build the SIT. Another important and innovative element in this type of sectorial plan, involves the drawing up and continuous updating of files dedicated to the emergency areas; they contain important information on accessibility, extension, equipment of independent infrastructure service, etc. Often neglected inside the norm of writing of the PEC, usually the planner localizes the areas without dealing with their specific characteristics.

The second phase of the Basic Knowledge of a Municipality Emergency Plan involves the analysis of dangerousness and risks present in the territory. For the Municipality object of the research, the analyses have already been carried out from work groups of project QUATER. The heart of this phase of surveying the PEC are the risk scenarios, meant from the Regional Directive like verbal and synthetic descriptions, accompanied with an explicative cartography of the possible effects on the population and on the infrastructures, by adverse meteorological events (flooding, also gave away dams), of geologic or natural phenomena (earthquakes, landslides and avalanches), by forest fires, or industrial accidents or of dangerous substances in freight accidents. From the point of view of risk analysis, it is important to emphasize the presence and the involvement of various disciplines and expertise in this phase. These experts have not only supplied a risk assessment on present territory, but also a reflection on relation between these risks and the development of actual urban area, on effect of the future forecast urban growth.

The abilities of planner to represent territory through a reasoned and synthetic cartography are fundamental in order to give back a general picture of risks and the complex systems that compose the territory, that a specific scientific sector does not succeed in condensing.

In fact, in the phase of knowledge and planning of territory, we would have to already be notified of the presence of a risk in our area of surveying.

Once again the relation between sector planning, one of emergency and ordinary planning emerge. In fact, new Regional Law of Lombardy 12/2005, considers it obligatory that there is a risk analysis for plans at different territorial levels, the problem is that all risks are not taken into consideration and there isn’t a directed connection between ordinary territorial plans with emergency plans that instead consider, as we have previously said, all the types of risk. Localization of a public structure, for example a school, would have to take into consideration not only the economic reasons, but planner would have to also take into consideration the degree of dangerousness in different territorial risks that characterize the area to settle. This information is contained in a PEC.

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It is obvious that not always, in our territory, we can refer to new constructions, but we always have to take into consideration public buildings already constructed: in this case, given the impossibility to eliminate risk, the intervention of mitigation would be opportune and useful in order to diminish the possibility of damage caused on buildings. In both cases, a deeper knowledge of territory is necessary, whether in punctual terms (es. localization of the building), or in analysis of various systems that compose it.

The localization inside Plan of Government of the Territory of particular services involved in the emergency phase and in accessible areas, is not subordinate to eventual risks (e.g. municipal civil protection, Red Cross, fire brigade, etc.), it allows to supply a ready answer to emergency and therefore a more effective and efficient management of the event. If we placed side by side these two instruments and a Plan of the Urban Traffic, we could then be sure that the time of reacting to event and the dispersion of forces involved will be limited.

Also regarding the second phase of the Basic Knowledge of a PEC, we have written up a series of explicative cartographies of dangerousness, present risks and risk scenarios that we have decided to adopts for the drawing up of the intervention models.

Another innovative aspect that deserves further discussion, regards the cartography of the risk scenarios. This cartography has been planned in such a way as to have in an only picture all the reference for the portion of territory interested in calamitous event, with indication of strategic and vulnerable buildings, service infrastructures, that have been involved in the event. Where possible, we specified the civic number of building involved and consequently we gave a brief description of the characteristic of single inhabitants. In fact, in the PEC, we have also attempted to distinguish sensitive population, that is young people, old people or disabled ones who need particular assistance in cases of evacuation of the areas at risk.

The Operative Part of Municipality Emergency Plans As anticipated, the Operative Part of a PEC also characterizes the systems of monitoring an event in premonitory phase and it drawing up the intervention models. The first aids to populations are directed and coordinated by the Mayor of the Municipality involved in the event. The Major, in accord to Italian legislation, is local authority in matter of Civil Protection. In case of events which cannot cope with local resources, the Mayor could ask for assistance at Prefect who activates and manages the over-local forces of intervention.

Therefore, the first step in the drawing up of intervention model is the localization of local forces of intervention, they will then be involved in Local Crisis Unit (UCL) and over-local forces will support it.

For every risk scenario contemplated in the Plans, we have identified specific procedures of intervention that, in this methodology are made up of: • one matrix time/components of UCL; where we identified, subdivided for temporarily and succeeded passages, the activities to place in action part of every member of the UCL (for clarity, main forces of over-local participation are also comprised in the matrix); • one matrix activity/responsibility; where, for every identified activity we specify the responsibilities of every member of UCL (if he is responsible for an action, if he is simply informed or just supporting);

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• a job description for every member of UCL; where the activities placed in head of every Agency are explained. The job description contains all useful and indispensable elements to know in an emergency phase (es. telephone numbers of managers of technological networks, etc.); • a cartography that summarizes all the main information of the intervention procedures.

Where possible, as an example for alluvial risk, all these procedures of intervention are multiplied for pre-alarm phase, alarm or emergency phase. For not expectable risks, the procedures are formulated only for the emergency phase.

Particularly innovative and interesting in the contents is the job description and the cartography of intervention models. Like we had observed for cartography of risk scenarios, also in this case we can find in a single cartography the necessary information for activation of intervention procedures: one clear map of area interested in event with the indication of interested vulnerable elements, the indication of the ways to escape and the usable emergency areas. This cartography, beyond graphical part, is physically structured with a series of “pockets” where the main intervention procedures have been collected (matrix time/ components UCL, matrix activity/responsibility UCL, job description for every member of UCL and a list of population have been involved for typology).

The part of Verification and Updating of Municipality Emergency Plans All the “architecture of emergency” adjusted with this methodology, introduces to the third fundamental part of a PEC, that Verification and Updating of data and information are contained in it.

The verification of a PEC generally occurs by drill, in case of incidental events, through former-post analysis of procedures of emergency. Closely correlated at verification of plan there is the periodic updating, necessary in order to be able to manage the emergency better, because PEC must be used as a dynamic and modifiable instrument in consequence of changes of territorial system to which it belongs. For the review of PEC we have identified a protocol of updating a short and a long period. The updating of short period regards population exposed (with particular regard to the sensitive population) the members of UCL, the over-local forces of intervention and all the information that changes or could change in a minimal temporal arc. The updating of a long period regards territory (which changes independently from presence of risks) and present dangerousness (that could modify in the light of new studies).

Also in this phase there is a strong relation between emergency planning and ordinary planning that can, with its decisions, aggravate or mitigate a present risk.

From the operational point of view, the updating of a PEC is therefore also conceived inside a Municipality which adopts a system of certification like that one proposed from QUATER method, it is useful to emphasize the necessity of a strong collaboration between several operative sectors of Municipality, from the office of Civil Protection to the Technical Office up to the Registry Office.

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CONCLUSION The QUATER method develops a procedure handbook of territorial risk management not only with short period actions, but also with some indications for risk mitigation and prevention in a long term vision. The method aims at integrating risk mitigation aspects in ordinary planning.

The procedure allows the arrangement of information about territory (Territorial Information System) and develops a public and private collaboration.

The system is managed by Municipality, in a flexible and incremental way, through a constant process of goals update and verification. Moreover, the support of planning instruments such as a sectorial Emergency Plan, directly connected to ordinary planning and to certification process, allows to achieve those goals which were initially set for mitigation of risk through the planning instruments.

Table 2: The innovative elements inserted Municipality Emergency Plans. Source: Elaborated by the author.

Innovative elements Analysis of dangerousness also outside the municipal boundaries Basic Knowledge

Organization of the information by GIS Interactive cartography

Relation between ordinary planning Use of the same information about the territory inside the Municipality SIT Use of the same information about the dangerousness and risk inside the Municipality SIT

Operative

Coordination of the choice take in the ordinary Design of the intervention procedure with planning and sectorial planning, in order to matrix, job description and interactive avoid a worsening of the situation at risk and cartography to mitigate the effects.

Verification and Updating

Protocol of updating of the information organized by GIS

Continuous updating of the information regarding the territory and the Municipality goods

The task of making connection between these two typology of plans more effective is still a lot. We do not think that the introduction of new instruments of planning is necessary, but that the correct and sustainable use of existing instruments is enough. As planners, we think that we can’t stop to think of single destination of land use, the instruments of mitigation in our “hands” are various (eg. adoption of particular building regulations, maintenance and promotion of the use of particular natural buffer areas, etc.) and it is necessary to enter in the perspective that in order to plan a secure territory, we must think of different levels of action in space and time and that a synergy between various sectorial expert is necessary.

When we think about “resilience”, we often think only to recovery of a city in post-event phases, almost as if this stage was a sort of “closure” quantifiable. Instead, for resilience we mean the ability to get out of a stalemate, so do not necessarily equal to the initial preevent. The ability of a territory to be resilient consists largely from organization and from relationships existing prior to event, more the system will be flexible and more rapid will be the recovery to normal activities with a view to improvement and awareness.

Often, the concept of sustainability is partnered by resilience. Sustainability, in fact, does not necessarily mean that all risks are eliminated, but that a degree of balance between the issues related to risk, social and economic ones are reached. Certain levels of risk may be necessary and acceptable. Where a community chooses to continue living in a territory, REVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA

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despite risk, the development should go towards the creation of cities resilient, able to react to the effects of a disaster. This type of approach, namely to know and to work on nature and not against it, can simultaneously achieve the goals of conservation and enhancement of natural resources without diminishing the chances of developing [Burby, 1998].

The integrated use of appropriate tools for management and planning, as we’ve tried using in the territories of Seriate and Toscolano, it is necessary for try to plan a resilient city, reducing intensity of development in hazardous areas, reducing need to alter and hinder natural processes, we could reduce the economical and social costs, of vulnerable city.

REFERENCES Baldi, C. (2004, 2005, September). “Research and definition of an integrated territorial risk management system”. In: Sustainable development and planning II, Southampton, Boston.

Eds. A.G. Kungolos, C.A. Brebbia & E. Beriatos, WIT Press, 27-29,1229.

Burby, R. J. (1998) Cooperating with nature: confronting natural hazards with land use planning for sustainable communities. Washington, D.C: Joseph Henry Press.

Colucci, A., Lodrini, S., & Treu, Maria Cristina. (2004, September). “Territorial vulnerability analysis: The methodological framework”. In: Risk analysis IV, Southampton, Boston. Ed. C.A. Brebbia, WIT Press, 27-29,753.

Colucci, A., Samakovlija, M. & Treu, M. C. (2005, September). “Territorial vulnerability and local risks”. In: Sustainable development and planning II, Southampton, Boston. Eds. A.G. Kungolos, C.A. Brebbia & E. Beriatos, WIT Press, 12-14, 1261.

FEMA (1998). Project impact: building a disaster resistant community. Washington, D.C: Federal Emergency Management Agency.

Johnson, L. Dwelley, L. S. & AICP. (2005) Planning for the unexpected: land-use development and risk. Chicago, IL. American Planning Association.

Kreimer, A. (2003). Building Safer Cities: The Future of Disaster Risk. Washington, D.C. World Bank.

Pergalani, F. & Petrini, V. (2005, September). “Seismic and landslide risk analysis at Toscolano Maderno”. In: Sustainable development and planning II, Southampton, Boston. Eds. A.G. Kungolos, C.A. Brebbia & E. Beriatos, WIT Press, 12-14,1239.

Samakovlija, M., Magoni, M. & Treu, M. C. (2004, September). “Territorial vulnerability analysis: The case studies”. In: Risk analysis IV, Southampton, Boston. Ed. C.A. Brebbia, WIT Press, 27-29, 783.

Treu, M. C. (2003). “Politiche e gestione del suolo. I fattori ambientali, territoriali e tecnici nella pianificazione di situazioni sensibili e di aree a rischio”. In: Territorio, Milano. Dipartimento di Architettura e Pianificazione, Politecnico di Milano, 25, 9-17.

Wheeler, S. (2004). Planning for sustainability: creating livable, equitable, and ecological communities. London; New York. Routledge.

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FLOODINGS AND SOCIAL VULNERABILITY: THEIR SPACIAL EQUIVALENCE IN THE CITY OF CURITIBA, BRAZIL* Clovis Ultramari** Pontifical University of Parana, Curitiba, Brazil.

Beatriz Hummell***

Recibido: 31 enero 2013 Aprobado: 3 abril 2013

Botanical Garden, Curitiba. Source: Authors archive, Beatriz Hummell, 2013

*

Both authors live, work and research the city of Curitiba since they started their professional works. Research was developed as part of the Urban Management Post graduation Program, at the Pontifical University of Paraná. This paper represents the first step of a now long broader research concerning disaster occurring in cities. Current authors attention concerns the international flux of aid for emergency situations and the impacts of such situations in the local efforts for recovery.

** Clovis Ultramari is a professor at the Pontifical University of Parana, Curitiba, Brazil. His main areas of interest and research are land use legislation, natural accidents and their impacts on urban land use, assessment of large urban projects, and conceptual aspects of the city. He has written many articles and books on these subjects, mostly in Portuguese. He also serves as an advisor on dissertations and theses concerning his areas of expertise.

His current research project is focused on the role of international aid agencies in disaster recovery action.

ABSTRACT This is a theoretical discussion on social vulnerability and on the construction of vulnerability indexes. Empirical exercise takes place in the city of Curitiba, Southern Brazil. Article is based on both conceptual approaches revealing complexity of such topic as well as on empirical demands to establish priorities in terms of risk reduction action facing natural adverse events and distribution of resources in post-disaster recovery. Urban context is that of Brazilian cities, revealing recurrent inequalities in the way inhabitants build, use, and transform urban compartments. Research presented here can be contextualized in a scenario where adverse phenomena should deeply influence the elaboration of urban public policies. Its main target is to contribute to the identification of parameters to channel public resources in preparedness actions facing adverse situations.

KEYWORDS Social Vulnerability; Natural Hazards; Vulnerability Index; City of Curitiba.

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LAS INUNDACIONES Y LA VULNERABILIDAD SOCIAL: SU ESPACIO DE EQUIVALENCIA EN LA CIUDAD DE CURITIBA, BRASIL

Informal settlement, Curitiba. Source: Authors archive, Beatriz Hummell, 2007

RESUMEN Esta es una discusión teórica sobre la vulnerabilidad social y la construcción de los índices de vulnerabilidad. El ejercicio empírico se llevó a cabo en la ciudad de Curitiba, sur de Brasil.

El artículo se basa en dos enfoques conceptuales que revelan la complejidad de este tema, así como de las necesidades básicas para la fijación de prioridades, en términos de acción, la reducción del riesgo de eventos naturales adversos y la distribución de los recursos en la recuperación post-desastre. El contexto urbano es el de las ciudades brasileñas, que destaca las desigualdades en la forma en que los habitantes construyen, utilizan y transforman los sectores urbanos. La investigación que aquí se presenta puede ser contextualizada en un escenario en el que las circunstancias adversas deberían afectar profundamente el desarrollo de políticas públicas urbanas. Su objetivo principal es contribuir a la identificación de parámetros para la canalización de recursos públicos en la preparación para hacer frente a situaciones adversas.

PALABRAS CLAVE Vulnerabilidad social, Desastres naturales, Índice de vulnerabilidad, Curitiba.

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*** Beatriz Hummell is a doctoral candidate in Urban Management at the Pontifical Catholic University of Paraná in Curitiba, Brazil. Her main research interests are in disaster diplomacy and humanitarianism, social vulnerability to natural hazards and urban regeneration in slums. Was a visiting scholar at the University of South Carolina and participated in the Munich Re Foundation and UNU-EHS (United Nations University - Institute for Environment and Human Security) 2012 Summer Academy (From Social Vulnerability to Resilience: Measuring Progress toward Disaster Risk Reduction). Currently develops research for her doctoral dissertation entitled “Geographies of Solidarity: inequities in priority definition for aid addressing after natural disasters”.

ultramari@yahoo.com hummellb@yahoo.com.br

FOREWORD According to The International Emergency Disasters Database, the number of natural hazards in the last decades increased faster if compared with the first decades of the 1900s (EM-DAT, 2009). Similarly, Munich Re Group (2003) data show that the economic losses related to disasters also have increased since the 1950s. Other studies, developed according to different methodologies have stressed similar concerns. Data showing and highlighting the increase of disasters are, in fact, recurrent in the scientific production that discusses contemporary social and urban problems. It highlights that the occurrence of disasters is an important factor to consider when formatting urban management initiatives.

Additionally, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) states that, in the last 25 years, not only the number of reported natural disasters but also their impacts on human and economic development worldwide have increased, reducing gains obtained during a period of relatively economic success. “It is troubling that disaster risk and impacts have been increasing during a period of global economic growth” (UNDP, 2004, p.11).

Natural hazards may occur regardless of social stratification, however, their impacts affect differently among these very same specificities, enabling damages to increase or diminish their temporalities. Empirical and scientific observations also confirm that lower income levels populations are often repeatedly affected by recurrent hazards, pointing out the relevance of social and economic parameters on the vulnerability concept. Currently it is largely accepted that different social levels react differently when exposed to the same hazards. By adding the complex social differences to a wide concept such as Beck’s (1992, 2006) risk society, vulnerability would act as a result of contemporary economic and technological development but also of discrepancies in the outputs distribution of this very same development. Other concepts have so been repeatedly discussed, but mostly in a palimpsest way: instead of eliminating preterit hegemonic ways of understanding natural disasters impacts, they were readjusted in new and more complex hierarchies of importance.

This article is based on such conceptual bias, stressing a close relation between impacts caused by natural disasters and social characteristics of those who are submitted to them.

If impacts are now considered according to multiple perspectives (a long desired comprehension), prevention still depends on a limited social memory. In fact, because social vulnerability may be understood as a “dormant phenomenon till a calamity occurs,” it is still more easily related to risk management situations and hardly taken as a pre-existing condition that shapes suffering and recovery ability. Although progress can be present in the scientific discussion on adverse phenomena - confirmed and fostered by an increasing scientific discussion on the theme -, public policies seem reluctant in taking new approaches in their programs. That was the situation observed by these authors in their studies in Brazilian municipalities under strenuous conditions due to floods and landslides (common disasters in the country during summer season). Case study presented here is an example.

It takes place in the city of Curitiba, located in the southern region of Brazil, with 2 million inhabitants and internationally known due to its urban management experiences and a better quality of urban life if compared with country´s average. These positive aspects notwithstanding, social inequalities are for a long time present in the city. Lack of historical data does not allow to attest that number of disasters, percentage of affected people and economic losses are increased in the last decades. Therefore, common sense insists on predicting bleaker scenarios for the city. Methodology adopted in this case study overlays the areas most affected by natural hazards and socio-economic indicators spatially. This methodology is based on the data available and developed to distinguish the city´s districts according to their vulnerability index. It also stresses the importance of dealing with public policies spatially. This type of approach is rarely seen in Brazil, even considering that Brazilian cities REVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA

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have clearly delineated social and environmental compartments. Time frame considered for this analysis is limited to 2003-2008. Longer periods of analysis would certainly provide more solid results. However, the previously intended time frame of 10 years had to be shortened either because of data unavailability or different methodologies used to collect them. Nevertheless, this six-year period provides rich information on the topic discussed here due to its particularity in terms of annual recurrence of intense adverse natural phenomena in the city. Geographical scope of the research refers to the entire territory of the city (430,9 sq. km) according to its 75 districts that represent not only administrative units but also specific territories with particular social and economic scenarios.

BRAZIL: A CONTEXT OF ADVERSITIES Human and economic losses caused by natural disasters call for a combined and complex action in terms of prevention, risk reduction, emergency procedures and reconstruction practices. This is another recurrent observation among concerned scientific literature but that still rests unapprehended by different government levels. Despite an almost general acceptance that natural adversities impacts go far beyond the complexities of emergency responses, important aspects involving a myriad of stakeholders still lack understanding.

There is thus a gap between what is conceptually long agreed and what is definitely observed and implemented by governmental agencies. Ideas such as let’s not only rebuild, but build it better, preventing is easier than rebuilding, vulnerability should be socially understood, among other examples, still remain heard as repeated mantras but hardly implemented ones. Globalization of solidarity, characterized by an intensive exchange of practices and by a struggle for more transparency, seems to help in this necessary transformation. However, so far, this article is still contextualized in a reality where gap between the discourse and the action is persistently clear.

According to Nunes and Kobiyama (2006), the increase of reported disasters can be related to a number of factors, such as the population growth, social and territorial segregation, accumulated resources in danger areas, progress in communication media, and global changes.

This phenomenon also can be more specifically related to the global warming process and climatic changes (IPCC, 2007). If the causes of increasing trends of natural disasters are to be related to a number of different factors, current scientific production seems to focus its main concern on the social aspect, which is decisive to understand natural hazard impacts.

Yet considering the complexity involving the increasing number of disasters and the increasing impacts they impose, this paper concerns the need for cities to adopt planning preventive tools and comprehension of social aspects (and vulnerability) spatially in order to reduce risks and mitigate natural adversities impact. Indeed, many authors quote the cities’ occupation dynamics and urban growth as important facts to understand social systems and the social and environmental vulnerability related to natural hazards (Santos, 1996; Rolnik, 1997; Giddens, 2000; Hogan et al 2000; Kasperson & Dow, 2001; Mattedi & Butzke, 2001; Carvalho, 2006; Maricato, 2006; and Marandola Jr. & Hogan, 2006). Although cities may be considered both the cause and the scenario of devastating phenomena, not much progress has been identified in terms of their local policies apprehension.

The intense and fast urban occupation in Brazil, especially in the 1970s trough 1990s, was caused by many facts such as a) Mechanization of rural production procedures resulting in migration of countryside populations to cities and b) Generalized crisis in the production and consumption systems with impressive layoffs and no generation of new compensatory job posts. Urban expansion is basically a result of 1) An impressive official conversion of rural areas into urban lots, reserved to those who can afford this product, 2) An even more 67

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impressive production of irregular or illegal division of land properties, and 3) A complex process of squatting environmentally fragile urban compartments. These three factors constitute the synthesis proposed by Milton Santos (1993) in his discussion on Brazilian urbanization process: social division of land and sprawl.

The large amount of unqualified workers available in urban centres triggered low wages, precarious working conditions and informal work. Generalized impoverishment pushed low-income families to distant and never ending suburbs, with no basic infrastructure and disrespect to federal and municipal land use regulations. Resulting illegal settlements occupied areas unfit for development, such as riverside strips (with the reduction of essential riparian woods), environmentally protected or fragile areas, and highly descending slope areas with no proper soil engineering correction, among others. At the same time, municipalities can hardly cope with the responsibility to correct resulting risk situations. In fact, lack of basic services and infrastructure imposes an additional burden to a population already overexposed to natural and social contingencies: non-paved road system or the lack of rain water drainage network causes or aggravates floods, lack of garbage collection services obliterates existing water and sewage pipes and natural hydrological flows, and poor sanitary infrastructure system in high urban densities lead to alarming public health problems. Although these negative premises are commonly taken as a general factor for the Brazilian cities, they should be considered according to specifications of different parts of the cities’ territory. As a matter of fact, factors such as land occupation patterns, population income and infrastructure availability should be considered in public policies.

Despite recent positive changes observed in Brazilian cities in terms of housing programs for low income families and financial resources availability for funding urban basic infrastructure, larger parts of the population still face the impacts of its historic deficits of urban infrastructures and urban land misuse. Besides, some well-intentioned governmental programs, such as those of large low income housing programs, made possible by the current national availability of resources, may also generate externalities that aggravate long observed vulnerabilities.

Current urban policies in the country, by recognizing social and financial limitations to transform entire cities, have channelled efforts to more pragmatic solutions comprehending acupunctural interventions, legalization of squatted areas, and maintenance of original people in their occupied lots (Ultramari, 2006). If this approach may be considered appropriate mostly because of legal property rights grants, it does not fully eliminate the submission of large groups of the population to the immediate impacts of natural disasters. Once financial resources become available for improving conditions in informal settlements, property right documents are granted, allowing families to stay in their original areas. A few urban infrastructure works are done, but the risks to natural adversities are not entirely eliminated.

In the last five years, Brazil has embarked in a non-precedent economic rise with immediate transformation in the way its cities are occupied. Legal land market has, in fact, boomed in Brazilian cities, following the decision of federal and local governments to launch massive low-income housing programs. Lower income levels of Brazilian population, which were previously marginalized, are now part of the consumption market. This new occupation dynamic certainly increases pressure on the limited offer of land made available by planning guidelines. At the same time, considering that government programs that require relocation of families from risky areas need availability of nearby land to do so, lacking of urban areas fit for development is now a bigger issue. For the first time in recent Brazilian urban history, limitations for implementing social housing programs concern not only financial restrictions and speculative behaviours, but also physical unavailability of proper land. This REVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA

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new situation indicates a problem that has unexpectedly forced national urban planning and management to be more flexible in their parameters of proper and safe land. Irony now takes place in the construction and transformation of our cities: if, in the past, risks were triggered by illegal and informal land occupation, at present, this phenomenon may take place because of official determination and technical orientation.

In case this complex reality is considered, vulnerability easily proves itself not only related to social parameters but mainly by inclusive and affirmative policies.

NATURAL HAZARDS AND VULNERABILITY The aforementioned background confirms the idea of a wider concept of vulnerability to natural disasters. Certainly, social, community, political, cultural, and economic aspects play decisive roles in its definition side by side to natural phenomena. This is, in fact, a conceptual approach already largely adopted by the scientific milieu and that has been clearly defined by the distinction between the Theory of Disasters and the Theory of Hazards. These theories attest two traditional analytical formats. The first one is mostly aware of geographic aspects, such as dimension, causes, and typologies of natural phenomena. The second one conducts its investigations mostly referring to more socially elaborated analysis to understand adverse natural phenomena. From a limited mono-disciplinary approach, the concept of vulnerability has been driven to a wider understanding, with several sciences playing a distinctive and collaborative role (Thouret & D’Ercole, 1996).

The research presented in this article is related to the Hazards Theory, considering it as its main reference and understanding urban occupation dynamics (presented above) as a fundamental factor to consider lower income levels of the population as the most vulnerable to natural disasters’ effects. These populations, usually living in risk areas and relying on their low incomes to cope with adverse situations present a limited response capacity.

Alternatively, external governmental and non-governmental agencies become the sole real possibility to mitigate impacts. Deschamps (2004) empirical research reinforces the idea that “There is a strict relation between the placement of the lower levels of the population and those areas characterized by recurrent natural adverse factors. The socially vulnerable populations are placed in environmentally vulnerable areas” (p.104).

This assumption exemplifies a multitude of studies that recognize disasters can no longer be understood through the lens of the nature’s will or through the restricted vision of natural sciences alone. Quite the contrary, it calls for the dialectics announced by Hewitt´s (1997) and Blaikie et al (1994) in the construction of the idea of social vulnerability. The origins of the concept of vulnerability may, in fact, blur the idea we have of it today. Introduced as a scientific field of research connected to the hazards and disasters phenomena, it still shifts from a more natural to a more social approach. Back in the 1970s, O´Keefe et al.

(1976) radically proposed to take the naturalness out of natural disasters, advocating that socioeconomic factors were the causes for natural disasters (a conclusion taken from an empirical study proving that the larger amount of human losses caused by natural disasters is confirmed in poor countries). Chambers (1989), despite agreeing with the fact that people present specific abilities to cope with exposure to natural adverse phenomena, argues that vulnerability results from both natural and social risk, opening the opportunity to accept that social vulnerability has, in fact, multiple origins in terms of scientific fields, either in social or natural sciences, and so is expected to be presented according to different approaches.

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Urban social factors - income, community representation, educational indicators, demographic rate, among others - are generally taken as a very broad concept, but immediately reveal tangible aspects of the population in terms of financial conditions to respond positively to basic needs in cities. In fact, these are crucial aspects to define social vulnerability. At the same time, in the case of emergency situations, other components enrich the idea of social characteristics. That is the case of governmental and non-governmental institutional frameworks available to provide emergency responses, implement recovery works and establish prevention procedures. The city of Curitiba has different territorial compartments according to socio-economic patterns, which reflect differences in the population’s ability to react to and recover form disasters. However, the entire city, regardless of its social disparities, is trated in a relatively homogeneous way by disaster prevention and recovery policies.

This combination of factors confirms the complexity of the social vulnerability concept expected to be revealed in the empirical study and also allows identifying an overlay of a concentration of low social indicators and the number of natural disasters per district.

Case study in Curitiba also confirms that current social indicators have a close relation with them. In Curitiba, as well as in other Brazilian medium and large cities, 1970-1990´s poor migrants were puched to occupy areas unfit for development because of the high land price in proper areas. This situation is recognized recurrently among authors who discuss urban inequalities in the context of Brazilian cities. Rolnik (2011) perhaps synthesizes these ideas by recalling that (…) There are ways of intervening in order to improve terrain stability, drain water, slope reinforcements, that are ways of intervening in order to improve safety and management of a certain places so that even at risk situation deaths are avoided.

But the main question is that nobody lives in a risky area because they choose to or because they are dumb… People live in a risk area because their income doesn’t give them a choice. We are talking about workers whose income does not allow either buying or renting a place to live in a proper area. … There is no point in palliative measures here and there if we do not take decisive action: where are located areas proper for occupation that will be designated to low income population? (Translated from the Portuguese).

Such reality may be referred to the pressure and release model as announced by Blaikie et al. (1994), reformulating what had been previously identified by Turner et al. (2003). The model proposed by Turner et al (risk hazard model) understands impact of hazards as a result of the exposure to a hazardous phenomenon and of the sensitivity of a community exposed. However, authors do not make clear what or how hazard impacts are amplified or attenuated. The model by Blaikie et al. stresses the progression of vulnerability according to the relation between four main components, three socially constructed and one naturally built: root causes, dynamic pressures, unsafe conditions, and the natural hazard itself. In the case of Curitiba, these four components can be understood as follows. Root causes can be translated into the economic and demographic features of the districts in the city, each of them presenting specificities in their average income, unemployment rate, and demographic indicators regarding the number of people per family and household.

Dynamic pressures may indicate the migration process observed in the city confirming at least three main inhabitant groups: those who arrived in the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries; those who arrived in the rural urban migration flux of the 1970s and 1980s and still able to afford propper but distant areas of the city or of its metropolitan region; and finally, those who still arrive, with low income, and occupy inadequate suburb areas of an already large agglomeration. As a rule, these two social components - root causes and dynamic pressuREVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA

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res - present a close relation with the distance from the city’s central areas: the further we go, the worst social conditions are presented. This is, in fact, a pattern in Brazilian cities, where central areas differ in terms of historical occupation, provision of infrastructure, urban infrastructure quality, and income from those areas occupied in the most recent decades, more precisely after the 1970s, when the urbanization process expanded in the contry.

Third, Blaikie et al´s component - unsafe situations - is to be observed mostly in summer time during the rainy season and the resulting floods. Illegal settlements along rivers or in areas considered unfit for occupation by planning guidelines, but still an affordable choice for lower income classes, are among the areas more vulnerable to such adversities. Finally, in terms of the natural hazard itself - the fourth component, it is important to recall that impermeabilization of urban land resulting from a rising population growth of 1.3% per year and a never seem civil construction sector expansion, have imposed the reduction of naturally permeable areas. Deacreasing the amount of permeable soil in a high-density area overcharges the drainage systems, which many times fail causing floods in urban areas. This issue is tangled with other problems commonly found in Brazilian urban areas, such as poor garbage collection services, lacking sewer infrastructure, among others, that increase the probability and consequences of flooding, especially during summer rain season.

It seems that models to establish components of a comprehensive concept of vulnerability and indicators to geographically measure impacts of adverse phenomena are under constant criticism and, paradoxically, an object of recurrent practice, both at public policy agencies and scientific production levels. Undoubtedly, despite conceptual limitations of these methodological tools, they remains a reference for public management concerning the most sensitive groups in emergency situations. In the case study presented here, pragmatism imposed submission to data available: number of occurrences (floods) per district per year and social indicators gathered to summarize a hierarchy of income levels’ emergency response ability per district. By adopting such approach, we avoid common criticism to the construction of the concept of vulnerability by adding probably more adequate indicators but with difficulty in their measurements. Besides, the approach adopted here considers the fact that statistics concerning geographic and social concentration of floods in the city of Curitiba are taken as a result of 1) Social structures and processes (either by the lack of propper infrastructure or by the occupation of environmentally fragile areas), 2) Different responses to recovery according to different socioeconomic profiles (poor populations rely more on immediate public action than those who can afford individualized solutions), and 3) Physical features of the municipal terrain (some areas are more subject to floods than others). As a matter of fact, the case of Curitiba, which could be taken as a parameter for other Brazilian cities, overlaps these three levels of comprehension: unsafe lands are primarily occupied by lower income people, both for historical reasons but mostly because of impositions of segregating practices concerning real estate values. The effort to establish a relation between these levels of comprehension is aligned to what Villagrán de León (2006) considers one of the main current topics in the formulation of social vulnerability: use of models to explain it and the creation of indicators to express it over time and across spaces.

Another conceptual reference adopted in this case study concerns the limited number of indicators used to determine the most and the least affected districts by adverse natural phenomena and the most and the least prepared districts to respond positively to their impacts. It contradicts other analyses such as that developed by Yeletaysi, Sarp et al. (2009), among many other authors, who work with a broader set of indicators to identify poverty.

In our case, there is an assumption, based on empirical experience, where it is possible to work with combined indicators such as that used by the municipality of Curitiba to express a social condition or, what interests the most here, a hierarchy among districts of

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social fragility facing disasters. By proceeding this way, we avoid criticism as that recalled

by Villagrán de Léon (2006) who attests an intrinsic difficulty in quantifying vulnerability.

In the other hand, Cutter et al. (2003) use a broader set of indicator to calculate a composite index (Social Vulnerability Index, SoVI) for the United States. By analyzing factors driven by a set of indicators, SoVI allows to identify more specific aspects (i.e. elderly, specific type of industry, race and ethnicity, etc) to be explored by policy makers when thinking about possible tools for empowering populations to better prepare for and recover from disasters. Hummell (2013) shows that SoVI is doable for Brazil at the state level. However, at the present moment there is no availability of such data at the city level.

An important fact to be considered for the construction of a socially sensitive public policy is that certain areas of a city are more likely to suffer from the very same adverse event than others. Appreciation of the case of Curitiba attests that it results not only from different physical features but also from differences concerning its population groups. By doing so, this discussion enlarges the comprehension of Beck´s (1992) idea of risk society or even his own concept of risk: society is not only part of the “world’s uncontrollability” but also capable of disaster preparedness, mitigation, reconstruction and, most important, understanding who deserves priority in actions depending on limited financial resources.

The case of the city of Curitiba reinforces thus these ideas and confirms the hypothesis that the higher impacts of disasters and the lowest social and economic features are expectedly and almost precisely overlaid. The combination of social and physical aspects reveal a conceptual concern that disasters are hard to be named either natural or human but certainly carries a combination of both (Baker, 1976; Tobin and Montz, 1997).

The understanding that natural hazards cannot be described as consequences of independent natural or human factors but, most likely, as a result of their complex and constant interaction is on the basis of what is described below.

CITY OF CURITIBA: ANALYSIS AND RESULTS The method used in the case study is primarily based on the analysis of official data produced by public agencies. According to Brazilian legislation and local institutional practices, incidence of disasters must be reported, properly classified, and publicized. Despite this organizational process of collecting and making information available, as well as an increase in the number of disasters and in the number of impacted areas and people, they are not yet easily spatially understood. It means that civil emergency response agencies or urban management processes still resent planning tools to establish priorities in terms of city compartments and their vulnerability specificities. This absence of spatial comprehension is implied not only in a blurred and generalized view of possible adverse phenomena and their real impacts but also in difficulties to later determine the kind of action needed to each one of the city´s urban compartments. In fact, most of the Brazilian municipalities still lack data that considers disasters spatially; the city of Curitiba made progress in presenting this data according to its districts. However, more precise scale, the one that is able to precise impacts in terms of streets and blocks, is still in demand.

In terms of the variables used in the research, two are more representative: a) Natural disasters (number of registered disasters per district between 2004 and 2008), collected by the City´s Civil Defence Agency and classified by year and type of occurrence; and b) Population’s Quality of Life Index (PQLI) given in percentage and synthesizing a series of

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education, health, housing, safety, and transport indicators. This variable was collected at the Institute of Research and Urban Planning of Curitiba (IPPUC) and refers to 2003. In both cases, data used were the most updated at the moment of the research. Complementary and updated analysis made for selected compartments of the city confirm positive changes in terms of the Population Quality of Life Index. However, it also confirms the persistence of spatial patterns differentiating districts and maintaining the same discrepancies already observed before.

Data concerning disasters are commonly classified in natural, anthropic, and combined

by Brazilian Civil Defence Agencies. Despite the fact that such distinction is very subtle in urban areas and not easily differentiated from one another, official data are still organized according to these three typologies. In the case of the present research, the combination of anthropic factors such as the location of urban settlements, techniques of civil construction, density categories, provision of infrastructures, and impermeabilization of land surface patterns intensely shape and graduate impacts imposed by the most recurrent natural adverse phenomenon observed in the city: intermittent floods in selected areas during the three months of summer. Discussion presented here is limited to this kind of disasters (floods) and confirms the inaccuracy in classifying disasters according to independent causes.

In order to make a joint analysis of both indicators (number of disasters and PQLI), each were classified in 5 intervals according to the standard deviation form the sample mean.

Qualitative values from 1 (good) to 5 (bad) were assigned to the intervals. Figures 1 and 2 show the classification of Curitiba’s districts according to the number of disasters and PQLI respectively.

Figure 1. Hierarchy of Curitiba’s Districts According to the Number of Disasters. Source: Authors.

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It is possible to notice in Figure 1 that most districts present a low or very low number of disasters. The districts that presented a higher numbers of disasters are the city center, a few districts randomly distributed in the north portion of the city and a larger number concentrated in an east-west corridor south to the city center (downtown area). Expectedly, the districts around the city center present lower numbers of disasters. These districts present higher income levels and historically have good infrastructure and development.

This pattern is confirmed in Figure 2, showing a very high or high quality of life in most of these districts. The districts further away from the city center present lower quality of life.

Figure 2. Hierarchy of Curitiba’s Districts According to the PQLI. Source: Authors.

When analysing the information of the two variables simultaneously by adding the attributed qualitative values (1 to 5) a new rating scale is created. This new rating scale is here considered representative of the vulnerability of the districts, by combining a social (PQLI) and a disaster (number of disasters) variable. Table 1 illustrates how the qualitative values of the variables were combined.

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Table 1. Vulnerability scale resulting from the combination of the attributed qualitative values of the number of natural disasters and PQLI. Source: Authors.

After this classification, it was possible to visualize a spatial representation that gathers both variables simultaneously (registered number of disasters and PQLI) and then to establish a vulnerability scale, depicted in Figure 3. Such representation confirms that a) Neighbouring districts perform similar results, and b) Distinction between central and peripheral districts is clearly observed.

Figure 3. Curitiba´s district classification according to the vulnerability scale. Source: Authors.

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Districts presenting low and very low vulnerability are generally located in the surroundings of city center. This can be explained by the history of this part of the city territory, which has been occupied mainly by higher socioeconomic level populations. It also confirms that safer areas were first occupied, leaving those considered under risk to migrants arriving in the 1970´s – 1990´s demographic boom or simply to those who could not afford overpriced center urban land. It is important to stress that the areas in the center portions of the city were not turned safe by infrastructure interventions. Quite the contrary, they present almost no limitations in terms of unstable terrains, slopes, or high concentration of river channels. Mostly recent occupied areas either dependent on such infrastructure implemented by local government or are simply left to be occupied under risk.

Districts with moderate to high vulnerability do not present specific patterns of concentration in the territory. They are, in fact, the most recurrent situation, establishing an average where disasters are confirmed only when very serious adversities happen (according to historic data, in average every 20 years) but still very dependent on the role of local government agencies.

Despite the aforementioned facts, by drawing an east-west line along the middle of the map, it would be possible to observe a concentration of least vulnerable districts in the upper portion of the map, whereas the higher vulnerability districts are concentrated in the southern portions of the city. Again, this fact may be related to the history of the territory’s occupation: selection of safer and infrastructured areas by those who first settled (a long and slow process of urbanization till late 1960s) among an occupation that would sprawl to distant, improper, and metropolitan terrains.

Final analysis reveals that 13 districts or 18% of the total have very low vulnerability (additive scores of 2 and 3, Table 1), accounting for the best situation in both variables. Four districts, or 5.5% of the total have very high vulnerability (additive scores of 9 and 8 – there were no 10 scores), presenting a bad situation in both variables.

All these facts allow the conclusion that in a great number of cases, the districts classified as having good quality of life are related to lower registered numbers of disasters. On the other hand, districts classified as having low quality of life are related to higher registered number of disasters, Considering these observations, it is possible to understand that the populations with lower PQLI are more vulnerable to natural hazards than those presenting higher PQLI. This information allows the return to the working hypothesis announced earlier in this article that lower income levels of the population are more recurrently affected by disaster, and that the type of areas occupied by this population is related to their higher vulnerability.

This being confirmed was so reiterated in the final results of the research that authors now believe it should be only named assumption due to its very clear evidences.

FINAL REMARKS A conceptual review on social vulnerability and efforts to measure it are discussed in this paper. The case study presented here is submitted to explicit methodological limitations for apprehending social realities in abstract representations such as numerical indicators and

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maps. Despite the confirmed possibility to rely on the vulnerability rating as a parameter for the development of public policies in the city of Curitiba, it leaves room for controversies concerning variables to be considered and the way they are overlaid and finally analyzed.

Despite its significance for urban planning, it reinforces unavoidable generalizations of specific situations (in this case, made at the district level), recalls the multitude of variables influencing final results, demonstrates recurrent ideological approaches in the selection of parameters to be taken into consideration, and confirms a submission of the researcher or policy maker to data availability. If this complex situation leads to reconsider the search of precise hierarchical definitions of spatial compartments in terms of risks, the extreme situations, those that interest us most (districts with higher vulnerability) are believed to be detected in a more accurate way. Such contribution, made possible by the definition of a vulnerability index, also may serve as an instrument of public policies concerning different needed governmental or community actions facing risk reduction plans or emergency procedures. Despite generalizations because of the geographic scale adopted (districts), it may constitute a primary planning tool. Otherwise, much room is left to the investigation of particularities at a more intra-urban scale, considering existing differences inside the same district.

Results presented in this research were not expected to point out other factors related to the concept of vulnerability, such as different capacities of the different levels of the population to reduce risks and to respond to disasters according to their institutional and local organizations. Therefore, there is an assumption that it is partially implicit in socioeconomic profiles described in the synthesis brought by the Population´s Quality of Life Indicator (PQLI). Constraints and distinguished abilities to establish either formal or informal civil organizations to present demands are to be differently detected in territories classified either as the most or as the least vulnerable ones. Socio-economic scenario worked in this research certainly indicates the existence of an overlay of unequal access to urban services and infrastructure (education, health, housing, safety, and transportation), unequal conditions to respond to emergency situations, and unequal conditions to postulate for structural changes. If this triple overlay is somewhat a synthesis of different vulnerabilities, it still recognizes the existence of a city far from the dual visualization (rich and poor) proposed by Castells (1989) or Mollenkopf & Castells (1991) but closer to a more encompassing one, such as that formulated by Marcuse´s quarters (1993). From a dual city of rich and poor, overlays worked in this research indicate an urban occupation characterized much more by a profusion of situations, agents, and abilities to cope with adverse natural phenomena.

If the assumption that different socioeconomic levels are affected differently by natural disasters is largely taken into consideration at conceptual discussion, urban management practices are hardly familiarized with these particularities in their own territories. It draws the attention to the fact that preventive actions are not only needed but also must adopt a profound fractal vision of the city.

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PREVENCIÓN DE LA MALARIA MEDIANTE ESTRATEGIAS MEDIOAMBIENTALES Y TÉCNICAS TRADICIONALES APLICADAS A LA ARQUITECTURA* Alejandro Ordoñez Ortiz** Universidad Santo Tomás, Colombia

Recibido: 12 febrero 2013 Aprobado: 25 febrero 2013

Localización, Camerún y comunidad de Minkoaméyos donde se desarrolló la propuesta.

Suministrada por el autor a partir de la información suministrada dentro de las bases del concurso internacional Building Malaria Prevention por la organización Archive Global Architecture for Health.

*

“Este artículo se deriva del trabajo de equipo realizado por Alejandro Ordóñez Ortiz, arquitecto perteneciente a Citu Experiencia Local, Laboratorio de Proyectos Urbanos, en asocio con los arquitectos Erika Gómez y Gustavo Bautista de Contrapunto Taller de Arquitectura, quienes participaron en el Concurso Internacional “Building Malaria Prevention” (“Construyendo la prevención de la malaria”), convocado en 2012 por la organización Archive Global – Architecture for Health; el fallo del jurado, emitido el 3 de octubre de 2012, consideró a esta propuesta como la mejor, otorgándole el primer lugar.” ** Arquitecto, investigador urbano y docente. alejandrordonez@gmail.com

RESUMEN El presente escrito indaga sobre la naturaleza del riesgo, su relación con la arquitectura y la salud bajo los presupuestos de la Organización Mundial de la Salud, OMS y la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, CEPAL. También plantea estrategias de superación para una problemática específica: la Malaria, enfermedad responsable del 50% de muertes en menores de 5 años en Camerún. Con la anuencia de la organización Archive Global Architecture for Health, y bajo los parámetros del concurso internacional de arquitectura y salud Bulding Malaria Prevention, se enuncia un diseño de vivienda capaz de mitigar hasta en un 90% el riesgo de contagio de Malaria, que será definitivo para la superación de las penosas condiciones habitacionales y de salud presentes en 24 familias en Yaoundé. La mitigación del riesgo se convierte, entonces, en la prueba fehaciente sobre la pertinencia de la arquitectura como disciplina fundamental para la humanidad.

PALABRAS CLAVE Riesgo, Mitigación, Malaria, África, Arquitectura, Salud, Concurso Internacional.

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MALARIA PREVENTION THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL STRATEGIES AND TRADITIONAL TECHNIQUES APPLIED TO ARCHITECTURE

Socialización del proyecto junto con Archive Global en Camerún. Suministrada por el autor.

ABSTRACT This paper explores the nature of risk and its relation to architecture and health budgets under WHO and ECLAC. It also presents strategies for overcoming specific problems: Malaria, a disease responsible for 50 % of deaths in children under 5 years in Cameroon.

With the consent of the organization Archive Global Architecture for Health and the parameters of the international architectural competition Malaria Prevention and Building Health, sets out a housing design can mitigate up to 90 % the risk of spread of Malaria , which will definitive overcoming the painful housing and health conditions present in 24 families in Yaoundé. Risk mitigation then becomes the proof of the relevance of architecture as a discipline essential to humanity.

KEYWORDS Risk, Mitigation, Malaria, Africa, architecture, health, International Competition.

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Con una naturaleza confortable el hombre jamás habría inventado la arquitectura.

Oscar Wilde

El riesgo como concepto no es la catástrofe, sino su probabilidad de ocurrir; la probabilidad entraña entonces la vulnerabilidad de quien está en situación de riesgo. El concepto involucra así partes iguales de probabilidad y vulnerabilidad en aquellos seres y lugares sumidos en condiciones extremas.

Tanto para la OMS como para la CEPAL, el riesgo en salud y arquitectura son situaciones idénticas cuando en zonas deprimidas coexisten factores de peligro relacionados con amenazas naturales, biológicas, cambios climáticos, deficiencias de saneamiento básico, además de la falta de higiene relacionada con las características de las construcciones habitadas; entonces se asiste a un escenario donde la vulnerabilidad y la probabilidad son reales hasta el punto de poner en riesgo la vida humana. De esto se infiere necesariamente que el habitar implica riesgo.

A la luz de estas consideraciones plantearse una posición dentro del estudio arquitectónico que atienda a las necesidades de mitigación de riesgos y donde todavía el sentido de la arquitectura sea la protección de seres humanos resulta, por lo menos, imperativo. El pensamiento arquitectónico debe ir, entonces, más allá que su consolidación en el espacio, para ir incluso sobre la vida de las personas y sobre el concepto mismo de riesgo, si se lo considera desde una visión integral.

Un caso que puede aludirse es el de la arquitectura pensada para la prevención de enfermedades como riesgos. Por ejemplo, Le Corbusier en su memorable Carta de Atenas señala la necesidad de entender la relación del entorno arquitectónico y la salud: “El sol, que preside todo proceso de crecimiento, debería penetrar en el interior de cada vivienda para esparcir en ella sus rayos, sin los cuales la vida se marchita.” La modernidad ha ligado sendos esfuerzos por mostrar las ventajas de la luz natural y la ventilación para la prevención de las enfermedades; desde la liberación de la planta lograda con el uso generalizado del concreto reforzado, se pasó al concepto de fachada libre y con él, a los amplios ventanales que garantizan la ventilación cruzada y la iluminación de los espacios. Así, la arquitectura ha sido capaz en las décadas precedentes de brindar soluciones que impacten en las problemáticas del cuerpo humano para mitigar el riesgo como en ninguna otra época de la humanidad.

A la luz de la anterior consideración la organización Archive Global Architecture for Health, que basa su accionar en la capacidad de la arquitectura para incidir positivamente en la salud de los habitantes, lanzó el concurso internacional Bulding Malaria Prevention, que buscaba premiar el mejor diseño de una vivienda capaz de mitigar el riesgo de contagio de Malaria en Camerún, país africano donde el 50% de muertes en menores de 5 años se debe a esta enfermedad, que ataca especialmente en zonas socio-económicamente vulnerables.

En otras palabras, la arquitectura se aborda aquí como un instrumento para combatir la Malaria bajo los presupuestos de la misión de Archive Global que “se centra en el uso de un derecho fundamental - la vivienda - para entregar una necesidad básica - la salud.”

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Figura 1. Condiciones de vivienda y letrinas en Yaoundé, Camerún. Fuente: Información suministrada dentro de las bases del concurso internacional Building Malaria Prevention por la organización Archive Global Architecture for Health.

La Malaria es una enfermedad que coexiste con la pobreza extrema. Esta aseveración se hace evidente al contrastar las cifras de los casos de muerte por malaria y su localización; esto es, la muerte por la enfermedad se concentra en el continente más pobre del mundo: África, donde la tasa de mortalidad, y peor, de mortalidad infantil, tienen una relación directa con el contagio del Anopheles Gambiae1, hasta llegar incluso al punto de producir más de 300.000 muertes infantiles en el 2010. Archive Global vincula esta alta tasa de mortalidad y las condiciones reinantes al interior de una vivienda, como habitáculo destinado a la protección.

Ahora bien, ¿Cómo pensar entonces en una solución integral de vivienda que trascienda a su uso de hábitat, para incluir en ella la mitigación de riesgos como el desarraigo social, la ausencia de oportunidades, o incluso enfermedades contagiosas como la Malaria?

1

Mosquitos Culícidos responsables de la mayoría de contagios de Malaria en el mundo.

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El arquitecto Alejandro Ordóñez Ortiz, en asocio con Contra Punto Taller de Arquitectura, formuló un diseño de vivienda capaz de mitigar, según estimaciones, hasta en un 80% la probabilidad de contagio en zonas de Camerún vulnerables a la Malaria. Esta propuesta, que conjuga en su diseño saberes tradicionales autóctonos propios de la cultura africana, la cohesión social y el diseño arquitectónico, se alzó con el primer puesto entre más de 450 propuestas presentadas a Archive Global en la convocatoria antes descrita.

Para entender el proceso, es necesario socavar sobre la naturaleza del contagio de la Malaria, descrita por la OMS a partir de vectores de riesgo: un mosquito, la noche, condiciones de insalubridad, ausencia de ventilación pero al mismo tiempo de repelencia: tales vectores disparan el riesgo de contagio por medio de la picadura del Anopheles Gambiae. Esto plantea de inmediato la necesidad de repeler al mosquito mediante una transformación del espacio habitado. Se hace necesario preguntar: ¿Cómo adelantar una transformación del espacio arquitectónico capaz de prevenir factores de riesgo, con la precariedad contextual que rodea a la situación africana?

En la formulación del proyecto, (ver Figura 2) los principios rectores que se trazaron como objetivos fueron tres: (I) Repeler al mosquito. (II) Impedir el acceso del mosquito a la vivienda. (III) Proteger a los habitantes al interior de la vivienda. ¿Cómo lograr esto sin perder de vista las condiciones de extrema pobreza persistentes en la zona?

Figura 2. Cuadro conceptual de principios y estrategias hacia la prevención de la Malaria en la vivienda propuesta. Fuente: Arquitecto Alejandro Ordóñez y Contrapunto Taller de Arquitectura. Suministrada por el autor.

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La arquitectura tradicional, incluso en condiciones de profunda escasez, no está exenta de aplicar técnicas que ayuden a prevenir la enfermedad. La propuesta se basa en aplicar técnicas tradicionales al contexto ya existente, ligar un patrimonio común a cualquier lugar y ser humano: el conocimiento, utilizar la naturaleza como aliada hacia la prevención. Dicho de otro modo, el concepto es tan profundo como simple a la vez: consiste en utilizar dichos saberes tradicionales junto con la capacidad de la comunidad para cambiar su realidad, su salud y eventualmente salvar la vida mediante la aplicación de medidas efectivas. La prevención de la enfermedad liga entonces la historia de la lucha local contra la enfermedad, optimizándola mediante la racionalización arquitectónica sin dejar de atender al contexto.

Figura 3. Imagen 3D de la vivienda propuesta. Fuente: Arquitecto Alejandro Ordóñez + Contrapunto Taller de Arquitectura. Suministrada por el autor.

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Figura 4. Fuente: Arquitecto Alejandro Ordóñez + Contrapunto Taller de Arquitectura. Suministrada por el autor.

Figura 5. Fuente: Arquitecto Alejandro Ordóñez + Contrapunto Taller de Arquitectura. Suministrada por el autor.

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Figura 6. Fuente: Arquitecto Alejandro Ordóñez + Contrapunto Taller de Arquitectura.

Suministrada por el autor.

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Figura 7. Fuente: Arquitecto Alejandro Ordóñez + Contrapunto Taller de Arquitectura. Suministrada por el autor.

La propuesta arquitectónica se presenta entonces mediante la implantación de estrategias, a saber: a) Invertir los techos metálicos actuales, utilizar la estructura de madera existente complementándola con una estructura metálica y canalizar así el agua lluvia para que pueda ser recolectada en un tanque con el fin de generar servicios de aseo básicos, como, por ejemplo, la instalación de un sanitario (complementado esto con un pozo séptico a futuro). El tanque, construido en ladrillo común de la zona, deberá estar tapado, para evitar la proliferación del mosquito. De igual forma, voltear los techos producirá un flujo de ventilación natural constante. Esta ventilación al interior de la vivienda reducirá la humedad, y con ello, minimiza la posibilidad de permanencia del mosquito al interior. Esta acción está relacionada con el Principio I (repeler el mosquito en tanto se alteran las condiciones para su permanencia y proliferación). b) Junto con la comunidad, tejer un cielo raso de tela para cada casa, que junto con el techo en forma de “V” producirá un efecto térmico al interior que filtra el acceso del mosquito. Este cielo raso, si bien puede ser de tela, puede también estar fabricado con sacos para empaque de café, producto de Camerún; todo esto atiende al Principio II. (Impedir el acceso del mosquito) c) Al carecer de ventanas y puerta de acceso, los habitantes de las viviendas están más expuestos a la enfermedad. El proyecto propone fabricar ventanas en la obra con madera de palets o estibas, forradas con tela de costal pintadas según el deseo de cada familia, de acuerdo a los colores y estéticas locales. La puerta de acceso deberá estar conformada con madera. Es opcional que tenga la tela de costal, puesto que puede ser enteramente sólida para incrementar la seguridad de la vivienda. Principio II. (Impedir el acceso del mosquito) d) Las malas condiciones de iluminación aumentan la humedad al interior de las viviendas y el mosquito trasmisor de la malaria siente atracción por estos lugares. Para mitigar este riesgo, se propone perforar dos de los muros exteriores que conforman la casa, a los que se insertarán botellas de vidrio recicladas que produzcan una incidencia positiva en las condiciones de iluminación natural al interior. Principio I. (Repeler al mosquito alterando las condiciones de humedad al dar luz a la vivienda) e) Estrategias ambientales: Repelentes naturales a través de plantas que emiten olores, sembradas alrededor de las viviendas en forma de franjas protectoras. Estas franjas deben contener ejemplares de plantas como: Citronella (Cymbopogonnardus), Castor REVISTA M VOL. 10 No.1. ENERO-JUNIO 2013 • FACULTAD DE ARQUITECTURA • UNIVERSIDAD SANTO TOMÁS COLOMBIA

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Oil Plant (Ricinus communis), Alfalfa (Medicago sativa) y Mirabilis Jalapa. Estas cuatro plantas, dispuestas alrededor de la casa generan una protección contra el mosquito a partir de sus olores. En una segunda instancia, se propone una repisa adosada a las ventanas, que al interior posibilite otra barrera medioambiental, esta vez con plantas en recipientes reciclados, ubicados tras la abertura de las ventanas. Estas plantas pueden ser de Piretro (Tanacetum cinerarii folium), ajo (Allium sativum) o anís (Pimpinella anisum), todas especies accesibles en Camerún. Por último, utilizar cajas recicladas de empaque de frutas, se propone un objeto móvil que contenga hierbas secas que transmitan olores. Este objeto móvil puede estar en las habitaciones, en la zona común, cerca de los niños cuando jueguen, colgadas en las circulaciones externas de la casa u otro sitio. Con esto se satisface el Principio I. (Repeler al mosquito mediante plantas) y el Principio III (Proteger a los habitantes al interior de las viviendas). f) Pisos de tierra arcillosa compactada complementados con esteras africanas en las áreas principales. g) Elaboración de una cruceta con madera reciclada de estiba, para colgar un mosquitero a la estructura de la cubierta. Esta cruz de madera permite que la malla cubra totalmente la cama o estera, elimine el contacto con la piel, por lo cual se aleja la posibilidad de que el mosquito pueda picar. Principio III (Proteger a los habitantes al interior de las viviendas).

Todas estas medidas, conjuntadas además con la construcción de un servicio sanitario fuera de la casa y el perfeccionamiento de las técnicas de tejidos autóctonos, se inscriben además en los objetivos que la OMS considera como fundamentales para la lucha contra la Malaria (por ejemplo: “define y difunde normas, criterios, políticas, estrategias técnicas y directrices basadas en datos científicos y promueve su adopción”). Visto desde esta perspectiva, la adopción de la propuesta está en plena armonía con los objetivos institucionales requeridos en cuanto a mitigación de riesgos de la salud derivados de la arquitectura, además de respetar las singularidades culturales de la región y aprovechar plenamente las herramientas naturales de flora, con lo que el contexto de precariedad africana se puede ver afectado positivamente. Valga decir que el proyecto se inscribe en Yaoundé, al interior de una comunidad de 24 familias.

Es necesario recordar además que se estima una reducción del 80% de contagio mediante la adopción de estas medidas.

El equipo de arquitectos proponentes del plan y ganadores del premio, visitó a inicios del 2013 la región en Camerún que iba a ser intervenida. De la mano de las organizaciones que respaldan el proyecto, se llevó a cabo un ciclo de reuniones con la comunidad para concertar la intervención arquitectónica, además de explicar sus alcances. Actualmente, se ultiman los detalles para el inicio de la construcción de las modificaciones a las viviendas, con lo que se espera que este proyecto de ayuda humanitaria se lleve a término y sirva de modelo bajo el auspicio de Archive Global Architecture for Health para combatir la Malaria y sus consecuencias en todo el continente africano.

La arquitectura, como cualquier actividad humana ligada a la cultura, debe ser la construcción colectiva y permanente de sentido. Dicho en otras palabras, el quehacer arquitectónico debe adquirir legitimidad ante los ojos de los hombres en tanto sirva para un fin mayor: la protección de la vida y la construcción de un mundo mejor. La construcción de un hogar no es otra cosa que la realización física de un objetivo: el intentar estar bien, la protección del propio ser y de los otros. Este entendimiento, que viene desde los primeros hogares hasta hoy, es el que ha dado sentido a las construcciones que dieron inicio a las ciudades y al entendimiento real de lo que es la arquitectura.

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GUÍA PARA AUTORES DE ARTÍCULOS Revista M publica artículos inéditos resultado de investigación que son sometidos a evaluación por pares especializados en los campos temáticos cubiertos por la revista.

La evaluación se realiza “a ciegas” en doble sentido y no debe tomar más de dos (2) meses para su realización. El comité editorial se reserva el derecho de publicar o no los artículos que no cumplan con los criterios de publicación definidos por la Universidad Santo Tomás (Colombia). El autor debe garantizar que su artículo no ha sido publicado ni presentado a publicación en ningún medio diferente a Revista M. La extensión de los artículos no debe ser mayor de 25 páginas en letra Arial, fuente No. 12 con interlineado a doble espacio.

Los artículos deben contener: Título, Resumen y Palabras clave en idioma español e inglés.

El autor debe especificar el nombre de la investigación de la cual su artículo se deriva.

El material del artículo debe ser enviado al Editor de la Revista a la cuenta revistaarqui@mail.ustabuca.edu.co en formato Word para el texto; las imágenes deben enviarse en archivos independientes en formato TIFF o JPG con resolución no menor a 300 DPI cada una. Se debe anexar en documento aparte el listado de imágenes con su respectivo pie de foto y la fuente u origen de las mismas; los derechos de reproducción de las imágenes serán gestionados directamente por los autores.

Referencias bibliográficas A partir de 2013 Revista M utilizará la Norma definida por la Asociación Americana de Psicología (APA) para referencias bibliográficas. Ejemplos1:

Referencias: Artículo de Revista Apellido, Inicial. (Año de publicación). Título del artículo. Título de la revista, volumen, página inicial-página final.

Artículos en una revista científica exclusiva de Internet Apellido, Inicial. (Año de publicación, día, mes). Título del artículo. Título de la Revista, volumen. Recuperado el día de mes de año, de anotar URL.

1

Tomado de: Guía Presentación trabajos estilo APA 1 Guías de apoyo – Formación de usuarios. Biblioteca USTA Bucaramanga, Colombia

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Artículos de Internet basados en una fuente impresa Apellido, Inicial. (Año). Título [versión electrónica], Título de la revista, volumen, página inicial-página final.

Copia electrónica de un artículo obtenido en una base de datos Autor, A.A. & Autor, B.B. (año). Título del artículo. Título de la revista, volumen, (número), páginas. Recuperado el día de mes de año, de la base de datos tal.

Libro completo: Apellido, Inicial. (Año). Título del libro. Lugar: Editorial.

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GUIDE FOR AUTHORS OF ARTICLES Revista M publishes original articles resulting from research that are subjected to review by specialized peers in thematic areas covered by the journal. The evaluation is done “blindly” in both directions and should not take more than two (2) months to be completed. The editorial board reserves the right to publish or not the items that do not meet the publication criteria defined by Santo Tomás University (Colombia ) . The author must ensure that the article has not been published or submitted for publication in any other journal.

The length of articles should not exceed 25 pages in Arial font No. 12 double-spaced .

Items must contain: Title, Abstract and Keywords in Spanish and English .

The author must specify the name of the research from which the article derives.

The paper should be sent to the Editor of the journal to revistaarqui@mail.ustabuca. edu.co in Word format ; images must be sent as separate files in TIFF or JPG format with resolution no less than 300 DPI each. The list of images must be attached in a separate file with their respective captions and source or origin; the rights to reproduce the images will be directly managed by the authors.

References Revista M uses the standard defined by the American Psychological Association (APA ) for references. Examples:

Journal Article : Surname, Initial. (Year of publication) . Title of article. Title of the journal, volume, initial page- final page.

Articles in an exclusive scientific journal on the Internet: Surname, Initial. (Year of publication, day, month) . Title of article. Title of the journal, volume, Retrieved on the day, month, year, URL scoring .

Internet articles based on a printed source: Surname, Initial. (Year). Title [Electronic version ], Journal title, volume, initial page - final page .

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Electronic copy of an article obtained from a database : Author , A. A. & Author , B. B. (year). Title of article. Title of journal , volume, (number), pages. Retrieved month day, year, from database _________.

Full Book: Surname, Initial . (Year). Title of book. Location : Editorial .

Revista M

ISSN 1692-5114

Facultad de Arquitectura

Universidad Santo Tomás, Colombia Arq. Liliana Rueda Cáceres Carrera 18 No 9-27 . Bucaramanga, Colombia Teléfonos: 57 (7) 6800801. Ext.: 2500-2241 Mail: revistaarqui@mail.ustabuca.edu.co

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