JASON magazine 40-1

Economics of War SANCTIONS AND CONFLICTS * GAS AND DIPLOMACY * MIGRATION AND WAR Internationale vredes- en veiligheidsvraagstukken ♦ jaargang 40 ♦ nummer 1 ♦ 2015

JASON MAGAZINE Inhoud JASON Magazine is het kwartaalblad van stichting JASON Hoofd- en eindredactie Natalia Kadenko Kevin Klerx Ivo Roodbergen Redactie Alba I. León, Claudia Elion, Dana Cohen, Gijs Kist, Iñigo Alexander, Quint Hoekstra, Raphaela Kormoll, Karlijn Arts en Bas Kleijweg Vormgeving Kevin Klerx, Lilian Timmers en Yoram Otten Dagelijks Bestuur Voorzitter – Michiel Blomaard Vice-voorzitter – Erik de Koning Secretaris – Werner Kiel Penningmeester – Jason Halbgewachs Hoofdredacteur – Natalia Kadenko Activiteitencoördinator – Yasmin Hosseini Zahed PR en acquisitie – Hester Torn Algemeen Bestuur Dr. Bart Beltman Dr. Francoise de Companjen Kolonel b.d. Marco Hekkens Drs. Simon Minks Drs. Pim van der Putten Mw. Marjolein de Ridder MA Mw. Elsa Schrier MA Dr. Niels van Willigen Kapitein-ter-zee mr. Niels Woudstra Raad van Advies Voorzitter – Dr. W.F. van Eekelen Prof. dr. J.Th.J. van den Berg Prof. dr. H. de Haan Luitenant-kolonel b.d. dr. M. de Haas Prof. drs. V. Halberstadt Generaal-majoor b.d. mr. drs. C. Homan Drs. D. Leurdijk R.W. Meines R.D. Praaning Mw. drs. L.F.M. Sprangers Prof. dr. A. van Staden Drs. L. Wecke

Inhoud 4

Colombian drug trade Iñigo Alexander

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Migration and economics in the drug wars Alba León

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Sanctions and Conflicts Claudia Elion

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Column: Hoofdzaak Leon Wecke

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Adres Studentencentrum Plexus t.n.v. stichting JASON, Kaiserstraat 25, 2311 GN Leiden Telefoon: 071-527 7972 E-mail: info@stichtingjason.nl Website: www.stichtingjason.nl ISSN 0165-8336 Stichting JASON noch de redactie van JASON Magazine is verantwoordelijk voor de in de bijdragen weergegeven meningen Drukkerij Noordhoek, Aalsmeer

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JASON MAGAZINE

Voorwoord Beste Lezer,

Why the Western arms industry needs radical change Dana Cohen

Economics of war, war and economics. Er bestaat een nauwe connectie tussen het monetaire en het militaire, die op verschillende manieren tot uiting komt. In sterk uiteenlopende industrieën, van wapenhandel tot ontwikkelingshulp, zijn oorlog en economische vooruitgang met elkaar verbonden.

Strijd als aanjager van de beschaving (boekrecensie) Floris Grijzenhout

Onze auteurs herkennen zowel the good, the bad als the ugly binnen dit onderwerp. The good is te vinden in de aard van de oorlog, volgens Ian Morris. Onze boekrecensie van zijn ”Verwoesting en vooruitgang. Hoe oorlog de menselijke beschaving heeft gevormd” belicht zijn visie dat de oorlog een positieve rol speelt door het creëren van grote machtsstaten met vrede en economische groei binnen hun grenzen. Grote ontwikkelingen kunnen niet bestaan zonder strijd. No pain no gain.

Securing Sustainability, Sustaining Security: Conference report Activiteitenverslag Volgend magazine War and Pop Culture

The bad heeft vele kanten. Neem bijvoorbeeld de drugshandel in Colombia of de oorlog tegen drugs in Mexico.

Beide hebben gevolgen voor mensenlevens op een directe manier, voor de kwaliteit van het leven en helaas zelfs voor de mogelijkheid om überhaupt in leven te blijven. Als drugshandel een belangrijke rol speelt in de machtsstructuur en economie van een staat, dan zullen de economische groei en stabiliteit daar altijd negatieve gevolgen van ondervinden. Zelfs als deze oorlog machtsstaats vormend is.

The ugly laat zijn lelijke kop zien als het gaat over de economie als wapen van de oorlog. Als een staat te oorlogslustig is, dan worden er sancties gebruikt om dergelijk afwijkend gedrag te beïnvloeden. In dit nummer kunnen jullie lezen over de verschillende voorbeelden van het gebruik van sancties: bij Duitsland na de Eerste Wereldoorlog, bij Iran na de invasie van Koeweit en bij Rusland na de annexatie van de Krim.

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Als we iets van de eerste twee gevallen kunnen leren, is het dat de sancties niet hebben gewerkt zoals bedoeld, en dat ze hadden kunnen werken indien anders uitgevoerd. In ieder geval bestaat er nog steeds geen betrouwbaar recept tegen de agressieve staat, dat garanties voor een vreedzame toekomst biedt en waarbij burgers met rust worden gelaten. En zelfs als de perfecte sancties zouden bestaan, dan zouden ze moeten aangepast worden aan de huidige realiteit van wederzijdse economische afhankelijkheid.

Ik wens u veel leesplezier, en een gelukkig Nieuwjaar zonder economische problemen – en zonder oorlog.

Natalia Kadenko Hoofdredacteur JASONmagazine

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JASON MAGAZINE The Economics of drugs

The Economics of the Colombian Drug Trade When confronted with the image of Colombia, most people tend to relate the country to its violent drug-related past. Cocaine and Pablo Escobar immediately come to mind. Even though Colombia obviously has much more to offer, it is unfortunately burdened by its past. Even though the worst years of Colombia’s drug cartel conflicts are over, the country still finds itself shadowed by the events of the late eighties and nineties. During that period, the cartels were as influential, or even more so, than the politicians in power. Their dominance, violence and power took a toll on the country in more than one way.

IÑIGO ALEXANDER

The drug trade in Colombia built itself up from the bottom. It started with the establishment of small-scale cultivations of marijuana in the 1960s. Yet the evergrowing presence of the cocaine market as well as the spread of organised forms of international drug trading meant that Colombia soon found itself immersed in the cocaine industry. The industry flourished in Medellín, Colombia’s first industrialised city. The cocaine industry proved to be a great success and the country soon found itself exporting large quantities of cocaine into the United States. So much so, that, eventually, small scale businesses found it more profitable and logical to delve into the cultivation of coca as oppose to the cultivation of legal crops. The presence and importance the cocaine industry developed in Colombia led the country to become the world’s highest

cocaine producer in the 1980s, and the industry accounted for a surprising ten to twenty-five percent of the country’s exports1.

The flourishing of Colombia’s illegal drug trade had repercussions, as previously mentioned, on political, social and economic aspects of Colombia’s life. Even though the effects of illicit drug trafficking are predominantly negative, there are, however, some aspects that could be argued as beneficial. These benefits tend to be short-lived and of immediate effect as oppose to contributing to economy in the long run. It was estimated that in the nineties, the Colombian cocaine industry was generating an astonishing $4 billion every year2. Since the Colombian drug industry is illegal, it is the suppliers and traffickers who enjoy the immediate benefits of the industry.

The vast amount of money that the illicit drug trade involves, as well as the power of the cartel’s leaders, encouraged and facilitated political corruption 4

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Notwithstanding the fact that at least ninety percent of the profit from the illicit cocaine industry was generated at the distribution stage, the cocaine industry accounted for an equivalent of three to thirteen percent of Colombia’s GDP during the eighties and nineties. Nonetheless, producer countries enjoyed less than ten percent of the profit that the illegal drug trade creates, and in some cases even less than five percent3. This might seem like an insignificant amount, yet it is more than enough to impact economies. This very impact can be seen, for example, by the fact that the presence and power of the illicit drug trade could cause other industries to slow down their production and also affect their levels of employment1. This in turn means that, in the short run, economies became more dependent on the illegal drug industry3.

The growth of the illegal drug market also meant that short-term job opportunities would appear. The coca boom allowed for peasants to get jobs in the cultivation of the plant, as well as in the production of cocaine itself. In Colombia, the illegal drug sector employed 6.7 percent of all agricultural workers, more than half of the country’s main legal crop, coffee, which only employs 12 percent of agrarian workers1.

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▲ Volgens Rusland is het internationale recht misbruikt om een zittend staatshoofd af te zetten. Bron: Nasser Nouri

Effects on unemployment Yet the illegal drug sector also affected employment levels negatively on a long-term level. As previously mentioned, the so-called benefits of the illicit drug trade tend to be transient and have no long-lasting affect. This can be seen in the unemployment levels, for example. As mentioned above, the illegal drug sector created jobs in the short-term. Nevertheless, it also led to an overall decrease in employment of six percent1. The illicit drug trade caused one of the country’s most important industries, the coffee industry, to reduce their levels of employment and thus affect their productivity1. The coffee industry was also affected by the smuggling of drugs across international borders. The costs of security measures for companies exporting coffee quickly started to rise as a result. Some companies even had to alter the way

they distributed their coffee in order to prevent the risk of smuggling, as well as the suspicion of it. So much so, that in 1990, in the height of the Colombian cartel’s dominance, a total of $27.4 million was spent on protecting coffee exports from potential drug smuggling. Yet, the coffee industry was not the only one affected by the illegal drug trade. The majority of Colombian exports came with a stigma, due to the numerous accounts of smuggling in order to get cocaine and other drugs into the United States and other countries.

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Hence, several Colombian industries found it hard to expand their market overseas due to said stigma and the image people associated with products originating from Colombia2.

The fact that the illegal drug industry lured numerous farmers from the legal industry into the illegal one also meant that several people had to bear the brunt of being displaced if they did not want to take part in the illegal drug sector. Yet not many farmers had an option. Due to the neoliberal policies implemented by the Colombian government at the time, peasants were not protected by the state. Thus, “peasant property owners steadily declined as a result of open markets and lower productive rates”1. Along with displacement and unemployment, the illegal drug industry also allowed for the establishment of several complex money laundering systems throughout 5

JASON MAGAZINE The Economics of drugs

▲ Drugs in Colombia. Bron: Wikimedia

The effects that the drug trade had on the Colombian economy in the period of the late eighties and the early nineties were predominantly short term effects the country. “The most common way of money laundering is by trafficking contraband”. The money from the drug industry is used to buy goods from abroad and later smuggle them back into Colombia in order to resell them there, often at a lower price, as they have already made a profit through the sale of drugs. These systems of money laundering affected several of Colombia’s businesses and industries, yet the ones that were most severely affected were the clothing and textile industry, the cigarettes and liquor industry and the industry of household appliances4.

The presence of the various money laundering systems had an affect on Colombia’s exports as well as imports.

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Due to the increasing presence of illegal imports, the government had to allow for the influx of cheap goods from abroad in order to try and counterbalance the presence of illegal imports.

The money laundering and illegal imports also caused a drop in overall prices in an attempt to stop people from buying illegally imported goods,

and thus contributing to the illicit drug industry. Another consequence of the increasing amount of illegal imports and the money laundering was the overvaluation of Colombia’s currency, the peso. This, too, encouraged the inflow of foreign capital into the country and, as a result, in 1992 the tariffs on imported agricultural goods were reduced to almost half the original tariff: from 31.5 percent to a mere 15 percent. In Colombia, the illicit drug industry involved a vast amount of people from differing social standings, ranging from politicians to peasants.

This intricate system of corruption and relationships allowed, in a way, the cartels to implement their money laundering systems as well as “transport illegitimate money into the state”1.

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JASON MAGAZINE The drug trade reaches the political On top of this, the economic repercussions could also be felt by the land redistribution and income inequality that resulted from the illicit drug industry. At the peak of the drug industry’s success it is estimated that the land owned and used by the cartels made up “approximately one third of the country’s agricultural land” which reflects the power and importance of the cartels in Colombia during the latter part of the twentieth century. Due to the cartels’ dominance and presence over agricultural land, income inequality was soon to be appreciated1. The difference between the landowners’ wages and that of the farmers’ working on their land was abysmal. This further burdened the lower classes and widened the gap between the rich and the poor in Colombia. The economic toll that the illicit drug industry took on the Colombian economy was also felt by the country’s security measures implemented in attempt to shut the industry down. As preciously addressed, the coffee industry, for example, spent $27.4 million in 1990 on the protection of their exports from potential use for smuggling drugs out of the country2.

Time and resources were also spent in tracking down money laundering systems throughout the country. The efforts all eventually paid off when Pablo Escobar was shot down on December 2 1993, and when the leaders of the opposing cartel, the Cali cartel, were captured two years later.

Colombian politics also suffered from the repercussions of the Colombian drug trade at its height. The vast amount of money that the illicit drug trade involves, as well as the power of the cartel’s leaders, encouraged and facilitated political corruption. This in turn, logically, undermines “both governmental legitimacy and executive authority”, as politicians’ power succumbs to the social influence of Colombia’s drug lords. The economic strength of the illicit drug trade sets almost no boundaries for corruption, thus providing the cartels with a “virtually open-ended capacity to corrupt”.

This capacity for corruption was made evident when it became known that drug cartels had contributed to the finances of President Ernesto Samper’s 1994 election campaign, which resulted in a loss of legitimacy in the Colombian level, both at an national and international level5.

To conclude, it is fair to say that several aspects of the Colombian economy were affected as a result of the illicit

drug trade. The effects that the drug trade had on the Colombian economy in the period of the late eighties and the early nineties were predominantly short term effects. Even though Colombia, as a producer country, enjoyed a small percentage of the profit the drug industry provided, it was more than enough to take a toll on the economy. There were few people who benefitted from this industry, namely those directly involved such as the traffickers and providers. Yet the increasing presence of the illicit drug trade in Colombia influenced the country’s unemployment levels. It attracted workers from legal industries and thus affected other industries in the country, the coffee industry for example, as they had to compete with the power of the drug industry. The employment of farmers by the drug industry also encouraged the displacement of those farmers who were not willing to involve themselves in the illicit drug trade, as well as encouraging income inequality throughout the country. The drug industry in Colombia also established several money laundering systems that allowed

for the smuggling of imports and evasion of import tariffs in the country. This caused a chain reaction that led to the overvaluation of the peso, a decrease in prices and an increase in foreign imported goods. Therefore, Colombia’s drug trade had an immediate impact on the economy. Colombian political life also saw itself influenced by the strength of the drug trade, and resulted in widespread corruption and an enormous loss of legitimacy in the Colombian government. However, the death of the Medellin and Cali cartels did not mean that the industry died as well. The country still has to deal with issues related to the illicit drug industry, yet it seems like the country has learned from it’s past and is aware of the situation they are dealing with and of its potential outcomes.

Iñigo Alexander is a student of International Studies at Leiden University and his area of expertise is Latin America. He is originally from Madrid and his interests include 20th century history, international relations and political developments. ◄ Pablo Escobar.

Bron: Wikipedia

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JASON MAGAZINE War on drugs and migration

Migration and economics in the drug wars In the past two years, a border crisis has been simmering along the Mexico-US border. It reached boiling point around the summer of 2014, when it quickly became a media issue.

Children, some as young as 6 years old, continue to arrive at the doors of the United States. They travel from Nicaragua, Honduras and El Salvador, and make the perilous journey through Mexico, with the aim of reaching the north. Until very recently, this new crisis had been seen as one more element in the migration crisis. However, looking at the causes, some have begun thinking of it as a true refugee crisis in Latin America.

ALBA LEÓN

By October of 2013 more than 57 thousand children had managed to reach the US-Mexico border. They were generally between 14 and 18 years old, and travelled without parents or legal guardians.1 The number continues to grow and overwhelm the US immigration system, although the media frenzy peaked around the summer of 2014.

While it was estimated that by September 2014 the number of unaccompanied minors knocking at the door of the US would soar above 100 thousand, this did not materialize, although the numbers are still high2. While some in the US call this an immigration crisis, others, like President Barack Obama, see it as a humanitarian one3.

About 75% of these children do not come from Mexico, as is commonly thought. In fact, they make the trip through Mexico from Central America, oftentimes in precarious and dangerous conditions. Many of them board the

or the government of their country of origin4. Even worse, once they reach Mexico, or the border, their situation does not improve.

That children are very vulnerable in times of war is not a new idea5. But what makes the situation of children trying to reach the US border unique is the fact that they are enmeshed in the realities of a war that is not really a war, but which has real consequences for the people in the territories where it is fought. Much like the so-called ‘war on poverty’, which was launched in the 1960s to combat extreme poverty in the United States, the ‘war on drugs’ has aimed to reduce, and even eradicate, the illegal drug trade in US territory. For this pur-

While some in the US call this an immigration crisis, others, like President Barack Obama, see it as a humanitarian one

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train know as La Bestia (the Beast), a cargo train that runs the route from the Guatemalan border to Mexico City.

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▲ CPD Processing Unaccompanied Children. Bron: Hector Silva via Flickr

pose, there has been growing militarisation in countries along the production and transportation routes of known drug cartels. The situation was exacerbated in 2006, when the then Mexican president Felipe Calderón Hinojosa sought to replicate the ‘war on drugs’ in Mexican territory. Since then, about 80 thousand people have been killed in Mexico, with another 20 thousand missing, and the violence does not show signs of abating6. While the Mexican strategy against drug trafficking is currently a media issue, the effects of the war on drugs on Central American countries are less visible, although not less worrisome.

It is easy to dismiss the arrival of unaccompanied minors as a result of a legal policy that dates back to 2002.

In that year it was determined that any underage minor who entered US territory illegally and was not Mexican or Canadian must be sent to the Department of Health and Human Services within 72 hours of being held by the authorities. Then they would be

released to a family in the United States and remain in their custody while they waited for a migration hearing.7 Due to personnel shortages, however, the hearings could take years, which means that the children could remain in the US for very long before being deported, and their stay would be legal. Some migrants even believe that unaccompanied minors would be able to stay in the United States legally after crossing the border.8 This is not currently the case, although relatively few minors from countries other than Mexico are deported by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE): 1,669 in 2013, compared with 8,143 in 2008.9 Regardless, this legal measure does not fully explain why there has been an upsurge in the last 2 years. Another factor that has been seen as an explanation is the lack of oversight of human traffickers and smugglers, in spite of the growing securitization of the US-Mexico border. However, one explanation that seems to fit the bill is the worsening climate of violence and Stichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

a spiral of poverty, which contribute to parents making the decision to send their children away, without any supervision and in dangerous conditions, so they can escape the growing violence of the war that is not.

Honduras Take Honduras. Known and feared gangs, like the Mara Salvatrucha and Calle 18 began arriving in the country as a result of massive deportations from the United States. Until very recently, these gangs had relatively tight control on the country and its illegal trades in drugs and humans. However, the arrival of rival drug cartels, particularly from Mexico, has launched an intestine turf war. To complicate matters further, the government is especially weak after the 2009 coup that shattered political goodwill among the ruling class.10 It is also worth mentioning that Honduras had the dubious honour of having the highest murder rate in the world in 2013. In that year, the National University reported a homicide rate of 83 9

JASON MAGAZINE War on drugs and migration

▲ CPD Assists Unaccompanied Alien Children. Bron: Barry Bahler via Flickr

per 100,000 inhabitants11.

Cartels recruit Honduran children, some even as young as 6, to serve as lookouts, distribute drugs, and even intimidate people, in exchange for food, clothes and money. Some of these children then grow up to become foot soldiers for the gangs. The Honduran school system is plagued by inefficiency, lack of funding and high dropout rates12. The cycle of poverty and violen-

has affirmed that, according to their research, children from Mexico, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras could qualify as refugees. Their data found that “in general, 58% of all the unaccompanied and separated children [between ages 12-17], from these four countries, arriving in the U.S. would… raise potential international protection needs”.13 Of the children interviewed for the study “forty-eight

While the Mexican strategy against drug trafficking is currently a media issue, the effects of the war on drugs on Central American countries are less visible ce that has been brought about by this war on drugs shows no signs of slowing down any time soon. This situation is, in more or less the same conditions, repeated in El Salvador and Guatemala, where the drug combatting efforts seem to clash with civil freedoms and liberties more and more. And while the waves of violence make headlines every so often, the situation of children in the area seems to have gone unnoticed.

Children as refugees A recent report from the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) 10

percent… shared experiences of how they had been personally affected by the augmented violence in the region by organized armed criminal actors, including drug cartels and gangs or by State actors”.14 The UNHCR has made a call for countries, and specifically the United States to “recognize that the violence and insecurity within El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico, as well as across their borders, have led to the displacement of children and others in the region; have implications as foreign policy and political issues; and have Stichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

connections with international protection needs”15.

Treating the issue of children from Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador and Mexico who seek to cross the border into the United States as a refugee issue, rather than as a migration issue, has consequences for border relations, international policy, and local and national institutions. Until very recently the United States government has not considered this issue a priority, as seen by the petition of President Obama for a $3.7 billion in emergency funds, which went unappropriated in July of 201416. Moreover, it was considered a national border issue, which mostly left the issue of deportation in the hands of the Mexican government. At the moment, President Peña Nieto and the Mexican political class are also facing growing violence in their territory and the fate of children from Central America is at the very bottom of their priority list.

The tide seems to be turning in the United States. President Obama managed to approve a plan that would allow several thousand children from those countries to apply for refugee status in the US from their own country.17 This does not mean that more refugee visas will be issued, or that children from Central American countries will be considered a particular group at risk.

It does mean, however, that they could be deterred from making the unsafe journey to the United States.

A recent shift towards seeing these unaccompanied child migrants as refugees has become apparent. This does not mean an acknowledgement that there is an ongoing and full-on war in these countries, as a result of the militarisation of drug-combatting campaigns.

Violence begets migration. This is also a fact of war. And the sooner that the effects of internal war-like violence are recognised as a refugee crisis, the sooner the effects of the ‘war on drugs’ on children can be mitigated.

Alba León is currently working on her PhD in labour migration at the Faculty of Political Science of the Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam. She holds a bachelor degree in International Relations from El Colegio de México and is an LL.M. graduate in Law and Politics of International Security by the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. She also accumulated professional experience in various capacities with international non-for-profit organisations in the areas of law and development.

JASON MAGAZINE Sanctions and conflicts

Historical perspective and modernity of sanctions The debate over the appropriate mix of economic sanctions and military interventions as a reaction to an impending war has risen since the First and Second World War. The incidence of economic sanctions has multiplied since the end of the Cold War, without a similar increase in policy analysis. But have the German reparations had any effect on the aftermath of WWI? And were the economic and military sanctions on Iraq in the 1990s effective enough to solve the crisis? Do they still have any effect these days, on, for example, the European sanctions on Russia? In this article, a comparative analysis is made and perspective provided.

CLAUDIA ELION

Sanctions are defined by John Austin as “an enforcement of obedience”.

They are used by rulers to supplement voluntary acceptance of their authority and to increase the degree of obedience to their commands1. However, the sanctions may be both violent and non-violent. They might be intended as punishment or deterrence, like reparations, boycotts, dumping, delay and cancellation of diplomatic events, or expulsion from international organizations.

Whether these stateto-state sanctions are effective depends on the response of the subjects against whom they are applied. When relative-gains concern is prominent, a concession represents a gain for the coercer and a loss for the coerced2. For the economic coercion to work, the target elite has to suffer as much as the target population. Case studies of Uganda have shown that the sanctions to remove Idi Amin became more effective when Great Britain halted the export of luxury goods, like whiskey. This hurt the Ugandan army elite, which relied on the “whiskey runs” for creating their comfort3.

In the past decades (1914 – 1990), sanctions were used in 115 cases.

Taking 1914 – 1945 into account, only

twelve times sanctions were posed on countries. Six of them were effective as a foreign-policy tool. In the time period of 1945 – 1969 the number of cases increased to 41, with only 18 marked as a success. Since 1970s, the number of successes has further declined, while the number of cases has increased4.

Thus one could say that sanctions have

consequence of the war imposed upon them by the aggression of Germany and her allies5.” Reparations were to be paid in several categories: periodic cash payments and deliveries in kinds (continuing shipments of certain commodities, like coal, timber, chemical dyes, and pharmaceutical drugs). Reparations credit was also given for state properties in territories transferred to the victors, with Alsace-Lorraine as an exception.

Finally, certain one-time requirements were seen as reparations. For example, materials to replace the destroyed Library of Louvain that received reparations credit6.

However, the quotas of shipments were never met. As required by the Versailles Treaty, the Reparation Commission announced in 1921 a total German liability of 132 billion gold marks (33 billion US dollar). It led to pressures between Great Britain and France. Until 1922, Germany paid tiny portions of the variable annuities, but made no further payments in cash. By this time, Germany’s currency depreciation, which had begun during WWI but continued later at an erratic pace,

Nowadays, there is a general agreement that the sanctions regime imposed on Iraq was unprecedented in its comprehensiveness, severity and length not had a great effect as a foreign-policy tool.

German reparations After Germany was defeated in World War I (WWI), measures to prevent such a war, as well as the sanctions imposed on Germany, were stated in the Versailles Treaty. Article 231 of this Treaty specifies “the responsibility of Germany and her Allies for causing all the loss and damage to which the Allied and Associated Governments and their nationals have been subjected, as a Stichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

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JASON MAGAZINE Sanctions and conflicts

▲ A disabled German veteran is begging for some money, after hyperinflation has struck him. Weimar republic, 1923. Bron: German Federal Archives 1923

became acute. Germans argued that reparations were destroying their currency, while British and French experts agreed that Germany was deliberately ruining the German mark, partly to avoid budgetary and currency reform, but primarily to escape reparations7.

The Allied leaders realized that the depreciation of the mark could lead to competitive advantages on world markets for the German industry.

On January 9, 1923, the Reparation Commission decided to occupy Ruhr to procure coal. This occupation has escalated into a major military operation. At the same time, the astronomic inflation manifested as a result of German policy, which enabled the German government to pay off its domestic debts. In ten years, German economy worsened and several attempts to ease the payment of reparations were made.

In the long term, Germany would not pay and the other Central Powers could not pay any of their reparations.

German leaders had clearly recognized the political implications of the reparations issue and, from beginning to end, devoted their inexhaustible energies to avoiding or reducing payments8.

Hitler was the first man that flat out refused to give anything to anyone. In his speech in May 1923 he stated that 12

“reparations are nothing but a legal device, intended to bring a state to its knees with a façade of legality, to destroy the fabric of a nation and to replace one state with a conglomeration of small states which consume and destroy each other9.” The recovery of the German nation could not come from the parliamentary system, as “it was digging its own grave”.

The reparations proved unfeasible. It led to great criticisms and helped along with the rise of Hitler. In a conclusion, the sanctions imposed by the Allied forces after WWI on Germany cannot be called a success: soon a new World War started and Germany ended even worse off than before. One tiny side-note has to be made. World War I in fact ended in October 2010, as Germany made its final reparations-related payment for the Great War10.

Iraq and Kuwait On August 2, 1990, Iraq invaded and annexed Kuwait. This did not come as a complete surprise, as Saddam Hussein had made several public comments pointing at the worsened relations between Iraq and Kuwait. He criticized the Kuwaiti government for exceeding its oil production quota set by the Organization of the Petroleum ExporStichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

ting Countries (OPEC). He referred to Iraq’s historical claims on Kuwaiti territory, and, due to the Iraq-US relationship that seemed to improve, expressed pro-US views prior to his invasion of Kuwait.

However, when Iraq invaded Kuwait, US president George Bush vocally opposed the move11. He insisted that the “defensive” actions on the border disagreement with Kuwait were a threat to the sovereignty of nations everywhere. The UN Security Council voted on August 6 to adopt Resolution 661. After months of diplomatic efforts through the United Nations, including the imposition of the economic sanctions on Iraq, a US-led coalition forces tried to dislodge Iraq from Kuwait on January 16, 1991.

In Resolution 661, the UN Security Council ‘decides that all States shall prevent the import into their territories of all commodities and products originating in Iraq or Kuwait exported therefrom after the date of the present resolution; any activities by their nationals or in their territories which would promote or are calculated to promote the export or trans-shipment of any commodities or products from Iraq or Kuwait […]; the sale or supply by their nations or from their territories or

JASON MAGAZINE using their flag vessels of any commodities or products […] and any activities by their nationals or in their territories which promote or are calculated to promote such sale or supply of such commodities12’. The resolution and subsequent sanctions created a set of conditions, which lead to the cut-off of Iraq from the world economy. The embargo appeared to support the notion that the UNSC was using famine and starvation as potential weapons to force Iraq into submission13.

By the end of the Gulf War Saddam’s military have killed large numbers of those who opposed his regime. UN economic sanctions against Iraq continued, and it was only in 2003 that the US President George W. Bush succeeded in overthrowing Saddam Hussein.

The UN sanctions were kept in place as leverage to press for Iraqi disarmament and other goals. They had a harsh impact on innocent Iraqi civilians, while there was an evident lack of pressure on Saddam. The adoption of UN-Resolution 1483 in May 2003 put an end to sanctions.

Nowadays, there is a general agreement that the sanctions regime imposed on Iraq was unprecedented in its comprehensiveness, severity and length, as well as in the enormous human and economic cost which it inflicted on Iraq14.

Iraq’s external liabilities of debt and war reparations will sharply influence the prospects for economic reconstruction, rehabilitation and growth. The sanctions have prohibited the free export of oil, as well as Iraq’s entering into contracts with foreign firms to carry out the necessary work.

It can be concluded that the sanctions have not had the estimated impact. The reparations and prohibitions have been imposed for thirteen years, and only ended after the death of Saddam Hussein. They led to famine, starvation, economical diseases, and a constrained oil production.

Many innocent people suffered with no prospects on the horizon of an early end to the sanctions, which have transformed Iraq from a country of relative affluence to a country of massive poverty.

▲Kurdish refugees travel by truck to the U.S. camps, hoping to find some safety after Saddam’s regime. Iraq, 1991 Bron: Defense Imagery

following a referendum staged after Russian forces established control over the peninsula in the Black Sea. This has led to the biggest East-West crisis since the Cold War. In more than ten towns in eastern Ukraine, pro-Russian forces assumed control over buildings after launching their uprising on April 6. The next step was a referendum held among the Ukrainians in Donetsk and Luhansk, in which the pro-Moscow rebels declared to have won a resounding victory. However, the West called it illegal and illegitimate15.

On March 6, 2014 the EU underlined that a solution to the crisis must be found through negotiations between the governments of Ukraine and the Russian Federation16. In the absence of de-escalatory steps from Russia, a second stage of further measures was to come into force. This was indeed the case on March 17, 2014. The EU

Further, the EU-Russia summit was cancelled and EU member states withdrew from regular bilateral summits. The second part of the sanctions included restrictive measures for 119 persons and 23 entities, all very close to Putin and his policies, or responsible for actions against Ukraine’s territorial integrity.

As the EU did not recognize the annexation of Crimea, it has adopted restrictions and prohibitions on imports originating from that territory. Financial services, such as provision of financing, financial assistance, insurance and re-insurance services, related to the import of goods subject to the prohibition, were banned as well18. Moreover, the EU imposed economic sanctions on Russia. Those included prohibiting EU investors from transacting in or dealing with newly issued equities, bonds or similar instruments; an embargo on the import and export of arms from and to Russia and prohibition of the export of dual use goods and technology for military use. Targeted entities included, for example, Gazprom and banks that are controlled by the Russian State.

The last part of the sanctions package concerned economic cooperation. The Commission would re-assess all EURussia cooperation programs in order to make a decision on the suspension of the implementation of EU bilateral and regional cooperation programs. All cross-border cooperation and civil society projects were to be maintained, but

For the economic coercion to work, the target elite has to suffer as much as the target population

Russia The current relationship between the European Union and Russia is not as good as it has been before. Moscow annexed Crimea in March 2014,

strongly condemned Russia’s unprovoked violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity, and imposed the first travel bans and asset freezes against certain Russian and Ukrainian officials17.

Five sorts of restrictive measures were set out. First, there were diplomatic measures, such as suspension of negotiations over Russia’s joining the OECD and the International Energy Agency.

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JASON MAGAZINE Sanctions and conflicts

▲ Russian President Putin and Dutch Prime Minister Rutte, talking about the improvement of their countries’ relationship.

Netherlands, 2013. Bron: Wikimedia

German leaders had clearly recognized the political implications of the reparations issue and, from beginning to end, devoted their inexhaustible energies to avoiding or reducing payments on all other projects the Commission would make additional decisions.

However, Russia has responded with sanctions against a number of countries as well. Next to several American citizens becoming the target of personal restrictions, an import ban was placed on items of the following provenance: the United States, the European Union, Norway, Canada and Australia.

Putin and his government understand that Europe relies on Russia’s gas and Gazprom in particular, while half of the gas is piped through the territory of Ukraine. The Kremlin is said to firmly believe that gas is their last and best weapon, “the one that Europe fears most. Just wait till the first snows fall and we’ll see what Europe says about sanctions then19.” Taking history as an example, it can be stated that Russian gas cutoffs never had much connection with politics in the past. All previous 14

Russian gas cutoffs, four in total since 1995, have centered on an ongoing dispute over gas prices and transit fees paid by Kyiv. In the current situation, the Ukrainian-Russian war has fostered such powerful anti-Russian/antiGazprom sentiments that Kyiv will not choose a pro-Moscow administration any time soon. The latest gas cutoff is a different case, as well as a powerful leverage against sanctions.

Additionally, the EU sanctions on Russia have had no effect on the influence of and support for the Russian President. Western sanctions have crashed the ruble, sent inflation soaring, and cut off crucial funding for many of Russia’s main industries and banks, but it has not hit the Russian population (yet?).

The outcome of local elections in September 2014 was in terms of party preference (and thus support for President Putin) equal to the national distribution Stichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

of seats in the Duma, demonstrating population’s unwavering support.

It is not this article’s ambition to make any predictions on the future of the conflict between the United States, the European Union, Ukraine, Russia and other countries involved. It rather attempts to compare the three examples of former and current sanctions and their outcomes. As we could see, sanctions have not had great effects on the end of a crisis in Iraq. Applying somewhat more specific argumentation, one can argue that they have failed at conflict prevention and even led to a new war in case of Germany.

A perfect recipe for crisis resolution is yet to be found; whether economic sanctions influence politics more effectively than military intervention would depend on the situation. In two months or, possibly, years, we can analyse the aftermath of the current crisis, and hopefully we might be able then to give an answer on the debate over the appropriate mix of economic sanctions and military interventions as a reaction to an impending war.

Claudia Elion is tweedejaars studente Internationale Betrekkingen & Organisatie aan de Universiteit Leiden. Haar interesses liggen bij vraagstukken rondom Europa en de Europese Unie.

JASON MAGAZINE Column

Hoofdzaak Leon Wecke

Het scheiden van hoofd en romp is geen noviteit. Sinds de oudheid is het een van de meest gebruikte methoden om de doodstraf te voltrekken. Veelal geschiedde zulks publiekelijk zodat het gebeurde een afschrikwekkende werking had en tevens diende tot volksvermaak. Bijl en zwaard waren voorafgaand aan de guillotine de gebruikelijke hulpmiddelen bij het voltrekken van het vonnis. Overigens moet ook nog het mes hieraan worden toegevoegd, dat in verleden en heden niet alleen voor het slachten van vee gebezigd werd, maar eveneens om medemensen van hun hoofd te ontdoen. Een vraag is of het onthoofden een vorm van communicatie genoemd kan worden, communicatie die hetzij informatie, hetzij propaganda, of beide inhoudt. Welk bericht wordt door de zender aan de geadresseerde overgemaakt? En hoe komt het bericht bij de ontvanger aan: wordt het voor kennisgeving aangenomen? Is het kennisverrijkend en/of het gedrag van de ontvanger beïnvloedend?

Hoe het ook zij, kennelijk verwachten de afzenders van de onthoofdingfilmpjes een voor hen positief effect van de vertoning. Het leidt tot afschuw en woede in de westerse wereld, waar de dood nu eenmaal geen positieve betekenis meer heeft.

Weliswaar wordt niet het pijnlijden en de doodsangst van de slachtoffers getoond, maar wel het afgesneden hoofd op de borst van de slachtoffers. Het zou nog erger kunnen. Men zou, zoals in vroeger tijden wel geschiedde, het hoofd kunnen versturen naar hetzij de opdrachtgever, hertzij de tegenpartij om te bewijzen dat men de daad bij eerdere woorden heeft gevoegd. De filmpjes worden niet genegeerd of beter, gezien ook de nieuwe media, kunnen niet genegeerd worden.

Wereldwijde verspreiding is verzekerd.

Het informatief aspect van de boodschap houdt in dat men lak heeft aan de waarden van de niet Islamitische staat waaronder het recht op leven. Het gaat om het etaleren van een autistisch zelfbeeld dat iedere waardering voor afwijkende opvattingen per definitie

onmogelijk maakt. Het is ook een propagandistische boodschap aan de potentiële medestrijders in het buitenland: de Islamitische Staat is geen vage, al dan niet door de VS gedomineerde zogenaamde, democratie, maar de enige ware staatsorde die op basis van letterlijke, onbetwijfelbare waarheden met de Koran gegeven is.

Het is ook een boodschap voor de eigen bevolking en eigen strijders: blijf in woord en gedrag onze waarden trouw, zo niet, is de zwaarst mogelijke straf een vanzelfsprekendheid.

De vraag kan gesteld worden of de westerse wereld in alle oprechtheid woedend moet zijn als reactie op de misselijkmakende onthoofdingfilms, waarbij met name onschuldige mensen ter dood worden gebracht. Als het om doodmaken van onschuldige burgers gaat dan hebben westerse staten ook de nodige wrede en onmenselijke praktijken met verwijzing naar God in hun geschiedenisboeken. Zo sprak de godvrezende Jan Pieter Zoon Coen, die duizenden Molukkers in koelen bloede liet vermoorden,: ‘Ontziet Uw vijanden niet, want God is met ons’.

Boom vermeldt in zijn artikel ‘De Heilige Oorlog’ het antwoord van de Paus op een vraag tijdens de kruistochten tegen de Albigenzen in Zuid Frankrijk. Die vraag luidde: “Hoe kunnen we onderscheiden wie de ketters zijn?” Het antwoord was: “Maak ze allemaal af, God zal de zijnen wel kennen.” Het leven van andere volkeren telde veelal heel wat minder zwaar dan het onze, terwijl wij evenzeer God aan onze zijde achtten.

Hoe lang werd niet in onze koloniën de doodstraf door middel van onthoofding publiekelijk voltrokken?

De boodschap in de onthoofdingfilmpjes van IS moeten we maar voor kennisgeving aannemen. Een effectieve tegenactie zal moeten beginnen met het begrijpen van wat zich precies in de hoofden van leiding en aanhang van IS afspeelt. Dat is het eerste hoofdstuk in een verantwoorde tegenstrategie. Tamelijk simpel: daar hoeft men zich het hoofd niet over te breken.

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Leon Wecke is werkzaam bij het Centrum voor Internationaal Conflictanalyse & Management van de Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen.

Daar¬naast doceert hij aan het Instituut Defensie Leergangen, Instituut Clingendael en de opleiding van de Koninklijke Marechaussee in Apel-doorn.

Hij heeft verschillende publicaties op zijn naam staan, onder andere op het gebied van de beeldvorming inzake oorlog en vrede.

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JASON MAGAZINE The Arms Industry

Why the Western arms indu “We can’t have it both ways. We can’t be both the world’s leading champion of peace and the world’s leading supplier of arms.”

- former President Elect US President Jimmy Carter, presidential campaign 1976

In an ultimate attempt to stop illegal arms transfers, the UN calls on all countries to adopt the Arms Trade Treaty which recently went into force. This Treaty aims to prevent a situation where for example the EU urges a country in conflict to stop using weapons against its civilians, whereas at the same time these weapons are being imported from European countries.

DANA COHEN

At an estimated U.S. $70 billion a year, the arms industry is one of the biggest and most profitable industries in the world. It is also one of the least regulated and most corrupt ones.

Governments poorly enforce existing trade laws, which are out-of-date and filled with loopholes. Both between and within countries there is very little transparency or supervision on arms transactions and many countries sell deadly weapons to countries known to breach human rights. It is time for new and improved regulations which will restrict the weapons flow and stop the arming of terrorist groups and oppressing regimes for the sake of profit.

A booming industry Seemingly counterintuitive, the five permanent UN Security Council members – the U.S., U.K., Russia, China and France – are among the largest arms dealers in the world.

Together they make up almost ninety percent of all (reported) arms exports.1 Supporters of the arms industry note how it stimulates the economy and provides jobs. For this reason Switzerland – the world’s 14th biggest weapons exporter and 5th biggest small arms exporter – eased its weapons export restrictions in March 2014. While it

used to be prohibited under national law to sell weapons to countries known to systematically violate human rights, sales are now only forbidden if there is a “great risk” that the weapons sold will themselves be used for human rights abuses.2 Those in favour of this development suggest that Switzerland’s arms industry could not compete with the more lenient regulations of other European countries. They point out that the three biggest Swiss arms companies had to fire 415 people in 2013 alone due to declining sales. The Swiss Peace foundation, however, criticizes the move, claiming that the weapons industry is “ridiculously unimportant” for the national economy. They note that the

a result of the global financial crisis. To keep profits up, arms companies seek out new customers. They depend on the fact that despite the financial recession, real and imagined security fears still simulate demand. At the start of the Arab spring in 2011, for instance, arms exports to Saudi Arabia were unprecedentedly high. To ensure new deals, European and American corporations even lend money to potential clients. Subsequently, the people subjected to live under oppressive regimes are subsidizing the weapons with which they are being oppressed.4 In 2002, then-Prime Minister of the UK Tony Blair even lobbied the sale of British Hawk Jets to India during a visit intended to calm tensions with Pakistan.5 Besides having financial motivations, the arms industry also helps governments further their geopolitical goals.

In the Middle East, for example, the U.S. has ample interest in keeping pro-Western regimes in power.

The U.S. also happens to be the biggest exporter of arms to the region, and American weapons help these – often oppressive – authorities to maintain power. To illustrate, the U.S. continued to sell weapons to Bahrain during the Arab Spring even after it was widely known that these were used to violently

“Global willingness to sell arms to questionable governments is growing as a result of the global financial crisis”

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sector employs less than 10.000 people, while making up only 0,33 percent of all national export. Moreover, the main reason for the supposed decline in exports is merely due to the abnormally high increase that took place over the last few years.3 Global willingness to sell arms to questionable governments is growing as Stichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

JASON MAGAZINE

ustry needs radical change

▲ Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland Didier Burkhalter (right) and Head of the Federal Department of Defence of Switzerland Ueli Maurer (left) meet with NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen (middle). Source: NATO

suppress protesters.6 In some cases, big arms corporations and governments work together. While weapons corporations enjoy large tax breaks in the U.S. and some European countries, they make deals that further their government’s geopolitical interests. For instance, the American company Lockheed Martin – the biggest arms contractor in the world – has sold F16s to the United Arab Emirates, fuelling regional tensions. In return, the U.S. government received approval to build military bases there. Likewise, the U.S. allows arms deals with Turkey in exchange for permission to set up American bases on Turkish territory. These weapons are often used against Kurds in serious human rights violations to which the U.S. turns a blind eye.7

Outdated existing legislation The majority of illicit arms deals takes place in the grey market and are made possible due to loopholes in and poor enforcement of existing legislation.

Although all EU members are bound to follow the EU Code of Conduct on Arms Export, many European weapons end up in the hands of human rights abusers. One way in which arms embargoes and regulations are bypassed is by manufacturing the products on foreign soil. For instance, Uzbekistan owns military Land Rovers made up mostly of British parts that were originally sent to Turkey, put together, and sent to Uzbekistan. The Uzbek government used these Land Rovers to kill hundreds of people during demonstrations in May 2005.8

“Civilians on the Maindan Square in Kiev, Ukraine, have been shot and killed by assault rifles from Switzerland” Stichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

Another way weapons end up at illegitimate recipients is when they buy individual parts separately. China is under an EU arms embargo and both the U.S. and Canada refuse to sell it attack helicopters due to its track record of reselling them to countries such as Sudan. Nevertheless, China gained such a helicopter made up from Canadian, American, Franco-German and UK-Italian parts. The EU also prohibits selling these helicopters to Israel. However, the Apache helicopter used by Israel during the 2006 Lebanon war consisted of parts from all over the world, including the EU countries the Netherlands, UK, and Ireland.9 Another problem is the lack of transparency in the arms business both on the national and international level. This hampers the ability of governments and responsible institutions to supervise arms transactions, and offenders are rarely held accountable for their actions.

To illustrate, the U.S. is one of only a few countries with national controls on their arms brokers not only at home but also overseas. However, to date it 17

JASON MAGAZINE The Arms Industry

▲ A Control Arms campaigner at a mock graveyard set up next to the United Nations building in New York in July, 2012.

David Grimason lays a photo of his son Alistair, who was killed by stray bullets in a gun fight. Source: Control Arms

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JASON MAGAZINE The Arms Industry

▲A weapons cache - consisting of machine guns, automatic rifles, cartridges, rockets, a launcher and grenades, anti-tank and anti-personnel mines, detonators and five kilograms of explosives – discovered in 2008 in Shandand, Afghanistan during an ISAF operation conducted in cooperation with the Afghan National Army. Source: ISAF, 20/03/2008

has not prosecuted a single illegal trafficker.10 Transnational weapons traffickers often chose countries with inadequate legal controls – such as Moldova, Ukraine, Slovakia and Serbia – to carry out illegal arms transfers.11 Who pays the price?

Directly or indirectly, developing countries are the biggest arms recipients.

The weapons are often used to violate human rights either domestically or in other countries.12 In post-conflict areas there is an especially high risk that the presence of large amounts of small arms will lead to human rights abuses by either the government or by armed groups.13 Even before the changes in Swiss legislation, many known human rights violators indirectly received weaponry from Switzerland.

Saudi-Arabia used Swiss attack tanks on civilians during protests in Bahrain in 2011, while both Libyan and Syrian rebels used Swiss munitions during violent clashes with their respective government troops, and civilians on

the Maindan Square in Kiev, Ukraine, have been shot and killed by assault rifles from Switzerland. In most cases, arms are legally sold to countries like the United Arab Emirates or Qatar and resold in breach of the contract.14 The U.S. revised its list of countries eligible for arms exports after 9/11 to include those willing to fight in the War on Terror. Of the eighteen countries on the U.S. Department list of countries

described above, many countries do recognize a need to stop illegal arms transfers. Central and Eastern European countries have a direct and personal interest in combating illegal weapons transfers from their countries to further their prospects of being accepted to join the EU and NATO.16 Although seemingly a positive dynamic, in fact it is part of a larger problem: the WesternEuropean notion that only non-Western

“Directly or indirectly, developing countries are the biggest arms recipients”

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with high levels of terrorist activity, sixteen have received American weapons. Most of these countries are gross human rights abusers whose military oppression of the people ironically seems to fuel terrorism rather than subdue it. Some individuals even became involved in terrorist activities after receiving weapons and training from the U.S. military and the CIA.15 UN advises: new supervisor Regardless of the worrying trends Stichting JASON ✱ Nr. 40 ✱ Nummer 1

countries need legal reform. In reality, however, it is mostly EU countries, Canada and the U.S. who indirectly provide countries like Egypt, India and China with combat trucks and attack helicopters.17 It is time for Western governments to live up to their responsibilities to stop the illegal weapons flow.

The UN calls on all countries to adopt the upcoming Arms Trade Treaty.18 Consisting of strong human rights and humanitarian criteria, this will be the first legally binding global treaty

JASON MAGAZINE ► The dismantling of anti-personnel mines in October 2001 in Elbasan, Albania.

Source: NATO

dictating international criteria for arms trade. Signees are to incorporate the treaty’s regulations into their national law so as to make them binding. The treaty creates transparency and holds member states accountable for their success or failure in upholding the criteria. Having been signed by 130 states and ratified by 61, the treaty went into effect at the end of December 2014.19 The Arms Trade Treaty applies not only to direct exports but also to re-exports and transhipments.20 To prevent illegal weapons transactions taking place on its territory, every country should make sure that licensing requirements and procedures for re-exported weapons are as strict as those for newly produced weaponry. Moreover, governments should control and supervise foreign nationals on their territory as closely as national citizens. Furthermore, national arms regulations should apply not only to citizens at home, but also to nationals who broker weapons deals abroad.

Close supervision is necessary to ensure restrictions are followed by all parties involved. Governments should monitor all transactions from beginning to end, and hold arms companies that violate

the law accountable. Violators should have their arms trade licenses removed.

The end-destination of the purchase should also be monitored. If the acquired weapons are unlawfully used or illegally diverted to third countries, all future arms deals with this partner should be blocked. Corruption and conflicts of interests in the government and arms companies should be prevented and punished. Furthermore, surplus weaponry stockpiles should be closely secured to prevent theft and illegal deals.

To further the goal of supervision, the entire arms industry should become more transparent. Every government should make public detailed annual reports on all weapons transactions. The UN advises for the establishment of an international body to supervise the industry. Governments who fail to live up to their international responsibilities should be held accountable by the international body.21 Governments should also share intelligence on domestic and international arms trafficking offenders to help bring these to justice and prevent future violations.

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Conclusion The arms industry continues selling weapons to known human rights abusers.

Due in part to the global financial crisis and a changing geopolitical situation, many governments tolerate these offenses. Luckily, however, we are nearing the implementation of the Arms Trade Treaty. If this treaty reaches its stated objectives, it will obligate governments to finally prioritize human rights over weapons sales and personal agendas, while holding responsible not only the violators but also the governments who fail to intervene and prosecute. This is of course a very ambitious goal, which we will surely not reach in the short term. Simply increasing awareness on the issue, however, is already a step in the right direction and will hopefully encourage the international community to take action. At the very least we can expect overt arms trade with human rights abusers such as those recently made legal in Switzerland to diminish.

Dana Cohen is a graduate of the University of Utrecht, where she studied Gender Studies during her BA and Conflict Studies and Human Rights during her MA.

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JASON MAGAZINE Boekrecensie

Strijd als aanjager van de beschaving N.a.v. ”Verwoesting en vooruitgang. Hoe oorlog de menselijke beschaving heeft gevormd”, Ian Morris; uitg. Unieboek Spectrum, Houten, 2014; ISBN 97890 003 39402; 672 blz.; € 39,99.

FLORIS GRIJZENHOUT

Oorlog is iets positiefs, zegt Ian Morris in zijn nieuwste boek. Het zorgt op de lange termijn voor vooruitgang.

Vertel dat maar eens aan de Yezidi’s in Irak, aan de tweehonderd meisjes die ontvoerd zijn door Boko Haram, aan de nabestaanden van de joodse slachtoffers in de Tweede Wereldoorlog. De uitspraak is op zijn minst controversieel.

Toch waagt Morris in zijn boek “Verwoesting en Vooruitgang” een dappere poging deze stelling te onderbouwen.

Oorlog, zo stelt de Amerikaanse historicus, zorgt ervoor dat er steeds grotere machtsstaten ontstaan. Het zijn vervolgens deze machtsstaten die orde en beschaving brengen op hun grondgebied. Rust binnen de grenzen zorgt voor economische groei en een afname van geweld. Het is de Leviathan van Thomas Hobbes ten voeten uit: de sterke machtsstaat die met zijn geweldsmonopolie de burger laat afzien van geweld.

De ontwikkeling van de staat gaat zelfs zover dat er een globocop verschijnt die wereldwijd de vrede bewaart. Jarenlang was dit de Pax Brittanica: Groot-Brittanië had de zeeën in handen en kon op die manier de wereld bewaken. Sinds de val van de Berlijnse Muur zijn het de Verenigde Staten die deze rol vervullen met volgens Morris een periode van globale vrede tot gevolg. De oorlog in Joegoslavië en de genocide in Rwanda worden hierbij zorgvuldig verzwegen.

Het boek blijft niet hangen in theoretische beschouwingen. Ian Morris toont zich niet alleen historicus, maar ook wiskundige. Aan de hand van sterftecijfers laat hij zien dat de kans om in de oertijd door geweld te sterven velen malen groter is dan in de twintigste eeuw.

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Deze cijfers maken geen hele sterke indruk: hoe kom je aan sterftecijfers van oude Mayabeschavingen? En wanneer reken je iemand tot een ‘geweldsdode’?

Het is niet verwonderlijk dat Morris stelt dat de aantallen gebaseerd zijn op schattingen die mogelijk onjuist zijn.

Het zou echter te gemakkelijk zijn om het boek van deze bekende historicus als onzin weg te zetten. Morris gaat niet over één nacht ijs en gebruikt een kleine zevenhonderd pagina’s om de hele wereldgeschiedenis te beschrijven aan de hand van zijn these. Hierbij beperkt hij zich niet tot Europa en de Verenigde Staten, maar neemt hij de lezer ook aan de hand naar oude rijken in India, beschavingen in Zuid-Amerika en kleine groepen mensen op Samoa.

Morris toont zich, evenals in zijn vorige boeken, van zijn meest erudiete kant door naast de grote geschiedenislijn ook de filosofie, landbouwkunde, antropologie en de militaire historie ter sprake te brengen. Dat hij hierbij niet verzandt in droge vaktaal is hem te prijzen. Hij boek leest lekker weg, ook voor wie

geen achtergrond heeft in de materie.

Het is dan ook jammer dat Morris zijn these zo stevig neerzet, want hierdoor wordt deze minder overtuigend. Halverwege het boek maakt hij onderscheid tussen de ‘productieve’ en de ‘non-productieve oorlog’, waarbij de laatste de beschaving juist niet vooruithelpt: het kenmerk van deze oorlog is juist dat zij chaos en verval creëert. Wanneer hij dit verschil in soort oorlog al zijn introductie had gemeld en hier zijn stelling op had aangepast, was zijn boek een stuk krachtiger geweest.

Hier kiest hij bewust niet voor. Aan alles merk je dat Morris ervan geniet om de lezer te provoceren, uit te nodigen tot kritisch denken. Het is alsof hij college geeft en de student met een glimlach vraagt om een reactie. Dit blijkt eens te meer als hij aan het eind van zijn boek zelfs een blik in de toekomst werpt. Hoe zal globocop Amerika zich gaan gedragen? Zal er een Pax Informatica ontstaan die de machtsstaat overbodig maakt? Hij laat het antwoord aan de lezer over.

Controversieel, dat is de stelling van Ian Morris zeker. Terwijl wereldwijd volken en naties met elkaar op de vuist gaan, komt de these dat oorlog goed is voor de beschaving zelfs ronduit ongeloofwaardig over. Maar wie het boek een kans geeft, zal uitgedaagd worden zijn gedachten nog eens te overzien.

Summary The latest book by Ian Morris was originally titled “War! What is it Good For? Conflict and the Progress of Civilization from Primates to Robots”. The Dutch edition received a somewhat calmer title: “Havoc and progress. How war has shaped human civilization”. In this review Floris Grijzenhout analyses the wellresearched and provocative work by a famous American historian. On seven hundred pages Ian Morris offers an unusual vision of the war as a driving force for civilizational progress. War, according to him, results in the creation of the bigger and stronger states, which subsequently ensure order and development in their domain. Drawn in by the approachable style, the readers are engaged into critical thinking and invited to form their own conclusions. Therefore, the author of the review, while not necessarily agreeing with the research methods and conclusions of the book, nevertheless thinks it is definitely worth a try.

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Floris Grijzenhout is politicoloog en historicus.

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JASON MAGAZINE In beeld

Securing Sustainability, Sustaining Security:

Conference report On September 23, 2014 JASON Institute, together with Jonge Atlantici and Studenten voor Morgen, held a conference concerning security and sustainability. In a course of a very intense day the participants got to attend two of the five workshops, next to the quality introductory and closing lectures, as well as to subsequently enjoy some informal communication. ◄ An

introductory lecture by Dr. Herman Wijffels gave the tune for the day. It presented the conflict between the linear way of production, which has ultimately resulted in a current sorry state of the world, and the circular economy, which, together with shared values and improved relations, would lead to sustainable development and the better future for all. Overall, the tone of the lecture was optimistic. The way audience reacted has immediately revealed the readiness for the debate and for the intense informational exchange, shifting the schedule 20 minutes later than planned. One can say that this enthusiasm acted as the support for the faith in the next generations that Dr. Wijffels had expressed during his lecture.

▲ In

the course of the workshop “Gas and international relations with Russia”, given by Dr. Robert Harmsen, the participants got to discuss the issues of gas import and export. The important question was: what should the Netherlands do if Russia cuts off gas supply?

Everyone agreed on the importance of developing green technologies and using alternative sources of energy. Participants stressed the necessity of encouraging measures for the firms and private persons to start using new technologies, as well as the need to take urgent energy-saving measures in order to survive the worst-case scenario of the winter that is coming.

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▲ Marcel

Hendriks in his “Defense and diminishing availability of fossil fuels” workshop spoke of energyas “strategic vulnerability”. His workshop was dedicated to the possibilities of reducing energy expenditure for military needs in the Netherlands, and the associated difficulties with the diverse aspects of this idea. Drawing on the best examples of the effective energy-saving measures and transition to alternative sources, he stressed the necessity of their wider application and further development. The diminishing supply of fossil fuels, as well as specific conditions of military operations in the areas without reliable energy infrastructure, are a source of vulnerability due to the high costs and limiting of the operational mobility. By addressing these aspects the defense sector can play an important role in strengthening the energy security of the future.

►Dr. Eric Puik of Shell gave two rounds of workshop “International geopolitical consequences of energy transition”, dedicated to the different aspects of the problem.

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JASON MAGAZINE In beeld

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finishing touch was provided by Dr. Klaas van Egmond. In a lively closing lecture, featuring references to Ajax, Cinderella, and Lord of the Rings, he summarized the cycle of human development and the challenges we are currently facing. The theme of global ethical values, which had been mentioned during the day both in context of security and green technologies, surfaced again.

►The day was concluded by some well-deserved drinks 26

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▲ Sabina

Voogd had a mutually productive dialog with the participants of “Climate change and security” workshop.

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JASON MAGAZINE Eindnoten

The Economics of the Colombian Drug

Pag. 4

Becker, Sarah. “The Effects of the Drug Cartels on Medellín and the Colombian State”. Dissertation. Brandeis University, 2013.

2 The New York Times. “Cocaine Seen Harming Economy of Colombia”. The New York Times. 1991 3 International Drug Control Programme. "Economic and Social Consequences of Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking." United Nations International Drug Control Programme. 1998 4 Holmes, Jennifer S., and Sheila Amin Gutierrez De Pineres. "The Illegal Drug Industry, Violence and the Colombian Economy: A Department Level Analysis." Bulletin of Latin American Research. 2006 5 Chalk, Peter & Angel Rabasa. “Colombian Labyrinth: The Synergy of Drugs and Insurgency and It’s Implications for Regional Stability”. Rand Corporation. 2001.

1

Migration and economics in the drug wars Warner, A. 2014. Kids Crossing the Border: What to Know About the Immigration Crisis. NBC Bay Area. Available at: http://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/national-international/Border-Kids-What-to-Know-immigrationcrisis-border-Central-America-Texas-266237931.html [accessed 14-10-2014] 2 Castañeda, J. 2014. Una Guerra contra los niños. El País. Available at http://elpais.com/elpais/2014/07/05/ opinion/1404573651_564089.html [accessed 10-10-2014] and Shear, M.D. 2014, Obama Approves Plan to Let Children in Central America Apply for Refugee Status. The New York Times. Available at: http://www.nytimes. com/2014/10/01/us/obama-approves-plan-to-let-children-apply-for-refugee-status-in-central-america.html [accessed 10-11-2014] 3 BBC. Why are so many children trying to cross the US border? Available at: http://www.bbc.com/news/ world-us-canada-28203923[accessed 10-17-2014] 4 Reuters. Mexico to monitor satellite images of 'La Bestia' trains used by migrants. Available at: http://www. reuters.com/article/2014/08/26/us-usa-immigration-mexico-idUSKBN0GQ01N20140826 [accessed 10-17-2014] 5 UNICEF. War and the vulnerable. The state of the world’s children 1996. Available at: http://www.unicef. org/sowc96pk/vulnerab.htm [accessed 10-11-2014] 6 Sin Embargo. En 8 años, la guerra contra las drogas de México acumula más muertos que 10 años de guerra en Vietnam. Available at: http://www.sinembargo.mx/21-10-2013/788369 [accessed 10-11-2014] 7 Castañeda, J. 2014. Una Guerra contra los niños. El País. Available at http://elpais.com/elpais/2014/07/05/ opinion/1404573651_564089.html [accessed 10-10-2014] 9 Dart, T. Child migrants at Texas border: an immigration crisis that's hardly new. The Guardian. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jul/09/us-immigration-undocumented-children-texas[accessed 10-11-2014] 10 Nazario, S. The Children of the Drug Wars: A Refugee Crisis, Not an Immigration Crisis. The New York Times.

Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/13/opinion/sunday/a-refugee-crisis-not-an-immigration-crisis. html?_r=3 [accessed 10-11-2014] 11 Freedom in the World 2014: Honduras. Freedom House. Available at: http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2014/honduras-0#.VFIA5RZdn_E [accessed 10-23-2014] 12 Freedom in the World 2014: Honduras. Freedom House. Available at: http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2014/honduras-0#.VFIA5RZdn_E [accessed 10-23-2014] 13 UNHCR Washington. 2014. Children on the Run: Unaccompanied Children Leaving Central America and Mexico and the Need for International Protection. Available at: http://unhcrwashington.org/children [accessed 10-10-2014] 14 UNHCR Washington. 2014. Children on the Run: Unaccompanied Children Leaving Central America and Mexico and the Need for International Protection. Available at: http://unhcrwashington.org/children [accessed 10-10-2014] 15 UNHCR Washington. 2014. Children on the Run: Unaccompanied Children Leaving Central America and Mexico and the Need for International Protection. Available at: http://unhcrwashington.org/children [accessed 10-10-2014] 16 Roubein, R. Far Fewer Unaccompanied Minors Are Now Crossing the U.S. Border. That doesn't mean the crisis is over. National Journal. 10-10-2014. Available at: http://www.nationaljournal.com/congress/far-fewerunaccompanied-minors-are-now-crossing-the-u-s-border-20141010 [accessed 15-10-2014] 17 Shear, M.D. 2014, Obama Approves Plan to Let Children in Central America Apply for Refugee Status. The New York Times. Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/01/us/obama-approves-plan-to-let-childrenapply-for-refugee-status-in-central-america.html [accessed 10-11-2014] 1

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Historical perspective and modernity of sanctions

Pag. 11

Austin, J. (1880). Lectures on Jurisprudence; Or, The Philosophy of Positive Law, supra note 5 at 93. .Drezner, D.W. (1999). The Sanctions Paradox: Economic Statecraft and International Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

4 Sharp, G. (1973). The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Boston, MA: Porter Sargent. And Elliott, K.A. & Hufbauer, G.C. (1999). Same Song, Same Refrain? Economic Sanctions in the 1990’s. The American Economic Review, 89(2), pp. 403-408.

5 Article 231, Versailles Treaty. The annotated text of the Versailles Treaty may be found in United States, Department of State, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, Paris Peace Conference, 1919, 13. Vols. (Washington, 1942-27), vol. 13.

6&8 Marks, S. (1978). The Myths of Reparations. Central European History, 11(3). Pp. 231-255.

7 F.O. memo (1922). F.O. 371/7487, Paris: Quai d’Orsay archives, Saint-Aulaire to Poincare’.

9 Hilter, A. (1923). Speech of May 4, 1923. via http://comicism.tripod.com/230504.html, viewed on October 15, 2014.

10 Suddath, C. (Oct. 4 2010). Why Did World War I Just End? Time, via http://content.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2023140,00.html 11 Political Economy Research Institute. (date unknown). Modern Conflicts: Conflict Profile. Iraq – Kuwait (1990 – 1991). University of Massachusetts Amherst, via http://www.peri.umass.edu/fileadmin/pdf/Iraq3.pdf 12 .United Nations Security Council (1990). Resolution 661 (1990). Adopted at the 2933rd meeting.

13 Freedman & Karsh, 1993: 191-193. Freedman, L & Karsh, E (1993) The Gulf Conflict, 1990–1991: Diplomacy and War in the New World Order (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press).

14 Alnasrawi, A. (2001). Iraq: economic sanctions and consequences, 1990 – 2000. Third World Quarterly, 22(2). Pp. 205-218.

15 Crisp, J. (2014). New EU sanctions against Russia come into effect. Via euractiv.com and reuters.com, http://www.euractiv.com/sections/europes-east/new-eu-sanctions-against-russiacome-effect-308396 16 Europa.eu (date unknown). EU sanctions against Russia over Ukraine crisis. Via http://europa.eu/newsroom/highlights/special-coverage/eu_sanctions/index_en.htm 17 Official Journal of the European Union (2014). Council Decision 2014/145/CFSP, of 17 March 2014, concerning restrictive measures in respect of actions undermining or threatening the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine. L 78/16 18 High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (2014).

SWD(2014) 300 final/2. Joint Staff Working Document: Information Note to EU business operating and/or investing in Crimea/Sevastopol.

19 Matthews, O. (2014). Putin’s ‘Last and Best Weapon’ Against Europe: Gas. Newsweek.com, via http://www.newsweek.com/2014/10/03/putins-last-and-best-weapon-against-europe-gas272652.html 1

2&3

Why the Western arms industry needs radical change

Pag. 16

Shah, Anup. (2013) ‘The Arms Trade is Big Business,’ GlobalIssues.org. Available at: http://www.globalissues.org/article/74/the-arms-tradeis-big-business. [accessed November 2014] 2 IPS. (2013) ‘Vredestichter Zwitserland gaat meer wapens exporteren,’ MondiaalNieuws.be. Available at: http://www.mo.be/artikel/ vredestichter-zwitserland-gaat-meer-wapens-exporteren. [accessed November 2014] 3 Ibid, 4 Ibid. note 1 5 Associated Press. (2002) ‘Blair Sold Jets at Kashmir Talks,’ BBC.co.uk. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/2345127. stm. [Accessed November 2014] 6 Ibid. note 1, 7 Ibid. note 1 8 Amnesty International. (2006) ‘Control Arms: Global Arms Industry Exploiting Major Loopholes in Arms Regulations,’ AmnestyInternational. org. Available at: http://www.amnesty.or.jp/en/news/2006/1010_579.html. [accessed November 2014] 9 Ibid.

10 Human Rights Watch. (2003) ‘Small Arms and Human Rights: The Need for Global Action,’ HumanRightsWatch.org. Available at: http:// www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/arms/small-arms-070703.htm. [accessed November 2014], p.11 11 Human Rights Watch. (2004) ‘Ripe for Reform: Summary and Recommendations.’ HumanRightsWatch.org. Available at: http://www.hrw. org/reports/2004/02/10/ripe-reform-0. [accessed November 2014], pp.1-2 12 Ibid. note 1, 13 Ibid. note 10, p.6, 14 Ibid. note 2, 15 Ibid. note 1, 16 Ibid. note 11, pp.1,4, 17 Ibid. note 8, 18 Ibid. note 10, pp.8-9 19 U.S. Department of State. (2013) ‘Arms Trade Treaty,’ www.state.gov. Available at: http://www.state.gov/t/isn/armstradetreaty. [accessed November 2014] 20 Ibid.

21 Ibid. note 10, p.13 1

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JASON MAGAZINE Volgende keer Het maartnummer van JASON Magazine is gewijd aan het thema:

War & Pop Culture

▪ Gender and propoganda within ISIS ▪ Oorlog en conflict in Arabische cartoons Bron: Contando Estrelas

▪ Sexual violence in the US Army ▪ Het voeren van oorlog als propaganda Wat is stichting JASON? Stichting JASON is in 1975 opgericht door een aantal jongeren met als doel om te informeren over internationale vredes- en veiligheidsvraagstukken.

De afkorting JASON staat voor Jong Atlantisch Samenwerkings Orgaan Nederland.

In de beginjaren van JASON lag het accent vooral op vredes- en veiligheidsvraagstukken binnen de transatlantische betrekkingen. Gaandeweg 30

verbreedde JASON haar aandachtsveld, mede in aansluiting op internationale gebeurtenissen, haar aandachtsveld tot het gehele spectrum van internationale betrekkingen en veiligheidskwesties.

JASON is daarbij niet gebonden aan enige politieke partij en heeft geen levensbeschouwelijke grondslag.

JASON informeert op twee manieren.

In de eerste plaats door de uitgifte van dit magazine, dat drie à vier keer per jaar verschijnt. In elk nummer wordt getracht een gevarieerd overzicht te

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geven van relevante en actuele onderwerpen binnen het brede spectrum van internationale vredes- en veiligheidsvraagstukken.

Ten tweede informeert JASON door het organiseren van tal van activiteiten, zoals conferenties, debatten, lezingen en excursies. Stichting JASON heeft geen leden, het magazine is gratis verkrijgbaar voor iedereen en alle geïnteresseerden zijn van harte welkom om aan onze activiteiten deel te nemen.

JASON MAGAZINE Mededelingen

Mededelingen Ontvang gratis JASON Magazine!

JASON Magazine is gratis verkrijgbaar voor studenten, young professionals en andere geïnteresseerden. Om u kosteloos te abonneren, geef uw naam, (post)adres en e-mailadres door aan redactie@stichtingjason.nl of via het contactformulier op onze website (www.stichtingjason.nl/contact/).

Op de hoogte blijven van onze activiteiten?

Stichting JASON kondigt zijn activiteiten aan via de activiteitenkalender in JASON Magazine, via zijn Facebookpagina (JASON Institute), website (www.stichtingjason.nl/ activiteiten/) en een tweeweekse nieuwsbrief. U kunt zich voor onze nieuwsbrief aanmelden via het contactformulier op onze website (www.stichtingjason.nl/contact/).

Vacatures JASON Magazine is onderdeel van stichting JASON, dat een platform biedt voor studenten en young professionals om informatie uit te wisselen en te debatteren over internationale vredes- en veiligheidsvraagstukken. In de beginjaren lag het accent van JASON vooral op vraagstukken binnen de transAtlantische betrekkingen. Gaandeweg verbreedde JASON haar aandachtsveld tot het gehele spectrum van internationale politieke vraagstukken. JASON is daarbij niet gebonden aan enige politieke partij en heeft geen levensbeschouwelijke grondslag.

Als (eind)redactielid ben je samen met de eind- en hoofdredactie verantwoordelijk voor het tot stand brengen van het JASON Magazine. Als lid van de redactie ben je verantwoordelijk voor minstens één artikel in elk magazine, het verslaan van de grotere activiteiten van stichting JASON voor op de website van de stichting of het afleggen van interviews met prominente personen binnen de wereld van de internationale betrekkingen. Bovendien denk je mee over de koers en inhoud van het magazine en ben je bezig met het werven van studenten en deskundigen die in het magazine kunnen publiceren. Ben jij geïnteresseerd in deze functie of wil je meer informatie? Kijk dan op www.stichtingjason.nl of neem contact op met de redactie van JASON Magazine via redactie@stichtingjason.nl. Naast jouw CV en motivatiebrief ontvangen wij ook graag een kort essay (max. 500 woorden) over een actueel onderwerp op het gebied van vrede en veiligheid of een eerder online of in een tijdschrift gepubliceerd artikel van jouw hand.

Adverteren?

Voor bedrijven, universiteiten, instituten en andere organisaties is het mogelijk om te adverteren in JASON Magazine, op de website of activiteiten van stichting JASON. De doelgroep van stichting JASON en JASON Magazine zijn politicologie-, bestuurskunde- en rechtenstudenten, maar ook studenten die los van hun studie geïnteresseerd zijn in internationale betrekkingen en meer specifiek in internationale defensievraagstukken. Neem voor meer informatie contact met ons op via het contactformulier op onze website (www. stichtingjason.nl/contact/).

Doneren JASON wordt mogelijk gemaakt door hardwerkende vrijwilligers die het hun missie zien om de maatschappij te infor-

& Activiteiten Aankomende JASON activiteiten 12 februari Bezoek aan het ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken met als thema: diplomatie training 26 februari Jaarlijkse Brusselreis met bezoek aan de NAVO Mei 2015 Boat Tour tijdens de Marinedagen Iedereen die geïnteresseerd is, is welkom om deel te nemen aan een van de bovenstaande activiteiten. Aanmelden o.v.v. naam en activiteit via activiteiten@stichtingjason.nl.

Iedereen die geïnteresseerd is, is welkom om deel te nemen aan een van de bovenstaande activiteiten. Aanmelden o.v.v. naam en activiteit via activiteiten@stichtingjason.nl.

▲ Het Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken. Bron: Flickr

meren over internationale vredes- en veiligheidsvraagstukken.

De activiteiten van JASON kosten geld en daarom willen wij u vragen om bij te dragen aan onze missie. JASON heeft de ANBI-status, waardoor u uw giften aan de stichting mogelijk mag aftrekken van uw belastingen. Het rekeningnummer van de stichting is 667315802. Voor meer informatie kunt u contact met ons opnemen via het contactformulier op onze website (www.stichtingjason.nl/contact/).

Stichting JASON online Volg stichting JASON online: Facebook: JASON Institute Twitter: @stichtingjason Website: www.stichtingjason.nl JASON Magazine online Het huidige en voorgaande nummers van JASON Magazine zijn online terug te vinden op www.stichtingjason.nl/magazine.

Het huidige nummer is online in kleur verkrijgbaar.

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Projectleider Jubilieumcommissie: “40 jaar JASON” Stichting JASON is op zoek naar een nieuwe projectleider die aan het hoofd zal staan van de commissie voor het 40-jarig jubilieum van de stichting. Als projectleider leidt je de commissie die verantwoordelijk is voor de organisatie van een groot symposium en lustrum voor leden en alumni in oktober 2015.

Taken Je stelt zelfstandig een commissie samen waarmee je regelmatig vergadert, de verschillende organisatorische taken verdeelt (locatie, programma, catering, promotie, acquisitie, etc.) en de vooruitgang nauwlettend in de gaten houdt. Je kunt hierbij gebruik maken van de connecties van het uitgebreide netwerk van JASON. Je onderhoudt nauw contact met de vice-voorzitter van JASON en de jubilieumcommissie. Tevens schuif je regelmatig aan bij de reguliere vergaderingen van het dagelijks bestuur van JASON (deze vinden om de twee weken plaats) waarbij je samen met het bestuur het inhoudelijke programma van de conferentie vormgeeft en verslag doet van de vordering van de projectcommissie m.b.t. de organisatie.

Op de dag van de conferentie zorg je ervoor dat alles goed verloopt: je bent aanspreekpunt, leidt het team, ontvangt sprekers, etc.

Functie eisen Je studeert aan de universiteit of hogeschool, of je bent kortgeleden afgestudeerd. Je beschikt over kennis van onderwerpen die relevant zijn voor Stichting JASON en hebt aantoonbare affiniteit met internationaal-politieke ontwikkelingen. Een studie in die richting is niet vereist, maar wel een pré. Je beschikt over analytische en objectieve oordeelsvorming en sterke verbale en schriftelijke communicatievaardigheden. Daarnaast beschik je over de nodige leiderschapskwaliteiten om de organisatie van het project samen met je team tot een goed einde te brengen.

Je bent bereid om gemiddeld 5 tot 8 uur per week actief aan het werk te zijn voor Stichting JASON;

hieronder vallen ook de regelmatige bijeenkomsten met de projectcommissie, het dagelijks bestuur en algemeen bestuur.

Omschrijving organisatie Stichting JASON is reeds 39 jaar een jongerenorganisatie die het als haar ideële doelstelling ziet om studenten en jong academici te betrekken bij vraagstukken binnen het abstracte spectrum van internationale veiligheidskwesties. Internationale veiligheidsvraagstukken staan ver van de dagelijkse realiteit van Nederlandse en West-Europese jongeren. Door middel van informatie-uitwisseling tussen jongeren en professionals, tracht JASON de meningsvorming onder jongeren over veiligheidskwesties te bevorderen.

Om deze doelstelling te bereiken, organiseert JASON jaarlijks tal van lezingen, debatten, excursies en studiereizen. Voorts publiceert zij artikelen op haar website en in het JASON magazine dat eens per kwartaal verschijnt. Stichting JASON is een waardevrije en politiekneutrale organisatie, in haar activiteiten treedt zij slechts op als platform van discussie en dialoog.

Het succesvol voldoen van een bestuursperiode voor Stichting JASON kan gezien worden als een opstap naar een carrière in het werkveld van internationale betrekkingen, het werkveld waar JASON een groot netwerk in heeft. De basis van dit netwerk vormt het Algemeen bestuur, dat bestaat uit medewerkers van ministeries, denktanks en universiteiten; en de Raad van Advies, waar prominente academici uit het aandachtsveld van Stichting JASON zitting in nemen.

Geïnteresseerd?

Voor meer informatie over JASON en deze functie, zie onze website www.stichtingjason.nl, onze Facebookpagina, of schrijf een bericht aan de voorzitter, Michiel Blomaard (voorzitter@ stichtingjason.nl) Solliciteren? Stuur je motivatiebrief met CV voor 28 februari naar voorzitter@stichtingjason.nl.