Homan Futuru: Timor-Leste Traditional Housing by UWA School of Design

HOMAN FUTURU

Traditional Architecture in Timor-Leste 70 years after Ruy Cinatti’s Expeditions

HOMAN FUTURU

Traditional Architecture in Timor-Leste 70 years after Ruy Cinatti’s Expeditions Editors: R. Tenorio and J. Costa JÚnior

Research & Acknowledgements This work is a result of an international collaboration between the University of Western Australia [Perth, Australia] and the University of Applied Sciences and Arts [Coburg, Germany]. The Research team would like to thank the support of the following institutions in Timor-Leste and overseas: Universidade Nacional Timor-Lorosa’e Fundacao Oriente Bavarian Research Alliance [BayIntAn] Research Team: Associate Professor Dr Rosangela Tenorio Professor Dr Rainer Hirth Research Assistants: David Morgan [University of Western Australia] Anika Jeger & Ann-Kathrin Müller [University of Applied Sciences and Arts Coburg] Editors: Rosangela Tenorio Jairo da Costa Junior Graphic Design: David Morgan Published: University of Western Australia Bio-Based Materials Design Lab All rights reserved by international copyrights

SCHOOL OF DESIGN

Contents Revisiting The Traditional Architecture of Timor-Leste: 1950’s - 2020’s

Introduction 12 The Study Area: 4 Housing Types

Revisiting the Traditional Architecture of Timor-Leste in light of Ruy Cinatti’s 1950’s-1960’s travel records Documenting transformation and change in the built environment Rosangela Tenorioa* and Rainer Hirthb a

University of Western Australia, School of Design M433, LB 5005 Perth WA 6001 Australia

University of Applied Sciences and Arts, Coburg, Germany

During the mid-20th century, a series of Portuguese scientific missions (MAT) formed by artists, architects and scientists documented Timor-Leste’s traditional housing resulting on the book ‘Arquitetura Timorense’ [Cinatti et al 1987]. The aim of this work is to illustrate some of the transformations occurred in the traditional architecture of Timor, from the period of the MAT missions till today. This research focused on 4 out of the 7 regions identified by Ruy Cinnatti in his original book, and discussed 4 particular typologies in context. The authors have used archival research [Australia, Timor-Leste and Portugal] as well as extensive fieldwork in Timor-Leste in 2019 and 2020. The results demonstrate that the traditional housing practices are being considerably modified in response to the conditions that the country finds itself today. {e.g. Scarcity of resources, land tenure issues and difficulties on transferring skills [design and making] to the youth generation. Key terms: Traditional Architecture; Timor-Leste; Heritage and conservation; Traditional techniques of construction

Introduction The book ‘Arquiitetura Timorense’ was first published in 1987, one year after Ruy Cinatti’s death. A paper was presented in 1963 and a report was completed (1966) around the time Cinatti was conducting field research in TimorLeste for his PhD in Anthrolopogical studies. The Portuguese scientific expeditions [MAT] had the purpose of documenting various aspects of culture, habitat and values of the Timorese people and have opened up doors for a number of other substantial scientific and anthropological missions throughout the 20th century. Timor-Leste, like most developing nations in the world, is expected to undergo rapid urbanisation and industrialisation in the next decades. Conservation and preservation of its traditional architectural heritage is highly dependent on a strong and stable relationship with nature and its resources [material and intangible]. The alternating periods of occupation, war and influence brought to the Timorese territory by foreign powers [e.g. Portuguese, Japanese, Indonesian, Australian, UN] along with concepts of modernity and technological advance were transformative practices for the communities. Rapid urbanisation have brought significant lifestyle changes. Oral traditions passed from elderly to the younger generation have been vanishing. There is much documented displacement due to conflict and search for better opportunities in cities which in turn is distancing communities from nature, from themselves, and from the required skills to survive and to manage natural and cultural resources.

As defined by UNESCO, traditional knowledge is a ‘representative set of understandings and practices that is dynamically built up over time’ [Berger and Luckman 1995]. It belongs to communities, it is added by the history of people and their relationship with the environment and its natural resources. The Traditional Architecture is the most palpable symbolic representation of their culture and one that is more easily passed on from generation to generation. Its material importance is considered for many as secondary given its intangible meanings, or at least meaningless when disposed of it. The Ethnologist Alexander Loch (Loch 2007) conducted from 2002 to 2005 a comprehensive study in East Timor and got a deep inside view in traditions, religion and social structures. He describes the Uma Lulik as the reverence point of all issues of life (lia moris) and dead (lia mate). To be East Timorese means to belong to an Uma: to be a person always connected with a building - and the other people belonging to the same house. It’s a stronger connection like the clan or family. “No house, no identidade” (Salesiana Priest, Salale, E. quoted by Loch). Understanding the construction practices and the role of its multiple stakeholders, with all of its patterns of land occupation, resources, aesthetics, scale, planning and design is fundamental not only to preserve the current traditional architecture heritage, but to learn how to negotiate and plan new communities, villages, cities that are inclusive of traditional knowledge.

HOMAN FUTURU: Traditional Architecture in Timor-Leste after 70 years of Ruy Cinatti’s expeditions This study is based on fieldwork conducted in 4 regions in Timor Leste in March 2019 and from January - March 2020, [Viqueque, Maubisse, Lautem and Baucau]. The analysis is informed by extensive archival research undertaken variously by the authors in private and public libraries in Dili - TL, as well as at the National Library of Australia [Canberra - AUS] and at the online archives of Biblioteca Universitaria Joao Paulo II [Lisbon - PT]. Architectural space, construction, and types were recorded with emphasis on measured drawings, interviews and photographing. Local residents were informally interviewed in order to have a deeper understanding of their living contexts, families, religions, etc. Drawings were produced as elevations, plans and sections. This catalogue documents 4 traditional typologies in 3 locations. The team revisited iconic types in more depth and detail through measured drawings, and found its way into tendencies and contemporary adaptation of traditional and existing typologies. The catalogue is paired with the exhibition HOMAN FUTURU: Traditional Architecture in Timor leste, to be launched in 2022 [Australia, Germany and Timor-Leste] as a collaborative partnership between the BBMDesignLab and Coburg University of Applied Arts & Sciences [Architecture]. Perth, November 2021

The occupation of the territory and the traditional Architecture As early as 10th century, sandalwood from TimorLeste was already being exported by the Javanese [Glover 1977] to places such as Malaysia [through the Malacca straights] and from there shipped to China and other regions. Records of contact of the Chinese with the Timorese people dates back to the 13th century, and around the 15th century, the first known maps by Ming Dinasty Chinese cartographers were drawn for Timor-Leste. The Chinese were at the island to extract and export sandalwood, a tree highly valued in China for its medicinal and incense purposes. The Chinese migration into Timor-Leste only grew in particular during late 19th century. [Figs 1-2]. The precolonial history of Timor Leste finishes when the Portuguese are established in the island, in 1515. Before their arrival the island was already divided into two distinct regions managed by the ‘Servioes’ and the ‘Belos’. This separation seemed to align with the later territorial disputes between Dutch and Portuguese, which was officially negotiated in 1859 and completed in 1914. Despite being a colony for almost 500 years, Timor never received much from Portugal. The built infrastructure and relatively small investments only came at the beginning of the 20th century.

Fig. 1 [above]: Chapeau Chinois Fig. 2 [right]: Vue d’un Cimetiere Chinois, pres de Coupang, Ile Timor Images from: Oceanie, ou, Cinquieme partie du Monde: revue Geographique et etnographique de la Malasie…, 18361837. Domeny de Rienzi, G. L. (Gregoire Louis) 1789-1843 – PIC Volume 122#NK7146, National Library of Australia, Timor-Leste Special Collection

Timor-leste exemplifies an island that attracted explorers and settlers throughout its history, from various regions of the world, since prehistorical times. The discovery of pre-historic marine artefacts in Jerimalai cave [Tutuala, TL] demonstrate that there has been not only exploitation of marine resources for survival needs but also evidence of cultural articulation and adaptation into their social networks since at least 42,000 cal BP [calibrated years before present]. [Langley, O’Connor & Piotto 2016]. Not much however has been systematically known and studied in regards to the traditional culture of the people of Timor-Leste, until the Japanese left after the end of World War II and when the Portuguese finally decided to establish themselves and administer the colony. Most depictions of the Timorese people remained fairly romantic and exotic in nature [Figs 3-4]. The designation of the term ‘Uma lulik’ as ‘Casa sagrada’[Portuguese], ‘Sacred house’ [English], has been coined earlier by the Portuguese as a place where sacred objects are kept. The first battles into the Timorese traditional heritage is recorded by Therik [2004], in Wehali [1642] the spiritual center of the Belos, where their Uma Lulik were under siege and destroyed]. The way that the memory of the Traditional Architecture of Timor developed and was preserved was through a strong oral history passed from families to families, via the Lia nain [Lia= word, Nain: Mr, Master or owner]. The symbolic and spiritual value that the Uma Lulik holds till today in society [intangible qualities] is widely recognized and it has been the subject of numerous anthropological studies after World War II till today. Our work focuses solely on the 16

material heritage of the Uma Lulik as part of the Traditional Architecture of Timor-Leste, and how it has evolved and it is still evolving given the transformation of Timorese society. It is because of such intangible qualities, that the Traditional Architecture has survived in TimorLeste and has been the connector and the bridge between the dead and the living, the past and the future. In the period of Indonesian occupation many Uma Luliks were destroyed. Many were burnt down between 1973 and 1978 by the Indonesian army. In the well-controlled occupied areas some of these buildings were rebuilt in the 80s - but in all other parts of Timor-Leste only after independence in the early 2000’s. Loch (2007) describes that in the area between Laga and Baguia (around 200 km2) about 200 Uma Luliks were built new within a very short time in a kind of sociocultural healing process. However such rebuilding activities in the early years of independence did not last long. As described in the work of Mubyartoet al (1991) the Uma Lulik brings the symbolism of unity to the country, this is where all starts and ends: “Umalulik is still a very strong concept. Literally, umalulik means traditional house (rumah adat) the place where the first ancestor established a community and opened up the fields (lading) for agriculture. In a broader sense, umalulik is a symbol of the unity of the people”.

Figs. 3-4: Ile Timour: Occupation Domestique. From: Oceanie, ou, Cinquieme partie du Monde: revue Geographique et etnographique de la Malasie…, 18361837. Domeny de Rienzi, G. L. (Gregoire Louis) 1789-1843 – PIC Volume 122#NK7146, National Library of Australia, Canberra. Timor-Leste Special Collection

Ruy Cinatti’s missions in Timor: social and environmental values Between 1935 and 1943 two studies were published by Correa (1935) and Martinho (1943) in regards to the Traditional Housing of Timor. The Martinho study gives a descriptive view of the indigenous architecture of Timor, discussing the regional differences, form making and its relationship with functional aspects [e.g. verandah as an intermediary space where most of the social interactions happen in the house]. Despite its colonial preconceived ideas that are expressed on his book [e.g. naming it ‘primitive Uma Lulik] it is the start of a series of studies that will bring to light the value of the Traditional Architecture and its centerplace in Timorese society. After the end of World War II, the Japanese were expelled from Timor-Leste and despite the disastrous results of the occupation [numerous deaths, destructed architectural heritage and natural resources], it was the beginning of a new colonial era for Timor Leste. The political situation of Portugal at the time, pushed for closer relationships with the remaining colonies (Angola, Mozambique and in particular Timor due to its strategic geographical location in South East Asia). The scientific colonial missions that were set up before the war [MAT – Missao Antropologica do Timor – Anthropological mission of Timor] continued. It is during the MAT mission of 1958 [Missao dos estudos do Habitat Nativo do Timor], led by Ruy Cinatti that the space and time for the Traditional Architecture of Timor found

its way. Two architects joined this mission with Cinatti [Leopoldo Almeida and Mendes de Sousa.] conducting fieldwork during 4 months in Timor, and a first article prepared for the International Conference on Ethnography in Santo Tirso was presented [1963]. The book on the Architecture of Timor only surfaces in 1987, after Cinatti’s death. In this book, the symbolic relevance, cultural and religious importance of the Uma Lulik is emphasised with its cosmological, spiritual and material qualities. The change in direction by such Portuguese missions to conduct comprehensive scientific work after the war was due to Ruy Cinatti’s influence. Many were his visits and for extended periods of time in Timor-Leste [1946-1947; 19511955; 1958, 1961-1962; 1966]. An agronomist by training, poet and anthropologist, it was during his second residence in Timor as Head of the Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Care [1950-1955] that during a visit with Antonio de Almeida Mendes in 1953, he decided to study Timorese pre-colonial history and conduct anthropological and archaeological studies in the UK. In January 1962 as he returns to conduct fieldwork already on his PhD [after being awarded a Bachelor in Cultural Anthropology] he made a blood pact with two Liurais [spiritural leaders - D Armando Barreto e D Adelino Ximenez] which gave him access to three rock painting sites in Tutuala [Lautem]. Such sites were later ‘rediscovered’ by Australian researchers after the Indonesia

Figs. 5-6: Arquitetura Timorense, Cinatti [1987] Pages 113 & 119

occupation, where a number of important prehistorical studies have been conducted to date. As noted by Costelo (2011) Cinatti was a naturalist, ethnologist, agronomist, anthropologist, poet and public servant. His work had scientific rigour, was multidisciplinary, and it involved areas as diverse as: Botany, forestry, ethnology, archaeology, architecture and phytogeography. As quoted by Costelo: “His observation of nature led him to people and the relations between them. He noticed and criticized the destructive impact of colonial rule on the territory and its population. He defended the Timorese “as human being equal to himself”. He denounced oppressive and arbitrary practices of the local administration, and wished to contribute to the improvement of the living conditions of the natives through development that integrated ethics and science. His human approximation to the Timorese also sparked his interest in anthropology “ (Stilwell 1995).

In 1956 he launches a ‘manifesto in favour of the Timorese people’ in which he adverts the Portuguese governors about the dangers of monocultures and overexploitation of the land without considering the concept of ‘lulik’ for land management, the need for conservation of natural resources as well as value of the intangible cultural heritage of the Timorese. His definition of a sustainable Timor was clearly understood in the articulation of the local culture [lulik] and the conservation of their forests.

When the Indonesians invaded Timor (19751999), the situation worsened, as the occupation was aggressive. A new system of land and forest management was introduced which as per earlier statements by Cinatti, simply overrode the concepts of lulik land and customary land tenures. As describe by McWilliam (2005) the official plans for bio-diversity and conservation zones did not followthe concept of lulik for the Timorese. Displacement was common practice from ancestral lands and conducted in the name of war and control. Traditional houses [uma lulik] were destroyed in a massive scale (McWilliam 2005). In 1974 Cinatti anticipated the Indonesian invasion and felt Portugal left Timor-Leste without any protection or with any means to prevent it. He became mentally ill, consumed by the atrocities of war committed in Timor-Leste and died in 1986 in Portugal. He never stopped campaigning for Timor-Leste.

Fig. 7 [left]: Photo Ruy Cinatti Fig. 8 [right]: Poems/Drawings Ruy Cinatti - Biblioteca Joao Paulo II, Lisbon, PT

The Traditional architecture of TimorLeste and the 7 regions and typologies: Arquitectura Timorense [1987] and the conservation of lulik in Timor postindependence The book ‘Arquitetura Timorense’ was published in 1987, and it is still to date the most comprehensive book on the Traditional Architecture heritage in Timor-Leste, comprising of detailed drawings, construction techniques, materials, resourcing, religious and cultural aspects related to use of spaces. The book is structured in chapters, where 7 regions - 7 typologies were identified. These were not exhaustive, but simply representative of the context of the vernacular architecture at the time. The geography, topography of the regions along with the ethnicity of the groups living in those 7 regions combined formed the way in which such typologies were defined for analysis. [Figures 9-10] The book is rediscovered by the Timorese after independence [1999]. The reconstruction of the traditional house is understood as fundamental to Timorese society, as it links back people to their land, resources, past, present and future. The need to regain control of lulik and reincorporate into society is clearly described by Trindade [2011] and stated by Sousa [2017] “lulik is a philosophical, religious and moral order that represents the core of Timorese values, and for that reason it remains an important guide to East Timorese intentions and actions across all areas of social life. Transgressions of matters lulik carry sanctions which, depending on the nature of the infraction, have far-reaching consequences, ranging from fines, rebukes and social ostracism to illness, misfortune and death”

Other studies of importance are the documentary by Victor de Sousa [2010], ‘Uma Lulik, futuro da tradicao’, the first of its kind to be made by a Timorese filmmaker. And the many academic works by Timorese and foreign scholars including exhibitions looking at the sacred house from anthropological perspectives [Paulino, 2012; Correia, 2013; Dias, 2016, Garete). The same search for non-appropriation of lulik, by their attempt to understand and critically analyse its uses, customs and presence in Timorese society by authors is followed by an intense search for identity and symbolic meaning (pos-independence ). The use of its material representation [Los Palos traditional house] by public and private institutions became common. From artcrafts, to private company logos, to postal services, within internet sites the image of the ‘Los Palos sacred house’ is a symbol of the Timorese society. In terms of Architecture, and discussing strictly about the heritage, ecological value and context of the traditional houses built after 2002, it is difficult to ignore the ways in which these ‘traditional houses’ are being reconstructed [e.g. use of cement, concrete pillars, pre-fabricated roofing sheets with steel framed structures]. Such structures have been referred as temporary but it is clear that these are meant to stay, with a considerable proliferation of cheap imported building materials, conveniently provided by Indonesia or China into a market that lacks skilled labour and a local building material industry. A completely unprecedented move into the making of the lulik, where the owner, the community

(metaphorically and physically) shapes its future and therefore embellishes, carves and transforms their own reality. There is an opportunity for reestablishment of the sacred house at the core of community life, but it is also clear the need to maintain and preserve its important materiality characteristics [e.g. design, proportions, scale, context, materials] as it has been passed by thousands of years as the ancestral house. It is on the combination of material and intangible characteristics that there is a meaningful connection between these two dimensions of architectonic preservation. It is on the act of making that communities come together and own the timing, the processes of production and have in this way the ability to recreate and innovate. Since 2002, and in light of a number of UNESCO world heritage banners, and announcements of National policies on conservation of Architectural heritage, the Government of Timor has acted upon the reconstruction of the material heritage of the sacred houses, in particular through a project in cooperation with the American Embassy in Timor: Lautém, Oecussi, Bobonaro e Ainaro. A total of 4 Traditional houses were built as an attempt to preserve and disseminate the architectural heritage of Timor-Leste. Other initiatives also followed through [Figs 11-17].

we were there to rebuild it. Another two houses were built as a result of a cooperation with a Portuguese Foundation {owners were not able to confirm the names of such institutions}. The houses were however built less than 20 years ago and were already almost completely destroyed. It seems that there has been low consultation to the community that were to receive these projects, on what could have been their role on the construction and implementation of such projects. Their lack of agency is proof that there is much more to preservation and conservation in Timor-Leste, rather than national policies and delivery of buildings, despite its good intentions. From an initial observation, the houses seem to be out of context, disconnected from their original roles in the community, without owners or carers. These houses were not ‘lulik’. These were houses the looked like ‘lulik’ and exactly because of that, it drove more shame than pride to their placements.

The authors visited two of these sites, and interviewed the builders that were involved in such construction projects. Their excitement during our visit was clear, as the houses as we visited were close to demolition [one serving as a garbage dumping area] and they thought at first

Fig. 9 [above]: 7 Typologies in Arquitetura Timorense Fig. 10 [right]: Map of ethincal groups Timor Images from Cinatti [1987]

left to right: Fig 11: New traditional housing built with industrialized materials Fig 12: Poorly maintained and vandalised traditional house built in a Los Palos public park Fig 13: Conversation with master fakaluku builder [Sr Faustino dos Santos] in Los Palos [2019] Fig 14: Traditional twin housing in Los Palos, another poorly maintained building. Fig 15: Weaving skills from Maubara Fig 16: Maubisse cluster of Lulik houses with Lian nai and family Fig 17: Australian Embassy in Dili – new materials in traditional reinterpreted forms [All photos from Authors]

Results and Discussions: The 4 regions revisited/4 typologies: Viqueque, Lautem, Baucau and Maubisse Houses Our study revisited during March 2019 and January-March 2020 a number of provinces in Timor, collecting data on the traditional housing in over 8 provinces. Considering the difficulties of access and time restrictions to conduct comprehensive documentation, and to guarantee a diverse range of typologies, 4 regions were selected for the study: Viqueque, Baucau, Lautem and Maubisse. During our visits to Viqueque and Baucau, we have found an additional typology that turned out to be not in any of the records of Cinatti. As he pointed out, his classification was never exhaustive and we believe this is an intermediate typology between the type found in Baucau and Viqueque.

It is in this region that we found two examples of uncontextualized houses built by the government or NGOs with the intent to preserve the historical and architectural heritage, without any direct relationship with ‘lulik’ or communities. In Maubisse, the mountainous region of central Timor, we found a considerable amount of reconstructed sites. [Figs 30-32] within short proximity of the sites that have been destroyed during the Indonesian occupation. Traditional housing in this particular region has been found to be closer to its original design, proportions, shape, form and scale, types of materials used suggesting that communication and relationship to land within the community has been maintained to a higher degree.

In Lautem, it was considerably difficult to gain access to the clusters of houses as described in Cinatti’s records. Most of the clusters of houses as marked on his travel records have been destroyed and there are dispersed groups that we found in various degrees of conservation.

bottom images: Fig. 18 [left]: Maubisse Type A Fig. 19 [center left]: Maubisse Type B Fig. 20 [center right]: Los Palos Section Fig. 21 [right]: Los Palos Elevation All images from Cinatti [1987]

Fig. 22 [top left]: Baucau House. Fig. 23 [top center]: Viqueque House. Images from from Cinatti [1987] Fig. 24: [top right] Drawings of traditional housing Fig. 25: [bottom left]: Forests of Tali Metan,[Fia=Fakaluku] nowadays a scarce material for roofing systems in traditional housing. Fig. 26: [bottom right] Traditional House built for tourists in Com, Lautem. Figs 27-28 [next page]: Elevation/sectional drawings and plan of Viqueque housing [Photos & Sketches from Authors]

Figs. 30-31 [above]: Traditional owners, House Type A and Type B – Cluster in Maubisse. [Photos & Sketches from Author] Figures 32a: Site plan Maubisse; 32b - Sketch section Type A Maubisse; 32c - Sketch Plan Type A

The surveyed Uma Lulik in Los Palos is a pole house with dimensions of roughly 4.7m x 4.2m and a total height of 10.2m. It is structured in four parts: basis, poles, house and roof. The Maubisse types have larger footprints and heights but with similar core structural areas [4 x 5m]. The Viqueque structure is still a pole house but much shorter in height as well as in scale overall. The basis consists of a square of benches with a slightly elevated floor. The benches are constructed by shelves (about 40 x 6 cm) - stuck together with overlap joints gaining a deep sitting area. Four massive poles (30 - 35 cm) in the corners support a timber house with a step roof. The ground floor of the elevated house is constructed as a platform - supported by a load bearing structure of four massive crossing beams. There was no steel used originally, nor nails or screws which is commonly absent in all the 3 typologies in Viqueque, Los Palos and Maubisse. Joints are generally made with cutouts, with pegs and holes profiled together and tied with fibre ropes. The square is covered with a layer of shelves. The Maubisse houses are a combination of a circumscribed square with a round set of shorter mezzanines stepping up from a central entrance towards side varandahs, covered by a generous roof larger in scale and accommodating considerably larger families inside.

The walls of the house [both Los Palos and Maubisse] have a thickness of just 6 - 7 cm and are constructed in a frame and panel system. The panels with a width of 30 - 40 cm are sometimes richly carved. The four window openings with a seize of about 40 x 60 cm and can’t be closed. The walls support a ring beam of timber shelfs which it’s the basis for the truss of the steep roof. The bamboo rafters [Dendrocalamus Asper] shape a cone of about seven meters height and are much taller in the Maubisse house [9-12 meters]. Forty centimetres distance at the beams become three to four cm at the top. Battens of split bamboo bear a fibre layer of 10 - 20 cm thickness. All joints are made with knots of fibre ropes or with pegs and holes. The Los Palos house uses a ridge covered by a thick black palm bast pillow. The bast is harvested from a special palm tree [Tali Metan] which is weather resistant and is currently very difficult to source. In Maubisse and Viqueque, palm trees are used instead despite its lower resistance and need for maintenance between 5 - 7 years. The ridge ends in two nests filled with big white egg shaped stones. The surveyed Uma Lulik of Viqueque is a pole house as and it is one of the rare examples of new Uma Luliks. The basis is a rectangle of roughly 6.7 x 2.7 m. Including the roof overhang the footprint is much bigger and comes to roughly 7.5 x 5.0 m,

Fig. 33 [top]: Photograph at Maubisse Traditional house [boat motif] 2020. Fig. 34 [bottom]: Detail from Cinatti’s book 1958 mission Figs. 35-36 [next page]: Details

with a total height of approximately 5.7 m. The research team couldn’t enter the structure due to its function. The building was relatively new (2017) at the time of survey (2019) according to the information provided by the owner. Like other Uma Luliks the Viqueque building doesn’t touch the ground and it is elevated (70 – 105 cm). It is remarkable that this relatively small building structure is supported by 28 poles of very different dimensions plus the 8 poles of the two front benches – 36 poles in total. The main structure is a purlin roof supported by 12 poles (square profile, split timber, 14 - 18 cm). Two rows of four poles [each side] bear the two upper purlins (of unknown size). The curved lower purlin, supported by eight poles, defines an asymmetrical roof overhang (long side: 1,10 m roof/small side 60 cm). The roof cone is constructed by round rafters (d = 8 cm) with an approximate cm center distance of 50 to 60 along the eaves line - with a shrinking distance at the ridge. Round battens (center distance around 30 cm) form the cone shaped roof structure. It is covered with a layer of palm leaves (40 cm thickness). There are no kinds of bracing to identify - the poles which are buried in the soil and work obviously as a clamped column. All joints are executed without any metal fixing - mainly with fibre ropes and a few peg and hole joints. The lower, curved purlin of the roof overhang lies on pole crotches without any fixing (no ropes, no timber nail).

The cone shaped roof covers a rectangular, elevated volume. The floor is divided into three uplifted sections (the middle part 1.04 m, and side parts 75 cm above ground level). The bamboo volume has it’s own load-bearing structure - it doesn’t use the poles of the roof structure in any way. It is clear that it has been constructed later and completely independently. The walls consist of bamboo strips - fixed in notches of the surrounding timber frame respectively sewed together with fibre ropes. There are three small openings - parts of the walls can be taken away to enter. (not a window or door) Nevertheless there is a small ladder to enter. The three openings and two benches in front of one long side define the main facade. But this side does not face the road for representation. The owner mentioned considerable building costs, but did not go in detail. The building was made with simple tools only (axe, machete), without carvings or sophisticated details. Nevertheless this bamboo volume gives the impression of a designed ‘treasure box’. The Uma Lulik has an open fire place inside in most houses- made by stones and a layer of sand. This has allowed families to sleep and store goods.The bench area under the house [Los Palos House] or adjacent to the entrance [Viqueque and Maubisse] are intermediate spaces, places to meet and to sit, while protecting users against the heavy rains and the strong sun. The Maubisse and the Viqueque houses have also small openings with similar dimensions but a door to the centre of the house, aligned with the main entrance towards the platform.

While the Los Palos houses are remarkable small for the room and sometimes are built in pairs [male and female houses], the Viqueque and in particular the Maubisse houses are considerably larger. Inside an Uma Lulik you will find almost anytime - and across all regional differences - at least two poles (male and female) with a higher religious significance. It’s the place where the ancestors „live“ and are worshipped. The main room has a fireplace made by timber shelves filled with sand and mud to prepare meals. The souls of the Makasae anchestors for instance demand a meal at least once a year after harvest. It connects the souls with the living people. (Loch 2007) Without maintenance these building last for 20 or 30 years only and close to none of the remaining buildings we have visited at the Los Palos area is in good condition. It seems that there is a direct correlation between the necessary level of carpentry skills/craftsmanship and conservation of the architecture heritage in the area. The complexity and detailing of the structural system [trusses, beams and plan levels with particular joinery system] aligned with the necessary knowledge in obtaining harder types of timber that can withstand pests/fungus, plus lack of experienced builders that can coordinate the modulated process of construction makes the task of maintaining and replicating these buildings very difficult. The few remaining experienced builders we have been able to talk to are old now and have no apprentices. Due to a loss of bio diversity in the forests of East Timor it becomes more and more difficult to get the different types building materials – especially timber - together. 37

Conclusions How many Uma Luliks do exist today? There is still no quantity survey of sacred houses in East Timor. In 2002 a household survey was made 195,000 households were counted and about 1 Million people where thousands of Uma Luliks were reconstructed in a short period of time. (Loch 2007) speaks about the required effort for construction [between 2-5 months] with up to 50 people involved in the building process at times. The ethnologist describes the process of reconstruction as a nationwide post-traumatic recovery process. The situation seems to have changed. The authors found very few existing Uma Luliks in 2019/20 and not many in a well maintained condition through the provinces visited. There is evidence of decline in the number of traditional housing being built (locations that the authors visited in 2019 and 2020). Despite no statistical data, research comparing site plans from Cinatti’s missions [1959-1960’s] with field work observation in 2019/2020 and crossinformation from elderly builders and Timorese we have talked to, there is a very slow recovery and reconstruction after 2002. Within the 4 provinces where we conducted research, collected data and interviews [Viqueque, Maubisse, Baucau and Lautem], it was possible to observe that the impact of less activity in construction of traditional housing is directly responsible for loss of quality

in traditional housing detailing and craftsmenship, as the knowledge on how to build these houses are passed from generation to generation, through oral traditions. The ‘Know- How is a fundamental force on the Lulik approach of building. During Cinatti’s missions [1950’s – 1960’s] mostly experienced builders with multiple projects happening throughout the year were in charge of community projects. In the very few projects under construction or completed we were able to observe, there was a sense of confusion for us on why certain materials had been used, at peculiar quantities, or why details have been lost or structural aspects disregarded. This reflects on a number of points: [a] lack of understanding from new builders of complex structural joinery; [b] simplifying details which demands less skills, [c]rushing for time which implies difficulties on sourcing structural materials; [d] lack of forestry management skills and subsequent need for substitution with cheaper industrialized materials;[e] loss of craftsmanship skills on timber in particular and [f] little or no acquaintance with bamboo forestry, preservation and structural use as a potential substitute for timber; [g] elderly builders are not able to pass their knowledge to the youth as they are either moving overseas, to urbanized centres or not interested on manual labour jobs; All of these aspects generate changes in planning and design due to new materials use or simply for lack of knowledge on spatial hierarchy, scale and proportions.

Considering this, it is important that measures are taken to: • Preserve the traditional heritage buildings of the Timorese people (this involves not only the final material object[s] as a house per se or the intangible aspects of it, but the entire process of sourcing materials, design planning, construction, maintenance and management of the house [s] which is based on community cultural values and on the lulik understanding of land and natural resources). Governmental heritage policies [natural, man-made and the intangible] are needed to support these processes [e.g. agriculture and forestry management, bio-based building materials industry, heritage conservation legislation, land tenure resolutions, tourism and development]. Needless to say that policies that are not inclusive of the cultural and natural mandate are meant to fail in such complex context of development in the country. • Learn from the traditional housing heritage, interpret and create new design and construction solutions that are culturally appropriate, affordable, considerate of lifestyle changes and environmentally innovative for the entire lifecycle of production, construction and implementation. This will prove to allow for an engagement with modernity that is based on the experiences and resources of the Timorese, moving forward with creative solutions that are allowing social and economic development.

This leads us to three points of action: 1. To keep the knowledge of design, construction and relevant craftsmanship of Uma Luliks alive. Vocational schools in East Timor have to offer relevant courses for workers. like carpentry, carving, cabinet making, material knowledge and sustainable harvestin. 2. Such vocational schools need to be integrated in a matrix for learning that considers rural development not in isolation [forestry, agriculture, heritage conservation, tourism and architecture]. 3. A central Uma Lulik archive for all kind of relevant documents like measures, plans, pictures as well as material samples should be introduced in Dili [as a reference point] and digitally as an opensource database for learning throughout the country. This can lead to continuous documentation by users in vocational schools and districts.

Acknowledgements National library of Australia, Canberra, Fundacao Oriente [Ms Sonia Fonseca, Foundation Director Dili- TL [2019-March 2020] and Ms Joana , Brazilian Embassy in Timor [Mr Octavio Moreira Guimaraes, Cultural Atacche- Dili TL], Mr Theo Ebbers, Principal Advisor, Dili, Deutsche Gesellschaft für International Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) Mr Euclitos dos Reis da Costa, Field Manager, Los Palos, Deutsche Gesellschaft für International Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e - Rector Dr Francisco Miguel Martins

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The Study Area: 4 Housing Types Digital Recreations of 4 Uma Lulik Los Palos 48 Viqueque 58 Maubisse 66

LOS PALOS Quem não me deu Amor não me deu nada... ‘Those that didn’t give me love, gave me nothing... Poem, Ruy Cinatti

Bamboo Palm Rolls

~4cm ~10 cm

5,30

15 Pfetten

3/18

1,00

1,64 3,64

1,00

25 51

15 15

North-South-Section

4,43 91

2,42

1,07

2,25

1,11

2,25 1,07

4,43

2,43 93

1,11

GRUNDRISS II 1M

Plan @ 1m

1,04

32 1,51

92 20

1,10

1,40 20

38 1,55

1,52

1,27

3,91

1,27

1,59

1,95

1,40

GRUNDRISS II 3M

Plan @ 3m

Plan @ 4.5m

Front Elevation

Section AA

Side Elevation

Section BB

VIQUEQUE Foi a paisagem que me afundou A pouco e pouco Os homens içaram-me Milagre? – Não! Foi só amor Assim Timor, Os Timorenses. Poem, Ruy Cinatti

Front Elevation

Side Elevation

Section AA

Section BB

MAUBISSE De monte a monta, o meu grito soa, soa, como voz de um eco do infinito ecoando em todos nós. Timor cresce como um grito ecoando em todos nós. Poem, Ruy Cinatti

Front Elevation

Section AA

Side Elevation

Section BB

Front Elevation

Section AA

Side Elevation

Section BB