Architecture Master Thesis. Venus Building

VENUS Venus Building

Venus building

Architect. Omar Niño Guzmán

Spatial and architectural interpretation in the Venus building, La Mina Neighborhood

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UPC - ETSAB - MBArq Contemporary Project (2016/2017) Director of work: Arq. Xavi LLobert

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index

Master thesis

2. Ca

Migration flow during the first half of ¨desar

Barcelona Urban polygons, the idea o

3. Barcelona Ur

Brief overview of urba

4. Goverme

Conceptual param

La Mina, historical grow Actual iss Social condition, (stakeholders) and its

Venus Building, and actual c

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Tour Bois-le-Prêtre by Frédéric Druot J La Minoterie

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_> _> 7. Hypothesis _ 1. Introduction

8. Architectonic strategies_ _

atalonia migration

f the 20th century, rrollismo¨ in Spain

9. Design proposal_ . New architectural program for Venus

of a new Urbanism

rban Development

10. Economical and susteinable program_

anism in Barcelona

B-MINCOME , social program for Sant Adria.

P

ent last plan for La Mina renovation

metrer for La Mina

11. Conclusion_ P

5.Problematic_

wing. Urban develop. sues, urban policies. s relation with public space. condition Interventios Structural system Actual state

6. Study Cases_

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t, Anne Lacaton and Jean-Philippe Vassal e / TANK Architectes DeFlat Kleiburg

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INTRO DUC TION

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The economic situation generated by this autarkic policy was

tionism had put them in a privileged position). The government

increasingly questioned, and although the year 1959 is the fun-

took some measures such as liberalization of the distribution of

damental breaking point. It is also true that since the beginning

goods, foreign trade was reactivated, there was a greater inflow

of the 1950s some measures were begun, the opening of the

of capital, increased industrial and agricultural productivity, and

economy, especially important in terms of openness to the ex-

also increased demand.

terior relations. All this could not be materialize definitively until the Plan of Stabilization of 1959.

In the countryside, began a period of agricultural produc-

For the implementation of all “developmental” policies the par-

tion-transformation that led to an improvement in yields and a

ticipation of foreign capital, therefore, the rupture of the inter-

tendency towards greater mechanization. Agreements with the

national isolation by which Spain had been subjected after the

US was economically beneficial, both in terms of quantity and in

Second World War. The international context marked by the

terms of openness in investments and companies in that coun-

Cold War allowed Spain to find accommodation in the new eco-

try. In the first place, it is necessary to follow some clues to

nomical world. Presenting itself as Catholic and anticommunist

understanding the causes of migrations in Spain, in special the

credentials, Spain was breaking the external blockade, being the

mobilization towards cities under an economic growth. Perhaps

Vatican and US the main values ​​for the reincorporation of Spain

the central question at this point is to define what was more

to the international scene. In the case of the United States, the

important, whether the factors of departure from the places of

Spain geographical positition within the defensive environment

origin or the factor of “attraction” of urban centers.

developed by the United States in the context of the Cold War

The great migrations of the 1960s can not be understood if both

was fundamental. The signing of the Concordat with the Vatican

factors are not taken into account; That although there were

in 1953 and the pacts with the US in that same year brought

previously stimuli to exit the places of origin, the migration ex-

Spain back into the international order. Which finally mate- rial-

plosion could not take place until the attraction of cities in the

ized with its accession to the UN in 1955. With a regime that had

process of industrialization. To try to unravel this question will

greater stability and in which there was an incipient economic

go back to the 30s, 40s, and 50s.

recovery. According to Borja de Riquer, the economic situation of 1950 reflected the failure of autarky, as shown by the fact that all economic indicators remained below pre-war data. This policy was fatal for the process of Spanish industrialization, in which we can see it not only as a period of stagnation but also of depression.

The 1950s can be considered as a “hinge decade” on the way to the developmental stage. The first steps were taken which would only consist in the unlocking çof the possibilities of the Spanish economy. In the new government of 1951, the need for some reo- rientation of the economic policies that were focused on the development of the economy. Also, autarchy and the Firts Part

heavy economic bureaucracy were questioned by some sectors of the bosses who pushed for a change of policies (although in fact, they were calling for liberalization, after 10 years of protec-

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CATALO NIA MIGRATION

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Catalonia migrations

Catalonia migrations

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Migration flow during the first half of the 20th century.

The economic situation generated by this autarkic policy was

tionism had put them in a privileged position). The government

increasingly questioned, and although the year 1959 is the fun-

took some measures such as liberalization of the distribution of

damental breaking point. It is also true that since the beginning

goods, foreign trade was reactivated, there was a greater inflow

of the 1950s some measures were begun, the opening of the

of capital, increased industrial and agricultural productivity, and

economy, especially important in terms of openness to the ex-

also increased demand. In the countryside,began a period of

terior relations. All this could not be materialize definitively until

agricultural production-transformation that led to an improve-

the Plan of Stabilization of 1959.

ment in yields and a tendency towards greater mechanization.

For the implementation of all “developmental” policies the par-

Agreements with the US was economically beneficial, both in

ticipation of foreign capital, therefore, the rupture of the inter-

terms of quantity and in terms of openness in investments and

national isolation by which Spain had been subjected after the

companies in that country. In the first place, it is necessary to

Second World War. The international context marked by the

follow some clues to understanding the causes of migrations in

Cold War allowed Spain to find accommodation in the new eco-

Spain, in special the mobilization towards cities under an eco-

nomical world. Presenting itself as Catholic and anticommunist

nomic growth. Perhaps the central question at this point is to de-

credentials, Spain was breaking the external blockade, being the

fine what was more important, whether the factors of departure

Vatican and US the main values ​​for the reincorporation of Spain

from the places of origin or the factor of “attraction” of urban

to the international scene. In the case of the United States, the

centers.

Spain geographical positition within the defensive environment

The great migrations of the 1960s can not be understood if both

developed by the United States in the context of the Cold War

factors are not taken into account; That although there were

was fundamental. The signing of the Concordat with the Vatican

previously stimuli to exit the places of origin, the migration ex-

in 1953 and the pacts with the US in that same year brought

plosion could not take place until the attraction of cities in the

Spain back into the international order. Which finally mate- rial-

process of industrialization. To try to unravel this question will go

ized with its accession to the UN in 1955. With a regime that had

back to the 30s, 40s, and 50s. Regarding these fearful reforms

greater stability and in which there was an incipient economic

focused at liberalization, they are important for the migration

recovery. According to Borja de Riquer, the economic situation

process what they imply greater freedom of movement. One of

of 1950 reflected the failure of autarky, as shown by the fact

the effects of this was the beginning of the migratory flows of

that all economic indicators remained below pre-war data. This

the fifties that were strengthened with the arrival of the 1960s.

policy was fatal for the process of Spanish industrialization, in

This beginning of the migrations had its effect in the process

which we can see it not only as a period of stagnation but also

of mechanization of the field to which we have just referred,

of depression.

impelling the substitution of hand-labor and cattle for labor by

The 1950s can be considered as a “hinge decade” on the way

machinery.

to the developmental stage. The first steps were taken which

As we have already said, the economic expansion of Spain oc-

would only consist in the unlocking çof the possibilities of the

curred in a period highly favorable to this, as it was inserted

Spanish economy. In the new government of 1951, the need for

in the largest growth cycle in the history of Europe. After the

some reo- rientation of the economic policies that were focused

recovery of the pre-war rates in 1950, a sustained high-growth

on the development of the economy. Also, autarchy and the

cycle began in Western Europe during 1970. If in 1958 a time

heavy economic bureaucracy were questioned by some sectors

of recession was perceived, a new period of expansion began

of the bosses who pushed for a change of policies (although in

in 1959 which caused a massive movement of workers from

fact, they were calling for liberalization, after 10 years of protec-

the Mediterranean regions to the industrialized areas of Europe,

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Catalonia migrations

reaching the figure of about five million emigrants between 1959 and 1965. Undoubtedly one of the great protagonists of ¨desarrollismo¨ was the industry, and in fact, the dynamics during this period was an accelerated industrialization. The industry was not only important for being fastest growing sector, it was the protagonist of structural changes in the Spanish economy.

Spain in this decade became a fully industrial and urban society.

For the industrialization was essential the external opening.

Another sector that experienced a considerable expansion was that of construction, not only to provide the infrastructure needs of industrial estates and tourism but especially to attend the huge demand for housing at that time. The accelerated urbanization of

Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla. Archivo Serrano, 1961.

Spanish society provoked by the migratory wave of the 1960s. was the basis for the development of the services sector and the construction industry. It is during these years that the great residential estates that came to support two aspects demand of housing and built the area up. The demand for houses of emigration that already occupied the great -slams neighborhoodand the huge mass of immigrants who came to the cities during those years. Notably the “First Development Plan”, the training program for “development poles”, areas designed to attract industrial investment through tax advantages, creating new industrial districts whose aim was to balance industrial development in those regions of the country. Those zones were only success-

Xavier Miserachs, Barcelona en blanco y negro

ful in those areas that already had a previous industrial tradition such as Madrid, Barcelona or Bilbao.

Of course, this distribution of industrial development is fundamental to understand the distribution of the population, or rather, their redistribution as a result of migrations to those points.

The last phenomenon we will refer to is the depopulation and modernization of the countryside. The peak of the occupation of employees in the Spanish countryside occurred in was the basis for the development of the services sector and the construction industry. It is during these years that the great residential estates that came to support two aspects demand of housing and built occupied the great -slams neighborhood- and the huge mass of immigrants who came to the cities during those years. Notably

Francesc Candel, titulat Els altres catalans.

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the area up. The demand for houses of emigration that already

Catalonia migrations

the “First Development Plan”, the training program for “development poles”, areas designed to attract industrial investment through tax advantages, creating new industrial districts whose aim was to balance industrial development in those regions of the country. Those zones were only successful in those areas that already had a previous industrial tradition such as Madrid, Barcelona or Bilbao.

Of course, this distribution of industrial development is fundamental to understand the distribution of the population, or rather, their redistribution as a result of migrations to those points.

The last phenomenon we will refer to is the depopulation and modernization of the countryside. The peak of the occupation of employees in the Spanish countryside occurred in the mid1950s when the great depopulation of the countryside taking place in the 1960s (from 1960 to 1972, from 1,945,100 towards 945,400). It was not only a massiveemigration of wage earners, but many small land-owners were forced to abandon their lands because of their low productivity. During the first third of the twentieth century, although the latifundism structure in the regions of Andalusia and Extremadura sought to the rural proletariat, not more misery and instability than in the 1960s. Emigration reached very low levels when compared to the emigration of rural areas Such as Galicia, Levante or Almeria, likewise if during the First World War 40,772 workers went abroad from the Levant provinces. In general, in the 1920s, the inhabitants of small farms were more willing to emigrate than those in large property areas. In the first third of the twentieth century, the proletariat of the latifundism zones opted for social mobilization and political struggle to improve their working conditions, or even social structures, rather than emigration.

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Main migration diagram. During 1960 -1970

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T`he regime also put restrictions on foreign migration, cutting off the migratory flow initiated in 1916 towards France.

In 1941, foreign emigration was banned totally, the autarkic logic of Franco period established the idea of increasing the population from 26 to 40 million people (although restrictions continued, the decree was repealed in 1946 on the inability to enforce it). In spite of these obstacles, the migratory flow towards the cities began to recover in this first decade of the Francoism.

The four provinces with the highest incomes, Madrid, Vasco Country, Catalonia and the Balearic Islands, had twice as much income as regions such as Andalusia, Murcia, Canarias or Galicia, and three times that of Extremadura and present Castilla La Mancha, this information is pointing to the main departure places and arrival of migrations.

In the same decade of the 1950s, there was a population increase with an annual growth of 0.78% (from 27,976,555 inhabitants in 1950 to 30,430,698 ten years later). The migratory movements accompanied this growth of the population were directed to both cities and abroad, being in total between 1951 and 1960 about 1,000,000 Spaniards who changed their residence.

The main starting points for immigrants were the areas that formed part of traditional agrarian Spain, which coincided with areas with the lowest income level, such as Andalusia (569,000 emigrants), the two Castile (643,000), Galicia (227,000) And Extremadura (175,000) .

In the 1950s, there was a greater contrast between the rest of Catalonia and the rest of the regions in terms of labor composition, which was 26 points lower in the average agrarian population in Spain, which was 48.8% and 22 points higher in the population dedicated to industry, with 47% compared to 25% state. Also, within the province of Barcelona, the total population By 1950 the Catalan population had increased by 349,339 people since the end of the war so that the total population reached 3,240,331 inhabitants, a very high growth.

Higher than the Spanish average. The contribution of the migratory contingent stands out since if the natural growth only represented 90,000 people, the migrations represented an increase of the population of 250,000 new inhabitants. In general, the population growth experienced in the 25 years

to 1975 represented an annual increase of 2.25%, a figure that doubled the average growth of Spain, which meant an increase of the population of two and a half million. The main factor that explains this demographic explosion was immigration, and not exclusively by the quantitative contribution, but also by the structural transformations that caused and that affected the evolution of natural growth.

The immigrant’s arrival, attracted by the need for labor that was already evident in the 1940s, It was concentrated in the areas of industrial expansion. After the bump of the second half of the 1940s, from the 1950s, the migration growth rates will increase steadily until the 1970s.

In the 1950s, the province of Barcelona absorbed 241,906 immigrants out of a total of 258,717 of the Catalan population, and Barcelona City alone accounted for 60% of Catalonia’s total. In this way, if the Catalan agrarian zones suffered a depression of their population, the areas of industrial development (Barcelona, the Western Valleys, and the Baix Llobregat) accounted for 52.9% of the total Catalan population. As for the composition of the immigrants, for the first time, the population coming from Andalusia surpassed the traditional foci of Aragon and Valencia. We will resume the migratory phenomenon in the 60’s after pointing out some notes on the effect of development in Catalonia. Barcelona throughout the 20th century became an indisputable center of immigration. Which in the first third of the century had considerable proportions, by the 1960s acquired a magnitude never seen. It could be said that throughout this century the immigrants were a fundamental part of the life of Barcelona. Along the 60’s, they were not only part of the city daily life, they became the protagonists of the popular struggles for better working - living conditions, and one constant voice against Franco´s dictatorship.

In the centers of work, and in the neighborhoods mainly of immigrants zones, it was where the contradictions of the system had more crudeness, the workers and neighborhood answer created serious protests towards the regime. Therefore, we can not understand the social history of Barcelona during the second half of the century, if we do not pay sufficient attention to the effect of the 1,392,147 new inhabitants that the city had between 1951 and 1975.

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Catalonia migrations

Catalonia migrations

Main migration diagram. During 1930 Main migration diagram. During 1960-1970

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International migration during Franco period, Francisco Andres Burabano

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Catalonia migrations

15 ANYS A VENUS, Movie images.

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Polygon creation

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Polygon creation

Polygon creation Migration flow during the first half of the 20th century In fact, these polygons did not differ much more from the UVAs, since their planning public-private with the subsidy, those tended to consolidate the catastrophic housing policy implemented by the OSH(in Spanish Obra Sindical del Hogar).

Relegated to the periphery or rural areas of cities and located in areas of low environmental value, the Porciol´s polygons were nothing more than a ¨facade¨ behind which to conceal the real causes of the progressive increase of the socio-spatial inequality that had been extended to the entire national territory (Solà-Morales, 1997: 89-104). The high density of housing that came to register these polygons, without any transport and communications, with little or no facilities, poor construction quality and a small size of housing, responded to the absolute lack of interest of the Regime for real commitment with the social and economic problems of the time.

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It is in this social and political context, characterized by a real institutional struggle against the “limited income”, which is part of the 1961 -Barraquismo- Suppression Plan. It was approved in a crucial year for the Franco´s “stabilization” process, the plan emphasized the important changes brought about by the Spanish urban planning jurisdiction in the 1950s, which ended the so-called ius aedificandi. If until then this peculiar legacy of Roman law protected the “right to edify building what is built” after strategic approval of the soil law of 1956, the regime strictly stated that “only planning determines the right to build” (Gallego, 2002).

It is evident, in this sense, that the purpose of the Plan of Suppression was to end quickly and definitively with all slums self-built settlements, especially with those that arose in spaces particularly profitable in urban terms. To this end, the institutions began to plan the systematic displacement of many “chabolas” to the urban peripheries of the big cities, where they would be relocated in large blocks of vertical houses. Thus, the Regime not only managed to “liberate” and increase considerable expanses of urban land in the central areas of the city but also tended to rationalize the new peri-urban space to the maximum fostering building in height.

Thus, especially during the 1960s and the internal immigration in Catalonia, the Barcelona metropolitan area became the main protagonist of the Suppression Plan, assuming an approach and justification based on the concept of “urgency”. UVAs (Unidades Vecinales de Absorción) intended to materialize a model architecture “shelter in rows”, inspired

by Le Corbousier’s architecture, however, virtually every one of the UVAs built in this decade was characterized by large structural deficiencies, which ended up generating important neighborhood conflicts.

Once the stage of building UVAs in the late 1960s, Porcioles proclaimed that the remains of -slums- in the capital would be definitively eradicated with the construction of new “absorption polygons.” In this direction, the polygons of Canyelles, in Nou Barris, and of La Mina, in Sant Adrià de Besòs would represent the framework of the Suppression of Barraquismo. The two most emblematic operations carried out by the PMVB to rehome numerous “families Slum dwellers “of the metropolitan area of Barcelona.

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UNA LLAVE [Julio UbiĂąa, 1973 - V.O.] , film

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Polygon creation

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Polygon creation

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Bacerlona Polygons - VAs (Unidades Vecinales de Absorciรณn) during 1960

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Polygon creation

El Plan de Desarrollo […] instrumenta una amplia e intensa acción del Estado a favor de las zonas geográficas menos desarrolladas con el fin de conseguir una mayor aproximación entre los niveles de renta de las distintas regiones españolas. Dicha actuación estatal se realiza principalmente a través de un doble orden de actuaciones: las encaminadas a la mejora agraria y las de fomento de la industrialización. […] Para acelerar la industrialización el Plan prevé el establecimiento de polos y polígonos. Mediante los primeros se trata de crear importantes núcleos industriales impulsando unas concretas actividades económicas y sociales […]. Mediante los polígonos, la acción del Estado se extenderá asimismo a aquellas poblaciones que, aún sin reunir las condiciones indispensables para crear en ellas polos de desarrollo o promoción, permitan el establecimiento de industrias.

Ley 194/1963, de 28 de diciembre, por la que se aprueba el Plan de Desarrollo Económico y Social para el período 1964/1967 y se dictan normas relativas a

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su ejecución. http://www.boe.es/buscar/doc.php?id=BOE-A-1963-22670]

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Polygon creation

They are the edges lacking effective incorporation, the inner islands empty of activity, and the forgotten debris that remain out of the urban dynamics.

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Sola-Morales, 2002

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Urban development

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BARCELONA URBAN DEVELOPMENT

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Urban development

Barcelona city as a global capital and urban area in continuous

a city under a cohesion results being a simple speech in term of

development is considered as one the main focus of employ-

urban public spaces for people and in special for owns habitats.

ment and life opportunities in the Spanish Mediterranean area.

As a global tendency, social spaces have gone dissolving under

Barcelona metropolitan area comprises over 66% of the people

the contemporary urban conditions

of Catalonia, one of the richer regions in Europe and the fourth richest region per capita in Spain. Therefore this conditions, the high number of migration to Barcelona is remarkable which has become the city progressively in a multicultural region. To the north on the slopes of the coastal hills, a number of large villas were built in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These shaped a high-class residential zone which, although originally separated from the main urban area, has gradually been engulfed by piecemeal expansion. Whose expansion took advantage in recently urban history The Eixample, or “city extension”, is the result of a strong, rational idea, which had been based on interest to connect the core city with the peripheral towns.

In order to follow the consideration with the urban ex-

pansion and the cases study, La Mina and Sant Adrià de Besòs are considered zones of the periphery composed by migration population and constantly urban modified under an aleatory a non-urban examination. The industry plan for is 1920 is becoming increasingly interested in this territory because of the unbeatable geographical situation that was facing the city, which was not “too far or too close”.

The consistory Adrianenses devised a mini-plan of urbanization for a smaller portion of the territory, conceived as an area for workers.

Starting from this period followed by Spanish civil war several urban renovations have taken place for the Bèsos field, the gentrification has seen the arrival of many urban renovation and facilities for the Barcelona central-tourist, but elsewhere immigrant communities have displaced to the boundary zones which counts with many social-urban issues. Therefore discuss around La Mina neighborhood is talking in parallel with problems associated with urban isolation.

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Regardless of many attempts for developing the Bésos area and connecting with the central Barcelona, It still maintained unlinked and forgotten by the urban space. Thus the impression of

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Urban development

Plan CERDÁ

This project was a visionary, pioneering design by Ildefons Cerdà, who considered traffic and transport along with sunlight and ventilation in coming up with his characteristic octagonal blocks, where the streets broaden at every intersection making for greater visibility, better ventilation and (today) some short-stay parking space.

The industry plan

It was a project of adaptation of the urban planning of Barcelona defined in the Plan Cerdá in order to fit the plot of the Barcelonian expansion with the original traces of the towns that surrounded the city of Barcelona.

The industry is becoming increasingly interested in this territory because of the unbeatable geographical situation that was facing the city, which was not “too far or too close”.

The consistory adrianense devised a mini-plan of urbanization for a smaller portion of the territory, conceived as an area for workers.

expo 1929

Chabolismo

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Extra-walls

Plan Jaussely

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Spanish Civil war

The post-war period would definitively mark the future of the right bank of the Besòs, consolidating the projects that Barcelona had for its peripheries and, in particular, for its northern zone, conceived and planned as a productive area and quartering of the workforce.

peripheries X

Urban development

organize the space

Plan Barcelona 2000

Olympic Games

MIna final model

Creating urban nucleus of 700 houses, to accommodate working people of the industrial zones nearby “. The idea of Subias was, at least at the beginning, to repeat the experience of the residential nucleus of Montbau creating an “innovative”, “very equipped” and “socially cohesive” neighborhood.

The works began almost immediately and the following year (1970) the first 90 floors built in the Old Mine are delivered, which will eventually group some 850 houses.

Four years before the celebration of the Olympic Games of 1992 transcended the project Regresa. It tried to throw down the Mine and to disperse to its neighbors by all the Spain given the urbanistic and economic opportunities that offers the space before.

Central piece renovation and facilities. Dismantling industrial buildings in the southern strip to that connects the Park of the Besós, to the north, with the marina of the Forum, to the south.

An urban “zipper” of 600 meters in length, which personifies the basic principles of this urban intervention: Centrality, Diversity and Exchange..

Tower bloc k

disperse

ZIPPE R Firts Part

avier Subias plan

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Urban development

To understand consistently the evolution and changes suffered

For Cerdà, Barcelona was considered an eminently industrial

by the La Mina neighborhood throughout its history, it is perti-

and commercial due to its relation with the port and ocean com-

nent to observe the evolution that has suffered in parallel with

merce relationship. Accurately, the plan attributed enormous

the development plans of the city of recent Barcelona.

importance to the interior reform of the Old Town and especially included the project of a new port by the engineer Josep Rafo.

Cerdá plan. 1860

On the basis of these criteria, he established the general skeleton that defined the layout, direction, and breadth of the streets,

Barcelona is most commonly known in the field of town planning

squares, boulevards, and gardens, in order to differentiate clear-

for the work of Ildefons Cerdà but the context in which it came

ly the spaces for public use from those intended for private use.

about is generally forgotten. One of the most significant urban

Following and attending the urban evolution and this ¨Cerdá ¨

renovation for Barcelona is Cerdà’s plan which is associated

period the incidence under the Mina neighborhood (not estab

with the unity and consistency of its layout (which is clearly dis-

lished yet) is considered as the first moment which the city is

tinguishable from that of the Old Town), its division into plots, its

considering the Besos zone as one bit to develop one part of the

urban development and even its buildings with the exceptional

city. The Besos river and next areas were considered isolated

figure of Cerdà and with his project’s ambition.

plots away from the old city, thus the external status it was treat-

However, in terms of urban public spaces and urban lifestyles,

ed under the term of greenery are for nature and social activities.

the distinction is not based only on the urban plan. It has been a series of intervention along of XX century. The plan established many questions joined with order and cohesion for the city, from the project toward several, practices, local actions and processes that are coordinated over the course of the project generally make a fundamental contribution to their achievement. This first description corresponds that idea associated into urban public space and the life which the urban life suggests it, inhabitant.

The first plan for Cerdá was planted under the idea of reforming or expanding a town, no one has concerned himself with anything other than the monumental part in Barcelona.

Barcelona thus became the starting point of a belief elaboration which sought to establish on solid urban and design components, since it could not be based on tradition, a comprehensive framework for the development of a modern city, a new city under the conception of modernity around Europe and the industrial revolution.

Therefore, his proposal became an ideal conception, a tool which was to allow him to provide systematically operative Firts Part

principles of legal and economic character, with the capacity to adapt itself to the various changing realities along the next city growth.

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Urban development

Thus, during the last term of Francesc Rius i Taulet as mayor of Barcelona (1885-1890), a bill was presented to concretize the possibility of annexing to the city all those towns that were located within a radius of 6km. Autonomous municipalities such as Sants, Les Corts, Sant Gervasi, Gràcia and Vallcarca, Sant Martí or Sant Andreu were progressively incorporated into Barcelona as “new neighborhoods”. But Sant Adrià already represented at that time a different case with respect to the other municipalities, from its territorial annexation depended on the form in which

Manzanas with a central public green space as originally drawn by Cerda

those 6km were calculated and from which point of the city.

Finally, in 1897 the political unification of the whole Barcelona took place establishing that Sant Adrià was to more than 6km of the city and that, therefore, It would constitute an independent municipality (Grau and Nadal, 1997 : 341-359).

However, Barcelona was never quite in agreement with that decision and began a long series of legal and administrative disputes to defend their interests and get the annexation of the Besòs right bank. This process led to the generation and stratification of different types of territorial, political and urban conflicts, which ended up characterizing the relations between Barcelona and Sant Adrià throughout the 20th century and which were not yet solved at the beginning of the following century. This factor would explain, in a way, how the Besòs right bank has nowadays represented one of the “most unstable” territories in the entire metropolitan area of ​​Barcelona. Once again it proved impossible to unify the urban planning, thereby maintaining the sphere and location next to Besos river stayed unconnected with the urban develop, and the consolidation of marginal areas avoided by the urban plan.

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Avoid Plots, intermedial urban spaces.

Cerdá model, intermedial urban spaces.

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Urban development

Leon Jaussely, plan. 1903 The plan of 1903, drawn up by Leon Jaussely, is another important urban expression of Barcelona’s city planning. This plan introduced rationalization, and zoning thematics, for the first time in European town planning. It was a project of adaptation of the urban planning of Barcelona defined in the Plan Cerdá in order to fit the plot of the Barcelonian expansion with the original traces of the towns that surrounded the city of Barcelona.

The Connection project of Jaussely, the winner of the competition carried out by the City Council on the occasion of the adding perimeter zones of the municipalities to the Barcelona metropolitan plot. It gives a fairly a new idea of what the city was like and considered as a group fo many nearby towns. Indeed, if the approval of a plan had sufficed for Cerdà’s project, the new culture of planning information required a much more complex and exhaustive documentation. Thereby the general plan, and the new project supposed the plans for new uses, tramways, sewers, green zones, population densities.

Ensuring the connection of Barcelona with its surroundings and the transformation spaces.

However, Jaussely’s project was an ambition that more than exceeded Barcelona’s possibilities, as was in fact acknowledged.

Political vicissitudes delayed, even more, its effects on the urban planning of the city. When the City Council tried to revise the Eixample’s self-management system in 1917 and to establish a mechanism that would allow the whole question of the city’s urban planning and development to be dealt with Insurance and comprehensively, the dominant sectors of the urban property owners, led by the Chamber of Property, opposed it head on and made a fierce defence of the Eixample’s management setup. Once again it proved impossible to unify the urban planning, thereby maintaining the sphere and location next to Besos river stayed unconnected with the urban develop, and the consolida-

Firts Part

tion of marginal areas avoided by the urban plan.

30

Urban development

The industry plan 1920

urban development projects of the capital and the lands on the right side of Barcelona, of which it was being demanded its “immediate annexation”). Some years later, with the proclamation of the supposed legal suppression of the municipality of Sant Adrià, the situation became even more complicated.

In 1929, the government established that the axis of the river Besòs made a border between the lands on its left bank and those on its right bank. Assigning the first to the Badalona Town Hall and the second to the Barcelona area, from the Poblenou border to the right bank of the river, It would end up in becoming the Pla de Besòs. Although for legal purposes the Adrianian territory disappeared administratively and geographically as an independent municipality, this aggregation did not actually occur.

Firts Part

The industry is becoming increasingly interested in this territory because of the unbeatable geographical situation that was facing the city, which was not “too far or too close”.

The consistory adrianense devised a mini-plan of urbanization for a smaller portion of the territory, conceived as an area for workers. The fastest growing city in Europe during the 1900-1920 allowed the city a population of Barcelona expanded by 62 percent during this decade and adjacent collar suburbs like Hospitalet and Santa Coloma doubled and tripled in population. This growth is associated with tow different components, by one hand the urban modernization followed by industrialization were proceeding at a rapid pace. Migrants from nearby regions were flooding into the city to take jobs.

By 1929 the province of Catalonia, with about 6 million residents, contained about 70% of the manufacturing capacity of Spain. Rapidly, Barcelona had become Spain’s largest city, with 1.5 million people.

Sant Martí and Besos lands are consolidated as the great industrial districts of Barcelona. They held 47.1 percent of the industry in Barcelona, ​​the capital (or the former municipality of Barcelona) maintained 30 percent, a value widely exceeded in some sectors such as the graphic arts or mechano-metallurgy, mostly local business- Thereby the most important industrial part of the city was located in the district near to neighbourhood La Mina .

Although the Sant Adriá area started to be considered fundamental in economic developing and the Barcelona´s industrilization the mixture of housing and industry continued to be a constant of the city. Only some of the planned spaces of this period, such as upper and middle-class garden cities, and small popular neighborhoods. Thus the creation of neighbourhoods for workes is considered a constant in this period and the Mina is consireded an spontaneous area for industrial workers. Thus the creation of neighbourhoods for workes is considered a constant in this period and the Mina is consireded an spontaneous area for industrial workers.

Among the reasons given in the petition, Barcelona accused Sant Adrià of being in breaching of the 6km land law. Therefore, it was Impeding “necessary coordination” between the

31

Firts Part

SANT ADRIÁ 32

Organization and management of the structural elements of the territory and metropolitan character options that become functional and spatial transformation projects should be made by a superior body that has the capacity and competence to tie it to the dynamics of new lines and new complementary polarities in regional, national, state and European levels.

Firts Part

JOSEP MARIA VILANOVA CLARET,.

33

Urban development

The industry plan 1920

dination” between the urban development projects of the capital and the lands on the right side of Barcelona, of which it was

The industry is becoming increasingly interested in this territory

being demanded its “immediate annexation”). Some years lat-

because of the unbeatable geographical situation that was fac-

er, with the proclamation of the supposed legal suppression of

ing the city, which was not “too far or too close”.

the municipality of Sant Adrià, the situation became even more

The consistory adrianense devised a mini-plan of urbanization

complicated.

for a smaller portion of the territory, conceived as an area for

In 1929, the government established that the axis of the river

workers. The fastest growing city in Europe during the 1900-

Besòs made a border between the lands on its left bank and

1920 allowed the city a population of Barcelona expanded by

those on its right bank. Assigning the first to the Badalona Town

62 percent during this decade and adjacent collar suburbs like

Hall and the second to the Barcelona area, from the Poblenou

Hospitalet and Santa Coloma doubled and tripled in population.

border to the right bank of the river, It would end up in becoming

This growth is associated with tow different components, by

the Pla de Besòs. Although for legal purposes the Adrianian ter-

one hand the urban modernization followed by industrialization

ritory disappeared administratively and geographically as an in-

were proceeding at a rapid pace. Migrants from nearby regions

dependent municipality, this aggregation did not actually occur.

were flooding into the city to take jobs. By 1929 the province of Catalonia, with about 6 million residents, contained about 70% of the manufacturing capacity of Spain. Rapidly, Barcelona had become Spain’s largest city, with 1.5 million people.

Sant Martí and Besos lands are consolidated as the great industrial districts of Barcelona. They held 47.1 percent of the industry in Barcelona, ​​the capital (or the former municipality of Barcelona) maintained 30 percent, a value widely exceeded in some sectors such as the graphic arts or mechano-metallurgy, mostly local business- Thereby the most important industrial part of the city was located in the district near to neighbourhood La Mina .

Although the Sant Adriá area started to be considered fundamental in economic developing and the Barcelona´s industrilization the mixture of housing and industry continued to be a constant of the city. Only some of the planned spaces of this period, such as upper and middle-class garden cities, and small popular neighborhoods. Thus the creation of neighbourhoods for workes is considered a constant in this period and the Mina is consireded an spontaneous area for industrial workers. Thus the creation of neighbourhoods for workes is considered a constant in this period and the Mina is consireded an spontaneous Firts Part

area for industrial workers. Among the reasons given in the petition, Barcelona accused Sant Adrià of being in breaching of the 6km land law. Therefore, it was Impeding “necessary coor-

34

Urban development

Spanish Civil war 1936

the Besòs right bank consolidating the projects that Barcelona had for its peripheries and in particular for its northern zone,

Because of the tribulations that characterized Spanish politics in

conceived and planned as productive area and quartering of the

the following years, the bureaucratic and administrative formal-

workforce. With the Francoist victory of 1939, the Generalitat

ities of the process of annexing did not come to be fulfilled. On

was immediately disqualified, which implied the consecutive ab-

the other hand, due to the increasing population that the lands

olition of the Territorial Division of Catalonia adopted from 1936.

of the right side of the river suffered from the years 30, the con-

If this promoted the overcoming of the centralist model of the

sistory Adrianense soon became obliged to elaborate a serious

Spanish provinces by creating new economic centralities and

urban planning for this area, especially of the areas that currently

citizens. On the other hand, the Francoist territorial management

make La Mina and La Catalana. In 1934, the aforementioned

went exactly in the opposite

architect Joan Maymó again took center stage by proposing, in 1934, an urbanization project called “Pla de l’Eixample de Sant Adrià”, which provided, in fact, a type of building in the “garden-city” “, With single-family houses arranged in the territory according to the scheme of radial modules.

However, the Pla Maymó, with which the project was popularly known, carried different actions that could endanger the interests that the industry had in the area since these ran up against the voracity of the growth of Barcelona and the increase of demand for soil and industrial products. Moreland equated to more factories and more factories corresponded to more energy, and to this more population, composed of an increasingly diversified and depleted social mix that, It would become explosive in the long term. In this direction, it is important to point out that, during those years, the metropolitan growth of Barcelona was directly inspired by the hygienist principles of the ambitious Pla Macià (1932-34). This promoted the idea of ​​a “Nova Barcelona”, capable of eradicating the “social degradation” of its urban center through the supposed reordering of economic activities, which implied a great forced and systematic displacement of the popular and working class towards the periphery.

Finally, the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and the subsequent Francoist victory would paralyze both Pla Maymó and Pla Macià, but the general urban planning of the capital continued to advance without major obstacles in its distribution of specific Firts Part

functions for the different areas around the metropolitan territory. The hardness of the postwar period and, the “developmental” outbreak of the late 1950s, would definitively mark the future of

35

36

Firts Part

37

Firts Part

Urban development

position, establishing the return to the centralized model (Lluch

denación Provincial) of Barcelona. Taking advantage of the fact

and Nel·lo, 1983). However, the case of Sant Adrià constituted

that Sant Adrià remained legally non-existent, the Comarcal

a real exception with respect to the centralizing policy of the

Plan reserved the right to convert the suburban area of ​​Pla de

Franco regime. From the approval of the government decree of

Llevant from the simple peripheral extension of the capital to its

1929, the main objective of all the adrianenses consistories that

metropolitan dispersion area. The clearer effects of this conver-

were happening was, in fact, to recover its municipality to all

sion soon became evident in the territory and in particular in

the effects.

the space currently occupied by the neighborhood of La Mina through the so-called Partial Plans. These were to provide high-

Organize space 1957

ly localized solutions in the territory, that is, they promoted the

Firts Part

implementation and execution of concrete urban programs, in a This position, also maintained by others municipalities of the flat

concrete space and to attend to “specific needs of the moment”.

of Barcelona, ​​who claimed their status of independence prior

During the period of 1953 - Plan Comarcal , (County Plan) was

to the territorial unification of the late nineteenth century. It was

the first general urban plan for Barcelona since the Cerda plan of

welcomed with some ambiguity by the offices of Madrid whose

1859. It was the initial intent for planning both the metropolitan

aims was to avoid Political agglomeration of cities like Barcelo-

area of Barcelona, as well as the 25 adjacent cities around. The

na. As it is well known, in Catalonia the first years of dictatorship

overall plan was to encourage the growth of suburbs as well as

were marked by a great repression and a hard police control

fostering the growth of garden cities in the greater area. It had

and the regime did not begin to worry about it seriously with

green belts all over the area that were put in place for agricultural

the urban planning of Barcelona until May of 1945. Two years

and productive purposes, and housing units designed for a nu-

later, by decree of December 5, 1947, the Franco´s government

clear family. It had high prospects, as it appeared to address reg-

began to define the new boundaries of the Barcelona region,

ulations on building construction, density, and zoning. While the

establishing, as it was more convenient for the Regime, which

goals were supposed to be reasonable in order to achievable, it

Municipalities belonged to the capital and which did not.

quickly became more of a visionary document that an effective

Since then, Barcelona had the obligation to elaborate a plan of

planning tool. The plan had many major deficiencies, including

everything that happened in its territory. Thus, after the celebra-

the lack of thought into a boom in population. This resulted in

tion of the XXXV International Eucharistic Congress in 1952 - an

a shortage of construction and housing in appropriate districts

event with which Pio XII opened the doors to Franco as an inter-

and neglected the shift in metropolitan population. A sudden

national ally -, the so-called “General Urban Plan of Barcelona

need for housing units was needed in order to accommodate

and its area of ​​influence” was presented like a 1953 Regional

the population growth. In 1957, the mayor was Josep Porioles,

Plan. Otherwise, without any kind of democratic or participa-

who decided to bypass the 1953 plan by approving “special de-

tory purpose, its fundamental ideology was clearly fascist in

velopment plans”. Under this project, over 300,000 units were

essence, it basically sought to avoid any kind of social and ter-

built, all of which neglected the basic standards and regulations

ritorial overcrowding that would be difficult to govern. For this

that were put in place by the 1953 plan. The mayor also cut the

purpose, the Regional Plan envisaged different actions depend-

budget for parks, culture, sports, and education to the minimum.

ing on the geographical area in which they would be carried out.

In retrospect, it was accounted that only roughly 10% of the

Thus, the Besòs area was included in the area called Pla de

housing budget was spent on the construction of actual housing

Llevant, that is, from Poblenou to the river Besòs, which was

units, and the rest was unaccounted for, primarily due to corrup-

a strategic maneuver of the CSOP (Comisión Superior de Or-

tion. However this ¨reduced¨ housing led to the development

38

Urban development

of 709,757 housing units between the years of 1955 and 1975,

However this ¨reduced¨ housing led to the development of

which accounts for a total of 69.1% of total dwellings in the city.

709,757 housing units between the years of 1955 and 1975,

The plan had many major deficiencies, including the lack of

which acconts for a total of 69.1% of total dwellings in the city

thought into a boom in population. This resulted in a shortage of

Juan Manuel, a neighbor of La Mina for more than 30 years, a

construction and housing in appropriate districts and neglected

retired teacher and a profound expert of “the prehistory of the

the shift in metropolitan population. A sudden need for hous-

neighborhood”, was very clear. For him, the territorial and urban

ing units was needed in order to accommodate the population

planning of the area where La Mina emerges today has been

growth. In 1957, the mayor was Josep Porioles, who decided

subordinated, insistently and strategically, to the essential de-

to bypass the 1953 plan by approving “special development

mands of political stability and economic growth that the Franco

plans”. Under this project, over 300,000 units were built, all of

regime needed in the Catalan capital, particularly during its first

which neglected the basic standards and regulations that were

stage.

put in place by the 1953 plan. The mayor also cut the budget for parks, culture, sports, and education to the minimum. In retrospect, it was accounted that only roughly 10% of the housing budget was spent on the construction of actual housing units, and the rest was unaccounted for, primarily due to corruption.

Firts Part

Plan Comarcal 1953 [Web Photo]. Retrieved from http://blogs.lavanguardia.com/postbarcelona-shu/files/2013/06/PGM.jpg

39

Firts Part

Pues mira, te diré una cosa que pienso, francamente. Toda esta área [el margen derecho del Besòs], y en particular la porción de territorio donde se levantó el barrio, ha funcionado como una especie de juguete en manos de los falangistas por lo menos hasta el 59.

A partir de ahí la cosa no es que cambie mucho..., pero tomó otra forma, esto sí, y sólo porque lo que pensaban hacer en un primer momento pues ya no le convenía: claro, era más rentable convertir esto en lo que es ahora, ¡haciendo vivienda a saco! Pero antes, durante la prehistoria del barrio, digamos..., lo que pasó antes de que lo construyeran es importante no olvidarlo, porque te hace entender por qué razón La Mina ha sido siempre una condenada, un barrio maldito..., que nadie quería ya antes de que fuera edificado. Y la culpa de ello es, principalmente, de los proyectos que mandaba a hacer Franco, como los Planes Parciales..., así les llamaban..., y eran planes específicos para la ciudad, pensados ad hoc, ¿eh? En La Mina, lo que quería ese hombre, si es que era un hombre, el muy cobarde... (eso grábalo también eh..., enregistra això que jo no tinc por), era mantener aquí la industria, sobre todo la electricidad, con lo que contaminaba y todo..., pero también quería meter aquí a gente que no sabían dónde mover. Por un lado máquinas y, por el otro, personas, todo junto. Y no solo los trabajadores, como ya pasaba en La Catalana, por ejemplo, sino que querían aprovechar el espacio permitiendo que se construyeran bloques donde meter a la gente más pobre. De hecho, es que el arquitecto este o aquel ya hablaba de polígono. Tú piensa que es como tener un espacio más amplio, con 138 industrias todo alrededor, y dentro de este espacio dibujas en el plano un polígono geométrico, con una regla y un lápiz..., ¡como lo oyes! Luego, ahí dentro, en el polígono que tienes, le pones a la pobre gente y da igual si lo que esa gente tiene alrededor suyo es una mierda. Porque..., clar, això era el no res. Pues esto era lo que pretendía hacer el Sr. Francisco Franco en aquella época, y eso fue lo que determinó la manera de concebir esa zona de Barcelona a partir de entonces.

Aricó, G. (2015). Conflictividad social y regeneración urbana en el barrio de La Mina, Sant Adrià de Besòs (Barcelona). Ph.D. Estudis Avançats en Antropologia Social Departament d’Antropologia Social i Cultural i Història d’Amèrica i Àfrica Facultat de Geografia i Historia.

Interrview 16.10.2011.

40

41

Firts Part

Urban development

December 1957 the Regime would face the Municipal Housing

designed La Mina as “an urban nucleus with its wn vitality,

Board of Barcelona (PMVB) to prepare the first Partial Plan of

corresponding to the first ring of satellite nuclei. That must be

Management of the Nucleus “La Mina”. Written by a team of ar-

produced to decongest the current urban concentrations” and

chitects coordinated by Xavier Subias, the main proposal for this

following the model of the new English towns, it complemented

plan was to “order the La Mina space, creating a self-sufficient

it with a small Industrial zone inside. In this direction, what stood

urban nucleus of 700 houses to accommodate working people

out from the Partial Plan was its intention to promote “an ur-

from the nearby industrial zones”. The idea of Subias was, at

ban residential area” without renouncing, in any case, the active

least at the beginning, to repeat the experience of the residential

presence of the industry, which extended around that same area

center of Montbau, creating an “innovative”, “very equipped”

occupying much of the area of San Martí including Poblenou.

and “socially cohesive” neighborhood. For this purpose, it was

Indeed, the objectives of the plan were framed within a broader

reduced part of the rural land at that time by converting that por-

territorial strategy followed by the Regional Plan, which consist-

tion of the right bank of the river, and the area currently occupied

ed of dividing the right margin of the Besòs in different areas but

by the neighborhood of El Besòs, in “An urban residential area

related to them in a functional way.

Firts Part

intensive of isolated blocks” The Partial Plan conceived and

Aerial view of the Montbau district, the work of the Municipal Housing Board, built as of 1961, http://www.bcn.cat/horta-guinardo/rutes/6-7.shtml Aerial view of the Montbau district, the work of the Municipal Housing Board, built as of 1961, http://www.bcn.cat/horta-guinardo/rutes/6-7.shtml

42

Urban development

Thus, the Partial Plan for La Mina anticipated that the entire area

general planning of the Space of the Pla de Llevant . But that am-

of ​​the beach where the Camp de la Bota was extended would

biguity was only apparent, since it was only the result of a strong

become a “recreational and sports zone”, and established that

conflict of interests between the municipalities of Sant Adrià and

the current area of ​​Diagonal Mar was occupied by one railway

Barcelona, that the control of the right bank of Besòs was still

area and on the other dedicated to the median industry. The area

being disputed perpetuating old territorial conflicts. Indeed, the

of ​​the current Besòs Park was classified as an “urban park”, but

implementation of the Pla Partial and its respective modifications

its extension was greatly reduced compared to what was es-

introduced by the Regional Plan would have involved a radical

tablished for that purpose in the Cerdà Plan. Finally, no specific

contradiction between the local interests of Sant Adrià - created

function was given for the area of ​​La Verneda , which is consid-

under the licenses granted by the town council to industries and

ered as a “reserve zone” at the mercy of future emergencies of

wealthy local landowners - and the more general objectives of

Barcelona, ​​while the forest area of ​​La Catalana was included in

the Francoist Barcelona. In other words, if the political idea of

the strip of the urban park planned for the right margin.At this

Franco was to reduce the physical space of Barcelona so that it

point, it is interesting to note that the Commission itself Superior

could not grow like Madrid, at the same time the He did not want

de Ordenación Provincial (CSOP) recognized and justified the

to harm the interests and ambitions of expansion that his faithful

presence of the La Catalana forest, besides a considerable re-

attendants that he had at that time in Sant Adría.

serve for a future forest reforestation, represents a worthy frame for entry to Barcelona.

After its presentation in 1957, the Partial Plan of La Mina had to attend until 1959 to finally be taken into consideration, but not without previously being subject to the requirements of the Local Plan. Thus, rectifying the possible impact of existing and planned industries in the area, and once the issues related to the retention of humidity, polluting fumes and fog were addressed, the plan increased the previously established building rate proposing the realization of “a core Urban of 1,062 homes and some 5,300 inhabitants, with its own equipment and shops, destined for workers in the nearby manufacturing areas”. In fact, it was not just a strategy by which the promoters of the local plan managed to avoid, or at least contain, the risk that Sant Adrià could exert some kind of control over the Partial Plan.

Although after the pro-Franco victory the adrianense consistory managed to maintain its independence, this one did not officially recover its status of “independent municipality” until 1955, when the authorities francoists reactivated de jure. Three years later, in 1958, the Supreme Court officially confirmed the Firts Part

regained independence of Sant Adrià, although It wasstated that the “new” municipality could not change anything of the contents of the Partial Plan for la Mina, much less intervene in the

43

Urban development

This period will be the construction of “polygons” setting social housing or subsidized. For those cases (social housing) or private (subsidized), housing will be built in poorly organized neighborhoods, with poor quality, and in peripheral municipalities, that do not have necessary resources to deal with the essential infrastructure, facilities and services (transport, education, etc.). Often, the operations were on a larger scale than the large French ensembles. Many will have between 15,000 and 20,000 homes, therefore, between 60,000 and 80,000 inhabitants; More than two Sarcelles (the grand ensemble near Paris considered then the type of ghetto and urban lack of life).

It is the triumph of social segregation carried out by the public authorities, the state with the collaboration of municipalities, agencies (Such as the Nou Barris, for example), the Municipal Patronage (La Mina), or financing the private caricatures of “new cities” (for example, Bellvitge in L’Hospitalet, San Ildefonso Satellite City in Cornellà). These sets are, in most cases, separated from the compact city and are poorly communicated with it and the work areas, closed in themselves, without facilities or a great social homogeneity (occupied mainly by immigrants from the rest of Spain), without public spaces of quality and an architecture and materials, usually, low quality. The east of the city (Nou Barris, Sant Andreu, Sant Martí-Besòs) will concentrate, espe-

Initial model isolate modules with greenery areas and public spaces.

cially, a large part of the groups located in the municipality. But the municipalities of the conurbation or first crown (in the south, L’Hospitalet, Cornellà, El Prat, Sant Boi and, in the north, Badalona, ​​Sant Adrià del Besòs, Santa Coloma, Mollet, etc.) will receive many more than double of its population during the seventies, matching the number of inhabitants (more than one million and

Firts Part

a half) to the city of Barcelona.

Final images for polygons zones.

44

Urban development

Plan Barcelona 2000 It will be the same Porcioles who, in 1967, presented the striking and futuristic “Pla Barcelona 2000”, which more than a real plan of intervention urbanistic represented a visionary proposal of action on a large scale, with which the mayor intended to carry out the “ Regeneration and dignity of the whole city “and end” the disorder of the popular neighborhoods, with this plan the mayor was clearly betting on a Barcelona projected to future and sought to get a new image of it through the “beautification and adornment of the public thoroughfares of the center,” moving the industry and working classes to the peripheral areas. In this direction, the important interventions such as the tunnels of Tibidabo, the belts of Ronda, the Autonomous University of Barcelona and the proposal, which never saw the light, of a second Universal Exhibition28 scheduled for 1982 stand out.

Likewise, the modification provided for the polygon had different facilities, such as a health center, a parish, a soccer field in the center of the new neighborhood, various kindergartens and numerous shops distributed throughout the lower buildings. On the other hand, the housing model conceived for the polygon established the construction of up to 36 blocks, of which 10 of dimensions visibly disproportionate to the others. In this direction, the most significant thing was that the number of houses foreseen for the residential zone of the polygon went from 700 to a total of 2,100. From that date, the concept of “isolated housing block” appeared, with which the technocrats intended to inaugurate a new form of planning that would end the problems derived from the use of the polygons until the second half of the 1950s.

The case of the South West Besòs, for example, was to promote a polygon a new prototype of public management of the massive

Aerial view of the “Mina rural” after its overthrow in 1968-69, Source: Arxiu Històric de La Mina.

45

Firts Part

housing, equipped with a more efficient

Urban development

and inclusive planning, conceived on a more human scale and

from 1,000 And 2,500 pesetas (between 6 and 15 euros). In

inspired by the canons of the Athens Charter. Therefore, La Mina

spite of the ministerial restrictions in force, during that phase,

planners intended to maintain this project model, but by the end

the INV had foreseen to make a total of 552 homes with limited

of the 1960s the policies that regulated the social housing sec-

income, but their beneficiaries had to pay a higher entrance and

tor had already undergone different changes and there was no

depreciation fee than the official housing that the PMVB would

continuity between One operation and the other.

build in the second phase. However, the existence of this agree-

Moreover, from the demographic point of view, the planning of

ment only reaffirmed the inability of the Adrianian consistory to

the new polygon implied before its construction a huge hous-

influence the actions of the PMVB and the Planning Commis-

ing density with social consequences seemed do not have

sion. In fact, the Sant Adrià City Council was a victim of its own

been predicted. The 1967 amendment to the Partial Plan of ‘59

institutional weakness, It did not even have the guarantee that all

planned the construction of the new polygon of La Mina in two

the inhabitants of Camp de la Bota and Parapeto were among

distinct phases. At the beginning of 1969 and under the direction

the beneficiaries of the first phase. The great decision-mak-

of Subias, the PMVB began the works of the first phase of the

ing power granted to the Catalan capital only provoked more

construction of the first block of 90 floors in the present Occi-

and more despondency, perplexity and fear in the Sant Adrià,

dent street, distributed in five plants and nine entrances. But the

since the realization of the new polygon would have suddenly

expropriation of the rural Mine had not yet been completed and

increased the population of the municipality in more of a third.

the scope of the project soon forced the Barcelona City Council

On the other hand, it is important to take into account that from

to seek more economic resources.

1963 onwards, the large private operators were taking more and

On May 1970, the Mayor Porcioles signed an agreement with

more impulse as constructors of social housing for the popular

Martín Eyries Valmaseda, the director of the National Housing

classes, while the public prosecutors tended to specialize in the

Institute (INV), to finance the 2,100 housing provided for in the

construction of housing destined to the social housing “poor”,

Subias project. The agreement established that 90 % Of the fi-

very numerous in those years of strong immigration. After the

nancing of the works would be carried out by the Ministry of

approval of the Regulation of Official Protected Housing (SRHR)

Housing, while the Barcelona City Council had to commit to

in 1968, the Francoist obsession for eradicating the country’s

taking on the remaining 10%. He also pointed out that it was a

slum together with the need to reduce the deficit of social hous-

polygon intended exclusively for “local families, inhabitants of

ing, made the public sector opt for direct construction through

slums towns, of the municipal district of Barcelona”, 30% of

the OSH, which he built exclusively for the INV.

which would come from the settlements in Sant Adrià and the remaining 70% from Barcelona.

Olympic games 1992

Firts Part

With regard to housing, the agreement provided that these were designated by the PMVB, with the exception of 10% that would

But this “qualitative change” in the neighborhood was not a ca-

award the INV. The legal sys tem established for beneficia-

sual, but it coincided with a decisive impulse in the broader so-

ries to access their homes was based on “deferred access to

cial and urban history of Barcelona. Indeed, with the end of the

property”, therefore a payment system distributed in monthly

dictatorship, democratic municipalities sought to address prob-

installments over a period of 24 years and for a total of 419,599

lems that the cities had been unable to solve during Franco, so

pesetas (Approximately € 2,522.00). Each family had to pay an

both urban planning and the provision of services and facilities

initial fee of 30,000 pesetas (approximately 180,00 euros) and

for citizenship became real subjects. In this process, neighbor-

pledged to pay, from the following month, a monthly fee, ranging

hood associations and citizen platforms played a very important

46

role and, at least on some occasions, exerted some influence on

with which the institutions sought to recover much of the coast

the urban planning of their cities. Barcelona became one of the

of Barcelona. The idea was that the beaches that stretched from

most active and attractive urban laboratories within the national

Barceloneta to the Mar Bella, considered “underserved”, “un-

and international panorama in terms of architecture and urban-

derutilized” or “abandoned” at the control of slums or industrial

ism in terms of Ingrosso. Through the purposes of the PGM of

districts, they were gaining more space for “public use”. In fact,

1976, the city inaugurated a renewed architectural experimenta-

this process led to accelerated and irreversible socio-spatial

tion based on the protagonist role of the “public space”, some-

dynamics of expulsion, to the detriment of the resident popula-

thing that was reflected in the “urban logic of the Olympic proj-

tion along the coast. But there were more. The city’s urban proj-

ect” through the realization of hundreds of New “plazas duras”,

ect was designed by the architect Oriol Bohigas, one of the most

“parques urbanos” and “rondas verdes”. It is precisely within

representative technicians in the definition of “new democratic

this collective euphoria that the profound social, political, eco-

urbanism”. Bohigas’s supposedly progressive ideas empha-

nomic and urban changes they took place in successive de-

sized the urgency of planning a A major requalification process

cades throughout the metropolitan area of ​​Barcelona, ​​including

to “balance the uses of urban space in an equitable way”. For

the Besòs right bank, must be understood. After the unsuccess-

this, “the architect who thought Barcelona” (Peraza, 2009)

ful attempts of 1924, 1936 and 1940, in 1981 Barcelona begins

sought not only to “rehabilitate” the central areas of the city, but

a new process of Olympic candidacy promoted by its first dem-

“to enable and grant identity to those peri-urban areas . In Bohi-

ocratic mayor, the Socialist Narcís Serra. With the arrival of

gas’s own words, this double aim was summarized in the need

Pasqual Maragall in 1982, the project continued with greater

to “sanitize the center and monumentalise the periphery,” a pur-

force and, in 1984, it was created the Olympic office of Barcelo-

pose that evoked alarmingly the urbanistic crises of the Porci-

na. In 1986 the city was officially chosen as the host city for the

olist period, It was especially during the 1980s, numerous

Games of the XXV. One year later, the Parlament of Catalonia

neighborhood-scale reform projects were brought under the ur-

approved the Territorial Ordinance Law determining the dissolu-

ban idea of “acupuncture interventions”. According to Bohigas

tion of the Metropolitan Corporation of Barcelona (CMB) and, in

(1986: 47), these actions were “a didactic and test-approach to

1988, the transfer of its services to the Generalitat. This allowed

expose the general criteria of rehabilitation and reconstruction of

the Government of the Generalitat , Then chaired by Jordi Pujol,

Barcelona. However, the idea of “bring monuments” towards the

could participate directly in the organization of the Olympic

neighborhoods which are away from the urban center, and the

Games. Rapidly, the projects to take advantage of the “great

“sanitization” process of the heart of the city, straightly ended

Olympic occasion” and to give relevance to the new-urban re-

up being the new urban goals of the Olympic transformation. In

modeling of the city. In this way, the Olympics became not only

fact, the sociologist and urbanist Jordi Borja who, recovering

a catalyst for popular energies and institutional ambitions It be-

the theories of Bohigas, would become one of the maximum

came in a real pretext for perpetuating a strategic renewal and

ideologues and diffusers of what came to be called “model Bar-

urban regeneration of large portions of the metropolis. In short,

celona”: The aim was not only to equalize and mitigate accumu-

according to the official discourse, the JJ.OO of 1992 would

lated urban deficits the idea was to provide significant referenc-

have offered Barcelona “an unprecedented urban experience”,

es to peripheral neighborhoods that were chronically lacking

widely studied and disseminated worldwide as a successful

them. On the other hand, it was a question of acting also in the

“Mediterranean example of urban development”. The main ur-

center of the city, where the greater monumental and historical

ban challenge was to “open Barcelona to the sea”, a process

presence did not avoid situations of degradation in a significant

devised by the architect Manuel De Solà-Morales (1983) and

part of the built fabric. Defintetllly, with the JJ.OO. 1992,Barcelo-

47

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Urban development

48

Firts Part

Urban development

na became, a city model to follow, an unprecedented pattern of

to affirm itself as “la millor botiga del mon” (the best shop in the

“savior urbanism” that could have brought into economic, social

world). (Etxezarreta, Recio y Viladomiu, 1997). The new way of

and project terms to other metropolitan realities. In this direc-

intervening in social and urban policies in Barcelona ended up

tion, the guidelines of action of the Barcelona model would con-

generating true “citizen myths” and developing a new collective

stitute a new urbanistic and architectural discipline, which

imagination, where conditions of social, political, economic and

sought to transcend in urban- social areas. Therefore, the plural

cultural oppression, To which a large part of the citizenship had

democratic dream, and participatory “ciutat oberta” had stayed

been subjected during the Franco regime, remained closely and

frustrated already in the mid-1980s when the announcement of

uniquely linked to the pre-democratic era.

urban planning priorities of a Barcelona projected to an increas-

[...] el modelo Barcelona fue construido mediante la expropi-

ingly global level and who yearned to affirm itself as “la millor

ación y capitalización de la fuerza colectiva de las luchas anti-

botiga del mon” (the best shop in the world). (Etxezarreta, Recio

franquistas, mediante la canalización de un derecho a la ciudad

y Viladomiu, 1997). The new way of intervening in social and

reivindicado en la calle. El modelo Barcelona, en fin, es hijo de la

urban policies in Barcelona ended up generating true “citizen

transición política postfranquista, y por eso encierra todas sus

myths” and developing a new collective imagination, where con-

contradicciones. La única ambigüedad que no existió nunca, fue

ditions of social, political, economic and cultural oppression, To

que la modernización de la ciudad tenía que ser una modern-

which a large part of the citizenship had been subjected during

ización al servicio de los intereses del capital. Lo que para nada

the Franco regime, remained closely and uniquely linked to the

quiere decir que no tuviese apoyo popular. Los Juegos Olímpi-

pre-democratic era. [...] el modelo Barcelona fue construido

cos del 92 constituyen como es bien conocido el momento en

mediante la expropiación y capitalización de la fuerza colectiva

el que la separación entre las instituciones y la gente es menor.

de las luchas antifranquistas, mediante la canalización de un

(spanish quote). Santiago López Petit (2007) The intervention

derecho a la ciudad reivindicado en la calle. El modelo Barcelo-

in the public space for the generation of “quality spaces” not

na, en fin, es hijo de la transición política postfranquista, y por

only became the defining and ideological feature of the Barcelo-

eso encierra todas sus contradicciones. La única ambigüedad

na model, but It would characterize the way of “making city” in

que no existió nunca, fue que la modernización de la ciudad

Barcelona since Narcís Serra took possession of the mayoralty

tenía que ser una modernización al servicio de los intereses del

in 1979 and until today. From this point of view, the period that

capital. Lo que para nada quiere decir que no tuviese apoyo pop-

would most correspond to the development, maximum success

ular. Los Juegos Olímpicos del 92 constituyen como es bien

and stagnation of this model is undoubtedly the one incarnated

conocido el momento en el que la separación entre las insti-

by Pascual Maragall, who held that position between 1982 and

tuciones y la gente es menor. (spanish quote). Santiago López

1997. Maragall ordered to promote the economic development

Petit (2007). realities. In this direction, the guidelines of action of

of the city argued that “the improvement of public space is rel-

the Barcelona model would constitute a new urbanistic and ar-

evant for the resolution of economic and social problems,” an

chitectural discipline, which sought to transcend in urban- social

affirmation that explicitly emphasizes the importance of urban

areas. Therefore, the plural democratic dream, and participatory

interventionism for the regeneration of space within and outside

“ciutat oberta” had stayed frustrated already in the mid-1980s

the urban limits of the city. The Olympic Games undoubtedly

when the announcement of the Olympic project involved a sig-

mark a turning point. It is democratic urbanism, citizen, an in-

nificant change of scale in the urban planning priorities of a Bar-

tegrator of the eighties that has created the positive image of

celona projected to an increasingly global level and who yearned

Barcelona. One of the great merits of Olympic projects is that

49

Firts Part

the Olympic project involved a significant change of scale in the

Firts Part

Urban development

projects and urban renovations were inscribed within the same

bank Of Besòs. But in particular, La Mina socioeconomically

cultural logic but on a higher scale. The public spaces strategy,

was more affected with respect to the neighborhoods nearby.

decentralization, neighborhood facilities, the care applied to the

In this direction, it is important to analyze in depth a number of

architectural quality-details and the citizen participation. And

issues , nevertheless, they become essential in order to under-

above all, the big projects seem to be designed for the city after

stand the true magnitude of the impact of the transformations

92, not to the service of the event. It is then that the city finds

that would occur in La Mina during the XXI century. As has been

its limits and intends to overcome them. The “new centralities”

said, the major Jesús María was proposed as a renewed and

are also “frontier” modules destined to articulate the population

deeply committed mayoralty to the social problems of La Mina.

spaces. The Ronda definitively got in the peripheral territories

Especially during the first years of his administration, Canga

because of its placement (a very careful project), it is proposed

never ceased to insist on the importance of a strong social co-

to suture-connect granting quality to this periphery. The mar-

hesion over and above the economic and urban development of

itime front, the third great project that finds its opportunity on

the neighborhood. Stating in May 1997 that Sant Adrià did not

the occasion of the Olympic Games, is conceived as a key that

want to “be colonized by The interests of Barcelona with the

would have to open the door to the radical renovation of the east

Fòrum 2004”. Indeed, Sito’s insistence was more than a per-

of the city and the northeast periphery, the coastal zone histori-

sonal vocation, responding to the need to overcome the strong

cally abandoned by the formal city. A vast area occupied in the

skepticism in the neighborhood,

past by old industries and slums, iduring 80´s. Railroad tracks

the neighborhood in the face of the” new opportunity “ which

and installations that were wanted invisible: waste incineration,

constituted the Forum not only for La Mina, but above all for

water purification, open sewers to be integrated into the city. The

Sant Adrià. In fact, his main concern was that the new urban

great project that will follow the JJOO, the Forum of Cultures,

development proposed by Maragall and promoted by Clos, it

had to be the engine of a great urban development of the coast

would not provide sufficient and necessary resources to solve

on a metropolitan scale, but it will remain in an operation that

the serious social problems of the municipality: “Yes to 2004,”

will only impact, in the short term, in The municipality of Sant

declared Canga, but our priority in this Matter is that this urban

Adrià del Besòs, on which part of the operation falls.

operation allows us to solve the very serious social problems of

¨Este discurso crítico se basa en la crítica a la desposesión

the municipality. If it is not, we are not interested. “La Mina 2000

o, silo prefieren, en la aspiración a la reapropiación del territo-

La Mina neighborhood Plan of Transformation supposes to

rio, de su identidad y de su cohesión. Del Raval a La Mina, de

go beyond the urban rehabilitation, approaching from a broad

Poblenou a Sant Andreu, del Maresme a la Sagrera, aparecen

perspective where the social, economic, cultural and urban as-

los mismos temas. La vivienda para los residentes y sus famil-

pects are integrated into a project of holistic character, whose

ias, tan importante como la destinada a otras demandas. Los

objective is to open a new scenario of habitability in the neigh-

equipamientos y servicios locales, es decir, los destinados a

borhood. The strategy of transformation involves a radical in-

la población del territorio. La calidad del espacio público, su

tervention, an inner action on the central space, an action that

ampliación y mantenimiento, la convivencia y la seguridad en

will be at the same time rupture and sew. It involves recycling

un sentido amplio.¨ Borja, J. and Castells, M. (2010). Luces y

to generate new conditions in the habitat and determines a new

sombras del urbanismo de Barcelona. Barcelona: UOC.

flexible and open scenario, on which to build a necessary strat-

As the 1990s progressed, it became clear that the social impact

egy of renewal and revitalization. The content of the urbanistic

of Olympic games town-planning occurred or simply planned

proposal is based on the construction of a new backbone, as

along the coast had taken its toll on the entire area on the right

a central place and reference of the new neighborhood, which

50

that was widely diffused in

Urban development

structures and feeds existing and new buildings, generating a

agement, both in the beginning and in the later phases of urban

space of relationship between new activities, social, economic

development. To this end, technical and personnel support was

and cultural of the neighborhood. The integral plan is accompa-

provided to the neighbor’s community, with the aim of adapting

nied by the Social Action Plan, which is structured into seven

neighborhood requests to the current legal framework. Some of

major sections: 1. socio -training occupational and integration;

the proposals initially put forward by the Consortium and by the

2. family reconciliation and work life; 3. economic development;

drafting team of the urban plan were modified from the dialogue

4. community participation and development; 5. improvement

with the neighbors and with the neighborhood entities, so that

of coexistence and civility; 6. social and educational support

the document definitively approved, and which is now almost

and 7. public space and citizenship, of which more than seventy

entirely implemented , It had a -wide consensus on the part of

actions and programs have already been carried out. During the

the people who lived and worked in the neighborhood.

development of its actions, the Consortium has involved more entities, such as the Municipal Management and Reactivation Municipal Plan BesĂłs, S.A., which manages the houses and commercial premises of the housing group. In addition, the implementation process of the Transformation Plan has involved from its inception, a wide range of associations and entities from the same neighborhood and others working in it.

Of the total amount budgeted in 2001, of 173,60 million euros, at present (beginnings of the year 2010), more than 85% of the total of the initial budget have already been invested. On September 1, 2000, the Consortium of the Barrio de la Mina was created, which responds to the wish of different administrations to achieve, in a progressive way and over a period of ten years, improvement of the neighborhood. A change that must be evidenced in the improvement of their conditions: social, educational, civic, security, urbanization, combating social exclusion, development of community life and associative life. The general purpose of the Consortium is to direct, coordinate and execute the implementation of the Plan of Transformation. The Transformation Plan is based on two major actions: urban action and social action. The first was formalized through the approval of the urban document, which defined the strategies, objectives and general solutions proposed for the urban transformation of the neighborhood, and which materialized in different actions, both in the field of urbanization and the construction of new faFirts Part

cilities and new housing, as well as improvements to existing housing. In this case, the neighborhood community participated extensively in the process, in the different phases of its man-

51

Urban development

Historic evolution, Transformation Plan.

Firts Part

http://www.barrimina.cat/cast/

52

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Urban development

53

Urban development

Firts Part

Aprovació definitiva: maig 2002 | Promotor: Barcelona Regional, Consorci del Barri de La Mina | Equip redactor: Jornet-Llop-Pastor SLP, Col·laboradors: Angels Gil-Vernet – advocat, César Diaz - arquitecte UPC, Juan Moya, Ignacio Pons – enginyers.

54

Urban development

During the last decade, important changes had taken place.

At different scales that could not be overlooked in determining both the methodology and purposes and the scope of action of Fòrum 2004. In fact, in early 2000, suddenly, La Mina was not only found “in the midst of a new and extravagant renewal impulse”, but the majority of their neighbors had just become on homeowners after decades of paying the corresponding fees.

This particular aspect implied that, when framing the social and urban transformation of La Mina in the Fòrum 2004 project, the institutions would have a strategic advantage to put an end to the “places of conflict” still present in the neighborhood. In other words, the risk that the Forum could generate a strong socio-spatial impact on the inhabitants of La Mina became more and more palpable. In fact, everything seemed to indicate that the future celebration of the mega-event would complicate even more the already unstable and precarious relations between the neighbors. But to understand better this cause-effect relationship it is necessary to make a brief conceptual stop here. It is too risky to say that the phenomenon of neighborhood rotation continued to articulate as a process in which, as Martínez Veiga (1999: 134) recalled, “constant traffic of people within a single block produced that those housing not to be revalued due to one separated rhythm with the surrounding society. “ This aspect, coupled with the attempt to speculate to the maximum through the preparation and celebration of the Forum a few meters from the neighborhood, it would be a clear evidence of how the capitalist system seeks to organize, social and economic relations in this suburb. Thus, not only was the process of normalization functioning as a real device of “social discipline” , aimed at pacifying neighborhood “conflict” and consolidating specific practices of “coexistence”, but what it sought was to regulate the access to housing of “non-standardized”, it aimed to “inter-

Firts Part

nalize the norm”.

55

Last proposal 2000

Firts Part

LAST PROPOSAL 2000

56

Last proposal 2000

They are the edges lacking effective incorporation, the inner islands empty of activity, and the forgotten debris that remain out of the urban dynamics.

Firts Part

Sola-Morales, 2002

57

Firts Part

Last proposal 2000

Considering the urban and historical develop for La Mina, this

Acebillo who was working on the first outlines of regeneration

last period (2000 year) is considered or understood as the pre-

projects on the Litoral-Besòs front for some years now. It was,

cursor of the final result for the neighborhood. The list of issues

the “Project Bàsic d’Ordenació del Front Litoral” and the curious

in chronological time is marked from that year in particular. The

thing is that its first sketches go back exactly at the end of 1995.

final urban design followed by the social condition which was

Significantly, through this agreement, Barcelona obtained ¨carta

being behind and hiding under the ¨fabric¨ of the urban prog-

blanca¨ to extend and manage the urban development of the

ress and whose economical-real state investments appeared as

coast of Barcelona up to the connection of the river Besòs.

a spotlight, Considering in one objective way, the urban renova-

However, the failed memory from the Olympic “regeneration” for

tion attempted to increase and encourage the life in the street,

La Mina could lead to a lack of enthusiasm among investors for

the social life, the community, etc.

the potential economic repercussions of the new imminent urban

The increase in extension has supposed the physical growth,

development in the area. The fact was that the coveted “recon-

a bigger diameter of buildings. A territory under influence of

version” for the area was a considerable amount of technical,

many interactions. But in terms of urban development and its

human and economic resources, some aspects that demanded

regulation are involved the city as a complex organism, com-

the “explicit inclusion” in the urban projects of the Forum.

posed of millions of interpretation. The city which is built is

Despite, the fact that after the Olympics the “future of the city”

completely different whose is being experimented. The logic of

was no longer exactly the center of the political debate. The real

the final urban plan had the intention to solve all the conditions

estate interests related to the new Diagonal Mar area and its

from space until the social issues, unfortunately, private inter-

adjacent areas exerted increasing pressure on the creation of

est, investment, and the strategical localization became all the

space on the right side of the Besòs. In this new political and

plans for the neighborhood in one game of suppositions around

urban context, La Mina would be perceived as a real “obstacle”,

of the plan. What it is clear and overwhelming in this position

to reach the success of this ambitious projects of global scale

has been the deny for the Barcelona government to accept that

that basically depended on investors, investors and international

the final plan went out control. Briefly, We shall see the most

promoters attracted by the capital opportunities offered by the

recent fifteen (2000-2015) years for La Mina as a sphere which

Forum. Irremediable, the story was repeated again, but this time

is carried non-direction. Indeed, far from being proposed as

the cleaning up towards the La Mina came through the Fòrum

news and one plan conceived specifically for La Mina, these

2004, an event - not a simple event - extolled as “the last oppor-

studies were fully framed in those great projects that Barcelona

tunity for a forgotten neighborhood and Punished “.

was carrying out along its maritime front for decades. Now the

Completed the 1990 progressed plan, clearly the town-planning

main objective of promoters and administrations was that the

mutations Olympic Games showed that the social impact oc-

great regeneration contemplated for La Mina would be framed

curred along the coast had taken its impact over the entire area

“globally” within those same projects, driven to the Barcelona

on the right bank Of Besòs, but in particular on socio-economi-

maritime front zone. In this way, the urban transformation of La

cally La Mina conditions. In this direction, it is important to ana-

Mina would fulfill one of the constituent elements of the body of

lyze in depth a number of issues that are often taken for granted.

action of the Barcelona model itself, that is, “urban continuity”,

However, it became essential in order to understand the true

a criterion already invoked at the beginning of the 1990s in the

magnitude of the impact of the transformations that would occur

PMD of Cantallops

in La Mina during the XXI century. Episodes such as this show

Clear evidence of this is that the Metropolitan project agency

on evidence how the real needs of La Mina and its inhabitants

Barcelona Regional, then headed by the architect Josep Antoni

were being treated meekly from these architects and urban plan-

58

Last proposal 2000

ners. Those were looking for creating a “proper” urban style in

responded to different protocols and contingencies of action,

Barcelona. In this direction, the “urbanistic tendency philosophy

but converged within a single territory. Thus, the Consorci del

“.La Mina formed an absolutely relevant part of this urban sys-

Besòs, of which the Barcelona City Council was the main mem-

tem. -La Mina will not be the back of anything, but it will be the

ber and investor, was responsible for the urban development not

front face-. A new Rambla will connect the university campus

only of the Litoral-Besòs, but also of La Mina. On the other hand,

and the new sea front through a set of new homes.

the responsibility for the actions “of a more integral”, that is,

It was thus, after decades of vain interventions, in the middle

“social”, would be assumed by the CBM, which depended on

of September of the year 2000 the Consorci of the Barri de La

the decisions and investments of the Generalitat.

Mina (CBM) was created, initially constituted for a period of 10

As a whole, the funds contributed to the PMTC by the adminis-

years and formed by the Diputació de Barcelona, ​​Generalitat de

trations that comprised the MBC amounted to 33.2% of all the

Catalunya Its main investor, the City Council of Sant Adrià and,

planned investment. Thus, the Generalitat de Catalunya would

later, of Barcelona.142 With a sphere of influence that stretched

contribute a total of 24.04 million euros (13.8%), the Diputació

from the Parc del Besòs to the passage of the Ronda Litoral, the

12.02M EUR (6.9%), the Barcelona City Council 18.03M EUR

CBM had been designed and planned for to foster and manage

(10.4%), and Sant Adrià EUR 3.61m (2.1%). To these figures

a “substantial improvement of the neighborhood”, 143 through

must also add other financial contributions totaling EUR 51.72m

a series of social and urban interventions that would collectively

(29.8%), which administrations would get through the sale and

take the name of “Pla de Transformació Integral del Barri de la

sale of public land for the realization of private housing, as well

Mina, 2000-2010” (PTBM). Broadly speaking, the PTBM’s so-

as another EUR 50.17m (28.9%) derived from the urban quotas

cial actions were, as a prerequisite, to “eradicate crime” and, ex-

obtained after the land reparcelling process.151 But in addition

clusively after this first point, “to curb the activities and attitudes

to the four entities that were part of the CBM, the PTBM would

uncivilized”, as well as “to develop the neighborhood economy

receive substantial contributions also from the European Union

by increasing productive activities and services. “ The aim was

through the program called URBAN II.

also to “reduce the level of poverty” by creating “new sources El PTBM tiene una visión más amplia que la estrictamente vincula-

exclusion” and strengthening “personal skills” and “family and

da a URBAN, tanto cronológica como presupuestariamente. En otros

neighborhood relations”. By means of these actions the PTBM

términos, en La Mina, el programa URBAN II [...] pretende fomentar

intended to “put an end to the stigmatization of the neighbor-

que sus programas sean “la excusa” para crear un proyecto mayor

hood”, which is why, among the interventions of an urban na-

en favor de un determinado barrio, que por lo tanto permita iniciar una

ture, those aimed at “connecting La Mina with the Forum of Cul-

dinámica de inversión pública favorable a éste que vaya más allá de la

tures, surrounding neighborhoods and the municipality of Sant

estrictamente vinculada a los fondos FEDER. Además de esta comple-

Adrià “. This strategy, carried out jointly with “housing actions”

mentariedad financiera y cronológica, también se produce una cierta

and “conditioning of urban spaces and equipment”, would allow

integración desde el punto de vista territorial. Es decir, el proyecto se

“to make an attractive neighborhood where people want to live”.

inserta dentro de una estrategia de desarrollo urbano territorialmente

In view of the PTBM, the municipalities of Barcelona and Sant

más amplio: el desarrollo del último tramo de la Diagonal y del norte

Adrià were each profiling their own political and administrative

del litoral de Barcelona, además de la nueva centralidad en torno a la

logic, framing it respectively in the ongoing projects on the coast

futura estación de AVE de la Sagrera.

Firts Part

of employment”, favoring the “training of young people at risk of

of Barcelona and in those planned for the Besòs right bank.

This meant that the competences of the two administrations

59

Firts Part

Last proposal 2000

In this sense, the concept of “complementarity” has to be under-

(2008) pointed out, the novelty of Llei de Barris was to under-

stood not only from a financial or chronological point of view but

stand, for the first time, a whole series of risk factors jointly

above all spatial and territorial, that is, in its political and urban-

and, therefore, to bet on a solution that went through a integral

istic meaning. Indeed, from a project point of view, the policies

proposal This implied acting not only on the “structural prob-

of “neighborhood renewal” at European level sought to adopt

lems” of the neighborhoods, but also to include neighborhood

new perspectives of an integral nature incorporating broader,

representatives in a “transversal and multidisciplinary” way,

transversal actions, that is, aimed at being declined in the dif-

encouraging “community participation” and the development

ferent socio-spatial areas of each neighborhood intervened. But

of “networks of exchange”. Recognizing these needs, Llei de

this process of “decline” at the neighborhood scale implied that

Barris intended to use the URBAN program as a pilot project

social interventions were accompanied by others of greater and

to “reinvigorate” and “redirect” neighborhoods through a spe-

more important scope and of essentially urban character. For

cific and “localized” work methodology. In this way, the social,

this purpose, the main objective of the URBAN program was to

economic and environmental problems of these neighborhoods

overcome the logics of intervention that had characterized the

should be addressed at “various levels” and from a “long-term

policies of the preceding decades, which involved getting rid of

global plan”, incorporating, at least theoretically, an “integrat-

an “old dichotomy” between the physical or urban sphere and

ed approach” , “Multidimensional” and “complementary”. But

the socio-cultural or socio-economic sphere In this direction, it

at the empirical level, this complementarity of a project nature

is no coincidence that the year of the Fòrum coincided with the

also required a financial complementarity, which in the case of

approval of the Llei de Barris of 2004, which sought to equip

La Mina was directly embodied by the CBM itself. However, this

the Catalan administrations with the necessary instruments to

aspect did not fail to awaken a certain state of perplexity, as well

carry out “social and “The main objectives of this law were”

as distrust, in urban planners such as Jordi Borja and Mirela

to generate an instrument of social redistribution “,” promote

Fiori. In other words, URBAN II’s intervention on La Mina had to

the integral rehabilitation of special neighborhoods “,” undertake

go beyond its simple physical and social, to be part of a territo-

social improvement actions to promote cohesion and integration

rial and, therefore, urbanistic complementarity, that is, it had to

in the neighborhoods “,” improving environmental sustainability

favor and justify the development of the neighborhood together

“and” fostering the dynamism economic integration “. Based

with its adjacent urban areas. In short, a complex system of

on the cooperation and co-responsibility system promoted by

nexuses was implanted on a territory in which were articulated

URBAN, Llei de Barris promoted the “global rehabilitation” of

networks of transversal power and policies of regeneration joint,

neighborhoods requiring special attention, as well as improving

global and, therefore, giving form to a complementary project,

the “conditions of its residents” to avoid phenomena such as

financial and, above all, development. Precisely this comple-

“degradation” urban “and” social segregation “. Likewise, the

mentarity, understood as a convergence between seemingly dif-

law intended to fight against these issues by promoting “social

ferent points of view and policies, would be the proof that these

cohesion”, “identity” or “culture” of affected neighborhoods.

nexuses, in fact, reflected a single “spatial ideology”, a single

In other words, it was a question of introducing a series of con-

elaborate system of signs (Lefebvre, 1972 [1970]: 160-161),

cepts that until that moment had not been explicitly contemplat-

that is, a same model of seeing and making city. A model which,

ed in the development and application of urban regeneration

as has been said, was no longer content with being simply ur-

policies (Martí-Costa and Parés, 2009). However, the question

banistic, but now came sacralized after its own sublimation 280

would be to ascertain to what extent these same concepts

as a “moral model” (Delgado, 2007b: 23) -which would explain

would have a practical application. As Laura García-Ferrando

why Jordi Borja invoked, perhaps, the “moral duty” of the Forum

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Last proposal 2000

Indeed, with the entry into the 21st century, the Barcelona model was not only consolidated in the institutional and centralist policies of the city as a “good example” of architectural principles and urban practices to follow, but above all as a cultural model, which established habits, behaviors, desires and collective needs through the “evacuation of conflict” and the “neutralization of the political” (Espai en Blanc, 2004: 32-60). Emphasizing the very brief but successful analysis of neoliberalism developed

by Paul Trenor (2005), we could even speak of “an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action and replace all previously held ethical beliefs.” Thus, under the mantra of “citizen participation”, guaranteed by a supposed democratic, civic and progressive urbanism, would conceal a mere simulacrum of equality.

The real percentage of social actions was only a small 15.4%, compared to a huge 84.6%, combined with explicit or implicitly urban interventions. Faced with this disproportion between the two sectors, a series of key questions to understand if the urban governance model specifically chosen for La Mina, implemented administratively through the MBC and materialized on the territory through the PMTCT, really took into account the demands of a social nature claimed by the neighbors or, if, instead, was only directed to the urban improvement. Linked to this, it was also imperative to find out if this same model had as a purpose the real development of community networks, based on participation and cooperation between neighbors and entities or if, instead, it was directed to achieve other and more perverse objectives.

Definitely, is it possible that the PTBM has been strategically focused towards the private interests of the real estate market already from the beginning? Could this factor have had the consequence of subordinating the social sphere to the simple urban benefit? Finally, and if that were true, could that subordination have determined, if not provoked, that social Firts Part

intervention should focus on the effects and not on the causes of La Mina’s “conflict”?

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Last proposal 2000Âş

WHICH WERE THE PARAMETRERS FOR LA MINA DESIGN? Centrality, diversity and exchange.

A central place to the neighborhood in which social relations take place between the neighbors and around which the facilities and shops of the neighborhood are located.

Connection-surronding

In the types of housing, in the social relations and in the economic activities of the neighborhood, facilities and shops.

Improve the connection and relationship with its surroundings, especially with the new areas around it such as the Forum, the future university campus Diagonal-Besòs and the new housing areas

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Diversity

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PRO BLEMA TIC

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Problematic

1. URBAN DEVELOP

3. SOCIAL ISSUES

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2. REAL ESTATE SPECULATION

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Problematic

Urban develop

dynamics of the organization of the same. For this reason, the

As It has already been shown during the historical analysis and

leadership exercised, respectively, by the City council of Sant

urban development of the neighborhood. It is much clear to un-

Adrià and the neighborhood movement of La Mina and with

derstand that the La Mina neighborhood and its inhabitants have

a technical support exerting of mediator between both. But

been joined to external urban development plans. Although sev-

this second proposal was also not taken into account. Having

eral urban development plans have been proposed for La Mina,

discarded both proposals, the CBM finally accepted a third. It

most of them were not implemented totally or simple with inter-

was the “Social and anthropological study of the Mina neigh-

est to develop the area surrounding the neighborhood.

borhood”, developed by the Pere Tarrés Foundation and carried

The “co-operative character” of the PTBM, the PEVM had the

out under the coordination of the anthropologist Concha Doncel

collaboration of different technical teams whose function was

(et al., 2000). Although the results of the study were obtained

the study, analysis, and drafting of the reports, annexes, and

through a fieldwork developed in just three months (CBM, 2001:

documents that would eventually constitute the PERI. Thus,

21), its conclusions would be, in my opinion, absolutely devas-

during its preparation, several proposals were made by the

tating. Underestimating the significance of the struggles carried

neighbors elaborated in cooperation with these technicians with

out by the neighbors, their authors left aside any kind of mini-

the aim of putting into practice precisely the processes of par-

mally profound reflection on the real causes that would be on

ticipation. The internationally renowned sociologist Marco Mar-

the basis of certain individual and collective ‘conflict behaviors’.

chioni, for example, had developed a proposal for “community

On the other hand, by consolidating an already distorted and

intervention” for La Mina as early as 1998. His aim (Marchioni,

stigmatized image of the neighborhood, the diagnosis would

1998.) was to face the difficult structural problems that the

not allow us to envisage another type of interpretation than the

neighborhood by means of the continuous celebration of work-

one proposed by its authors, in so far as it ended “the La Mina

shops aimed at “listening and sharing the social fabric aggluti-

question”, stating that the neighborhood needed an “ integral

nating”, “creating consensus and analyzing their criticisms and

would be “in order to find a definitive solution to their” structural

proposals.”

problems “. These included “serious problems of coexistence”,

In the other hand, it was a concrete project so that the par-

as well as crime, drug trafficking and consumption, school

ticipation, cooperation, and collaboration among administration

absenteeism, unemployment and, in particular, incivility. As if

and neighbors would be active and efficient. But the proposal

this were not enough, a series of plans were provided where

was discarded shortly after its official presentation. Some years

the alleged points of “sale and consumption of illicit products”,

later, in 2001, a second and less elaborate participatory pro-

as well as maps of “cleaning and organization of stairs” or the

posal was presented by sociologist Óscar Rebollo, an expert

“climate of coexistence” observable by them, were indicated in

on community development from the perspective of social in-

detail. As a result of these considerations, it would not be daring

clusion-exclusion. Rebollo (2001: 6-9) proposed to eliminate

to conjecture that the PERI represented, to a certain extent, the

the workshops previously proposed by Marchioni and instead

clearest evidence that dominant political and urban discourse

opted for a “participatory and cooperative structure” to regulate

had managed to appropriate the most classic socio-anthropo-

relations between neighbors and administrations in pursuit of

logical discourse in its ethical side.

“a more direct contact between different actors”. In this sense,

Put another way, a “weak” ethical position on human behavior,

the sociologist claimed the importance of an analysis of the

sustained by anthropologists - always willing to relativize the ac-

associative fabric of the neighborhood to know the forms and

tions and attitudes of individuals in their context and emphasize

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proposal contemplated the protagonist of two great groups of

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the problematic, internal incoherence and at the same time cau-

olic and one evangelical), an institute and a primary care center.

sality and creativity of such actions - would have been replaced

The PEVM also proposed to carry out a Rambla with tram, that

by a “strong” ethical position, presumed by those architects,

was “the center of the neighborhood” and that it reached “to the

planners or planners embedded with a certain optimism. The

sea” through La Mina from Besòs Park to the marina of Sant

PERI authors’ obstinacy of “opening,” “reconnecting,” “mix-

Adrià. As a result of these considerations, it would not be daring

ing,” “regenerating,” “improving,” etc., would be but an obvious

to conjecture that the PERI represented, to a certain extent, the

symptom of the more utopian legacy of modern architecture

clearest evidence that dominant political and urban discourse

advocating urbanism that is increasingly rational and scientific,

had managed to appropriate the most classic socio-anthropo-

conceived and materialized as the “ultimate social computer.”

logical discourse in its ethical side.

198 An urbanism which, as Jane Jacobs (2013) rightly recalled,

Put another way, a “weak” ethical position on human behavior,

would claim the alleged virtues of a great transforming power

sustained by anthropologists - always willing to relativize the ac-

that acts both physically and symbolically on the urban.

tions and attitudes of individuals in their context and emphasize

Once the three previous studies of PERI, technical, urban and

the problematic, internal incoherence and at the same time cau-

socio-anthropological, CBM (2001) presented the results, merg-

sality and creativity of such actions - would have been replaced

ing them into a single document called “Avanç del Pla Especial

by a “strong” ethical position, presumed by those architects,

de Reordenació i Millora del barri de La Mina” . However, neigh-

planners or planners embedded with a certain optimism. The

bors did not passively accept this first version of the PERI and,

PERI authors’ obstinacy of “opening,” “reconnecting,” “mix-

after its public presentation, the PEVM was shortly present a se-

ing,” “regenerating,” “improving,” etc., would be but an obvious

ries of properly documented claims (PEVM, 2002). The strong

symptom of the more utopian legacy of modern architecture

point of these allegations was that they had been drafted by two

advocating urbanism that is increasingly rational and scientific,

town planners, hired by Sant Adrià Town Hall, very attentive to

conceived and materialized as the “ultimate social computer.”

the demands of the neighbors and that, finally, they managed to

198 An urbanism which, as Jane Jacobs (2013 [1961] rightly

work with them to make an alternative proposal (Magrinyà and

recalled, would claim the alleged virtues of a great transforming

Mayorga, 2002). On that occasion, the suggestions advanced

power that acts both physically and symbolically on the urban.

by the neighbors were listened to by the government although

Once the three previous studies of PERI, technical, urban and

in a partial way. In fact, as I will analyze in the next section,

socio-anthropological, CBM (2001) presented the results, merg-

those neighborhood proposals that tended more to question the

ing them into a single document called “Avanç del Pla Especial

plans of Barcelona Regional were completely discarded. How-

de Reordenació i Millora del barri de La Mina” . However, neigh-

ever, a series of very concrete amendments, relating to the lack

bors did not passively accept this first version of the PERI and,

of renewal of equipment and the reorganization of the territo-

after its public presentation, the PEVM was shortly present a se-

ry, were addressed and finally integrated into the PERI (PEVM,

ries of properly documented claims (PEVM, 2002). The strong

2002) Through these amendments, the neighbors asked, in the

point of these allegations was that they had been drafted by two

first place, to see specific actions to rehabilitate buildings from

town planners, hired by Sant Adrià Town Hall, very attentive to

the most degraded and “from within.” Likewise, a central issue

the demands of the neighbors and that, finally, they managed to

on which the PEVM particularly insisted was the relocation of

work with them to make an alternative proposal (Magrinyà and

“obsolete equipment”, schools, sports facilities and the civic

Mayorga, 2002). On that occasion, the suggestions advanced

center of the neighborhood. The need to “build new equipment”,

by the neighbors were listened to by the government although in

such as a school

a partial way. In fact, as I will analyze in the next section, those

a sports center, educational facilities, two churches (one Cath-

neighborhood proposals that tended more to question the plans

68

primarily a socio-spatial structure (Lefebvre, 2013 [1974]), it

series of very concrete amendments, relating to the lack of re-

has to be studied not only as a “receptacle” where social life is

newal of equipment and the reorganization of the territory, were

developed but all as the medium through which social relations

addressed and finally integrated into the PERI (PEVM). Through

are produced reproduced and intervened.

these amendments, the neighbors asked, in the first place, to

In this direction, the two main interventions envisaged by the

see specific actions to rehabilitate buildings from the most de-

PERI of La Mina consisted, on the one hand, in the “dimming of

graded and “from within.” Likewise, a central issue on which

density” and, on the other, in the “regeneration of public spaces”.

the PEVM particularly insisted was the relocation of “obsolete

In other words, urbanization processes were conceived, planned

equipment”, schools, sports facilities and the civic center of

and executed in parallel with a series of “public safety devices”

the neighborhood. The need to “build new equipment”, such as

aimed at deconflicting the urban space of the neighborhood to

a school a sports center, educational facilities, two churches

allow its supposed regeneration. But for both interventions to be

(one Catholic and one evangelical), an institute and a primary

developed in parallel, it was necessary to carry out a preliminary

care center. The PEVM also proposed to carry out a Rambla

process of reparcelling the territory215 based on a very import-

with tram, that was “the center of the neighborhood” and that

ant principle: diversity. The PTBM urban articulation bet, in fact,

it reached “to the sea” through La Mina from Besòs Park to the

by a “varied reparcelación”, that is, distributed between residen-

marina of Sant Adrià. Parallel to this type of actions, a series

tial use, equipment, and services (Jornet, 2004: 163-165). This

of structural and urbanistically more incisive interventions were

would consist of the articulation of a real urban “redevelopment”

also contemplated. Among these, it was contemplated the pos-

in lands previously destined to transports, infrastructures or in-

sibility of opening a new transversal street that extended from

dustries with the purpose of generating in them “different and

the Rambla to the round, an operation that involved vertically

varied uses”. In the specific case of Barcelona, ​​it would be a

cutting the blocks 200 meters long of Mart, Llevant and Estrelles

process that reached its maximum inflection point at the end of

streets.201 But, perhaps, the most striking proposal was the

the 1990s, when, through Project 22, the re-qualification of large

planning of the demolition of the “most conflictive blocks”, iden-

industrial areas of the nearby neighborhood of Poblenou was

tified as that of Saturn Street and especially that of Venus Street.

approved “to convert them into homes, offices, shops, hotels or

In other words, no aspect of the PTBM had been left to chance,

miscellaneous services centers “(Mansilla, 2015).

but everything was perfectly planned from the beginning and

In other words, what I want to put in evidence is that the PERI

with a very clear purpose. The objective would have been to trig-

would have been conceived as the ideal tool to export those

ger, through urban planning, a series of profound urban transfor-

same processes also to La Mina and implement them in spe-

mations that guaranteed a certain “social normality”, that is, a

cific points of the neighborhood. Curiously, these same points

“proper”, “civic” and “peaceful” use of public spaces at the end

not only represented highly strategic spaces in the face of the

of generating a “positive image of the neighborhood” that would

dynamics of land revaluation common to the entire right bank of

end their “conflicted past”.

the Besòs, but were categorized as the “most difficult areas”. In

From a point of view more typical of critical urban studies (Greg-

this direction, it was maintained that “the remodeling determines

ory and Urry, 1985), all this could be interpreted as a macro-ur-

the establishment of a new flexible and open urban scenario,

ban intervention that was presumed urban, that is to say, by

on which to build the strategy of the necessary renovation and

means of a direct or indirect action on the physical space was

revitalization of the neighborhood as a whole, impacting, in par-

intended to intervene on the social dimension of the same mod-

ticular, its most difficult areas” ( Journal, 2004). And it is that the

ifying it. Indeed, based on the assumption that urban space is

physical space in which one had to focus especially, with

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of Barcelona Regional were completely discarded. However, a

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http://www.barrimina.cat/cast/

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the presumption of “renovating” it urbanistically and “revitalizing it” socially, was just the street itself. Thus, between 2002 and 2007, an ambitious operation was carried out to prolong the horizontal and vertical plot of the streets of the neighborhood.

In the first case, one of the operations planned and that was not finally carried out, was the aforementioned elimination of the central section of each of the three 200-meter screen blocks of the Nova Mine through vertical cuts. According to the team coordinated by Sebastià Jornet (2000): “The objective is to eliminate physical and visual barriers that hinder and complicate the natural passage of the passerby, forcing him to turn around and lengthen his path, while facilitating communication between different sectors of the neighborhood. “ With that improbable reason, it was intended to justify the supposed necessity of converting each of the three blocks into two smaller ones. In reality, this was an unworkable intervention, since it only required a cost of more than EUR 8 million from a technical point of view.

From a social point of view, however, it involved the relocation of 96 families, an operation that entailed a public expenditure of around 60,000 euros per month by the Sant Adrià City Council (CBM, 2005). Although for these reasons, the vertical cuts proposal was revoked in 2008, other interventions included in the process of horizontal extension of the streets would have had a very significant social impact in certain areas of the neighborhood. As of 2004, for example, the so-called “improvement and rehabilitation” interventions were carried out in the existing housing stock and that, however, they did not suffer “any structural pathology” (Díaz, 2000). For this purpose, the PTBM envisaged another important action of overturning by completely demolishing the block of Venus Street, considered as one of the “most conflictive” areas. In this direction, it is not surprising that the flagship of all urban interventions contained in the PERI was the construction of a “new and wide promenade that crossed the neighborhood from the Besòs park to the coastal front” (CBM, 2002) . It was precisely for this purpose that the

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new Rambla was conceived as “a space for all the neighbors of the neighborhood”, designed so that “the central activities of commerce, leisure, and economic activities could be developed around them” (Jornet, 2004: 173 -175).

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Real Estate Speculation

established after the reconversion of the industrial area of ​​La

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Mina. To avoid this problem, Sant Adrià City Council then proAs a result of these affirmations, one could affirm that the new

posed to increase the percentage of protected housing from 25

development of La Mina territory was based on an explicit dis-

to 40% using part of the C3 sector for that purpose. It was so,

trust of the streets as “significant public space” and, at the same

just before the celebration of the Forum and taking advantage

time, in the excessive confidence in the facilities and “quality”

to praise its magnanimous social housing policy, the Barcelo-

spaces as elements that combine the supposed “civic life” of

na City Council itself. However, in a second moment, when the

the neighborhood and, therefore, located in a central position.

urban planning process was in a more advanced state, the two-

In other words, the central argument of PERI was clearly the in-

thirds reserved for private promotion were also divided into two

version of the design logic of the neighborhoods applied, espe-

large lots of similar size by means of the extension of the Taulat

cially in the Spanish context and in the case of housing estates,

career, currently Avenida d ‘Eduard Maristany (22 @ SA, 2007:

during the 1960s and 1970s. It is precisely for this reason that

13). The first, between Llull and Taulat streets, would be desig-

the construction of the Rambla was accompanied by a set of

nated as sector C3 and the second, between Taultat and Ronda,

“transversal interventions”, in order to give “urban cohesion”

as sector C4.231 This maneuver responded to an old aspiration

and “to open the more closed spaces of the New Mine” (Jornet,

of the Adrianian consistory arising in view of the Olympics and

2004). : 174). From these assumptions, it would be quite obvi-

aimed at attracting university and research activities in the area.

ous that the Rambla’s true aim was to free the “central place of

Now, Mayor Canga sought to recover that idea to dynamize so-

the neighborhood” with a profoundly strategic aim: to guarantee

cially and economically that area of the municipality, which is

“protection”, “security”, “coexistence”, in fact, a certain “social

why they chose the land owned by the Consell Comarcal that

normality”. It was, in other words, to pacify La Mina’s “conflict”

formed the sector C4. But this substantial change from initial

by “building a relationship with neighboring neighborhoods,” a

plans meant that 75% of free housing was concentrated in the

factor that would allow, it was said, to end stereotypes of mar-

C3 sector. Thus, the greater risk was that this maneuver would

ginal and isolated neighborhoods. Since the opening of its first

have to effect a drastic reduction of the percentage of protect-

stretch, on January 17, 2004, the PTBM began to strengthen

ed housing previously established after the reconversion of the

its urbanistic slope by building, along with this “new axis of

industrial area of La Mina. To avoid this problem, Sant Adrià

the neighborhood”, a series of new social facilities, education-

City Council then proposed to increase the percentage of pro-

al, cultural and sporting. In fact, the technique of “move” so

tected housing from 25 to 40% using part of the C3 sector for

acclaimed by Jornet also implied a later operation of the real

that purpose. Thus, just before the Fòrum celebrated and taking

job for more than 350 families, affected by the reforms and the

advantage of its magnanimous social housing policy, the Barce-

foreseen demolitions. Thus, in the most contiguous part of the

lona City Council itself acclaimed the birth of “a new city west

neighborhood, between Avenida Fernández Márquez and the ca-

of Besòs”, in which “new buildings “And where” new neighbors

reer LLull, the industrial zone would be restricted to a third of its

“would live. On the other hand, it is important to note that the de-

original extension with the purpose of building new housing for

fense that the PEVM did in favor of the flooding had never been

these families. However, the remaining two-thirds, from Llull to

based on the average density of the neighborhood in general,

the Round, would form a “private residential promotion field.”

but on the density of the constructed spaces of the Mina Nova,

But this substantial change from initial plans meant that 75%

where, according to the diagnosis socio-anthropological (Don-

of free housing was concentrated in the C3 sector. Thus, the

cel et al., 2000: 38), the blocks “hinder coexistence between

greater risk was that this maneuver would have to effect a dras-

neighbors” and “amplify their problems for the main reason of

tic reduction of the percentage of protected housing previously

joining 40 neighbors per ladder.” But the reality was different. As

74

cording to the diagnosis socio-anthropological (Doncel et al.,

and 2004: 201), the conditions in which the PERI was framed

2000: 38), the blocks “hinder coexistence between neighbors”

“did not allow for combining sponge and diversification”, that is,

and “amplify their problems for the main reason of joining 40

they made it difficult to marry the “social mix” with the reduction

neighbors per ladder.” But the reality was different. As Joan

of building density. In short, the PERI could not do without two

Roca pointed out on different occasions (2003: 423-427 and

politico-economic decisions taken prior to its implementation:

2004: 201), the conditions in which the PERI was framed “did

on the one hand, the question of financing and, on the other, that

not allow for combining sponge and diversification”, that is, they

of the territory. In fact, the volume of public funds in the hands of

made it difficult to marry the “social mix” with the reduction of

the CBM did not allow for a general reconstruction of the neigh-

building density. In short, the PERI could not do without two

borhood, which is why Barcelona Regional and Consorci del

politico-economic decisions taken prior to its implementation:

Besòs obliged to introduce private business opportunities within

on the one hand, the question of financing and, on the other, that

specific sectors, such as those mentioned C3 and C4. But the

of the territory. In fact, the volume of public funds in the hands of

established territorial delimitation - which differentiated La Mina

the CBM did not allow for a general reconstruction of the neigh-

from other sectors nearby - limited the capacity of the Adrianian

borhood, which is why Barcelona Regional and Consorci del

consistory to exert a real public control of the processes of gen-

Besòs obliged to introduce private business opportunities within

eration of capital gains in its own territory. But there were also

specific sectors, such as those mentioned C3 and C4. But the

other risks. The modus operandi of Barcelona Regional, which

established territorial delimitation - which differentiated La Mina

tended to favor the development of free housing, implied that

from other sectors nearby - limited the capacity of the Adrianian

one of the main objectives of the PERI, the supposed “internal

consistory to exert a real public control of the processes of gen-

diversification of the urban fabric”, might not come to fruition.

eration of capital gains in its own territory. But there were also

On the other hand, it is important to note that the defense that

other risks. The modus operandi of Barcelona Regional, which

the PEVM did in favor of the flooding had never been based on

tended to favor the development of free housing, implied that

the average density of the neighborhood in general, but on the

one of the main objectives of the PERI, the supposed “internal

density of the constructed spaces of the Mina Nova, where, ac-

diversification of the urban fabric”, might not come to fruition.

Map of the “Modificació Puntual del Pla de Millora Urbana” in which you can see the sectors C3 (Llull-Taulat) and C4 (Taulat-Ronda) | Source: Direcció General d’Urbanisme de Barcelona.

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Joan Roca pointed out on different occasions (2003: 423-427

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Sectors C3 (Llull-Taulat) and C4 (Taulat-Ronda)

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Perhaps, it would be precisely because of all these factors that

cal basis (Doncel et al., 2000: 42 et seq.). As I have previous-

the social aspect of the PTBM would end up being subordinat-

ly described, the diagnosis emphasizes “the problem of drug

ed to urban planning, that is, to those private interests linked

sales and consumption”, “uncontrollable behavior”, “insalubri-

to the soil revaluation processes underway in the Fòrum zone.

ty”, “subarachnoid concealed”, “irregular occupation” to this,

The most emblematic case of such subordination would be

the “difficulties of coexistence” provoked by the “disaffection of

represented by the Venus block, where urban interventions

part of its inhabitants towards the communitarian spaces” and

contemplated by the PERI would have generated, during the

the consequent “degradation” of these.

last 15 years, a social impact of considerable proportions.

As the same diagnosis acknowledges, these factors would not

Due to its strategic proximity to the Rambla, the spontaneous

be exclusive to the Venus block, but there still seems to be some

and rehabilitating operation of the central area of ​​the neighbor-

obstinacy on the part of the CBM to intervene drastically in this

hood directly affected the blocks of the streets Saturn and Ve-

one and not in others that present similar problems. Indeed,

nus. According to the PERI, the former would become a residen-

during the course of my fieldwork, I have had at all times the

tial area of ​​assisted living for the elderly and for the students of

feeling that the downing of Venus had been planned rather as an

the future university campus that would arise in the C4 sector,

emblematic operation.

while the second would be completely demolished to locate the new neighborhood library (CBM, 2002: 34 ).

Perhaps, it would be precisely because of all these factors that the social aspect of the PTBM would end up being subordinated to urban planning, that is, to those private interests linked to the soil revaluation processes underway in the Fòrum zone.

The most emblematic case of such subordination would be represented by the Venus block, where urban interventions contemplated by the PERI would have generated, during the last 15 years, a social impact of considerable proportions. Initially, and due to its strategic proximity to the Rambla, the spontaneous and rehabilitating operation of the central area of ​​the neighborhood directly affected the blocks of the streets Saturn and Venus. According to the PERI, the former would become a residential area of ​​assisted living for the elderly and for the students of the future university campus that would arise in the C4 sector, while the second would be completely demolished to locate the new neighborhood library (CBM, 2002: 34 ).

On the other hand, there would also be no reasons related to

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supposed technical-structural failures, denied by the corresponding study that determined that the block was “structurally perfect” (Díaz et al., 2000: 21). The determinant motives can be intuited, however, through the diagnosis of socio-anthropologi-

78

La Mina neighbourhood transformation plan

Ten point, granted by inhabitants

The PTBM aimed “the transformation of the neighborhood through an intervention, Integrated and global.The private business handled all the transfomation. All the money was partially designate to Cultures Forum and all the resources started up to be handled by private companies.

1.Central axis, to related all the neighbourhood.

2.Facilities, workshops and formation.

3.Facilities for kids and young education .

4.Build 1.145 housings and rehabilitate the existing.

5.Commerce spaces- Generating employees, activate the local economy.

6.Transversal relations, having relations with the main core.

7.External relations, urban access.

8.Urbanization and management of free spaces, creating public spaces.

9.Net transportation.

10.Remodeling the actual educative center.

Hidding some problems rather than solve them, completely disregarding the interests of the neighbors in seeing their quality of life improved.

218,63 MILLIONS EUR

The most outstanding problem of the neighborhood is of social type and not urban. Mainly in the referring to the use of public spaces.

Social investment Library- police station

Old Mina adecuation

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Tramway

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Venus Building, https://cronicaglobal.elespanol.com/vida/olvidado-edificio-venus-mina_67020_102.html

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Perhaps, it would be precisely because of all these factors that

occupation” to this, the “difficulties of coexistence” provoked

the social aspect of the PTBM would end up being subordinat-

by the “disaffection of part of its inhabitants towards the com-

ed to urban planning, that is, to those private interests linked

munitarian spaces” and the consequent “degradation” of these.

to the soil revaluation processes underway in the Fòrum zone.

As the same diagnosis acknowledges, these factors would not

The most emblematic case of such subordination would be rep-

be exclusive to the Venus block, but there still seems to be some

resented by the Venus block, where urban interventions con-

obstinacy on the part of the CBM to intervene drastically in this

templated by the PERI would have generated, during the last 15

one and not in others that present similar problems. Indeed,

years, a social impact of considerable proportions.

during the course of my fieldwork, I have had at all times the

Due to its strategic proximity to the Rambla, the spontaneous

feeling that the downing of Venus had been planned rather as an

and rehabilitating operation of the central area of ​​the neighbor-

emblematic operation.

hood directly affected the blocks of the streets Saturn and Ve-

Ultimately, life on Venus would usually be conceived as a true

nus. According to the PERI, the former would become a residen-

allegory of conflict, which is why its demolition would have that

tial area of ​​assisted living for the elderly and for the students of

symbolic force to begin again, to cut with the stereotypes and the

the future university campus that would arise in the C4 sector,

“nefarious past of the neighborhood” to build a “Future better”.

while the second would be completely demolished to locate the

From this point of view, La Mina would appear as the deformed

new neighborhood library (CBM, 2002: 34 ). Perhaps, it would

mirror of a precarious and unstable community, distorted by the

be precisely because of all these factors that the social aspect of

presence of an “insidious” and “conflictive” minority. But on the

the PTBM would end up being subordinated to urban planning,

basis of the results obtained during the investigation, I could

that is, to those private interests linked to the soil revaluation pro-

only disagree deeply with this vision. Personally, I think that in

cesses underway in the Fòrum zone. The most emblematic case

order to understand what was and would be really happening in

of such subordination would be represented by the Venus block,

Venus and in the neighborhood in general, it is essential to ana-

where urban interventions contemplated by the PERI would have

lyze their forms of socio-spatial organization in function of their

generated, during the last 15 years, a social impact of consid-

urban evolution. In doing so, three main aspects should be taken

erable proportions. Initially, and due to its strategic proximity to

into account. In the first place, the neighborhood has historically

the Rambla, the spontaneous and rehabilitating operation of the

functioned as a space for confinement, control and concealment

central area of ​​the neighborhood directly affected the blocks of

of certain impoverished social sectors, which have in time re-

the streets Saturn and Venus. According to the PERI, the former

produced their own “marginality” through housing deterioration,

would become a residential area of ​​assisted living for the elderly

lack of employment and inadequacy of equipment and services.

and for the students of the future university campus that would

Thus, spatially imposed concentration from the outset could be

arise in the C4 sector, while the second would be completely

the trigger for competition for scarce resources among the dif-

demolished to locate the new neighborhood library (CBM, 2002:

ferent sectors of residents living in the neighborhood. Secondly,

34 ). On the other hand, there would also be no reasons related

it should not be forgotten that the housing policies carried out

to supposed technical-structural failures, denied by the corre-

in the decades passed by the Municipal Housing Board of Bar-

sponding study that determined that the block was “structurally

celona succeeded in configuring La Mina, and in particular the

perfect” (Díaz et al., 2000). The determinant motives can be in-

Venus block, as a destination for evictions provoked by urban-

tuited, however, through the diagnosis of socio-anthropological

istic actions in other areas of the metropolitan area. This factor

basis. As I have previously described, the diagnosis emphasizes

would explain, to some extent, that the generation of “permanent

“the problem of drug sales and consumption”, “uncontrollable

conflicts” between some neighbors could have its origin in the

behavior”, “insalubrity”, “subarachnoid concealed”, “irregular

high rotation neighborhood, that began to intensify from the ‘80.

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Thirdly, it should not be taken for granted that up until now the

sponding difference, ranging from € 34,800 to € 47,000, in

PMTCT represents the eighth of the plans officially proposed,

order to access the new homes. Especially since 2008, those

projected or implemented in the neighborhood246 and that it

neighbors who had sufficient economic resources could leave

would not yet have produced concrete results. As we have seen,

their floors and to benefit from the relocation in the new VPOs.

the most ambitious interventions carried out by the CBM would

But a large majority of them, difficult to quantify due to contrac-

have been carried out with a “facade setting” (Capel, 2011),

tual irregularities accumulated during decades, have not been

that is, they would betray a significant “transformation” only

able to assume the cost that the realojo implied. Venus was

from outside, to an exterior architectural level, but in the bottom

also a third type of “affected”. It was a few, and yet stiff-necked

would not offer any social functionality for much of the neigh-

neighbors who did not want to move because they would pass

bors. Moreover, in the “participatory” procedure of planning new

from being owners to being, again, tenants. However, according

construction spaces and urban rehabilitation to be included in

to data from the CBM (2013: 45-49), until mid-2013 only 15%

the PMTCT, certain neighborhood proposals that called for in-

of affected residents (about 30 families) have agreed to leave

tervention from “inside” would not have been taken into account

Venus to move to new homes. Among them, many have been

(PEVM, 2002 ).

forced to borrow by borrowing from a subsidized type, granted

On the other hand, even if Venus were overthrown, this drastic

by the Caixa Bank and endorsed by the City of Sant Adrià, by

operation would not solve its supposed “irresolvable problems,”

which they can pay the amount required to access their new

but that these would probably be transferred to another block or

flats. But the financial difficulties of these neighbors have re-

perhaps to another neighborhood. As long as it is really about

cently been added to the supposed demolition of Venus, which

social problems, can not be solved with urban interventions,

the CBM itself considers “economically unattainable,” an aspect

since their supposed social efficiency is neither justified nor

that would have definitively paralyzed the realignment process.

much less demonstrated. In order to solve real social problems,

On the other hand, it should not be forgotten that this process

structured and coordinated social actions would be necessary,

was not exempt from a whole series of political and media ma-

that is, carried out with particular attention to the causes that

nipulations that once again systematically emphasized “citizen

create the alleged problem and not towards their effects. In-

security” away from a minimally serious analysis of the social

stead, what would have happened in the case of Venus has been

and urban reality of La Mina. Perhaps the most obvious and,

to work precisely on the effects and not on the causes of their

in my opinion, most scandalous case, is an article published

problems. To that end, it would be interesting to find out what the

in 2009 by La Vanguardia. In this, the journalist Luis Benve-

responsibilities of the local and regional administration might be

nuty assured that the new protected housing “will be distributed

in the slow-and perhaps functional-process of “degradation” of

in five promotions scattered by this neighborhood to avoid the

the block by not intervening in its possible rehabilitation and pre-

formation of ghettos” and to favor in this way what he himself

venting several neighbors from reforming or selling their floors

arrogated the right to describe in terms of “social mixture” :

(PEVM, 2008). However, the “crisis” continued to advance, and with it appeared a new neighborhood concern related to the appraisal of the floors of the Venus block whose neighbors refused to accept. According to the then market price, three-bedroom Firts Part

apartments were valued at 82,653 EUR, while the new VPO was between 100,000EUR and 120,000EUR (CBM, 2008). For this reason, the CBM demanded that those affected pay the corre-

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Protection housing

2010

Which remain mostly unplanned because of the shutdown of the relocation process.

Affected housing blocks are disused, sales expectations or guarantees are much worse and block conditions continue to worsen.

Many empty blocks and dwellings

30,000 euros to the 350 families

Who want to access the new housing officially protected in the same neighborhood.

Those who could afford to pay the differential were moved, and those who could not cope with that cost, continue in the blocks, socially segregating the neighborhood a little more.

housing block Venus The Venus Block is still not expropriated to the neighbors, nor these relocated to the new homes, which are still mostly empty, in breach of the principles established in the PTBM.

From what has been said until now it is concluded that the problem in La Mina is not urban, but social; Is not technical but political: those who dominate the power relations in the neighborhood are not their inhabitants, but economic interests are unmentionble.

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Social segregation, civic participation

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El Consorci del barrio de la Mina [...] ha iniciado estos días la construcción de 422 viviendas de protección oficial que se distribuirán en cinco promociones diseminadas por todo este polígono residencial. El principal objetivo de esta operación es acabar con la concentración de vecinos que trajo el diseño original del barrio, fundamentado en mastodónticas edificaciones pensadas en los años 70 al modo de las periferias francesas. Estas gigantescas construcciones que caracterizan la Mina no sólo han favorecido el hacinamiento y los problemas de convivencia, también han dificultado el trabajo de los Mossos d’Esquadra. Muchas de ellas han sido modificadas para esconder armas y drogas, para facilitar la labor de los clanes criminales que aún actúan en este rincón de Sant Adrià. La policía autonómica reconquistó el espacio público para la gente. Ya no se ven traficantes de droga actuando impunemente por las calles. Pero muchas actividades ilícitas encontraron refugio en rellanos y escaleras. Una vez hayan sido construidas las nuevas viviendas sociales, en el año 2011, [...] el bloque de Venús (sic.), uno de los marcados en rojo por los agentes de la policía autonómica de este lado del Besòs, será derruido. Allí se cuentan unas 300 viviendas. Además, se abrirá un tajo en los también inmensos bloques de Mart y Llevant.

Ambos cuentan con sendos pasos que se pensaron para favorecer la movilidad, pero que a la postre devinieron en oscuros focos de inseguridad ciudadana. La idea original en los primeros años de reforma del barrio fue aprovecharlos para dividir los grandes bloques en dos y abrir nuevas calles. Pero resulta muy caro, y no es momento de dispendios. Lo que se hará finalmente es dotar de altura a los pasadizos eliminando las plantas bajas, primeras y segundas que hay sobre ellos. Son en total 338 familias las afectadas, quienes deberán pagar unos 30.000 euros por sus nuevos pisos. Esta operación iba a financiarse con la subasta de diversos terrenos en el barrio propiedad de las administraciones que forman el Consorci. Allí promotores privados construirían nuevas viviendas de renta libre que favorecerían el mestizaje social y acabarían con las últimas barreras del gueto. Pero dada la coyuntura económica, las administraciones, a fin de no detener el proceso de rehabilitación de la Mina, han optado por solicitar un crédito de 46 millones de euros. Los gestores del Consorci confían en que la subasta pueda celebrarse en el 2011 y devolver entonces el dinero prestado. Si así fuera los intereses sólo encarecerían la operación en un par de millones de euros.

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The “floor per floor” is a right guaranteed

by Decree 13/2010, February 2, of the Plan for the right to housing 2009-2012 and by which the Generalitat establishes that a person affected by an urban expropriation must receive a similar home without paying for it. It is a measure first proposed in 2008 and popularly known as the “HAUS Act” (Habitatge per Afectats Urbanistics i Socials).

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It had been exactly 13 years since the PTBM was set up and yet

ic discourses is perceived and defined negatively as “ghetto”

a very large part of Venus people was still waiting to be relocated

(Wacquant, 2007 [2006]: 13-28). In fact, this tendency or way

but without knowing where, how or when. Linked to this, and

of conceptualizing the ghetto as a threatening social scarecrow

due to the alleged threat of irregular occupations, many floors

would respond to a deliberate political necessity and urgency to

of the block were blocked as they were evicted, while the vast

end it (Wacquant, 2008b). But the point here is not that admin-

majority of the new VPO, which had not yet been allocated, was

istrations fight against segregation, exclusion, marginalization,

fenced to the height of its low and private supervised putting.

etc., but against any possibility of cohesion and human rela-

As if this were not enough, large areas of the neighborhood had

tionship.

been converted into vacant lots or, at best, in informal car parks

It would be precisely for this purpose that the neighborhood of

or unused litter parks waiting for the real estate market to reac-

La Mina, understood as it was socially and spatially conformed

tivate again.

before being intervened through the PTBM, should be redeemed

All this ended up configuring an almost apocalyptic and, to

and rescued from its alleged ghettoized condition. But that be-

some extent, dystopic scenario, precisely in those areas of the

lief was not exclusively dominated by internationally renowned

neighborhood that PERI considered as the “key points” of trans-

urban planners, administrative technicians, star architects, may-

formation. Spaces such as the Rambla de La Mina or the new

ors, politicians, or more affluent “new neighbors,” but especially

residential area of ​​the neighborhood - the so-called C3 sector,

of many of the “lifelong neighbors.” On the occasion of his rec-

adjacent to the current Zona Fòrum and which the neighbors

ognition with the “Prize Ciutat de Sant Adrià

point to as “La Mina pija” - appear today as semi-deserted places, surrounded by streets full of new buildings and equipment

`

of design and “quality”, but hopelessly deprived of social life.

It would be a question of new urban spaces which the great majority of neighbors have not appropriated, not only because they do not inhabit them, but above all because they do not use or transit them.

These factors would reveal the magnitude of a series of devastating social effects on the urban space of La Mina and its inhabitants, effects that some authors have attributed to the power of “creative destruction” of current neoliberalism. In other words, the effects of neoliberal urban policies on urban space produce true “paradoxical landscapes” (Sequera and Mateos, 2014), that is, a series of social, economic and spatial fractures that, in the case of La Mina, can be reflected in a physical and symbolic border that marks distances between “La Mina with incomes” and the rest of the neighborhood. The fact is that, as I have tried to show previously, the persistence of the PERI in en-

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riching its residential fabric with new uses and new social sectors had another and more important purpose: to avoid that the new regenerated neighborhood became what according to the social imaginary and to the heat of dominant political-econom-

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Project of expropriation for joint volume of assigned actions

- the approved PERM of the mine is definitively the legitimizing

AA1 - venus, according to the perm of the mina district of sant

instrument for the expropriation of the assets and rights affected

adrià de besòs.

by the Isolated ACTION AA1-VENUS, which this Expropriation Project contemplates. The City Council of Sant Adrià de Besòs,

The Special Plan for Reordering and Improvement of the Mina

as the administration acting, delegated the urban planning func-

district proposes two main lines of management, in accordance

tions for the development of the Mine on the Consortium of the

with the general objectives that arise. On the one hand, the de-

Mine neighborhood on January 23, 2003, granting it the quality

limitation of a single unit of action, to be executed by the co-

of administration acting with regard to the development of the

operation system (article 14 of the urban norms of the Special

Special Plan for the reordering and improvement of the Mina

Plan), which has been executed through the Reparcelación de

neighborhood and, consequently, for the processing and execu-

the UA1 of the PERM in the neighborhood of La Mina, and on

tion of this expropriation Project.

the other, the determination of four isolated actions that must be executed through the expropriation of the assets and rights that are affected. Article 15 of the Urban Planning Regulations of the aforementioned PERM of the Mine neighborhood provides for four isolated actions that respond to two different objectives: - Obtaining land for the location of public equipment and for free space system on the land occupied today by the Venus block.

- The obtaining of the land destined to free space and of passage, by means of the formation of vertical cuts in the blocks Mars, Llevant and Stars, in order to define an opening of the free inner space existing between the mentioned blocks and at the same time to break the large size of the near 200 meters in length that these buildings have.

In accordance with what determines the PERM of the Mine neighborhood, the floors that make up the AA1-VENUS are qualified, part as a system of equipment and part as a system of free spaces.Specifically, the equipment envisaged in this area, in accordance with what is determined by article 29 of the PERM Venus Block Destined to Faclities and public space Plot area 2.550sqm Building surface 20.752 Habitants 252 Local comerce 12

Neighborhood of the Mine, has assigned cultural use, establishing as potential destinations those of the Library / Cultural Center and / or the Media Library. Regarding the system of free spaces, it is determined in article 30 of the same regulatory body, determining that the different spaces and existing gardens within the scope of the Special Plan form the system of free spaces

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and that these will be of public ownership. Consequently, and in accordance with the provisions of article 103 and 104.1 b) of Legislative Decree 1/2005, of July 26, which approves the Revised Text of the Law of Urban Planning - (hereinafter TRLU)

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Urban deterioration

+

social conflicts

.

Lack of employment, which can also accumulate other Low involvement immediate community environment.

The deterioration of the urban environment, result of several industries.

ISSUES

Cultural conflicts, as a result of people of very different backgrounds.

HOUSING

2100 total

L. America_ europe

17%

700 Free Romani people

LA MINA

10.600 habitants

30%

Spanish_Hungarians

2012 Andalucia

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53%

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The second diagnosis of the neighborhood, which gathered data on the “social conditions” of La Mina, was based on several indicators: unemployment, which reached one third of the active population; the isolation of the neighborhood from the municipality and nearby neighborhoods due to physical and geographical barriers (coastal belt, railroad, Besòs river, land without

Unemployment / not acces to school

urbanization, etc.); 7 concentration of social problems (delinquency, marginalization, illiteracy , poverty, drug addiction, drug trafficking, etc.); the high delinquency in the payment of housing ownership fees and the existence of sublease contracts; the deterioration of indoor and outdoor residential spaces, and population density.

But both diagnoses did not seem to relate these factors to each other, nor did they offer a possible explanation for the causes of the “nefarious” social reality of the neighborhood. The most in-

Cri

teresting fact, however, was the quantitative estimate of the “social conflict” at La Mina, estimated in a certain positivist tone: it was estimated that 8% of the population.

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Neighborhood isolation

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Population density. 5-6 per housing

Indoor and outdoor deterioration

itical conditions

Concentration of social problems, de-

Payment of housing ownership fees

linquency, marginalization, illiteracy , poverty, drug addiction, drug traffick-

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ing, etc.

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https://news.vice.com/es/article/en-imagenes-historia-mina-barrio-barcelones-donde-impera-ley-gitana

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C it y pr o p o s a l

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Venus Building

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Venus Building

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Current state, Venus building How was Venus built?

Formwork technique The long process of management and administrative procedures  which preceded the beginning of the construction of the buildings and which continued even in later years, explains that in the same neighborhood there may be not only different conceptions in the way of designing buildings but also very different constructive techniques, the choice of which can be interpreted fundamentally in function of the differences in the adjudication of the works and the criteria applied in each case according to the time and the size of the lot awarded. This is why we can distinguish in La Mina the first phase of smaller magnitude, concentrated in La Mina Vieja, of buildings constructed with the usual techniques of the time based on reinforced concrete pillars or porticoes, lattice forged or concrete joists and enclosures based on exposed brick or cladding, and a second phase, of greater magnitude and extension, in which the innovative formwork-tunnel technique was used to construct the last lot of 2,214 houses that put an end to the residential building of the neighborhood.

In fact, the tunnel-formwork technique was intended to achieve a rationalized and updated process in the construction of the mass housing of the time at optimized costs, which forced a strong coordination between the technical teams drafting the projects and the companies contractors, who had to have sufficient economic resources to finance the powerful tooling required for the application of this technique, only within the reach of some large companies constructors of the sector. In particular, tunnel-formwork systems differ in their distinctive elements a large formwork, called a tunnel, which serves to shape walls and slabs at the same time, so that the resulting structures are composed of reinforced concrete load walls rigidly attached to solid slabs of the same material. It follows that the use of such technique requires the adaptation of the project to be executed

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taking into account the characteristics and limitations of the construction system applied.

Images taken during elevation and positioning of one of the shuttering-tunnel.

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The structural elements and of the thick construction of the buildings with the base of the tunnel are based on a system of piloting with properly braced elements of 42 cm in diameter and of 15 to 22 m of depth, informed lands by sand and silt, receiving loads of 40 to 75 Tm per pile. Two tunnel-formwork models were used, both with identical light (5.10 m) and with the same thickness of the walls (15 cm) and of the slabs of the slabs (16 cm). The external enclosures are made of concrete panels prefabricated at the foot of the building, covered years later by the exterior with folded sheet metal being the carpentries of wood in its totality (Figures 8 and 9). The partitions were constructed with blocks of plaster of 6 and 7 cm thick. The 6-story high-rise buildings constructed with conventional techniques were executed with articulated reinforced concrete structures, reticulated slabs or prestressed joists of the same material, and external

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enclosures based on exposed or coated brick walls.

The detail and exterior image of the dubbing with metal sheet on the original concrete panel.

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http://www.jlp.cat/es/content/proyectos-de-expropiaci%C3%B3n-por-tasaci%C3%B3n-conjunta-de-las-actuaciones-aisladas-aa1-bloque-venus

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http://www.jlp.cat/es/content/proyectos-de-expropiaci%C3%B3n-por-tasaci%C3%B3n-conjunta-de-las-actuaciones-aisladas-aa1-bloque-venus

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http://www.jlp.cat/es/content/proyectos-de-expropiaci%C3%B3n-por-tasaci%C3%B3n-conjunta-de-las-actuaciones-aisladas-aa1-bloque-venus

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HYPOTHESIS

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After reviewing in-depth of the historical development of the La

solution to many of its inhabitants corresponds to the spatial

Mina neighborhood and understand all the urban interventions

intervention of the building, understanding the spatial limitations

that have been carried out since its origins. It is clearer to un-

that this implies.Deducting that it is very demanding to assign

derstand that all those problems within La Mina are not simply

new housing to people on Venus, it is convenient to execute

attributed to a problem “Social” that can be solved with urban

an intervention that will strengthen those relationships that have

renovations or the execution of renovation plans.

been collapsed. Architecture, in this case, can become a cata-

It is clear to understand that these renovations have attributed

lyst for social relations. The architectural intervention aims to

a series of urban values and of public space with much more

improve those social conditions generating spaces of encounter.

“clean” and the relationship with the Barcelona urban growing,

Therefore speaking of La Mina as a center of social problems

otherwise it can not be forgotten in the same way that it has

can not only be attributed to those people who live there. It is

assigned a character of urban isolation. This inhabitant, closer

of extreme importance to recognize the direct relationship with

area, and city relationship cannot simply resolve with an addi-

all that speculation about the housing and La Mina plots prices

tional urban renewal or temporary social plans. Therefore speak-

have generated an abandonment of dwellings and of the proper-

ing of La Mina as a center of social problems can not only be

ties which are available.

attributed to those people who live there. It is of extreme impor-

As follows, it can be understood that this relationship with the

tance to recognize the direct relationship with all that speculation

high prices of the houses and the impossibility on part of the

about the housing and La Mina plots prices have generated an

inhabitants of acquiring new houses has produced in La Mina a

abandonment of dwellings and of the properties which are avail-

land out an owner, abandoned floors, housing occupied or just

able.As follows, it can be understood that this relationship with

waiting to be assigned to a new family. Accordingly, it is much

the high prices of the houses and the impossibility on part of the

clearer to understand that the relationship of housing space and

inhabitants of acquiring new houses has produced in La Mina a

social development is completely associated with a problem of

land out an owner, abandoned floors, housing occupied or just

high housing prices and even the high value for the public space

waiting to be assigned to a new family. Accordingly, it is much

that is abandoned.

clearer to understand that the relationship of housing space and social development is completely associated with a problem of high housing prices and even the high value for the public space that is abandoned.

Thus, it is clear to discern that La Mina issue will not be solved with a new urban plan or a social integration strategy, these are necessary but not definitive. For this reason within the project, the approach is given to recover the most emblematic building of La Mina, the Venus housing block as already mentioned it is the maximum expression of all the problems of the neighborhood and its inhabitants.The real estate speculation abandoned flats and problems of allocation of new homes. The building is partially abandonment by the City Council, its inhabitants, and the Firts Part

city. As a problem of architecture and opportunity for the project.

It has been opportune to carry out a study of space conditions, technical components, and housing those to understand that a

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ARCHITECTONIC STRATEGIES

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La Mina neighbourhood transformation plan

Ten point, granted by inhabitants

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1.Central axis, to related all the neighbourhood.

2.Facilities, workshops and formation.

3.Facilities for kids and young education .

4.Build 1.145 housings and rehabilitate the existing.

5.Commerce spaces- Generating employees, activate the local economy.

6.Transversal relations, having relations with the main core.

7.External relations, urban access.

8.Urbanization and management of free spaces, creating public spaces.

9.Net transportation.

10.Remodeling the actual educative center.

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S t ra teg i es

1. Using the modul, keeping the measures

2. remove some blocks - creating additional activities

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3. underpasses, linking the public areas and venus proposal

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4.create activity in different levels, horizontal and vertical.

5. REdesign the housing and stablish Hierarchical spaces

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6. relation with public space

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1. Using the modul, keeping the measures 1.The technique of the former-tunnel

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Two tunnel formwork models were used, both with identical light (5,10 m) and with the same light thickness of walls (15 cm) and slabs of the slabs (16 cm).

A case study: the rehabilitation of residential buildings in La Mina district in Sant Adrià del Besòs (Barcelona). Functional analysis and assessment of safety conditions, habitability and maintenance

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2. remove some blocks - creating additional activities

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3. underpasses, linking the public areas and venus proposal

4.create activity in different levels, horizontal and vertical.

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The aim is connecting the nearby facilities areas (library, park and public space) with the Venus building.

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5. REdesign the housing and stablish Hierarchical spaces

6. RElation with ublic space

1.Workshops 2.Stores.

3. Kindergardens 4.Multicultural spaces 5.Urban observatory 6.Small library 7.Gardens 8.Tipological house 9.

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Proposal, Axonometry ground floor.

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DESIGN PROPOSAL

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ARCHITECTURAL PROGRAM

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WHICH IS THE SPATIAL CRITERIA TO DEFINE THE SPATIAL INTERVENTION? Social buildign - groundfloor Spaces dedicated or specialized in contributing to the urban connection with the neighborhood. The creation of spaces of transition between the public and the residential building is developed on the ground floor.

Also, those spaces dedicated to fomenting the local economy and of those people who live in the building.

Urban passages Workshops Storages Local economy (locutorio, stores, restaurants, bars) Comunal areas Gardens Study rooms

VENUS

floor type

Public space The public space is one of the main elements to allow the connection with the neighborhood and the building. A series of spaces, destined to the local use of the inhabitants.

Housing with variations Balcony modification Meeting rooms Multicultural spaces Study ares for kids Small class rooms Adjuntament office Kindergarden Library Living rooms Terraces Games room Class rooms

Soccer field Playgrounds Gardens Venus square Greenery areas Restaurantes

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Within the proposal there is two plants type, even and odd. Maintaining the modulation of 5.10mts, all dwellings are eliminated or maintained in relation to thยบe layout and condition of each floor.

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9. Collective space

8. Kinder garden/ comunal spaces

7. Housing variation

6. Comunal bridge with some comunal activies 5. Voids and vertical connection 4. Attached balconies

3. Workshop / comunal spaces for working 2. Workshop / store.

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1. Connecting passage

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Second Fourth Sixth Eighth Tenth

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Ground floor

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1. Connecting passage

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2. Workshop / store.

3. Workshop / comunal spaces for working

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4. Attached balconies

5. Voids and vertical connection

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7. Housing variation

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9. Collective space

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Hosing variation

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Type ¡1

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Type ·2

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Hosing variation

3.

1.

2.

2.

1.

3.

4.

5.

4.

6.

5.

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3.

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6.

Living room- kitchen. Comunal space Bathroom, fixed point Room 1 Room 2 Room 3 Terrace

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1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Living room- kitchen. Comunal space Bathroom, fixed point Room 1 Room 2 Terrace

Hosing variation

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1.

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5.

4.

6.

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3.

4.

5.

6.

Living room- kitchen. Comunal space Bathroom, fixed point Room 1 Room 2 Studio/ worshop Terrace

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

Living room- kitchen. Comunal space Bathroom, fixed point Room 1 Studio/workshop Terrace

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CONCLUSION

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The main objective of this Master’s thesis was initially aimed at

After understanding all the social implications that have been

discovering and considerate the urban relations that have hap-

developed from the possibility of collapsing the building and the

pened within the La Mina neighborhood, after several visits to

possible eviction of the place has led to creating an atmosphere

the place, to discover in a deeper way the urban relations and

of chaos and disappointment within the neighbors. Many of

known some people, I have discovered that the relationship

them still expect to be allocated a new floor, while others sim-

between social problems and those plans for urban renewal is

ply expect to keep their current home with some clearly needed

the historical result of the neighborhood. At the beginning of my

repairs.Thus, Venus building frames the course of the project

research project approach without realizing it or even naively I

and the architectural approach from a position to strengthen the

obtained the same approach with an urban proposal very similar

largest icon of the neighborhood. As an architect, this idea turns

to previous projects. The neighborhood connecting with the city

out to be a new path that allows the inclusion of people who are

and especially the port. This idea was the first a part of my de-

already part of the community and of the area through greater

sign and research process.

economic possibilities, education, habitat including social. As a

However, this neighborhood belongs to the of urban Barcelona

concern, it is not simply a matter of solving a series of needs

periphery. Nowadays I could mention, the neighborhood is dis-

to have a decent home or an adequate community, including

connected from the dynamics of Barcelona, ​​from sight outside

as a fundamental idea the multicultural qualities that the neigh-

from the urbanism and architecture to generate this connection

borhood own.The concern of the project seeks to consolidate

with the port could be to favor that urban opening to the neigh-

spaces that help to connect and socially develop those people

borhood. But it can also become a condition that would expo-

who currently live in La Mina and especially Venus. It pursues to

nentially raise the price of land in La Mina. This is just a hypoth-

restore the well-being of the community and improve their living

esis, the current state of the neighborhood prevents predicting a

conditions.

real future about their living conditions.

Tangled between solving the La Mina problems and with a new urban proposal design alongside the visualization of the neighborhood, I got to a point that seemed dead and already considers at different times of urbanism in Barcelona, the problem of how to “clean” La Mina, but followed the research and understanding the dynamics of the neighborhood and even hearing rumors about what happens the neighborhood. I discovered Venus as the highest representative of the neighbors’ struggle, the urban struggle, and even a symbolic struggle.

Without getting into discussions of political or economic origin the value that Venus has for the neighborhood is assigned from the same point in which it remains erected as the maximum expression of the social - modern architecture, it also remains standing as the voice of hundreds of neighbors who still fight for an allocation of a house or the reform of the building itself.

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Taking into account the meaning of the building and all the social implications within the neighborhood, I decided to begin to thoroughly review the possibility of spatially intervening the building.

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Window detail Venus Building

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