Theology & Culture-Volume 2 by Departamenti i Theologjisë dhe Kulturës, Kolegji Universitar Logos

Theology & Culture

The Academic Journal of the Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Theology & Culture Volume 2, June 2021 ISSN: 2708-6755

Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Publication information:

Theology & Culture is the Academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and is published online two times per year. The Department is located at Saint Blaise, 5 minutes outside Durrës, Albania.

Volume 2, June 2021 ISSN: 2708-6755 Aims and Scope:

Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts and scholars worldwide to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal will be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian.

Editorial Board Members:

1. Dr. Georgios Gaitanos, Lecturer of Religious Studies (Head of the Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos) 2. Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos, Lecturer of Liturgical Studies (Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos) Manuscripts and correspondence are invited for publication. You can submit your papers via e-mail to theolculture@gmail.com. Submission guidelines and Web Submission system are available at https://theolkulogos.wordpress. com/2020/01/30/theology-culture/ Copyright© 2021 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and individual contributors. All rights reserved. The Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos holds the exclusive copyright of all the contents of this journal. In accordance with the international convention, no part of this journal may be reproduced or transmitted by any media or publishing organs (including various websites) without the written permission of the copyright holder. Otherwise, any conduct would be considered as the violation of the copyright. The contents of this journal are available for any citation, however, all the citations should be clearly indicated with the title of this journal, serial number and the name of the author.

Contents Acknowledgements 7 Nikolaos Tsirevelos 1. The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations. Communication approach in the missionary magazine Porethentes

Georgios Keselopoulos & Charalampos Machairas 2. Christ, Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

Georgia Sarikoudi 3. Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki: Relations between the Generations

Georgios Gaitanos 4. The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna

Thoma Çomëni 5. Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox perspective

Thoma Shkira 6. The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word among the Albanians

Acknowledgements

his edition is the second volume of the Journal “Theology & Culture” (ISSN: 2708-6755), which is the official academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos. This academic journal is published two times per year in print and online. Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. All research articles in this journal undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial editor screening and anonymous refereeing by at least two anonymous referees. And also, our reviewers and editorial board members are from different countries all over the world. The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts, scholars and researchers that has started their career now to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal is be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian. The journal will be indexed by Google scholar, DOAJ (Directory of Open Journals) and is hosted to our Issuu page (https://issuu.com/ departamentiitheologjisedhekultures). Also, the journal has its own Academia (https://independent.academia.edu/AcademicJournalTheologyCulture) and Researchgate (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Theology_Culture) account and every article is accompanied by a Doi number. For this second volume, we are publishing 6 articles that refer to History of Religions, Christian Ethics, Orthodox Missionarism, Social Anthropology, Immigration, Bible studies in Albania, Liturgy and Christian Iconography and Art. We would like to thank our contributors for this second edition and especially Adjunct Lecturer Dr. Nikolaos Tsirevelos-“The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations. Communication approach in the missionary magazine Porethentes”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos & Dr. Charalampos Machairas-“Christ, Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?”, Adjunct Lecturer Dr. Georgia Sarikoudi-“Albanian Immigrants in Thessalon7

Acknowledgements

iki: Relations between the Generations”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna”, As. Lecturer Msc. Thoma Çomëni-“Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox perspective”, and As. Lecturer Msc. Thoma Shkira-“The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word among the Albanians”. The Editorial Board Dr. Georgios Gaitanos Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos

1 The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations. Communication approach in the missionary Journal Porethentes Nikolaos G. Tsirevelos

Adjunct Lecturer of Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos

Corespondence:

e-mail: ntsirevelos@hotmail.com

Abstract

The study of the journal, named Porefthedes (Go Ye) emphasizes its historic contribution to the transmission and intake of the Gospel’s message worldwide. Additionally, it resulted in the recrudescence of Greeks’ interest in The Mission. The current Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania Anastasios was the founder of this journal. The former, Porefthedes, arose from the processes of “Syndesmos” (Association) in 1959, and was published from 1961 up to 1969 under the care of the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Centre Porefthedes”, setting the foundations for the revival of The Mission. This paper’s first attempt is to record the journal’s publishing history and secondly to describe the publication process of the journal Porefthedes (artistic elaboration, linguistic means) and to investigate the specific features of the editors (transmitters); it also provides facts concerning the readers (receivers). Moreover, the theological documentation of the Orthodox martyria (message) has been recorded, divided into thematic categories.

Keywords:

Archbishop of all Albania Anastasios, Communication approach, Porefthedes, Christian witness (mission).

Citation:

Tsirevelos N. The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations. Communication approach in the missionary Journal Porethentes. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 11-33. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.34487.24482

The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations

Coverpage of the Journal Porethentes, designed by the artist Ntinos Xylopoulos

The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations

Introduction

n the Orthodox Christian world, the interest in preaching the Gospel to the nations arose in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It has increased to the present day. This event led to the gradual establishment of new ecclesiastical communities in various countries of Africa, America, Asia and Oceania, with the support of the Churches of Greece and Cyprus, but also from the coordination of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Patriarchate of Alexandria. Nowadays, the culmination of this awakening is the missionary character that governs the texts of the Holy and Great Synod of the Orthodox Church, which took place in June 2016 in Crete (Great and Holy Synod, 2016). Greek-language missionary journals published by the Church of Greece and by various private missionary associations (Tsirevelos, 2014:12), undoubtedly have contributed to the revival of this interest in mission in the modern history of Orthodoxy. The first missionary journal printed in Greece was Porefthedes/Go Ye and published in 1959. The publication of the journal is associated with specific events of that time that led to the gradual missionary awakening in Greece and later in the wider Orthodox world. However, the starting point for the awakening of the Greek-speaking missionary witness can be traced to the Fourth Congress of the Organization “Syndesmos” in Thessaloniki in 1958 (Association; Meyendorff, 2003). In this, the “Committee for Foreign Mission” was elected with theologian Anastasios Yannoulatos (current Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania) as General Secretary (Maczewski, 2002: 138). The following year, the General Secretariat released the Duplicate edition of Porefthedes in Greek and English. The founding of the journal that year (1959) marked the historic milestone in the revival of Orthodox witness. According to the apt observation of the theologian Thanasis Papathanassiou, “the awakening of the missionary conscience and the systematic activity in the field of foreign mission was triggered in our country by this nucleus (ie of the Marching)” (Papathanasiou, 2009: 372). He also notes that “the image that dominates today for the emergence of missionary thinking starring the ‘Walking’, is that of rising from a sleep” (Papathanasiou, 2009: 373). The publication of Porefthedes contributed to the primary missionary en13

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lightenment of Greeks and foreign Orthodox. It made known the theology of the Orthodox witness (martyria) in Christ to the nations and took care of the primary journalistic information of the readers about the events in the few new missionary churches. Simultaneously, it took care of the mobilization of the people, in order to assist in various ways and to support further continuation of the missionary work. Of course, the work of those in charge and its authors was not limited to missionary articles. It worked much more as a movement-initiative to awaken interest in Orthodox witness. According to the journal’s articles, during 1959-60 missionary tutorials were created, a special staff of young scientists, lectures, Bible study circles with missionary focus, speeches in parishes and Christian fraternities were organized, while contacts of the Greek Church were developed and the Archdiocese of Athens (Yannoulatos, 1960). Concurrently, the editors of the journal Porethentes founded in 1961 the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center ‘Porethentes’”. The work of the Center increased the previous missionary activity with more mobilizations, more systematic scientific work, as well as the preparation and training of the mission of the first missionaries in Africa, such as that of Archimandrite Anastasios Yannoulatos in 1964. The basic purpose of this article is to capture the theology of the mission, as it was codified in the journal Porefthentes during its ten-year publication. Special emphasis is given to the theological documentation of the testimony in Christ, which is recorded in the articles of the journal, in addition to the care of the columnists for the theological study of the readers. Furthermore, this article aims to highlight the contribution of this theological form to the revival of missionary witness in the nations. For the needs of the research, all the texts of the ten-year edition of the journal from 1959 to 1969 (issues 1-44) were studied. The basic methodology is based on the form of human communication (Koukoura, 2006: 12), which has been adapted to the needs of this research and is developed in the following factors: the transmitter (writers), the message (basic theological and historical positions), the subject (central concept), the conduit (the journal Porefthentes) and its form (for example the text and the layout of the material), the code (Greek language) and the recipients (Greek-speaking Orthodox readers). At the same time, the genesis and dissemination of the journal is part of its historical context in order to make their action more understandable. 14

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1. Editorial elements of the journal The title of the journal is inspired by the first word of the verse: “Go ye therefore and make disciples of all the nations” (Mt. 28:19), in Greek: “πορευθέντες οὖν μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη”. Its publication arose through the processes of the “International Orthodox Youth Organization Syndesmos” in 1959 and continued in 1961 with the support of the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center ‘Porefthenes’”. The founder and general manager of the journal was theologian and current Archbishop of Tirana Anastasios (Yannoulatos). The journal was published in two languages, Greek and English. Common modern Greek is the language he used to convey his messages, although purgatory was the official language in public life at the time. This marks the journal’s commitment to getting its message across in a way that is understandable to a wide range of readers. The collaborating writers represent a multinational team. The majority is Greeks and the participation of Greek women for that time is equally important. At the same time, the contribution of orthodox foreign writers is considered remarkable, who emphasize its orthodox character and heterodox foreign columnists who point out the opening of the journal in the inter-Christian (ecumenical) space. The balanced cooperation of clergy and laity reveals its ecclesiastical character, while the participation of academic theologians reveals its scientific dimension. The editorial team of the journal included the current Archbishop of Albania Anastasios Yannoulatos (Tsirevelos, 2015), the theologians (later archimandrite) Eusebius (pronounced Asterios) Vittis and Elias Voulgarakis (Voulgaraki-Pisina, 2001). Also working together were the later Bishop of Acheloos Efthymios (Stylios), the current Metropolitan of Mount George (Khodre), as well as the professors of Faculty of Theology in Athens Nikos Nisiotis, Leonidas Filippidis etc. The aims of the journal were the pioneering study of the theology of Christian witness at that point in time and the cultivation of missionary interest in the Orthodox clergy and people, with the ultimate goal of reviving Christian witness in the nations. In this context it tried to connect the Orthodox readers with the new churches of Uganda, Korea and Japan that were then newly established. Also, from the first issue, the institutional Church was invited to give the “trumpet of the expedition” to the workers of the Gospel. At the same 15

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time, the “movement” of the “Porefthedes” from the beginning was placed “under the blessing of the Church” (Mourouka, 1959), awaiting the official undertaking of the missionary work. These goals were served through its material, which was distinguished in theological articles of scientific documentation and news journals. The theological positions aimed at awakening the Church for its mission to the nations, which go hand in hand with the re-evangelization of the baptized Orthodox. The message clearly stated that indifference to mission means denial of Orthodoxy. In particular, it emphasized that the Church’s mission to the world begins with the love of the Triune God and obeys Jesus’ commands to preach the Gospel by the grace of the Holy Spirit throughout the universe. At the same time, the missionary nature of the Church and the importance of sharing in the sacrament of the Eucharist, pushes the believer to the testimony of the Kingdom of God in the world, are highlighted. In addition, this theological discourse invites all the members of the Church, and especially younger ages, to assist in the missionary ministry. Special reference is made to the methods of organized witnessing (martyria). This theme emphasizes the respect for the peoples preached about in the Gospel, and underlines the need to “incarnate” the word of God in every language and culture and to support new communities in native leaders. The social dimension of Christian witness is understood as a practical manifestation of love in Christ to everyone. In addition, the common Orthodox testimony of the nations is proposed, in order to reveal the unity of the Orthodox and to cure ecclesiastical nationalism. The above theological positions are further documented by the historical example of the Christian missions throughout the centuries. The need for pan-Orthodox participation in ecumenical events is clearly stated. At the same time, the missionary theology of Western Churches and the work of the World Council of Churches (WCC) are presented with a sober approach. Many of the above positions appear in the first article of the journal, entitled “The Forgotten Commandment” signed by the current Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania Anastasios (Yannoulatos). This article really served as the first theological “declaration” of the revival of Orthodox witness to all the nations (Yannoulatos, 1959). The author within a few pages handed over the theological documentation of the Gospel of the nations based on the biblical 16

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and historical foundation, while he reconstructed the objections to the exercise of the apostolic work. Concurrently, his anguish about the practical apostolic awakening of all the Orthodox and their witness throughout the universe is diffused. Essentially, this text was the guide to the entire subsequent circulation of the journal. The quintessence of his theological direction is reflected in the following passage. “It is not a question of ‘Can we?’, but of an imperative command: We must! ‘Go ye therefore and teach all the nations’. ‘“Go ye to the entire world and preach the gospel to every creature.’. There is no ‘consider if you can’, there is only a definite, clear-cut command of our Lord”(Yannoulatos, 1959). In addition, the image plays an important role in coding the journal’s messages. The paintings of Ntinos Xylopoulos and Apostolos Filippou, which adorn the covers, have a strong symbolism and aim to convey the message of the universality of Orthodoxy. The photographs on the covers and articles, which are the first supervisory missionary material, capture the ecclesiastical life of the new ecclesiastical communities, with special emphasis on the cult experience of the neo-enlightened. The corresponding activities of the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center” Porethentes” aim at the presentation of his work and the activation of the interest for the mission. The journal ceased publication in the winter of 1969. Later, his scientific team undertook the editing of the present journal “Panta ta Ethni (All the Nations), the official missionary publication of the Church of Greece” (Tsirevelos, 2014: 49)

2. The theological documentation of Orthodox witness The journal Porefthentes essentially created the conditions for the development of modern missionary theology that follows the spirit of the Church Fathers (Tsirevelos, 2014:101). The messages of the articles aimed the “study” of the readers to the theology of the mission of the Church. The total numbers of relevant texts that refer to the mission through the research of various scientists are 40 and their percentage is 23.4% of the total publications. The following is the imprint of the message per conceptual sub-section, which is written in italics.

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2.1 Misio Dei and Christian witness This group of articles includes texts with the central idea of the mission of the Church as a manifestation of the actions of the Holy Trinity for the salvation of the world. A common point of the message in the articles is the infinite love of the Triune God, which is manifested as a call for salvation of all people. In this context, it is noted that the plan of the divine economy expresses a timeless work of salvation of the universe (Voulgarakis, 1965), with a simultaneous testimony of the experienced love of the Triune God by the Church (Panos, 1961). At the same time, the mission of the Son of God spreads the practical example of unity, building the reconciliation of the human race with God. But the completion of the historic mission of Jesus is carried out by the Holy Spirit, who instructs all the Disciples of Christ and guides them in building the unity of all. Characteristically, Elias Voulgarakis observes that “It is this voice of the Spirit and the Church’s prayers ‘for the union of all’, that give us our assurance that finally the unifying love of God will conquer human smallness humility and bring the unity desired.” (Voulgarakis, 1965b:47).

2.2 Christology and Christian witness The mission of the Church is based on the emergence of the historical mission of the Incarnate Son and Word of God, who is considered “the First Apostle in the Church” (Yannoulatos, 1968: 51). In the first theological article of the journal “The Forgotten Commandment”, Anastasios Υannoulatos directly connects evangelism with the work of the Lord. “Christ entrusted His cause –the spreading of His Kingdom upon to earth- for which He came down to us and sacrificed Himself, to His disciples” (Yannoulatos, 1959: 2). Mission of Christ is closely related, not morally but ontologically, to His sent disciples. All the historical events of Jesus’ life - the Birth, the Crucifixion and the Resurrection - are signs and examples of the way to call for salvation of all nations. “Even the Cross: again looked upon as an emblem, can signal the comprehensive crossroads where two personalities accost each other, the catechist’s and the catechumen’s, who meet at the heart of both the Cross and the Crucified” (Romaios, 1968: 54). However, there remains intense concern about the missionary inaction of His modern-day disciples, who constitute His Secret Body, without truly realizing the responsibility of their mission as a continuation of Jesus’ own mission (Yannoulatos, 18

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1960b).

2.3 Holy Spirit and Christian witness This group includes articles highlighting the leading role of the Holy Spirit in Christian witness. The influence of the Holy Spirit on the members of the ecclesiastical event is prepared by Christ himself through the Father, according to His explicit promise that after His Ascension into Heaven he will not leave the Church alone (Jn 16:7). Thus, on Pentecost, “when the Holy Spirit, in the form of fiery tongues, was instructed in the Apostles, they acquired a new dynamic: to be occupied by all the peoples of the commune” (Meyendorff, 1959: 2). The Holy Spirit forms and unites the Church, transforming it into a living community that testifies to the existence of God. With His enlightenment, its members are constantly called upon to generously give His fruits to all people. Ultimately, the Spirit of God is the force responsible for sustaining and transforming the whole world, as it is energetically conveyed in a prayer.

2.4 The biblical foundation of Christian witness The beginnings of the Church’s testimony are described in the Bible. This view is divided into three axes, which correspond to the three phases of the plan of the divine economy, as they unfold in the books of the Bible. The first axis highlights Israel’s primary mission in the Old Testament, as the “prehistory” of testimony in Christ (Vittis, 1969). The theological foundation begins with the preaching of Monotheism, as historically proclaimed by the Patriarchs, Moses and the Prophets, and was typologically interpreted in the New Testament. This course, which is considered irrational and impossible, was finally achieved from one generation to another generation “and it reached the stage where the mace was taken over by the Son of God Himself ” (Vittis, 1969: 21-22). The face of the Son of God, in whom the prophecies of the Old Testament were fulfilled, expresses the second axis on which these articles move. In this context it is noted that “Jesus’ path is a path through Jerusalem to the Father” (Vittis, 1969: 25), where His sacrifice on the cross was the example of the way of life of His disciples. By His Resurrection and His unquestionable authority He gives the command to the disciples to begin the witness to the universe. The mission of the Church expresses the third axis of the issue. The command of those who “walked” to the disciples is a call for “fellowship” with the Lord in the Holy Spirit and is delivered to the later disciples-missionaries of 19

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every age. In particular, the Acts of the Apostles highlights the self-sacrificing mind and preaching of the Apostles, while special emphasis is given by all columnists to the diligent and organized missionary work of the Apostle Paul.

2.5 Ecumenism – Christian witness This central idea refers to texts that study the ecumenical character and universality/catholicity of the Church, based on the monuments of the Old and New Testaments, as well as the patristic tradition. In particular, the multinational salvage character of the Psalms and the messianic preaching of the Prophets are described. It is important to note that the above positions are understood as opposed to “the racial beliefs of the people about a national kingdom and proclaim the universality of the message of salvation” (Hatzimihalis, 1962: 52). However, “the Gospel of Jesus ultimately gives the true dimension of prophetic ecumenism, which is none other than the ecumenism of heaven” (Vittis, 1969b: 54). Christ’s entire life from His birth to His Ascension is a supernatural call, so shortly before His conception, “He prayed for all Christians, for all nations and centuries and asked of His heavenly Father for their Unity.” (Hatzimihalis, 1962b: 28). According to Nektarios Hatzimichalis, the book that is characterized “as the Book of ecumenism of the external mission is that of the Acts” (Hatzimihalis, 1962b: 28). Starting from the truly universal event of Pentecost, the universal character of many events from the life of the Apostles is interpreted, who, thanks to their testimony all over the world, are characterized as “the reformers of all mankind” (Hatzimihalis, 1962b: 30). However, special emphasis is placed on the tours and the words of the Apostle Paul, who pointed out that “God’s wealthy people are all people who will freely accept the discipleship at the feet of Jesus and the sacrament to join Him” (Vittis, 1969b: 53). In addition, the subject is examined on the basis of paternal sources, where various annotated passages are quoted for the universality, catholicity and mission of the Church by Maximos the Confessor, John Chrysostom, Gregory of Nyssa, Ambrose of Mediolana and the Great Vasilius. The common denominator of all this is the connection of universality with the mission of the members of the Church, with the attainment of unity and the salvation of all peoples in Christ (Hatzimihalis, 1962b: 52-55). Another common denominator in all studies is that the mission expresses the love to every human being, regardless of gender, ethnicity, religion and social class. This position is particularly emphasized in the essay “For the 20

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complete man” by the Metropolitan of Calabria Emilianos (Timiadis): “This is the Gospel that Christians are obliged to preach. […] The preaching of the Gospel is a case of trumpeting the love of God, in such a way that it is possible, through words or deeds, or even both” (Timiadis, 1969b: 44).

2.6 The nature of the Church and the Christian witness The relationship between nature and the mission of the Church is illuminated from various aspects with articles that have already been published from the first pages onwards. The studies with this message are 5 in total, which occupy a large number of pages and present four common points: The first concerns the identification of the “being” of the Church with its mission. The second, as a natural continuation of the first, mentions that the mission is not a separate piece of work or “external” function of the Church. The third refers to the participation of the Orthodox in the ecumenical dialogue, as a form of witness. The latter follows the way of the Fathers; that is, it describes the Church without any priori definition. The message is immediately imprinted in five semantic levels, in the order of publication numbers to be issued. a) According to Georges Khodre, the existence of the Church aims at the loving recapitulation and redemption of all in Christ Jesus. “The mission is the Church itself in action. Thus there is no question of the mission as an ‘institution’ of the Church. One could not speak of the Church and of the Mission as being different things. Everything within the Church: theology, liturgy, pastoral, youth movements must be conceived in terms of universal love” (Khodre, 1961: 41). In this context it is emphasized that the nature of the Church is apostolic, “because, like the Apostles, it is also an apostle, (Khodre, 1961: 56), that is, it expresses the very existence of Christ, who is chosen in time in the universe. b) “The life of Church is salvation, communion with God, external and internal unity and mission” (Nisiotis, 1963: 3-6). In this way, the Church operates the manifestation of the Holy Trinity and the transmission of the Holy Spirit’s grace, as Nikos Nisiotis claims. In particular, he emphasizes that the Church, as the Body of Christ, “cannot cease to be apostolic and evangelical” (Nisiotis, 1963: 4-5), because experiencing the fruits of the Holy Spirit transmits them to every man. Ultimately, “life of the Church means life within the Church and life outside of it; life for the universe, which is also contained within the Church by power, and which awaits, as men expected to do in the 21

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Pre-Pentecostal period, the coming of salvation” ( Nisiotis, 1963: 6). c) The position that the Church identifies with the Kingdom of God and collectively calls for the salvation of all people, without secularized criteria. In this context, it is noted that the Church expresses the continuation of the mission of Christ, whose quintessence of work is the witness of the Kingdom of God. However, he immediately clarifies who has this mission within the ecclesiastical event.” The internal and external missionary work is primarily the work of the Church, assisted in this by believers according to each one’s power and talent” (Demetropoulos, 1965: 21). Therefore, the mission is the duty of all members who participate in the Body of Christ. d) The archimandrite (current Archbishop of Albania) Anastasios Yannoulatos describes the “being” of the Church with universal, ecumenical and salvage conditions that lead to the revelation of the glory of God in the universe. His view is based on all the saving events of the plan of the divine economy, but focuses on the Resurrection of Christ. “Moreover, gazing on the face of the resurrected Lord and His glorious presence, and being transfigured ‘from one degree of glory to another’, they are called to live, to be ‘themselves’ - ontologically- ‘for the praise of God’s glory’ (Eph. 1:6,12)” (Yannoulatos, 1967: 9). The resurrection experience shocks the members of the Church psychosomatically through the sacramental rituals and, overcoming all kinds of selfishness, pushes them with existential command and from an inner necessity to the glorious testimony of God. God’s testimony is not an egocentric requirement of Himself, but arises as an existential need of Christians who wish to pass on their redemptive experience to their neighbor. “Church without mission is a contradiction in terms. The Church ‘has been anointed’, ‘has been sent’, as Christ was, to continue His work. […] Our Church’s call to mission must be preached, not only or not so much, in terms of external reasons (such as the existence of still uncivilized tribes, the spread of hunger, the expansion of illiteracy), but explicitly, as a call to repentance, to the rediscovery of the real meaning of the Church; for the experience of the mystery of our incarnation in Christ; to a true orientation in the face of both the immediate and the ultimate future, and to the right doxology (orthodox) of God (sic)” (Yannoulatos, 1967: 35-36). Consequently, the “being” of the Church is described as an announcement/ testimony and a simultaneous call (mission) of all people to the empirical share of the saving (for each man) glory of the Triune God. 22

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e) The latest approach to the issue is in an article by the Metropolitan of Calabria Aimilianos (Timiadis). His analysis is based on the Christological view of the testimony: “The foundations of all missionary work must not be rooted in a passing impulse of momentary enthusiasm […] redemption that has been given once and for all in Christ, must become invariably relevant to the daily life of every Christian and of the Church as a whole. It must be made concrete within history by spreading the message to all people. Only in this way can the Body of Christ, the Church, be built” (Timiadis, 1969: 12). It also excludes the work of the synergy of the laity with the clergy within the limits of orthodox canon law, against any covert clericalism. Finally, he considers the testimony as a share in the life in Christ that transforms and pushes every believer to “open” his nearby ministry and personal acceptance of the “common responsibility of all to build the kingdom of God” (Timiadis, 1969: 13).

2.7 Worship and Christian witness The missionary extensions of the worship act of the Church are the main theme of these texts. The effort of the writers aims to highlight the close relationship between the meanings of worship and everyday life. In this context, the article “A Prayer campaign” linked the dynamics of prayer as communication with God and spiritual exercise, with missionary draft. In particular, the request was made to orient the content of individual and collective wishes to achievement, as a practical concern of the evangelization of nations (Yannoulatos, 1959b). This position was reinforced by the publication on the same page of a modern prayer with the same message. In the following articles, the central idea is interspersed through the meaning of the liturgical-worship texts themselves. First of all, the missionary significance of the Holy Eucharist was highlighted. The basic message is that Divine Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts with its hymns and prayers cultivates the development of the universal apostolic consciousness in the faithful. Simultaneously, the formalistic “external” obsession of Lent is stigmatized, especially when it is accompanied by conscious indifference to the evangelization of nations (Yannoulatos, 1962). Moreover, in the same surrounding liturgical atmosphere of Great Lent writers of Porefthedes, the missionary call of the book Trinity was examined. By researching specific hymns, it was pointed out that the Church with its experience calls the world to the crucifixion truth of Christ. The quintessence of this experience is the social ministry, which contributes “to the perspec23

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tive and the ultimate purpose of Christ’s mission: The realization of the ‘One, Holy’ through the participation of all the people of the universe into ‘one flock under one shepherd’.” (Jn. 10:16), the Lord Jesus Christ, ‘the Light of the world’ (Jn. 8:12)” (Stylios, 1962: 12). In this context of these messages, the harmonious connection of the sacrament of Holy Eucharist with the testimony was also studied. As archimandrite Anastasios Yannoulatos notes, “it is impossible to consciously participate in Christian worship without reference to the world mission, and it is impossible to engage in a true Orthodox mission without conscious participation in Holy Communion” (Yannoulatos, 1964:58). This proposal moved on a double axis. In the first it is analyzed that the participation in the mystery of the mysteries (Holy Eucharist) creates a new family, the one according to Christ, which is athletically fighting for the unity of the world. The second emphasizes liberation from selfishness, in order to cure evil in the world. However, the successful realization of this effort is judged in the mysterious connection of the faithful with the first missionary, the Incarnate Word of God (Yannoulatos, 1964: 59).

2.8 Eschatological extensions of Christian witness This theological issue was fully analyzed in one study. Dimitris Coutroumbis, following the patristic theological tradition, considers the Church as an image of the Kingdom of God in the present. Through its sacraments, Christians have the opportunity to taste the New World of God, experiencing this future world in the present. As Coutroumbis aptly observes: “In order to express and describe the theological content of this ‘spiritual’ Sabbath, Fathers called Sunday the eighth day, a day which takes us beyond the ordinary time, beyond the life of the rest of the week, beyond the life of the ‘world’ and ‘flesh’, and introduces us from here, after the resurrected Christ, in the life of the Triune God” (Coutroumbis, 1960: 8). However, this in no way implies a fundamentalist attitude of isolation from the world, due to eschatological beliefs. On the contrary, it highlights the time of witness in Christ to the surrounding Christian social environment and nations. “It is this new creation and this time of Resurrection, that the Church reveals every Sunday when she gathers together; it is from that which she draws her strength and energy, it is its life that she lives and it is its peace that she rests in, in the middle of the struggles and the sorrows of this world. And it is this Sunday –the eighthly day- that she is called upon to witness, not only in the environment that God’s will has placed her, but –at least through chosen children of hers, the missionaries, ‘to 24

The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations

the end of the earth’ “(Coutroumbis, 1960: 13).

2.9 The role of the laity in the Christian witness Another group of articles is related to the missionary awareness of the popular element with the promotion of the “global apostolic responsibility” (Yannoulatos, 1968: 20) of the royal priesthood. A common web of the messages of this group is the manifestation of the variety of gifts of the whole ecclesiastical body (A Cor. 12:4-14). The first view focuses on the work of the youth, as Porefthedes had as its starting point the initiatives of the Association. The youth are looking for ideals, especially in the 60’s at the international and pan-Hellenic level, of the ideal of peace. Thus, it is emphasized that the witness of Christ works for the supremacy of peace in the world, “and the missionaries have been described by the Spirit of God as messengers of peace: ‘how beautiful are the feet of those proclaiming good news of good things’ (Rom. 10:15)” (Stylios, 1960: 4) Therefore, in this way the youth is called to cooperate in the mission, in order to prevail the unity of all. The second is addressed to lay people, such as doctors and nurses, who can offer their services, following the example of Christ. “Lord always complemented His saving work, the evangelization of souls, with the healing and passions of the body. […] The model of the Good Samaritan and the One who created it, has always found many imitators” (Piperakis, 1960: 12). At the same time, these encouragements are strengthened by the examples of modern and historical initiatives of popular service (Yannoulatos, 1961) as well as by a prayer in the vernacular language, which calls for the promotion of Gospel workers (Porefthedes, 1961).

2.10 The contribution of monasticism to Christian witness The contribution of monasticism to Orthodox ecumenical testimony is developed in two studies. Both document the contribution of monasticism to orthodox witness. Their arguments are supported by many historical examples of monks-missionaries. The following are particularly emphasized: a) the self-sacrificing-ascetic life, the cultivation of virtues and the unceasing prayer of the monks are a model for all believers around the world. b) The historical tradition that shows the contribution of monasticism to the mission highlights the practical tactics and ways of teaching the monks-missionaries, so that with correctness and completeness a new Church is built (Hatzimihalis, 1962: 14-15). 25

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The fivefold message is delivered in the following passage: “When one studies monastic life, one ascertains an astounding differentiation in the missionary activation of their desire for the coming of the God’s Kingdom, viz. from Alexander’s embattled form of action, to the dynamic immobility of Stylites, who by their presence alone and their mind all enwrapped in the life of prayer, availed to attract numerous Arabs to the faith”(Yannoulatos, 1966: 58).

2.11 The missionary call The central idea of the two texts is the missionary awakening of the Church as a whole. In the first, Metropolitan Germanos Polyzoidis calls on the Orthodox to “go out” to give the world the witness of Christ’s life. “In other words, we must not remain unaccompanied, closed to ourselves, but expand ourselves, live for others. Each of us is a small part of the whole. And we must ALL offer our power for the full enlightenment of humanity (sic)” (Polyzoidis, 1965: 3). The same positions are found in the short poem “Difference of Perceptions” by Anastasios Yannoulatos. The lyrical style expresses the dissatisfaction for the avoidance of the mission and the selfish “closure” of the Orthodox to themselves, completely forgetting the Lord’s commands for witnessing in the world (Yannoulatos, 1961b: 48).

2.12 The distinction between internal and external mission To this pervasive atmosphere of missionary call of the whole Church belongs the answer given by the journal to those who reacted and insisted on the development of the “internal mission”. The reactions were based on a double argument. First they highlighted the need to re-evangelize Christians who belonged to the Greek society and then stressed the lack of financial capacity of the Orthodox Churches and states (Yannoulatos, 1959). The reconstruction of these posts does not correspond to specific texts but was done with the overall articles of the journal. However, sometimes some clarifications had to be given about the missionary work, which can be understood as indirect responses to the reactions. The direct answer was printed mainly in texts about “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Central of Porefthedes”. Through logical, theological, historical arguments, characterized by sobriety, respect for dialogue and the absence of apology, was presented the purpose of the mission which directly intertwined with the Church. First of all, the universality of the Church was emphasized, which works for the salvation of the whole world, in combination with the special 26

The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations

gift of each of its members, such as that of the missionary (Yannoulatos, 1959: 4-5). Moreover, pioneering the mission of the Church, whether internal or external, was considered united, “in all directions” (Yannoulatos, 1968: 52). In this context, the main argument was that the “exit” of the Church to the universe would function as self-criticism and re-evangelization of Christians and in no case as an escape from internal problems. More specifically, Anastasios Yannoulatos observes that “it may be accepted as redemptive for the interior as well”, because it will bring “the rebirth of our spiritual being” (Yannoulatos, 1968: 52). Finally, the quintessence of all arguments is included in the motto “Church without evangelism is α Church without mission”.

2.13 Imperialism and Christian witness In the context of a more sociological view of the mission, Demosthenes Savramis highlights the urgent need for the missionaries of all Christian Churches to exercise their self-criticism towards the colonial exploitation of the peoples of Africa. He considers that the purpose of the Church is separate from all kinds of interests, political, economic, national and cultural. Its duty refers to the promotion of freedom, equality and love. He concludes “that ‘underdeveloped’ nations constitute the mirror in which we see the truth that the civilized peoples are by and large morally ‘underdeveloped’ “ (Savramis, 1963: 11).

Conclusion Porethentes/Go Ye was the first missionary journal published in Greece. It received its title from the first word of the Quote Mt. 28:19. Its publication emerged through the processes of the “Association of Syndesmos” in the year 1959 and continued in 1961 with the support of the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center Porefthedes” until the year 1969, when it ceased to circulate. The theologian (current Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania) Anastasios Yannoulatos was the founder, general manager, author of many news texts and scientific studies, as well as coordinator of both the journal Porefhtedes / Go Ye and the “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center Porefthedes”. The theologian and later professor at the University of Athens Elias Voulgarakis was one of the main contributors and columnists of the journal. The editorial team consisted of many popular members among who were Asterios (later Archimandrite Eusebius) Vittis, George Patronos (later professor at the University of Athens), Argyro Kontogeorgi, Kalliopi Karanikola, Eleni Ganouri and Sotiria Dogani. 27

The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations

The aims of the journal were the pioneering study of the theology of Christian witness at that time and the cultivation of missionary interest in the Orthodox clergy and people, with the ultimate goal of reviving Christian witness in the nations. In this context Porefhtedes tried to connect the Christian Orthodox readers with the new churches of Uganda, Korea and Japan that were then newly established. The journal was published in two languages, Greek and English. Common Modern Greek is the language he used to convey his messages, although purgatory was the official language in public life at the time. This highlights the journal’s concern to get its message across in an understandable way to a variety of readers. All writers represent a multi-faceted and multinational team. The majority is Greeks and the participation of Greek women for that time is equally important. At the same time, the contribution of Orthodox foreign writers is considered remarkable, who emphasize its orthodox character and heterodox foreign writers who point out the opening of the journal in the inter-Christian and ecumenical space. The balanced cooperation of clergy and laity reveals its ecclesiastical character, while the participation of academic theologians reveals its scientific dimension. Anastasios Yannoulatos, Elias Voulgarakis, Efthymios Stylios and Asterios (Eusebius) Vittis are registered as permanent collaborators of the journal. Its readers were Orthodox, of Greek and foreign origin, from every educational level, who showed a gradual increase during the years of its publication. The articles are distinguished for their theological and informative content. The theological content emphasizes Orthodox theology and the history of Christian witness, without the absence of texts of ecumenical theology as well as articles that transmit the missionary theology of other Christian Churches-Confessions. The orthodox theological positions of Porefhtedes aim at awakening the self-consciousness of the Church for its mission to the nations, which goes hand in hand with the re-evangelization of the baptized Orthodox. The message is clearly stated that indifference to mission means denial of Orthodoxy. In particular, it is emphasized that the Church’s mission to the world begins with the love of the Triune God and obeys the commands of Jesus to preach the Gospel by the grace of the Holy Spirit throughout the universe. At the same time, the missionary nature of the Church and the importance of shar28

The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations

ing in the sacrament of the Eucharist, pushes the believer to the testimony of the Kingdom of God in the world, is highlighted. In addition, this theological discourse invites the entire Church staff, and especially the younger ages, to assist in the missionary ministry. Finally, the first missionary journal Porefhtedes contributed to the revival and practical development of Orthodox Christian witness in the world. In particular, through his pages he highlighted the theology of Christian mission with articles that are scientifically substantiated. It pioneered the news coverage of the events in the first missionary churches of Africa and Asia, cultivated the awareness of Greek readers about missionary work and was the model for the publication of later Greek-language missionary journals. Essentially, the journal Porefhtedes was the voice, while the homonymous “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center” was the action for the missionary revival. Through the journal Porefhtedes and the homonymous “Inter-Orthodox Missionary Center” an explosion was created that rapidly restored the interest in the evangelization of nations in the theological space and at the same time in society. His missionary ministry in modern ecclesiastical history expressed the harmonious coupling of theory and practice. Finally, and according to the characterization of the founder of the current Archbishop of Tirana, Anastasios, Porefhtedes was “the candle that lit the flame of the mission within the Church of Greece” (Yannoulatos, 2014: 18). Nowadays, the evangelization of nations but also the re-evangelization of traditional Christian societies is continued by the Orthodox Church. The transmission and reception of the message concerning the theology of Christian witness and the news coverage of the events in the new missionary churches continue to be channeled through the printed missionary journals as well as their electronic publications. Certainly the reception and response to the call of the missionary printed and online lawsuits now depends on each reader (recipient) and his/her willingness to relay in practice to his neighbor that with the resurrection of Jesus Christ “The last enemy to be abolished and put to an end is death”!

The awakening of the Orthodox witness to the nations

Coverpage of the Journal Porethentes-Archbishop Anastasios when he was a priest

References Coutroumbis, D. (1960), “The day of the Lord and the mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 7, p. 8 Demetropoulou, P. (1965), “The Kingdom of God as the starting point of Foreign Mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 26, pp. 18-23. Hatzimihalis, N. (1962), “Orthodox monasticism and external mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 13, pp. 12-15. Hatzimihalis, N. (1962b), “Orthodox ecumenism and external mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 16, pp. 60-63. Holy and Great Synod, “Message” and “Circular”, last accessed 3/1/2021: https://www.holycouncil.org/home Khodre, G. (1961), “Church and Mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 11, p. 41 Koukoura D. (2006), Methodological approach to Oral texts (Speeches of 30

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Bishops), Τhessaloniki: P. Pournaras. Koukoura D. (2011), “Transmitting the Message”, Theology, vol. 82, vol. 2 (Apr.-Jun. 2011), pp. 203-219. Maczewski C. (2002), The movement of “Zoe” in Greece. Contribution to the problem of the tradition of the Eastern Church, translated by G. Metallinos, Athens: Armos. Meyendorff, J. (1959), “Make disciples of all the nations”, Porefthedes, iss. 4, pp. 1-2. Meyendorff J. (2003), “The Orthodox Church Tradition and the Missionary Task of Syndesmos”, The Bond of Unity Syndesmos, Fifty years of Work for Orthodox Youth and Unity (Hildo Boss ed.), Athens: The World Fellowship of Orthodox Youth «Syndesmos». Mourouka, S. (1959), “An Beginning”, Porethentes, iss. 1, p. 7. New Testament: Novum Testamentum Graece, Nestle-Aland, 28th Edition, 2012, online edition, last accessed 3/1/2021: http://www.nestle-aland.com/en/ read-na28-online Nisiotis, N. (1963), “The ecclesiological foundation of the Mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 17-18, p. 6 Panos, S. (1961), “The meaning of mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 9, p. 13. Papathanassiou, T. (2009), “The generation of the ‘60s and the mission”, Turmoil in Post-War Theology -’ The Theology of the ‘60s’, edited by Kalaitzidis P., Papathanassiou T., Ambatzidis T., the Academy of Theological Studies I.M. Demitriados and the journal Synaxis, Athens: Indictos, pp. 367-427. Polyzoidis, A. (1965), “Thoughts around the ‘Walked’”, Porefthedes, iss. 25, p. 3. Porefthedes/Go Ye (journal), issues 1-44, publication period 1959-1969, last accessed 3/1/2021: https://porefthentes.gr/%ce%b1%cf%81%cf%87%ce%b5% ce%af%ce%bf-%ce%b1%ce%b3%ce%b3%ce%bb%ce%b9%ce%ba%cf%8e%ce %bd-%cf%84%ce%b5%cf%85%cf%87%cf%8e%ce%bd/ Romaios, An. (1968), “Cross and Mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 40, p. 54. Savramis, D. (1963), “Christianity and ‘underdeveloped’ countries”, Porefthedes, iss. 17-18, p. 11 Stylios, E. (1960), “The mission as an ideal of the modern youth”, Porefthedes, iss. 8, p. 4. 31

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Stylios, E. (1962), “Missionary narratives of the Triodion”, Porefthedes, iss. 13, pp. 10-12 Syndesmos: official website of the World Orthodox Brotherhood “Link”, last accessed 3-2-2021: http://syndesmostemporary.blogspot.gr/ Timiadis, Α. (1969), “The missionary nature of the Church”, Porefthedes, iss. 41-42, pp.10-14 Timiadis, Α. (1969b), “For the complete man”, Porefthedes, iss. 43, p. 44 Tsirevelos N. (2014), The missionary journals and the imprinting of the Orthodox testimony during the post-war period. Communication approach, doctoral dissertation, Thessaloniki Department of Theology of the Theological School of AUTH. Tsirevelos N. (2015), Theological foundation of Orthodox witness. Study in the work of the Archbishop of Albania Anastasios, Thessaloniki: Ostracon Publishing. Vittis, Ε. (1969), “The prehistory of a course”, Porefthedes, iss. 41-42, p. 22. Vittis, Ε. (1969b), “The way out to universality”, Porefthedes, iss. 44, pp. 49-54 Voulgaraki-Pisina Ev. (2001), Love and Martyrdom. Searches for Speech and Ethics in the Work of Elias Voulgarakis, Athens: Akritas. Voulgarakis, Ε. (1965), “Mission and unity”, Porefthedes, iss. 25, p. 7. Voulgarakis Ε. (1965b), “Mission and Unity”, Porefthedes, iss. 27-28, pp. 46-47 Yannoulatos, Α. (1959) “The Forgotten Command”, Porefthentes, iss. 1 and 2 (1959), pp. 1-6 and 3-6. Yannoulatos, A.(1959b), “Prayer mobilization”, Porefthedes, iss. 3, pp.1-3 Yannoulatos, A. (1960), “An account”, Porefthedes, iss. 8, pp. 9-11. Yannoulatos, A. (1960b), “He was not born there”, Porefthedes, iss. 5, p. 1 Yannoulatos, A. (1961), “The missionary activity of the East in Central and East Asia”, Porefthedes, iss. 10, Yannoulatos, A. (1961b), “Difference of Perceptions”, Porefthedes, iss. 11, p. 48. Yannoulatos, A. (1962), “The shiver of the Blessed One”, Porefthedes, iss. 13, p. Yannoulatos, A. (1964), “Orthodox Mission and Eucharist”, Porefthedes, iss. 24, p. 59. 32

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Yannoulatos, N. (1966), “Monks and Mission during the Fourth Century (in the East)”, Porefthedes, iss. 30-31, pp. 34-39 and 42, iss. 32, pp. 54-58. Yannoulatos, A (1967), “Purpose and motivation of the mission (from the theological point of view)”, Porefthedes, iss. 33-34 and 35-36, pp. 2-9 and 3436. Yannoulatos, A. (1968), “Starting Thoughts for the Foreign Mission”, Porefthedes, iss. 40, p. 51. Υannoulatos, An. (2009), The Forgotten Commandment. From lethargy to awakening, Athens: Apostoliki Diakonia.

2 Christ, Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis? Georgios Keselopoulos

Charalampos Machairas

Lecturer of Liturgy, Department of Theology & Culture, Univerity College Logos, Tirana

Doctor of Byzantine Art, Department of History, Archaeology and Social Anthropology,Volos

Corespondence:

e-mail: gkeselop@gmail.com, xaralampos.maxairas@gmail.com

Abstract

The current paper studies a Sinaitic icon depicting Christ in a roundel and two other persons. They are identified as Melchizedek and David. According to byzantine liturgical commentators Melchizedek and David are connected with the rite of the Prothesis so the icon could have decorated the Prothesis of a church.

Keywords:

byzantine liturgical commentary, icon, prothesis, Sinai.

Citation:

Keselopoulos G. & Machairas Ch. Christ, Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 35-49. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.26098.63688

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

Introduction

relatively small icon is now kept in the reach collection of byzantine icons of the Sacred Monastery of the God-Trodden Mount of Sinai [Fig. 1]1. Two important researchers of byzantine art and of Sinai studied in the previous century the icon and each of them proposed a different dating. First Kurt Weitzmann proposed that the icon dates from the beginning of the 12th century (Weitzmann K. 1975). Later Doula Mouriki suggested that it should be dated to the beginning of the 13th century (Mouriki D. 1994). Although the present article does not focus on the dating of the icon rather to its iconography and theological meaning it should be noted that modern researchers find more possible a dating to the beginning of the 12th century2. In addition both of the former researchers recognized in the figures of the two represented standing persons those of Abraham to the left and Melchizedek to the right. Their identification was mainly based on the inscriptions of the icon. The person on the left side is flanked by the inscription ὁ πατριάρχ(ης) Ἁβραάμ (patriarch Abraham) while that on the right side by the following inscription (Με)λχισεδέκ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Θεοῦ τοῦ Ὑψίστου (Melchizedek priest of the most High God). In an effort to recognize the depicted persons it is necessary to begin with a thorough description of the icon’s iconography which will also allow understanding better the illustrated subject matter and its theological meaning. As we will also see the iconography reflects the theology of several texts of Byzantine liturgical commentators and is connected with the service of the Prothesis thus making possible that the icon decorated the prothesis of the church where the holy Gifts are prepared.

1. The Icon’s Iconography A roundel of Christ, who looks frontally, is depicted in the middle of the upper part of the central panel. He blesses with His right hand while He holds a closed roll with His left hand. Under this roundel are depicted two fulllength figures that are turned three-quarters to the right and left accordingly and look at each other as if they communicate. The figure at the right is shown as an elderly man with long grey hair and a pointed white beard. He wears a tunic (chiton) and a cloak (chlamys, mantle). The cloak passes through his shoulder and covers his left hand with which he holds a patten while he blesses with his right hand. The other figure at the left is dressed as a king. He has a 1 2

The size of the icon in its outer sides is 47,7×38,8 cm. See for example (Parpulov G. R. 2010), 379, X.I.145 with previous bibliography.

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

gemmed crown under which grow long grey hair. He has also a pointed beard as his companion. He wears a tunic which is decorated with precious stones at its hem and has also sleeves with gold cuffs. His cloak is adorned with an embroidered tablion. His right hand is raised towards the bust of Christ in a gesture of supplication and his left hand is stretched towards the figure of a bishop who prostrates at his feet. The bishop is identified by an inscription as abbot Abramios of Mount Sinai3. But are the two subtended to Christ holy persons those of Abraham and Melchizedek? The key point to the identification of one of these persons is the patten that holds the figure on the right. According to the Book of the Genesis of the Old Testament when the king of Salem Melchizedek met Abraham offered as a sacrifice bread and wine4. The representation of the meeting of Abraham and Melchizedek can be found for example in a miniature on fol. 68r of the codex Vat. gr. 746 that is dated to the middle of the 12th century [Fig. 2] (Weitzmann K., Bernabò M., Tarasconi R. 1999). Yet this scene is in general more complex than the one in the icon as it includes more persons although one could support that the small dimensions of the icon would have made it difficult to represent more than two full-figures. Another point is that it was Melchizedek who made the offering of bread and wine and not Abraham and thus he should have held the patten in the icon instead of Abraham. However these are only two indications for the argument. Further evidence can be found in illustrated manuscripts and specifically in miniatures of marginal psalters that in fact form a pictorial commentary on the psalms.

2. Iconographic Parallels A miniature, which has a similar iconography with that of the icon, can be found on fol. 4v of the codex 265 which is now kept in the National Library of Russia in Saint Petersburg [Fig. 3] (Dufrenne S. 1966). In fact this leaf belonged to the Pantocratoros 61 manuscript of Mount Athos which is dated to the end of the 9th century (Dufrenne S. 1966). The miniature, that illustrates the margin of Psalm 109, depicts two full-standing persons who turn toward 3 Ἁβράμιος ἐπίσκοπος το(ῦ) Σινᾶ ὄρους (καὶ) τῆς Ραϊθοῦ. Although the inscription dates also from the 18th century. For a general discussion of the subject matter of the icon and the person of Abramios see (Μαχαίρας Χ. 2015), 43-47, 49-50. 4 «καὶ Μελχισεδὲκ βασιλεὺς Σαλὴμ ἐξήνεγκεν ἄρτους καὶ οἶνον· ἦν δὲ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου. καὶ εὐλόγησε τὸν ῞Αβραμ καὶ εἶπεν· εὐλογημένος ῞Αβραμ τῷ Θεῷ τῷ ὑψίστῳ, ὃς ἔκτισε τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν» (Now Melchizedek the king of Salem brought out bread and wine; he was the priest of God Most High. He blessed Abram and said, “Blessed be Abram of God Most High, Creator of heaven and earth), Genesis, 14:18-20.

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

a medallion of Christ. They are identified by inscriptions as king David to the left (Δα(υί)δ) and the king-priest Melchizedek to the right (Σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ, οὐ κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Ἀαρών, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ, You are a priest forever, after the order of Melchizedek, not in the order of Aaron, but in the order of Melchizedek). We observe that in the scenes of the icon and manuscript the holy persons make almost the same gestures and they are dressed with nearly the same clothes. David is dressed as a king and points to the roundel of Christ and Melchizedek is dressed as a priest and holds a patten with his hands which are covered by a mantle. The only difference is that the persons are depicted at a different side of Christ, a detail which, as we shall see, can be found also in other miniatures. The Pantocratoros 61 Psalter is often connected with two other manuscripts that are also dated to the 9th century. They are the Chludov Psalter and the Paris gr. 20 (Anderson J. C. 1998). However in these two manuscripts the medallion of Christ in the middle of the scene is replaced by a representation of the Communion of the Apostles. The Chludov Psalter (Hist. Mus. Man. D. 129), now in the State Historical Museum in Moscow, is a richly decorated marginal psalter dated to the middle of the 9th century (Schepkina M. V. 1977). The Communion of the Apostles is depicted among two figures on fol. 115 [Fig. 4]. The inscription of the miniature refers that the figure in the left is David who prophesizes that ‘You are a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek’ (Psalm 109). David is represented in the same way as the figure at the left of the icon. He wears a crown and a long mantle and one of his hands is extended. Melchizedek is depicted at the right of the Communion of the Apostles. He holds with both hands a patten and a ewer. His head is covered with a diadem in the form of a phylactery and he is dressed with a tunic and mantle. Another example can be founded in Paris gr. 20, which is dated to the end of the 9th century (Dufrenne S. 1966). On the edge of folio 25r we see David to the right and Melchizedek to the left [Fig. 5]. The center of the miniature is missing yet we can easily understand that it would have been decorated with a depiction of Christ who offered bread and wine to the Apostles because a group of them bow with reverence to receive the Body of the Lord. Once more David is represented as a king with his hand raised and Melchizedek holds with both hands a patten and a ewer while in his head he wears a phylactery. The Barberini Psalter (Barb. gr. 372) of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana that is dated to the second half of the 11th century preserves also a miniature 38

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

with the same subject on folio 194r (Anderson J. C. 1983). This time Melchizedek, depicted as in the other miniatures, stands to the right of the Communion of the Apostles and King David to the left [Fig. 6]. A last example can be found in the Theodore Psalter (Add. 19.352) now kept in the British Library, a work dated to 1066 (Barber C. 2000). The margin of folio 152r is decorated with the figures of David to the left and Melchizedek to the right and also with the scene of the Communion of the Apostles [Fig. 7]. There is also another indication that supports our argument. The figure dressed as king on the left side of the icon extends his arm pointing to the bust of Christ. King David makes this same or almost the same gesture in other representations. For example in a miniature on fol. 12 of the Chludov Psalter David looks toward the medallion of Christ while an inscription states that ‘David foresaw the Son of God’ [Fig. 8]. Another example can be found on fol. 3v of the Par. gr. 20 in which David speaks in front of a gathered crowd while pointing at a medallion of Christ [Fig. 9]. The text above him, as in the Chludov Psalter, clearly states that he prophesises for the coming of Christ. In this case David makes exactly the same sign towards the roundel of Christ as in the icon where too he is extending his hand as if in a predictive speech by which he speaks for Christ. There is of course no better place for the illustration of such a ‘speech’ than the margins of the text of Psalm 109. All miniatures that represent Melchizedek and David decorate the folio with the text of this specific Psalm the 4th verse of which is: «Σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ» (“You are a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek”).

3. Theological Context Until now we have supported that the icon, which is dated to the beginning of the 12th century, portrays Melchizedek and David. It is then possible that the preserved inscriptions of the icon were overpainted at a later date and thus David was recognized as Melchizedek and Melchizedek became Abraham. Mouriki proposed that the inscriptions were probably added during the 18th century but she also recognized the two persons as Abraham and Melchizedek (Mouriki D. 1994). If the inscriptions are not contemporary with the painting it is possible that the depicted persons were reidentified by the person who rewrote the inscriptions. This person was possibly confused from the verses 18-20 of the 14th chapter of the book of Genesis which refers: «καὶ Μελχισεδὲκ βασιλεὺς Σαλὴμ ἐξήνεγκεν ἄρτους καὶ οἶνον· ἦν δὲ ἱερεὺς τοῦ Θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου. καὶ εὐλόγησε τὸν ῞Αβραμ καὶ εἶπεν· εὐλογημένος ῞Αβραμ τῷ Θεῷ 39

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

τῷ ὑψίστῳ, ὃς ἔκτισε τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν» (Now Melchizedek the king of Salem brought out bread and wine; he was the priest of God Most High. He blessed Abram and said, “Blessed be Abram of God Most High, Creator of heaven and earth). According to this biblical verse the priest of the charismatic priesthood Melchizedek offers to Abraham bread and wine and this offer is a clear prefiguration of the Holy Communion. The study of the iconography has shown that the depicted persons should be Melchizedek, who holds bread and wine, and David. We have here to stress that all miniatures that were brought as examples decorate the margins of Psalm 109 verse 4 that refers «Σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ» (“You are a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek”) which is obviously a statement about the charismatic priesthood. Accordingly, this time with a promise of God for the salvation of humans, the verse 11 of the Psalm 131 begins «ὤμοσε Κύριος τῷ Δαυΐδ ἀλήθειαν καὶ οὐ μὴ ἀθετήσει αὐτήν· ἐκ καρποῦ τῆς κοιλίας σου θήσομαι ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου σου» (“The Lord swore an oath to David, a sure oath He will not revoke, one of your own descendants I will place on your throne”) a reference to the charismatic kingship of David that is bestowed by God. The First book of Kings and specifically the 6th verse of the 21st chapter refer also to King David. David takes from the priest Abimelech the breads of the Prothesis which could only be eaten by the priests. Here we see that according to the plan of God the breads of the Prothesis were destinated also for his chosen ones and not only for the priests as the Hebrews believed. Christ also reminds this biblical event to the Pharisees in the New Testament. There are two mentions in the New Testament to the Prothesis of the bread. Three of the Evangelists narrate that the Pharisees accused Christ that He did not follow the laws of Sabbath5. Christ answered to them by reminding what have David done with the breads of the Prothesis which typically only the priests had the right to eat. By this way Christ wanted to show that He is above the Law and that He rules also the Sabbath. The last mention to the breads of the Prothesis in the New Testament is found in the 9th chapter verse 2 of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Here Apostle Paul compares the Old with the New Testament. The sacrifice of Christ is the highest act that confirms the new agreement of God with His people. The Old Testament is the prefiguration and also a preliminary work and a preparation for the New. The breads of the Prothesis are a prefiguration of the new worship which celebrates the Holy Passion and the Resurrection of Christ. In this new worship people receive bread and wine 5

Mathew 12:4, Mark 2:26 and Luke 6:4.

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

which is converted into the Body and Blood of Christ. The worship of Christ is beyond any formalism and is based on the real connection of the faithful with God, a relation that is no longer a ritual under the shadow of the Law but in the endowment of the Divine Grace. It is an essential communion of God with man, which in his repentance accepts and follows the will of God. As we said the Sinaitic icon was painted at the beginning of the 12th century. In the same period Nicholas-Theodore bishop of Andida wrote a treatise that is called Protheoria, which is an interpretation of the holy liturgy (Κεσελόπουλος Γ. 2018)6. The paragraph 8 of this work, always according to the edit of Migne’s Patrologia Graeca, is a comment on the Prothesis. At first the writer poses a rhetorical question and asks for the prophetical evidence which show that bread and wine should be offered in the Holy Communion. Then he recalls the example of the charismatic priest Melchizedek, which can be found to Psalm 109 verse 4, who is a typos of Christ and offers the sacrifice with bread and wine. Also the example of David is brought into the discussion as the Saviour will come from the sperm of David according to Psalm 131 verse 117. Thus we understand that this specific passage of the Protheoria completely describes the theme of the Sinaitic icon and the persons who are there represented. A century later (13th century) another commentary of the liturgy was written that is wrongly attributed to the Patriarch of Jerusalem Sophronios and has 6 Προθεωρία κεφαλαιώδης περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ θεία λειτουργία γινομένων συμβόλων καὶ μυστηρίων, PG 140, 417-468 (11th-12th c.). For historical information for this treatise as well as for a discussion of the Prothesis see the aforementioned study. 7 η΄. Ἀλλ’ ἴσως ἔροιτό τις τῶν ἀντιθέτων: “Ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐκ ποίων προφητικῶν ἀποδείξεων τὸν παρ’ ὑμῶν προσφερόμενον ἄρτον καὶ οἶνον εἰς τύπον τοῦ σώματος καὶ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ προσφέρειν παρελάβετε;” Φαμὲν οὖν κατὰ πρῶτον λόγον ὡς τὰ παρὰ τῆς αὐτοαληθείας Χριστοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ πραχθέντα καὶ παραδοθέντα οὐδεὶς ἀντεξετάζειν δύναται· “Τοῦτο γὰρ ποιεῖτε,” φησίν, ἵνα καὶ αὖθις ἐρῶ, “εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν.” Εἰ δὲ προφητικὰς περὶ τούτων προῤῥήσεις ζητεῖς, ἄκουσον προφήτου καὶ βασιλέως ἀμφοῖν τὸ ἀξιόπιστον ἔχοντος· μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἐπουρανίου Πατρὸς πρὸς τὸν πρὸ ἑωσφόρου γεννηθέντα ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἀῤῥήτως καὶ ἀπαθῶς· “Ὤμοσε Κύριος, καὶ οὐ μεταμεληθήσεται· σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ.” [Ψαλμ. 109:4] Καὶ τί τὰ παρ’ αὐτοῦ προσφερόμενα τῷ Θεῷ; Ἄρτος καὶ οἶνος, οἷς τὸν Ἀβραάμ ἐδεξιοῦτο θεοπρεπῶς, νίκην ἐπεργασάμενον. Εἰ οὖν ἐξ ἑτέρας φυλῆς ὁ Μελχισεδέκ, τύπος δὲ τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ λογίζεται καὶ πιστεύεται, ἐκβέβληται ἄρα ἡ λευϊτικὴ ἱερωσύνη· ἀδύνατον γὰρ ψεύσασθαι Θεὸν, καὶ ταῦτα μεθ’ ὅρκου ἐπαγγειλάμενον κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδὲκ ἀναστήσεσθαι τὸν ἐκ σπέρματος Δαβὶδ τὸ κατὰ σάρκα, ἀρχιερέα τὸν αὐτὸν ὄντα καὶ Θεὸν προαιώνιον. Τῶν ἐκ τῆς λευϊτικῆς τοίνυν φυλῆς ἐκβεβλημένων, ὡς προγέγραπται, ἀναγκαῖον πάλιν ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦ παλαιοῦ νόμου καὶ τῆς λατρείας γενέσθαι μετάθεσιν· ὥς που καὶ Παῦλος ὁ μέγας φησί· Πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ τῆς λατρείας τῶν Ἰουδαίων πραγματεία καὶ ἐντολὴ διὰ τῶν λευϊτῶν καὶ συμφυλετῶν αὐτῶν ἐνεργεῖσθαι τῷ νόμῳ ἐκτέτακται. [Ἑβρ. 7:11], Προθεωρία, PG 140, 428429.

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

the title Church History (Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία)8. Here the writer mentions also the bread of the Prothesis at paragraph 9 according to Migne’s edition and connects it with Melchizedek but this time in relation with the sacrifice of bread that took place when Abraham met Melchizedek9. During the 15th century Symeon archbishop of Thessaloniki wrote a commentary about the holy liturgy (Κεσελόπουλος Γ. 2018). The hierarch of Thessaloniki made an interpretation of the Prothesis and a commentary on the holy bread, which should be leavened and not unleavened like the one the Latins used, and he thus recalls the event of the meeting of Abraham and Melchizedek10.

Conclusion We thus saw that the theme of the Sinaitic icon derives from a subject matter that is found in manuscripts. At the same time this iconography reflects theological commentaries on the holy liturgy. Actually the ‘original’ form of the icon with the persons of Melchizedek and David dates to the same period with the book of Protheoria that may have influenced the production of such an icon. The works of commentators of the next centuries could have led to a restoration with overpainted inscriptions that identify the depicted persons as Melchizedek and Abraham. At any case it could be possible that the liturgical use of the icon in the church, either at the beginning as Melchizedek – David 8 For a discussion for this text and its connection with the Prothesis see (Κεσελόπουλος Γ. 2018). 9 θ΄. Τὸ γοῦν προσαγόμενον πολλοῖς ὀνόμασιν ὀνομάζεται· καλεῖται γὰρ εὐλογία, προσφορά, ἀπαρχή, ἄρτος· εὐλογία μὲν ὡς τῆς ἀρᾶς τῶν πρωτοπλάστων ἀναίρεσις· προσφορὰ δέ, ὡς ἐξ ὅλου τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου φυράματος, οἷα τῆς φιλοτιμίας τῷ Θεῷ καὶ Κτίστῃ εἰς τὰ τῶν ἁγίων Ἅγια προσηνέχθημεν· ἀπαρχὴ δέ, ὡς πάντων τῷ Θεῷ προσενηνεγμένων τυγχάνουσα ἱερωτέρα καὶ ἀνωτέρα. Ἄρτος δὲ λέγεται, ὡς τὸν οὐράνιον ἄρτον παραδηλοῦν, τροφὴ ἡμῶν μεταλαμβανόντων γινόμενον. Τὸ δὲ σφραγίζεσθαι τὴν προσφορὰν ὁ μέγας Βασίλειος παρέδωκεν· προσκομίζεται ἡ προσφορὰ διὰ τὸ κοινωνεῖν τὸν λαὸν ἕκαστον μερίδα· εἰ δὲ πληθύνει ὁ ὄχλος, χρὴ μελίζειν τὰς μερίδας, προ(σ)κομίζοντες τὸν ἄρτον καὶ ἀποτιθέντες αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ δίσκῳ, ὡς ἐν νεφέλῃ, λέγομεν οὕτως: “Ὡς πρόβατον ἐπὶ σφαγὴν ἤχθη.” Ἡ πρόθεσις ἰσοδύναμος πέφυκε τοῖς τῶν ἁγίων Ἁγίοις, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ πολὺ ταύτης μείζων· ἢ καὶ τοῦ σπηλαίου τῆς Βηθλεέμ· ἢ τὸ ἐστρωμένον ἀνώγειον, ἐν ᾧ συνδειπνήσας ὁ Κύριος τοῖς μαθηταῖς ἔφη: “Τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν·” λέγει δέ: “Εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ.” Ἀλλὰ τίς ἡ τάξις Μελχισεδέκ, καὶ τί παρ’ αὐτοῦ προσφερόμενα; ἄρτος καὶ οἶνος οἷς τὸν Ἀβραὰμ ἐδεξιοῦτο· εἰ οὖν ἐξ ἑτέρας φυλῆς ὁ Μελχισεδὲκ, τύπος δὲ τοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ λογίζεται καὶ πιστεύεται, ἐκβέβληται ἄρα ἡ Λευϊτικὴ ἱερωσύνη· ταύτης δὲ ἐκβαλλομένης, ἀνάγκη πᾶσά ἐστιν καὶ τοῦ παλαιοῦ νόμου καὶ λατρείας γενέσθαι μετάθεσιν. Σωφρονίου, Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία ψευδεπίγραφο, PG 87c, 3989. 10 Καὶ κοινωνὸς ἔσω τῆς μεγάλης τοῦ Μελχισεδὲκ θυσίας, ἧς ἄρτος οὐκ ἄζυμος καὶ οἶνος, προοίμια τῆς τοῦ Μελχισεδὲκ καὶ ἀρχιερέως μόνου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, περὶ οὗ γέγραπται·”Σὺ ἱερεὺς εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα κατὰ τὴν τάξιν Μελχισεδέκ.” [Ψαλμ. 109:4]. Συμεών Θεσσαλονίκης, Περὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς λειτουργίας, (Φουντούλης Ι. 2003), p. 290.

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

or later as Melchizedek – Abraham, may well have been devoted for the holy Prothesis as a prefiguration of the true worship of Christ since the byzantine theologians and commentators connect those two specific persons and the events that have to do with them when they write commentaries about the holy Prothesis.

Fig. 1 Christ, Melchizedec and David, Sacred Monastery of the God-Trodden Mount of Sinai

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

Fig. 2 The meeting of Abraham and Melchizedec, Vat. gr. 746, Vaticano

Fig. 3 Christ, Melchizedec and David, cod. 265, Saint Petersburg, originally from Pantocratoros 61

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

Fig. 4 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Chludov Psalter, Moscow

Fig. 5 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Par. gr. 20, Paris

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

Fig. 6 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Barberini Psalter, Vaticano

Fig. 7 The Communion of the Apostles, Melchizedec and David, Theodore Psalter, London

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

Fig. 8 Christ and David, Chludov Psalter, Moscow

Fig. 9 Christ and David, Par. gr. 20, Paris

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

References Primary Sources Bible (English): https://www.goarch.org/chapel/bible New Testament (Greek): http://www.apostoliki-diakonia.gr/bible/bible. asp?contents=new_testament/contents.asp&main= Nicholas-Theodore of Andida (11-12th c.), Προθεωρία (PG 140, 417-468). Old Testament (Greek): http://www.apostoliki-diakonia.gr/bible/bible. asp?contents=old_testament/contents.asp&main=OldTes PG: J.-P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca. Συμεών Θεσσαλονίκης (beginning of the 15th c.), Περὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς λειτουργίας, Φουντούλης Ι. επιμ., Δράμα 2003. Σωφρονίου (13th c.), Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ Ἱστορία ψευδεπίγραφο (PG 87c, 39814002) Secondary Sources Anderson J. C. (1983), “The Date and Purpose of the Barberini Psalter”, Cahiers Archéologiques 31, 35-67. Anderson J. C. (1998), “Further Prolegomena to a Study of the Pantokrator Psalter. An Unpublished Miniature, Some Restored Losses and Observations on the Relationship with the Chludov Psalter and Paris Fragment”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 52, 305-321. Barber C. (2000), Theodore Psalter. Electronic Facsimile, University of Illinois. Dufrenne S. (1966), L’Illustration des Psautiers Grecs du Moyen Age. Pantocrator 61, Paris. grec. 20, British Museum 40.731, vol. 1, Paris. Κεσελόπουλος Γ. (2018), Πρόθεση Α΄, Β΄, Η Πρόθεση, Μελέτη Λειτουργική, Ιστορική, Θεολογική, 2 τ., Λευκωσία. Μαχαίρας Χ. (2015), Η Μονή του Όρους Σινά μέσα από τις Μαρτυρίες των Εικόνων και των Χειρογράφων από τα Τέλη του 11ου έως τις Αρχές του 13ου αιώνα, Διδακτορική Διατριβή, Βόλος. Mouriki D. (1994), “Portraits des Donateurs et Invocations sur les Icônes du XIIIe Siècle au Sinaï”, in Guillou A. ed., Modes de Vie et Modes de Pensée à Byzance. Actes de la Table Ronde no. 9, XVIIIe Congrès International d’Études Byzantines, Moscou Août 1990, Paris, 103-135. 48

Melchizedek and David. A Sinaitic Icon of the Prothesis?

Parpulov G. R. (2010), “Mural and Icon Painting at Sinai in the Thirteenth Century”, in Gerstel S. E. J., Nelson R. S. eds., Approaching the Holy Mountain. Art and Liturgy at Saint Catherine’s Monastery in the Sinai, Turnhout, 345-414. Schepkina M. V. (1977), Miniatiury Khludovskoi Psaltyri, Moscow. Weitzmann K. (1975), “A Group of Early Twelfth-Century Sinai Icons Attributed to Cyprus”, in Robertson G., Henderson G. eds., Studies in Memory of David Talbot Rice, Edinburgh, 47-63, rep. Weitzmann K. (1982), Studies in the Arts at Sinai. Essays by Kurt Weitzmann, Princeton, N.J., [Study 9] 245270. Weitzmann K., Bernabò M., Tarasconi R. (1999), Byzantine Octateuchs, vols. 2, Princeton, N.J.

3 Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki: Relations between the Generations Georgia Sarikoudi

Adjunct Lecturer of Panteio University

Corespondence:

e-mail: gsarikoudi@yahoo.gr

Abstract

Keywords:

The last decades there is a growing literature on intergenerational relationships in immigrant families. Different generations perceive themselves through a different process of adaptation and identification in the host country. What are the changing dynamics and the reasons of conflict between parents and children? How the different level of integration and the different visions of the future affect the relationship between first- and second-generation immigrants? This paper examines the relationships between Albanian immigrants and their children that live in Thessaloniki. The goal of this article is to shed light on the immigrant-related and sociocultural context that affect and shape second generation’s identity and provoke the clash with children’s parents.

Albanian immigrants, Thessaloniki, second generation.

Citation:

Sarikoudi G. Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki: Relations between the Generations. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 51-62. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.32809.52322

Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki

Introduction

t the end of the 1980s, Greece was transformed from a country of immigration to a host country for populations of the former Soviet Union and the Balkans countries. The majority of them came from Albania, and initially settled close to the Greek-Albanian borders and then moved to urban centers where they could find work. This massive immigration attracted the attention of social scientists and highlighted the issue of diversity and the challenges they posed to Greek society. Studies by sociologists, economists, psychologists, geographers and political scientists gradually were produced focusing mainly on the problems of immigrants’ integration into the labor market and the education system (Παρσάνογλου και Παύλου, 2001; Λαμπριανίδης και Λυμπεράκη, 2001; Πετρονώτη και Τριανταφυλλίδου, 2003). The anthropological studies that began to be produced from 2000 onwards dealt with immigration, not as a problem, but shed light on some aspects of immigration that were not issued before. Such topics are gender migration, household migration, the (social, class, political) problems of the country of origin, bureaucratic procedures, etc (Πετρονώτη, 1998; ΠαπαταξιάρχηςΤοπάλη- Αθανασοπούλου, 2009; Νιτσιάκος, 2010; Παπαγεωργίου, 2011; Voutira, 1991 and 1994; Cabot, 2014; Rozakou 2012). These studies highlight the multiple and complex aspects of migration and give voice to the immigrants themselves. Thanks to these studies it became clear that immigrants are not a homogeneous group, as is usually presented in public discourse (mainly by the media) but are distinguished by gender, age, class, religion, politics, ethnicity and other characteristics and follow different settlement and integration strategies. The ethnographic material1 that supports this paper was collected from August 2020 until June 2021 in Thessaloniki and was based on qualitative research: mainly participant observation, along with open informal discussions and semi- structured interviews. However, the pandemic changed my direction and I had to redefine my methodology. Many of our conversations took place online and only recently I was able to visit people’s home and be a part of 1 The dada for this paper come from my postdoctoral research that is still in progress and regard the study of the “Second Generation of Immigrants from Albania and China living in Thessaloniki” and is funded by the State Scholarship Foundation (IKY). The aim of the research is to study the dynamics of the formation of the second generation, the interaction and conflicts with compatriots and their wider social environment, their relations with their place of origin, their degree of integration into Greek society, their plans for the future and the gender components of all of the above.

Albanian Immigrants in Thessaloniki

their daily life. During fieldwork research I have made twelve semi-structured interviews (ten with second generation immigrants and two with children’s parents) however the range of the people I regularly talked to consisted of thirty- one people (aged eighteen to fifty-six). The term second generation refers to children who have one or two immigrant parents. Rumbaut (2004) who studied young immigrants in the United States, suggests the term one and half (1.5) generation for the children who were born in the country of origin and then moved to another country. In Greek literature, the term second generation immigrants2 is used referring to those children who either came to Greece young or were born here. This paper is based only to children that were born in Greece by Albanian parents. Young people who were born in Albania probably would experience different conditions as well as the immigration procedure with their parents; thus, these common experiences would have elaborated a different perception of the new country and diverse relationship with their parents than those children that were born in the new country. For this reason, I prefer to focus only on children who were born in Greece.

1. Second generation of Albanians in Thessaloniki Albanian immigration to Greece began in the early 1990s, shortly after the fall of Hoxha’s regime. During the first years (1990-1993), the immigration flow took the form of a mass exodus from the country. In the following years, though it decreased temporarily, the political instability, social unrest and the economic crisis in Albania caused a new massive wave of migration after 1997 (Μιχαήλ, 2014, pp 21-22). Μost of the newcomers initially settled near the Greek-Albanian borders and shortly after the first years began moving to urban centers looking for better working conditions. Nowadays, almost 30 years later, Albanians are the largest foreign population in Greece. Especially in Thessaloniki which is the locus of this research, Albanians consist the 7,67% (about 480.000) of the registered foreigners of the city, according to the census of 20113. There is a whole generation of immigrants that were born or/and raised in Greece. Migration flows turned social scientists’ interest on various aspects of this phenomenon that highlighted the diversity and the challenges it pose to 2 See Michail (2014, pp. 29-30) for the discussion on the different methodological approaches regarding the second generation immigrants. 3 https://www.statistics.gr/2011-census-pop-hous (last access 2/6/2021)

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Greek society. The majority of these studies concern the case of Albanians (Λαμπριανίδης-Λυμπεράκη, 2005; Λαμπριανίδης-Χατζηπροκοπίου, 2008; Παπαγεωργίου, 2011; Michael, 2010a and 2010b; Kokkali, 2012; Hatziprokopiou, 2013; Michail and Christou, 2016; Καπετανάκη, 2017; Χατζαρούλα, 2014). Those researches focus on the economic impact of immigration in the host country, on the networks and strategies they develop at the new place of residence (Thessaloniki, Argos Orestiko, Patras), on the language and repatriation. in Albania. Among them only a few deals with the issues of the second generation immigrants (Gorgonas, 2009; Vathi, 2019). Both Vathi and Kokkali depict the low level of collective organization and representation of Albanian immigrants in Thessaloniki. For Vathi in particular the city identity and the power of peer groups and family plays important role in the construct of Albanian youth identity. There is neither extensive collective network nor places and services addressed only to Albanian migrants; as a result this community is characterized as “invisible” although it is the most numerous. However, none of them focuses on the intergenerational relationships and conflicts between first and the second generation immigrants. This paper seeks to present how cultural and immigration-related factors affect relations and the dynamics in Albanian immigrant families in Thessaloniki.

2. Intergeneration relationships and immigration According to ethnographic literature, parent–child relationships tend to change as children enter adolescence, a period when young people look for autonomy and independence from their family, and identify themselves more with peers than their parents. (Fuligni, 2006; Suárez-Orozco and M. Suárez-Orozco, 2001). Immigration is a process that transforms the family system to a large extent. The difficulties and the problems encountered in the country of origin or when fleeing affect family structures deprive children of their familiar environment and supportive social network. Traumatic experiences during the crossing of the borders, malnutrition, illnesses, lack of tranquility and stability are some of the issues that a family can experience entering the new country (Adams and Kirova, 2006; Heger Boyle and Ali, 2010; McBrien, 2011). In many cases, when immigrants enter a new social and culturally diverse environment, they may be confronted with different parenting styles and practices than the ones they knew and upheld, causing them discomfort and awkwardness (Renzaho & Vignjevic, 2011). Parents integrate and adjust into 54

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the host country slower than their children; therefore, parents face a struggle relating to how to be a role model for their children. Furthermore, lack of knowledge of the host country’s language or even lack of knowledge of English and parents’ concerns to cover the basic survival needs intensify the problem. The need to address to all these issues that came up in the new and unfamiliar context can create great enculturation stress and cause tension in parent-children relationships (Ainslie, 1998; Yeh, 2003). The Albanian identity itself was one of the main causes of conflicts between the second generation and immigrant parents. The way Albanian immigrants were portrayed by the Greek media played a key role in shaping children’s ethnic identity. The identification of Albanians with crime and mafia was identified in the conscience of most Greeks. This stereotypical representation of foreigners in the hegemonic discourse intensified the stigmatization and marginalization of these communities that were considered inferior (ΓκέφουΜαδιανού, 2003). So, the children, when they began to learn their national identity, they experienced it through the negatively charged “Alvanikotita” (Albanianess) not only in public speech, but also in the institutional environment of the school. Giannis’ mother remembers that his son didn’t want to go to school because his classmates were making fun of his origin. “He was crying, he was saying that he hates us for coming from Albania. It was very difficult period. I didn’t mind when people looking at me with mistrust, but seeing my son suffering was breaking my heart”. Because of these stigmatizing experiences, many of these youngsters have developed a strong sense of alienation from their ethnic identity, sometimes hiding their origin and rejecting anything to do with Albania and Albanians (Vathi, 2019, pp. 34). Giannis confessed to me that he used to be ashamed of his father due to his foreign “accent”. “I remember yelling at him that he lives 30 years in Greece and still can’t speak the language properly. I didn’t want to go out with him because I didn’t want people to recognize me as Albanian”. Since their settlement in the new country, Albanian immigrants followed some strategies (they speak Greek in public, are baptized Christians and “change their names to Greek ones) to redefine their collective identity and be integrated easily. They hope that this tactic will ameliorate their children’s integration and social mobility into Greek society. However, often they express their awkwardness when their children adopt habits and attitudes far away from their culture. This is a typical case of acculturation, when children get affected and embrace the new culture through contact with peers rather 55

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than their parents. This dissonant acculturation challenges parent–child relationships and family hierarchies. Peer-to-peer networks emerge as a very important and dynamic group in the construction of the identity of second generation immigrants. “When I was at high-school, it was a difficult time. I put an earring and wore torn jeans, like everyone at my age, but in our house this attitude was not acceptable. Every day I fought with my father. He used to tell me that this is how bums dress. He did not see that most young people in Greece, and not just here, dress like that, he was anxious that my sister and I did not deviate from the standards he grew up”, Emre, a 23 years old student of Philosophy express. Likewise, Elvina 21 years old student of pharmacy admits that when she is coming home late, her mother always waits for her asleep and scolds her because “this is not a proper way of living for a girl”. “She always says that she never did that when she was my age and if I continue like that no one will take me seriously. She lives more than 20 years here and she hasn’t understood yet how people live”. As we see from these examples the youthful urban way of life sometimes contradicts the story of the parents and their cultural background (most of them come from rural areas of Albania). “Greekness” is an identity desired by young people because it is associated with a sense of freedom, autonomy and consumerism. In contrast to their ethnicity, “Greekness” gives opportunities to belong to a global culture of young immigrants without limitations and shortcomings (Vathi 2019: 36-37). In Elvina’s case though, is not only the difference between cultures that creates the tension between motherdaughter; it’s mother’s fear that Elvina’s attitude (going out late with friends and dates, wearing clothing that seem to her sexually provocative) makes her vulnerable and easy sexual target. Elvina’s mother raised her alone after her husband’s death a few years ago, and she feels anxious that if something happened, she would be unable to protect and help her daughter. To prevent such a scenario, she prefers to put restrictions on her to keep her safe (Espiritu, 2009; Lopez 2003). The fact that most of the migrant parents work many hours to make ends meet diminishes the time they spent with their children. Although the socialist regime in Albania tried to impose a value system different from the traditional Balkan patriarchy, it was not possible to stop the gender segregation of space, with men dominating public life and women remaining at home. Nevertheless, immigration brought about changes in family hierarchies. From the beginning of their settlement in Greece, women entered the working sector 56

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to supplement the family income; as a result, both parents spent many hours away from home and from their children. Therefore, this situation decreased the prospects for parents and children to communicate and connect and also confined parents’ ability to attend their children’s experiences, happiness or disappointments. Τhe little time the family spent together gradually led to an alienation and the children felt that there is no interaction among them. As Foner and Dreby (2011, pp. 548) explain, it is an oversimplification to assume that relationships between parents and children are characterized only by fights and conflicts. Most of the times tension and quarrels are mixed with caring and support, and rejection of some parental rules and guides goes along with acceptance of/ and agreement with others. The majority of my informants acknowledge their parents’ narratives of immigration, the hazards, the feelings of alienation and the hostility they encountered when they settled in the new environment. Thus, they express their gratitude towards their parents for all the sacrifices they made and the efforts they put to provide them all the necessary things for their upbringing. Thus, they feel the moral obligation to reciprocate and help their parents improve their quality of life (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2008; Michail, 2014, pp. 100-101). Aliona, a 27 years old school teacher, admits that her father’s stories about crossing the borders barefoot and walking 2 days without food made a great impact on her. As she says, she always buys him shoes for his birthday. “I swore to myself that I would do my best for them. He suffered enough in order to offer us a better future, now it’s mine turn”. Aliona chose to study school teacher because it has better employment prospects. She wanted to relieve her parents from any expenses they had for her studies. Almost all of my young informants admit that they feel the need to support emotionally, materially and financially their parents acknowledging their sacrifices. This is not a unique “Albanian” case though; it is a common attitude in immigrant families according to ethnographic literature (Espiritu, 2009; Fuligni & Pedersen, 2002).

Conclusions Relations between the generations are not fixed or stable but change over time as tensions come up or diminishes as a response to different social, economic and political circumstances. Cultural beliefs and background, different views on future plans and prospects may generate or magnify quarrels between generations in immigrant families. Children get more influenced from peers and school than family, especially during adolescence. They get emo57

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tionally detached from their parents who feel powerless and afraid of losing the control of their family. Especially in the case of Albanians, the racism and stigmatization that the second generation experienced made them develop a strong sense of alienation from its nationality and identify itself not on the basis of their ethnic identity, but on other, alternative identities. Youth interests and emotional ties between peers are the most important elements of their identity. At the same time, those experiences and hardships experienced by the first generation during the process of moving to the new country are some of the elements that strengthen the relationships within the family. However, at the same time, young immigrants feel proud for their parents successful efforts to make ends meet in the new country despite the difficulties and try hard to meet their parents standards and support them emotionally and practically.

Acknowledgment This research is co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund- ESF) through the Operational Programme «Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning» in the context of the project “Reinforcement of Postdoctoral Researchers - 2nd Cycle” (MIS-5033021), implemented by the State Scholarships Foundation (ΙΚΥ).

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4 The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna Georgios Gaitanos

Head of the Department of Theology & Culture, Lecturer of Religious Studies, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: gaitanosg@yahoo.gr

Abstract

Keywords:

The purpose of the paper is to present the data on the religious policy of the Roman Empire at the time of Saint Polycarp of Smyrna and to indicate whether there were particularities in the treatment of Christian communities by the central Roman state. To this end, reference will be made to the religious context of the time, but also to the general attitude of the Roman authorities towards the religious communities in general. This presentation will help in our attempt to understand whether Polycarp of Smyrna’s martyrdom can be incorporated into a more general Roman state policy or can be considered as an isolated event.

Emperor, Polycarp of Smyrna, Martyrdom, Persecution, Religious Policy.

Citation:

Gaitanos G. The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 65-78. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.36164.96641

The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna

Introduction

eligion in the Roman Empire was a force for both integration and an expression of great diversity and variety. Many common opinions and beliefs about the divine world formed the basic framework for discussions and exchanges of views. Of particular interest was the fact that many people participated on local or regional religious events of various deities, while some chose to join and devote themselves to some of them, without having to worry about whether these deities were necessarily of their national tradition. Thus, many people were practicing foreign to them and to their people traditions and deities, which were spread by traders, immigrants, soldiers, or officials. Many of these cults attracted interest and became particularly popular. In essence, a religious syncretism prevailed, as many deities not known could be recognized now through the use of images, symbols, and forms of earlier deities, a practice that helped reduce the distance between the various cults but also led to the use of common practices in worship. Of course, the Emperor was the most popular figure, as he was the religious focal point that everyone should have shared in the Empire (Pachis, 2003a; 2003b; Martin, 1987; Rives, 2007; Burkert, 1984).

1. Imperial Cult As we have mentioned, the Roman Empire was an amalgam of different religious traditions despite the political system’s attempt for general religious integration (Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987). The personality that united the Empire and everything that happened in its territory was the Emperor, who symbolized the unity of the Empire and was more than a mere symbol. The Emperor was the supreme commander of the army and the center of imperial bureaucracy. At the same time, he was at the top of the social hierarchy and managed the complex patronage system (Garnsey & Saller, 1987; Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987). In every sense the Emperor was the empire itself; given the fact that the political, social, economic, and religious factor in the Greco-Roman world was closely intertwined and constituted a single system, it comes as no surprise that the Emperor had to play and a central role in the religious life of the Empire. However, it is necessary to make a clarification as to the Emperor’s religious role, because the conventional term, “Imperial cult”, may eventually prove misleading, as it implies that there was an organized cult system that 66

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promoted the Emperor as a God. There were, therefore, different perspectives through which the Emperor appeared in religious life. In particular, it was sometimes ambiguously claimed as a god, sometimes as a mortal, and in some cases a combination of the two identities was applied. Many times this was done on a general scale by the imperial authorities, while in other cases it was applied locally. In any case, one should not forget the influence of Alexander the Great and his successors on the Hellenistic kingdoms, where the Emperor was the object of worship. Indeed, some Roman generals of the 1st century BC had claimed to have had special relationships with the divine. Although Julius Caesar had promoted some self-apotheosis efforts, his successor, Octavian Augustus, eventually established these methods, followed by most of his successors. Thus, the official public calendar included a number of dates related to the Emperor’s birthday, succession anniversaries, major military successes, or other milestones. Indeed, public ceremonies and festivities were instituted for this purpose with a specific format, just as was the case with traditional deities. Another practice was the official deification of the deceased Emperor. Thus, Octavian after Caesar’s death in July established and promoted the worship of Divus Iulius, for whom he built a temple and appointed a priest. The same thing happened after the death of Augustus in 14 AD, where the formal process of his deification began. More generally, the Senate decided to officially recognize an Emperor as a god and was subsequently awarded the title of Divus, followed by the construction of a temple, the appointment of a priest, and the establishment of annual public offerings. Of course, the Roman authorities had attempted to make a distinction between the divine emperor and the living, non-worshiped god, except in certain cases of tyrannical emperors, such as Caligula or Commodus, who demanded to be worshiped as gods while they lived (Rives, 2007; Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987). Since August, all provincial assemblies have been obliged to worship the Emperor, where the annual feast in honor of the Emperor was held at a temple in the province. These ceremonies were organized by the official bodies of the province, not officially instituted by the Empire, but organized with the official permission of the Emperor. In essence, their organization and execution were promoted by the local elite with the aim of expanding their influence on local society and their rise to social hierarchy. Certainly, the imperial authorities had some control over these ceremonies, which were held in parallel with official public worship events in favor of the Emperor (Garnsey, Saller & Goodman, 1987). 67

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For sure, worship was not the only means of expressing the Emperor’s official religious role. The image of the Emperor was present through statues in public buildings, but also through their images on coins. Indeed, the portrayal of the Emperor as a god next to the traditional and popular deities of the time dictated a connection and relationship with the divine, while sufficiently defining public opinion for the status they held (Martin, 2003; Green, 1990; Shipley, 2000). Overall, it should be emphasized that the image of the Emperor was particularly ambiguous, because in other cases he was treated as a god while in others he was presented as a human being. In some ways, the Emperor was both human and divine, so that one or the other could be used as appropriate. For this reason, there were different approaches and manifestations on his person concerning his religious role. Thus, there were dedicated temples and appointed priests in his honor, just as they did for the various deities, while offering sacrifices for his health rather than for them. They portrayed the Emperor as a deity or sovereign of the gods, but at the same time as a pious faithful. It may not be easy to fully and clearly illustrate this ambiguity in the variety of images of the Emperor, but there were some characteristics in the mentality of the Greco-Roman culture that justifies this tendency. Specifically, the boundaries between divine and human in the Greco-Roman tradition were not so clear, since a mythology had developed that approached any difference (Beard, North & Price, 1998), while many philosophers spoke of the immortality of the human soul, so the presentation of the Emperor, such an important figure, with divine characteristics was not so provocative and strange. The religious role of the Emperor also had the characteristics of the intermediate between the divine and the human sphere, as the Emperor appeared to sacrifice to the gods and was allegedly acting on behalf of the Empire. In essence, the Emperor was the symbol of prosperity and progress of the empire, so people would pray to the gods for his health, as they would prosper themselves as well (Rives, 2007). At the same time, the value of the Emperor’s religious role was increased by the mention of his name by different religious traditions, which increased his influence on the subject of religious integration that he sought to achieve. Thus, public worship towards the face of the Emperor further expressed a wish for the prosperity and unity of the Empire, which inevitably gained a religious expression1. 1 For example, the Jews sacrificed two lambs and one calf daily in honor of the Emperor at the Temple of Jerusalem, while similarly Jewish communities in other parts of the empire devoted their rallying places to the health of the Emperor. Similarly, Christians prayed for the

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2. The Roman Religious Policy Roman religious policy was not intended to persuade or force the subjects of the empire to believe and worship the Emperor, as is generally understood to be. Although governors and government officials issued decrees establishing formal celebrations of the victory or succession to the throne, essentially only the local authorities shouldered the burden of implementation. Indeed, it was the local upper class that furthered this status of the emperor purely aimed at serving the political careers of local patrons. Under no circumstances were the local and government authorities intended to pressure, enforce, and inspect citizen participation in these ceremonies, as in other public worship events (Rives, 2007). However, it is not wrong to point out that the worship of the Emperor was indirectly supported and promoted. At the same time, government agencies intervened and banned specific traditions and religious practices and behaviors. These interventions concerned more general perceptions of inappropriate religious behavior, situations that disturbed the peace and security of an area, and of particular cases that aroused the interest of society. Specifically, there are two characteristic terms to the issue of inappropriate religious behavior. The first term was about the person who failed to participate in acceptable forms of worship or didn’t show any respect to the divine. Of particular value was the fact that some were not consistently making sacrifices, which was also the most important and widespread way of expressing piety. The Latin term is impius or sacrilegus, while the Greek is disrespectful (ασεβής) and atheist (άθεος), in the sense of not accepting the traditional ways of worshiping the divine. Indeed, it is necessary to note that in Greek-Roman tradition the emphasis was on worship practices rather than on personal beliefs. The second term associated with an unacceptable relationship with the divine was superstitio (superstition), and it was related to relationships with the divine, which were divergent. Any religious behavior that was considered inappropriate, inaccurate and unacceptable was characterized by this term. In general, anything related to worshiping divine values was presented differently, characterized as superstition, and gathered attention (Bremmer, 1994; Beard, North & Price, 1998; Ogden, 2007; Wilt, 1954). Certainly, Roman officials did not have a central interest in the proper observance of religious expression or in examining whether the citizens particEmperor’s health and the prosperity of the Empire, as we can note in several texts of the Early Christian Literature.

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ipated on public ceremonies. The most important issue of Roman bureaucracy was the collection of taxes and the maintenance of social peace. However, the interest in the proper observance of religious duties was mainly of concern to the local elite, who usually made these complaints. The main reason for the complaint of non-compliance with the religious rules was the risk of overthrowing the social hierarchy and the prevalence of anarchy. This kind of complaint raised the concern of government bodies, who took action if they found that these practices could cause disturbance and eventual overthrow of the social order (Rives, 2007). As we mentioned, controlling the society of each province and maintaining the peace and balance between the social classes was a very important task for the Roman authorities. This approach also included religious traditions, as Rome either incorporated deities associated with the Greco-Roman tradition into the public cult or instituted rules to control the hierarchy of religious traditions that had nothing to do with the Greco-Roman world. Indeed, the local upper class, which had developed political and economic relations with Roman power, was always suspicious of the attitude of these priests because, as we have noted above, they did not in any way wish to create a climate of reversal. Therefore, when there was an emerging personality outside the system of hierarchy that could gather the interest of the public and possibly to overturn the situation and disturb the peace, then the Roman authorities did not hesitate to send as many forces as needed to suppress any movement of revolutionary action. Of course, this notion concerned not only charismatic religious or non-religious personalities, but also various texts, prophetic or apocalyptic that foretold the destruction of Rome and its punishment through the coming of a Messiah or a supernatural being (Russell, 1964; Nickelsburg, 1972; Boccaccini, 1991; Collins, 1974). Thus, the Roman authorities restricted the circulation of these texts, but also identified those who were responsible for disseminating these ideas2. So, this case is also directly linked to the greater concern of the authorities, whether someone from the religious cloak outside the socio-economic system overthrows the situation and disturbs public peace. However, there is a third possibility of interference by the Roman authorities in matters of a religious nature. There are special cases that have aroused the interest not only of the wider society, but also of some Emperors who decided to intervene and attempt the immediate solution of the problem. Clear2 It is characteristic that Augustus at 12 BC had collected more than 2,000 prophetic texts in Greek and Latin and burned them (See Suetonius, De vita Caesarum, 31.1).

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ly, these cases also need to be studied in the light of the general philosophy of Roman religious policy, as the Roman authorities decided to intervene whenever there was a danger of disturbing the peace and overthrowing the social hierarchy and system. Such special cases were the subject of magic3, Jews4 and Christianity. The general conclusion is that Roman power did not implement a particular religious policy program, but rather addressed these cases in the general context of maintaining public peace and social balance in every province and region of the empire.

3. The Roman state treatment of Christianity During the early period of the emergence and spread of Christianity, its 3 It should be emphasized that the practice of magic in the Roman Empire was illegal. Of course, the Roman authorities were not responsible for looking for suspects in performing magic, but they were examining public complaints of people accused of this practice. Usually people were accused of having habits and lifestyles that did not fit with the rest of the community, but also cases where an accident or an unexpected event was associated with individuals possessing a particular ability, power or knowledge. Indeed, these accusations were taken seriously because it was perceived as an attempt or provocation of criminal activity against another person. This situation created a social anomaly for the Roman authorities, and as a result they were seriously involved in such accusations. See J. Harrisson, Religion in the Roman World: Gods, Myth and Magic in Ancient Rome, London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2017. J. Z. Smith, “Great Scott! Thought and Action one more time”, in P. Mirecki & M. Meyer (eds.), Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 75-91. Ν. Zarotiades, Μαγεία και Δαιμονολογία: Η αντιμετώπιση των μαγικών τεχνών από τους εκκλησιαστικούς συγγραφείς της Δύσης μέχρι και τον 5ο αι., Θεσσαλονίκη: Ostracon, 2016. 4 The Jewish nation was a special group, maintaining a very different way of life from the more general Greek-Roman culture. Despite significant differences, the respect for the Roman upper class in ancient traditions and the maneuvering of the Judaic diplomacy helped ensure that the Jews continued to carry out their ancient worship traditions without interference. In fact, Augustus with a decree allowed the Jews to continue to follow their religious traditions. However, at the beginning of the 1st century A.D. after continued revolutionary movements, the Romans expanded their military presence in the region, resulting in the Romans to destroy the Temple of Jerusalem and the city itself after the First Jewish War (66-73 AD), to found in its place a new city (Aelia Capitolina), and after the suppression of a Jewish revolution of the Diaspora in Cyrene and Egypt (115-117 AD) and the Bar Kokhba movement (132-135 AD) was the mark of the change of Jewish presence and tradition within the empire. See, Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 16,162-165. M. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (323 bce–117 ce), Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996. S. Cohen, “The Political and Social History of the Jews in Greco-Roman antiquity: The State of the Question”, in R. Kraft & G. Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and its Modern Interpreters. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986, pp. 33-56. L. Feldman, Jews and Gentiles in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993. A. Gunneweg, Η Ιστορία του Ισραήλ έως την εξέγερση του Βαρ – Κοχβά (trans. Ι. Μούρτζιος), Θεσσαλονίκη: Πουρναράς, 1997.

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legal position on the official state was unclear, as it was initially regarded as a sect of Judaism. This meant that it was in principle aligned with the legal framework applicable to Judaism, so that no recognition or intervention by the Roman state was needed immediately. However, once Christianity with the new communities began to separate from Judaism, the situation changed. Specifically, official complaints from Jewish communities, such as in the case of the Apostle Paul, forced the official state to treat Christians differently, originally from the Nero era with small scale persecutions (Pheidas, 2002). Of course, no formal legislation was adopted to endorse such a practice, since persecutions were committed locally and Christians were treated as common disturbances. Through the network of the Roman Empire and initially centered on the Jewish communities of the Diaspora, Christianity spread to all the provinces of the empire (Sanders, 1992). There may be various theories for the successful expansion of Christianity that focused on either the psychology of individuals or the superiority and quality of Christianity’s teaching over other cults or even “divine providence”, but we appreciate that the answer can rather be found on the “strange” system of religious policy developed by the Roman state and the network of relations developed among the new Christian communities. It is, therefore, a ‘strange’ system, because the Roman authorities allowed for religious change at a private level - since it did not impede the functioning and course of the state - and not in the public sphere. Thus a public “official” cult was formed that promoted stability and peace under the protection of the Emperor, while in the interim he did not control religious innovation and the expansion and dissemination of new worship traditions through the network of the empire at an unofficial level. Thus, since the Roman authority had formed a cult of “public image” and was only concerned with the maintenance of peace and order, it was reluctant to steer the course of new religious traditions. Groups that could better manage this policy of the Roman Empire and form a network of relationships in the private sphere had better chances of developing and gradually establishing awareness in the wider society. The first Christian communities belonged to this category. The period of the 2nd century, which is the focus of this paper relating to the treatment of Christians by the official state, includes a few official documents. Perhaps the correspondence of Pliny the Younger5, Governor of Bithynia, with Emperor Trajan in the early 2nd century A.D. is the most indicative example of the situation at that time and the attitude of the state towards the Christians. 5

Pliny the Younger, Letters, 10,96-97.

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According to the letters, the conclusion is that obviously being a Christian was a problem, but if a Christian publicly followed the usual religious practices, such as sacrifice, then he would not face any charges and remain free. If by any chance there was a refusal of the requests of the Roman authorities, then would suffer martyrdom (Croix de Ste, 2005). The official letters of Pliny the Younger to Emperor Trajan thus indicate that the persecutions against Christians took place locally and were due to the fact that Christianity was characterized as a new superstition and its faithful members were persecuted as members of an illegal society (illicita collegia)6. From this information we reaffirm that there was no generalized persecution of Christians - this attitude was interrupted by Decius afterwards - as a formal impeachment for individual prosecution is required on a case-by-case basis. Obviously, confession of faith was punishable by death, but at that time Christianity did not seem to be the biggest problem of the daily life of the empire7.

4. The case of the Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna The case of Polycarp of Smyrna martyrdom, as described in the work Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, should be included in the context described above. That is, there are acts of violence and persecution at the local level, an accusation of atheism, which concerns the disrespect on the Emperor and the 6 The letters provide important information on the local persecution of Governor at that time Pliny in Bithynia, while record the entire process of questioning, punishing or acquitting Christians and Roman citizens. We should mention that they are probably the most important Roman sources of the time, as they demonstrate the official Roman state policy on this issue. Pliny seemed generally concerned about the way of interrogations, the tortures and punishments Christians would have to face if they confessed or repented. The Emperor Trajan had praised the way the governor acted, since those who repented later should have been forgiven, while anonymous complaints should not have been accepted. See, Pliny the Younger, Letters, 10,96-97. 7 Indeed, Emperor Hadrian in a decree rescued by Eusebius of Caesarea stated that a person should be brought to trial after a thorough investigation so as to avoid unnecessarily disturbing honest people. To be convicted, one would have to do so in accordance with the law and not on the basis of information from someone who might have slandered for their own purposes. This political approach was echoed in yet another decree by Emperor Antoninus Pius, in which it seems that those who proved to slander would eventually end up in the defendant’s position. It is noted, however, that whatever hardship the people faced was not necessarily the responsibility of the Christians and the worship of their own God. Christians were particularly made an impression to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, who during his campaigns was able to get to know their faith. He was a stoic and through his personal diary he commented on their attitude, as he could not comprehend their zeal moments before their punishment in front of the Roman authorities. He even commented on the attitude of Christians as flamboyant and selfish. See, Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, Book 4, Chapter 9 and 13. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, 11,3.

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offerings to him, and the need for atonement and appeasement of social peace by the demand of the local population the issue of the “illegal society” to be arranged. In general, Christians of the first centuries have expressed a willingness to imitate Christ through their participation in the martyrdom and to somehow repeat the sacrifice of the Son of God, the last human sacrifice (Stroumsa, 2009; Moss, 2010). In the New Testament, the term became even more important as it stated the confession of the nature and work of Christ (Petiki, 2009). Specifically, the term “martyr” referred to the Christian, who willingly endured physical death, in order to remain faithful to the confession of his/ her faith in Christ (Act. 22,20. Rev. 1,5; 2,13; 3,14; 17,6). From the 2nd century, the concept of martyrdom has acquired the meaning of voluntary physical death to declare faith in Christ (Ferguson, 1990). The early Christian texts, which dealt with the issue of persecution of Christians locally at the expense of Christians, provided some examples of the attitude of Christians, as well as the rationale for their persecution for the sake of their faith. In an extensive level, metaphors are made to describe the martyrdom as a sacrifice for Christ’s sake. This notion was not a special case that appeared only in one text, but it is found that the meaning and the characteristics that were attributed to the martyr are also found in other texts of the time, leading us to conclude that the martyr in particular was a means of Early Christian Literature for imitation of Christ, the central face of Christian worship (Petersen, 2013). We also have a similar reference to the martyrdom of Bishop Polycarp, as recorded in the Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, which contains the complete development of martyrdom theology as an expression and testimony of faith in Jesus Christ. In particular, the formal charge brought by the bishop to trial was atheism. In the text it is clear that Polycarp rejected this accusation, while at the same time obeying neither the threats nor the exhortations to deride Christ and to profess faith to the Emperor8. The text also presents the 8 Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, 8-12: “… Τί γὰρ κακόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν· Κύριος Καῖσαρ, καὶ ἐπιθῦσαι καὶ τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα καὶ διασώζεσθαι; ὁ δὲ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο αὐτοῖς, ἐπιμενόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἔφη· Οὐ μέλλω ποιεῖν ὃ συμβουλεύετέ μοι. οἱ δὲ ἀποτυχόντες τοῦ πεῖσαι αὐτὸν δεινὰ ῥήματα ἔλεγον καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς καθῄρουν αὐτὸν ὡς κατιόντα ἀπὸ τῆς καρούχας ἀποσῦραι τὸ ἀντικνήμιον. καὶ μὴ ἐπιστραφεὶς ὡς οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς προθύμως ἐπορεύετο ἀγόμενος εἰς τὸ στάδιον, θορύβου τηλικούτου ὄντος ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ ὡς μηδὲ ἀκουσθῆναί τινα δύνασθαι. Τῷ δὲ Πολυκάρπῳ εἰσιόντι εἰς τὸ στάδιον φωνὴ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐγένετο· Ἴσχυε, Πολύκαρπε, καὶ ἀνδρίζου. … Ὁ δὲ ἀνθύπατος εἶπεν· Θηρία ἔχω· τούτοις σε παραβαλῶ ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσῃς. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν· Κάλει. ἀμετάθετος γὰρ ἡμῖν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κρειττόνων ἐπὶ τὰ χείρω μετάνοια, καλὸν δὲ μετατίθεσθαι ἀπὸ τῶν χαλεπῶν ἐπὶ τὰ δίκαια. ὁ δὲ πάλιν πρὸς αὐτόν· Πυρί σε ποιήσω δαπανηθῆναι εἰ τῶν θηρίων καταφρονεῖς, ἐὰν μὴ μετανοήσῃς.

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torture in every detail, while Bishop of Smyrna was willing to receive the martyrdom, presenting himself as a sacrifice dedicated to God (Martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna, 13-16). It is clear that confession of faith in Christ is the only criterion that leads to martyrdom.

Conclusion In conclusion, the Roman authorities did not seek to identify who is a Christian or not, but only proceeded after a public accusation. Clearly, there is uncertainty as to whether the prosecutions concerned only the imposition of police measures or even the criminal part, as the persecution against Christians was due to their name and not to any proven criminal act. In total, according to their accusers, Christians rejected all the traditional features of piety and were not active members of society, as they had always found the opportunity to isolate themselves. Thus, they refused to offer sacrifice to other deities or any kind of sacrifice in general, did not participate on the public worship of the cities, did not honor the Emperor, their worship did not come from an ancient tradition, and always met in secret, thus being accused of politics conspiracy or other immoral acts. Consequently, they were obliged to declare faith in the Emperor, to worship the statue of the emperor, or to offer sacrifices to the gods. Those who accepted one of those requirements were then released, while those who refused would then be punished for treason.

ὁ δὲ Πολύκαρπος εἶπεν· Πῦρ ἀπειλεῖς τὸ πρὸς ὥραν καιόμενον καὶ μετ’ ὀλίγον σβεννύμενον. ἀγνοεῖς γὰρ τὸ τῆς μελλούσης κρίσεως καὶ αἰωνίου κολάσεως τοῖς ἀσεβέσι τηρούμενον πῦρ. ἀλλὰ τί βραδύνεις; φέρε ὃ βούλει. … Πολύκαρπος ὡμολόγησεν ἑαυτὸν Χριστιανὸν εἶναι. τούτου λεχθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ κήρυκος, ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος ἐθνῶν τε καὶ Ἰουδαίων τῶν τὴν Σμύρναν κατοικούντων ἀκατασχέτῳ θυμῷ καὶ μεγάλῃ φωνῇ ἐπεβόα· … ὅτε ἰδὼν αὐτὸ καιόμενον προσευχόμενος εἶπεν ἐπιστραφεὶς τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ πιστοῖς προφητικῶς· Δεῖ με ζῶντα καῆναι”.

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Ι. Μούρτζιος), Θεσσαλονίκη: Πουρναράς, 1997. Martin L., “Kingship and the Hellenistic consolidation of religio – political power”, in Luther H. Martin – Panayotis Pachis (eds.) in: Theoretical Frameworks for the Study of Graeco – Roman Religions, Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 2003, pp. 89-96. ------, Hellenistic religions: an introduction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Maier P., Eusebius-The Church History: A New Translation with Commentary, Grand Rapids: Kregel Publications, 1999. Moss C., The Other Christs. Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010, pp. 75-111. Nickelsburg G., Resurrection, immortality, and eternal life in intertestamental Judaism, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972. Novak R. M., Χριστιανισμός & Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία (trans. Ντ. Σιδέρη), Αθήνα: Κονιδάρης, 2008. Ogden D. (ed.), A Companion to Greek Religion, Malden; Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Pachis P., Ίσις Καρποτόκος, τόμος Ι – Οικουμένη. Προλεγόμενα στον συγκρητισμό των ελληνιστικών χρόνων, Θεσσαλονίκη: Βάνιας, 2003. ------, “The Hellenistic Era as an Age of Propaganda: The case of Isis’ cult”, Luther H. Martin – Panayotis Pachis (eds.) in: Theoretical Frameworks for the Study of Graeco – Roman Religions, Thessaloniki: University Studio Press, 2003, pp. 97-125. Petersen A., “Attaining Divine Perfection through Different Forms of Imitation”, Numen 60 (2013), 7-38. Petiki M., Η έννοια του μαρτυρίου στον Τερτυλλιανό και στον Κυπριανό Καρχηδόνας, Θεσσαλονίκη: ΑΠΘ, 2009. Pheidas V., Εκκλησιαστική ιστορία, τ. Α΄, Αθήνα: Διήγηση, 32002. Radice B. (ed.), The Letters of the Younger Pliny, London: Penguin Classics, 1969. Rives J., Religion in the Roman Empire, Malden; Oxford; Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. Russell D. S., The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic: 200 BC – 100 AD, 77

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London: SCM Press LTD, 1964. Sanders J., “Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire: A Conversation with Rodney Stark”, Sociological Analysis 53.4 (1992), pp. 433-445. Shipley G., The Greek World after Alexander, London; New York: Routledge, 2000. Smith J. Z., “Great Scott! Thought and Action one more time”, in P. Mirecki & M. Meyer (eds.), Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden: Brill, 2002. Ste Croix de G. E. M., Ο Χριστιανισμός και η Ρώμη. Διωγμοί, αιρέσεις και ήθη (trans. Ιωάννα Κράλλη), Αθήνα: Μορφωτικό Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης, 2005. Stroumsa G., The End of Sacrifice. Religious Transformations in Late Antiquity, Chicago; London: Chicago University Press, 2009. Wilt H., Religio: A Semantic Study of the Pre-Christian Use of the Terms Religio and Religiosus (Ph.D. dissertation), Columbia University, 1954. Zarotiades N., Μαγεία και Δαιμονολογία: Η αντιμετώπιση των μαγικών τεχνών από τους εκκλησιαστικούς συγγραφείς της Δύσης μέχρι και τον 5ο αι., Θεσσαλονίκη: Ostracon, 2016.

5 Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox perspective Thoma Çomëni

As. Lecturer of Christian Ethics, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: thomacomeni@hotmail.com

Abstract

Keywords:

The paper deals with an analysis of the relationship between ecclesiastical and political morality from the orthodox Christian perspective. The analysis begins based on the notion, perception and thought that the Church and Politics have about man. This point is important because from the concept of man defines both the political systems and their morality, and the attitude to the salvation of man and the morality that accompanies it. The second element has to do with freedom. Freedom is important for Christian morality, but at the same time it is trumpeted loudly by politics. If for Christian, the morality of true freedom is formed by the transition from heteronomy to autonomy with the faith, hope, and grace of God, for politics freedom is based on human ability and becomes reality through the political system.

Morality, politics, church, person, freedom.

Citation:

Çomëni T. Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox perspective. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 81-94. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.10579.71204

Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox perspective

Introduction

hurch and politics are two essential elements of social reality. This importance is related to the role, mission and objectives they have within society. It is difficult to define these two terms, as each definition creates gaps, which means that each definition limits the content, dimension and reality of each term or phenomenon. If we refer to the term Church it becomes even more difficult to define, because its existence and function is found within the two worlds, the visible and the invisible, between the divine and the cosmic. For the memorable Prof. Matsouka, Church is a divine institution on earth, having its origin by Jesus Christ and the apostles, who transmit power to the bishops (Matsoukas, 2001, p. 351). The church in this society is a divine institution, but an institution that returns and embraces man with the exclusive purpose of his salvation, connecting him mysteriously with the grace of the Holy Spirit (Yioultsis, 1999, p. 329). According to Aristotle, politics is the whole effort of society and community in the pursuit of a good life (Aristotle, 1252a 2-7) thus we see that the purpose of political organization is the common utility (Υioultsis, 1999, p.174). These two definitions show us the content, the mission and the purpose of these two institutions for society and the event. Both of these institutions have at their center of action man (along with man and all creation). As they have other commonalities with each other, the exercise of their mission is in the world, but these commonalities have particular characteristics. The Church is from God, has been founded by the will and initiative of God and is an institution in history, but at the same time out of history. While politics, which is represented by state power, is an institution that has its existence at the initiative of the human race. The State was created with violence in the world of sin and exists only with the tolerance of God (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 96). These differences that exist between these institutions also determine their mode of operation within society, as they determine their attitude towards man and consequently their moral content. To understand their moral content or their morality we must analyze the anthropological thinking of these institutions.

Christian morality and political morality from the orthodox perspective

1. Man within these institutions From the definitions we understand that the Church and politics have differences in the view and the role of man in society. On the occasion of what we have said above, we must say that the morality of the church and politics is closely related to the thought they have about man. For the Church man is a creation “in the image and the likeness” of God” (Gen. 1:26). God is not only the Creator of creation, but also the Father of all human beings. People do not have the same origin, but the same destination (Anastasios, 2000, p. 79-82). While for politics and power in different times and situations the perspective for man changes, or rather man is often identified with the needs of the world. Its attitude towards man is often based on secular contexts and is called prosperity, which has taken on different dimensions in relation to the goal of ideology. Politics move in an unstable and dangerous space between idea and reality, vision and realism, and lives by the illegal relationship between the feasible act and the unattainable ideal of utopia (Bugas, 1990, p. 2007). In Hegel the energies of man and society are connected in a dialectic between nothing and some (Stumpf, p.321), in Marx this idea is transformed into dialectical materialism. This dialectical materialism is a conflict between oppressors and the oppressed. That is, a conflict within the human race, a conflict that takes the social, legal and political form. While for the hegemony the state or the tribe is as sovereign, Marxism accepts the ruling class, which will be replaced during the legislative process by an orderly society. Within this spirit of Hegelianism and Marxism see the progress of the world in dialectic, a conflict of the people of society, a class conflict. It is these abstract ideas that in the form of myth can subvert history, but also radically subvert society (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 160). The Church does not base its mission on myth, but on the truth that is discovered in history. To understand the catastrophic consequences of the myth, we will refer to the myth of the Aryan race, which became a destructive instrument for the world. It is a myth that politics created and became an ideology, from which it gave birth to fanaticism, as is the case with ideologies based on faith (Millon-Delsol, 2000, p.94). This theory of ethno-socialism in Germany is inspired by Darwin’s theory of the origin of man. This is an element that shows us the importance of a view of the human race. Here we have the view of the person. While for the Church the person is a unity of psycho-spiritual elements, which are above any natural or biological necessity (Υioultsis, 1999, p.15). 83

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2. Church, politics and freedom One of the words we hear in everyday life has to do with freedom. Many thoughts, attitudes and discussions are associated with this word. In fact, debates are present in our daily lives, where the freedom of thought, of life, of the economy, of the profession, of the woman of property has a bearing on the constitutions of most peoples. These people’s conversations about freedom also express the quality of freedom that is found in the world. This means that the problem of freedom is an internal problem that is felt externally and for man qualitative freedom is the freedom of conscience. This has two dimensions; the denial by man of the caesarean authority, which has to do with the external authority, and the denial of the inner authority of the passions, which with the conscious or unconscious actions of man becomes sinful energies. This is where the difference between Christian and political morality begins. While for the church freedom is related to the freedom of conscience and is a freedom of the person, while the freedom claimed by man, within the secular context, is the freedom of individual or individual rights (Mantzaridis, 2002, p. 165). For the Orthodox faith, morality is not an objective measure for the evaluation of character and behavior, but is a dynamic response to personal freedom, to the existing truth and authenticity of man (Yannaras 2002, p. 26). In political ideologies we have a difference in relation to freedom. It is the freedom that exists in democratic countries and the freedom that exists in countries where dictatorship fruits. In democracies, an effort is made for the liberation of man, in general in all strata of society and more in strata that have been pressured. But again man is trapped in the effects of economic, political and social interests. It is the pressure of unemployment, the insecurity of the members, the market, the advertising, the political invitations, and the pressure of ideology. In this situation man lives at the same time a paradoxical feeling with freedom, so-called politics, social freedom and the oppression of social reality. In this sense we understand that the state while challenging some oppression at the same time creates some other oppression, which at first glance are non-existent, but in the depths of society and people living in it are real. All these political efforts for the liberation of the people, although they have some positive element, if we make a comparison with the situations of the past centuries, cannot liberate the people. This is because absolute freedom cannot exist as a human achievement. But it exists as a share in divine freedom (Man84

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tzaridis, 2002, p.167). The difference between Christianity and liberalism is profound. For liberalism, freedom is formal and indifferent to the truth and the true content of existence. But Christianity wants freedom as the content of Christian truth and of course the content of human life (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 65). On the other hand, we have the attitude of dictatorial regimes, the attitude they have towards freedom. Nazism, fascism and communism are some of these dictatorial regimes. All three have their peculiarities, but at the same time they have in common, the relationship with freedom. For Marxism, the idea of human freedom has to do with the enthusiasm that comes from the messianic idea. Marx, the inspirer of communist ideology, defined all human life on the basis of economics. This economy was a bad thing for the past, but in the future man will secure control of the economy, subdue it and become free (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 162) Thus freedom and human actions in the ideology of communism are linked to the economy. Here we see a big difference between communism and the Christian faith. Marx gave rise to this process of liberation from a moral problem, the exploitation of man by man. But the way to fight this moral evil cannot be done with secular elements and weapons, otherwise called class struggle. The opposite happens with the Christian faith and morality. First for Christianity, evil is non-existent in itself; it acquires existence in self-governing beings who abandon good. The second has to do with the fight against evil. The fight against evil in the Christian faith cannot be done by immediate confrontation but by devotion to the love of Christ (Mantzaridis 2003, p. 65). The concept of freedom, the way it is considered and acquired, shows the great difference between Christian and political morality. This is because for Christianity freedom is found within man. An element of the “image” is human freedom. This will mean that the demand for human freedom is also directed to another degree, the pursuit of inner freedom, which is a preliminary condition for the general evolution of the human personality (Anastasios, 2000, 79-82). This freedom is a heteronymous freedom. That is, the absolute freedom of man does not come from within him, but has its origin in God in cooperation with man. This relationship gives us the opportunity to make a reference to freedom in relation to authority. While for Christianity authority is God for politics and the world in general, authority is a secular factor. For Christianity it has nothing to do with freedom of thought, politics, property, expression, but absolute freedom is real when man puts aside external coer85

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cion and external authority (Mantzaridis 2002, p.165).

3. The concept of the person of Christianity and politics Freedom is a term related to the condition of the person. The latter term is a term related to the term individual. For Christianity the person is the being of human essence or nature, it sums up in its existence the universal human nature and at the same time it transcends it, because the way of its existence is freedom and otherness (Yannaras, 2002, p.31). For Christianity, person is a central theme of the spiritual life. The person is related to the value of the person, with all his activity, meetings, events, communication and action. These actions for the Christian faith have the external, and more the internal dimension of man. This will say that these human actions cannot be limited to the biological, ideological dimension, that the person is identified with existence, biology with consciousness. This attitude of Christianity towards the person is very different from the attitude of politics. This difference is based on the relationship between politics and propaganda. The propaganda has its essential support in submission. That is, through symbols, images and ideas, it directs an invitation to the person to accept with pleasure what they offer him and to follow the path that they suggest to him. Propaganda is a dynamic tool for politics. It is a tool that with its effect on people creates what is called political slavery. Through propaganda man is in a state of bombardment of promises to complete his prospects. Through this process the political myth in man comes to the surface or is created. Propaganda intensifies the stimuli. In this way man degrades critical analysis, is indifferent to the rationality of things and gives hope for the realization of his purpose. These three elements allow man to merge with the crowd and experience the collective will. It eliminates personal data from itself and allows the collaborations of the unconscious (Botzonis, 1985, p. 61). Thus propaganda considers people as individuals and the political group as a sum of individuals and not a group of persons. Herein lies the difference between Christian and political morality. The political morality influenced by the theory of modernity, which had begun in recent years, by the Industrial Revolution and followed by the Enlightenment, introduces a perception of the person, the person is the person, who can self-destruct (Thermos, 2008, p.57). From the political thought of Plato and Aristotle to the present day we have a big difference. We have a romantic thought, which does not include practice within it in the present age that emphasizes knowledge or logic or the senses, but all these theories project 86

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the individual and not the person. If we look carefully at the Marxist ideology for man, we will see that we are talking about the reconstruction of the “new man”. It is a theory that outwardly resembles the Christian theological thought of the “rebirth of man”, but they have nothing in common. They have nothing in common because in order for there to be a spiritual rebirth of theology and the reconstruction of the new man for communism, there must be a fall of man at the same time. While for theology the cause of the fall is original sin, for communism it is “assignment”, which is a consequence of the application of an unjust economic system. It is an unjust economic system based on individual persecution (Manastireanu, 2009, p.17). In this way communism sees the human problem only from a social point of view, simple as a social problem and not a spiritual one. So, the solution that communism gives, is revolution. That is, one social class to oppose another social class, which is very different from the Christian faith. For the Christian faith, the rebirth of man takes place in the true society that exists only in Christ. It is the Church, as a god-human society, which includes communion with God and between them (Mantzaridi, 1996, p. 92). This is the society of persons, a society in which individuals experience the value and dimension of themselves and their fellow human beings. Thus man and his morality are related to the anthropological dimension they give to him. In the present age man has lost the true dimension of the face and has become a person in an existential, biological dimension.

4. The Moral of man as a member of the State and the Church In the discussion of the political and Christian morality it would be impossible not to analyze it in the relationship of the State with the Church, as two institutions that express these terms. Ethics is a term that expresses a recurring morality, which is a habit. Initially it expresses the space, where the existence of man is revealed and developed. It then indicates man’s relationship to his God, his inner character, or the permanent way he treats his fellow human beings (Nikolaidis, 1994, p.7). That is, since morality is related to all human animal activity and expresses all internal and external human beings, an analysis needs to be made of the relationship between state power and the Church. This analysis must be made because man is at the same time a member of the Church and the State. In the New Testament we have a reference to the relationship between 87

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Church and State. This reference is with Christ, who, answering a question from the Pharisees about their tax, says that they attribute to Caesar what belongs to Caesar and to God what belongs to God (Matt. 22:21). This answer of Christ focuses on the relationship between political power and the Church. This report is not intended to theoretically discuss this relationship, but to express the impact it has on the religious and social morality of man. This phenomenon of the Christian as a member of the Church and the State often comes to the surface. This is because first the Christian does not achieve his salvation by “escaping” from matter or by liberation from the body (Karavidopoulos, 1990, p.149), and second, the political system is undergoing many changes. This means that man cannot avoid his privacy as a member of the State as well as without discussion his privacy as a member of the Church if he desires his salvation. To understand how this relationship affects the morality of the Christian we will refer to the case of communist regimes. The Christian in the first years of communism is in relation to the Christian faith, but at the same time to the influence of communist ideology. He is in the dual influence that contains references to man, equality, law, which are common themes for the Christian faith and communism, like any other political ideology. Ideological propaganda with the help of many times and the social reality becomes more accepted in the world through its promises. It is the form of practical atheism that has a change of theology from truth to an objective knowledge, which finds logical forms to be understood in human receptivity. Thus existential ethics is reproduced in types of social ethics. It is an ethic that focuses on external elements, an ethic of cultural magnitude and evolving into tendencies of individualism. In the former communist countries, the communist ideology that took the form of practical atheism had a dangerous effect on the faith and morals of the faithful. We have “true” believers who for various reasons act as atheists or indifferent to the faith, at the same time they are people who have lost their faith, but behave as “true” believers (Youltsis, 2004, p. 193). This is a reality of atheistic and dictatorial regimes that man operates in two different ways, internally and externally. It is the mode of operation that man “plays” with his existence, because in the same person there is a big difference in how he forms and how he acts. It is the way an intellectual in Albania describes it as a “schizophrenic doubling” (Misha, 2008, p.113). This characterization has a lot to do with people who have lost their faith but behave like “true believers”. This is an indication of how political power works in the lives and morals of the people. 88

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In the theory of class struggle, which was common in communist countries, and in fact many times a dogma, it was given more importance to the origin of man and not to what he believed in. It is a way for a person to lose the quality of a person. It is a way of applying the theory of mass and not of persons. Communism is a religion, that is why it has fought and is fighting against religion, which as the mediator, liberator and savior of humanity is the proletariat (Berdyaev, p.23) Here is the difference between the Church and communist power, which also shows the difference between Christian morality. Political movements and organizations gather around them a large number of people without identity. It is a common phenomenon in communist and dictatorial countries. It is a phenomenon based on the idea that the Creator and Sovereign of the world is not God, the Holy Trinity, but a secular element, the proletariat, the leader, the kingdom and everything else. It is a thought that is followed by another thought, of a personal communication of man not with God, but with the worldly elements, which is nothing but idolatry. It is idolatry because possession is considered not a means but an end. Communist morality pursues an “eschatological” expectation, which is identified with socialism, that is, an earthly paradise (Millon-Delsol, 2000, p.220). Otherwise it happens with the Christian faith that the Christian with the faith in the Absolute is endowed with an inner certainty and is more easily detached from the grabs of necessity (Karagiannis, 1994, p.308). In the Christian faith the measure is not the man and everything else acquired, but the God man. The existence of the Trinity God, the otherness, the repetition and the possibility for man’s personal communion with God are some elements that show the fundamental difference between the Church and atheistic, communist and dictatorial regimes. It is the way of human existence, the personal otherness, which depicts God in man and makes man a shareholder of His Being (Yannaras, 2002, p.31). This dimension of the Christian faith abolishes any morality that glorifies the massification of people through political and secular ideas. The life and morality of the Church is concentrated around the Eucharistic worship of the Holy Trinity. In this worship the Church is interested in the world, but the central point of its life and morality is outside of them. It does not give priority to the management of political forces or masses, but to an existential attitude that aims to help each person free from passions and learn to open up to others with love (Karras, 2001, p. 230). It is in these thoughts that we understand the importance of religious freedom and Christian worship for the Christian faith and Christian moral. And 89

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how difficult and unacceptable it is when a political regime not only imposes its morality through propaganda, but does not allow you to be shaped by the morality of the faith, the Christian moral. While the moral that is formed by the Christian worship, by the divine communion, is a morality that has in it the thanksgiving, that the man transcends the individual limits, becomes a member of the “Body of Christ”, carries within him the whole of humanity. He reconciles and harmonizes with the world, with all creation. It is a morality that shocks man and returns to everyday life the hope for the realization of love, for a universal society (Anastasios, 2000, p.47-48). The relationship of the Church with state power and the consequences on human morality is an issue that is not limited only to atheistic and dictatorial regimes, but also to societies where there is a freedom of religion. Here, as in any society, man has both qualities, a member of the Church and the state. In this situation, where man has the identity of the believer and the citizen, he often finds himself in a dilemma, whether he should have the morality of wisdom or the morality of responsibility. This dilemma has to do with the reason on the one hand how much one can have the morality of responsibility when there is no personal opinion and on the other hand how much one can have the morality of the mind when alienated from political responsibility (Mantzaridis, 1994, p. 125). A politicization of their man takes them away from the truth and makes the man a machine. It is the process by which the machine dehumanizes life and man no longer wants to be an image and likeness of God, but an image and likeness of the machine. While at the same time we must emphasize that the elements of world and human life go beyond the framework of politics. Man is thus in the call of faith, as well as in the pressure of politics. This process or situation in which the believer lives also creates confusion within him. It is a confusion which spiritually affects the faithful and the world in general. The political leadership in the world with the recognition of the rights of the people have made a great effort for the recognition of the rights of women, children, etc. These political actions are inspired by the Christian spirit. But there are policy initiatives that profoundly affect the lives of believers. One case is the resumption of same-sex marriage through the laws of each country. It is this initiative that upsets and affects the morality of the faithful. With this initiative, politics inspired by the spirit of liberalism tries to include as much as possible in this institution called marriage and family. But at the same time with this movement the institution loses its nature and consequently loses its 90

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sanctity. This attitude goes against the Christian morality based on the Bible, which God created man “male and female” (Gen. 5:2). As in the same spirit are other verses of Genesis (Gen. 2: 23 and 24). But over time, this initiative turns into pressure for religious faith, that is, to be legislated by religious faith. The concept of human rights plays a big role in this initiative of the political leadership. But this initiative also has a support from the vine that exists among the faithful for marriage. The alienation of the sacrament of marriage from the Divine Liturgy, the recognition of civil marriage are two important reasons that “helped” in shaping this vine for marriage. It is secularization, the conventional expediencies of utilitarianism, that stripped the ecclesiastical marriage of its sacramental content. The sacrament has a ritual eulogy of the physical and social union of two heterosexual persons (Yannaras, 2002, p.237). The other legislative initiatives of the political leadership are of the same nature. The ecological problem, the bioethical problem, the war in the name of freedom and human rights, the economic reforms to the detriment of the middle and lower classes, the education programs, the attitude towards unemployment, the property are some of the issues that of its initiatives and actions the political leadership influences the morality and Christian life of the people. She often creates through her propaganda a popularized form of hypnosis, as she creates the misconception that through her actions she expresses the most interesting feelings of individuals and social groups. Political power is based on passions and collective subconscious feelings (Berdyaev, 2002, p. 102-103). It is necessary to overcome this situation, which really creates the dilemma for the moral of the mind or the moral of responsibility. It is the charismatic moral of the cross mole (Mantzaridis, 1994, fq. 125) what gives us a solution to the dilemma. It is the morality that breaks down any conventional moral that appears before man. It is a morality that humility, love, hope, faith take their true dimensions from the communion of man with God. It is the morality created by cooperation with the grace of God and which leads to deification.

Conclusion The church and political power not only have their presence in the world, but they also have their missions. The church deals with man and his salvation, while political power takes and aims at the management of society. Thus the Church is interested in the person, while politics sees him as an individual. The Church focuses on Divine Thanksgiving and its morality is Eucharistic 91

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and saving, while politics focuses on ideologies, which change whenever the representative political group changes and its morality is based on the power of power and not on the power of divine grace. Even politics, having its power in its hands, has repeatedly tried to impose itself on the moral Church, which often contradicts the principles of Scripture and the Tradition of the Church. It is these cases that have often influenced the confusion in the identity of people who are both members of the Church and citizens of the state. The morality of both representations, the Church and Politics, depends on the principles on which they are based. Where that ecclesiastical is based on the revelation of God and has divine origins, while the political one is based either on human thought and sometimes on the divine, but is either secularized or has an extreme form being identified as politico-religious morality. Religious morality does not exclude political power, but it cannot be equated with ecclesiastical morality. The Church is not afraid of politics and its morals, but tries to offer an alternative within the world through the presence and message of salvation, especially in today when ignorance of church morality has indifference to know it and sometimes a negative feedback. The Christian morality offered by the Church is not based on utopian sources, nor is it utopian, while political morality is not utopian. Christian morality initially offers acceptance to find and experience its morality and this search to find it is accomplished with effort. The opposite happens with political morality. It relies on propaganda, where from the beginning it creates the idea of paradise, but that constantly people find despair, torment, disappointment and negativity. Christian morality is not interested in the massification of people and their consideration as a number, but as persons who belong to the divine society. It has the same attitude towards people outside the Church, as it considers them to be images of God. This is because the characterization of the Church in the world is service, while for politics it is power. In this view we understand that service has humility, while politics has power. Despite this attitude of politics or society, Christian morality is formed and expresses internal freedom, because no external power can bind and neutralize it (Archbishop Anastasios, 2000).

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References Anastasios Yannoulatos (Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania).(2000), Pagkosmiotita kai Orthodhoxia, N. Smirni, Akritas. Berdyaev Nikolai (1980), To Pepromeno tou Anthropou sto Sychrono Kosmo (translate Ευτηχίας Β. Γιούλτση), Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Berdyaev Nikolai (2002), Basileio tou Pneumatos kai Basileio tou Kaisara (translate B. Youltsis), Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Berdyaev Nikolai, O Christianismos kai to Provlima tou Kommounismou, I. Sideris. Bozoni, A. G. (1985). Dokimio Koinoniologias, Athens. Buga Tasos (1990), Politik, Mithos, Logos, Ideologia – I Politiki dhe Politikos, Athens, K. Boulouris. Giddens Anthony (1997), Sociologjia (translate T. Starova και K.Myftiu), Tiranë, Çabej. Karavidopoulos D. Ioannis (1990), Meletes Erminias kai Theologias tis Kainis Diathikis, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Karagiannis Stef. Georgios (1994), Dokimia Filosofias, Larisa. Karras Kostas (2001), Agia Triada, Ekklisia kai Politiki – Zontani Orthodoxia ston Synchrono Kosmo, Athens. Estia. Manastireanu Danut (2009), Nga Skllavëria në Shkretëtira, Tiranë, Word Vision Albania. Mantzaridis I. Georgios (2002), Christianiki Ithiki I’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Mantzaridis I. Georgios (2003, Christianiki Ithiki II’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Mantzaridis Georgios (1994). I Empeiriki Theologia stin Oikologia kai Politiki, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Mantzaridis I. Georgos (1996), Orthodoxi Theologia kai Koinoniki Zoi, Thessaloniki, P. Pornara. Matsoukas A. N. (2001), Dogmatiki kai Simboliki Theologia B’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Millon-Delsol Chantal ( 2002), Idetë Politike në shekullin e XX-të (translate Esmeralda Selita), Tiranë, Onufri. 93

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Misha Piro (2008), Arratisja nga Burgjet e Historisë, Tiranë, Toena. Nikolaidis B. Ap. (1994). Themata Christianikis Zois A’, Athens. Stumpf Enoch Samuel, Filozofia – Historia dhe Problemet, Tirana, Toena. Thermou Basileio (father) (2008), Na vro tin psychi mou, Athens, Armos. Yiannaras Hristos (2002), I Eleftheria tou Ithous, Athens, Ikaros. Youltsis T. Basilios (1999), Pneumatikotita kai Koinoniki Zoi, Thessaloniki, P. Pornara. Youltsis T. Basileios (2004), Koinoniologia tis Thriskeias, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Yioultsis. B. (2005), I Alli Theasi tou Koinonikou, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara.

6 The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word among the Albanians Thoma Shkira

As. Lecturer, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: thomashkira@yahoo.com

Abstract

death of this personality, mainly through the bibliography of the National Library of Albania, Tirana. Keywords: Kostandin Kristoforidhi, Holy Scriptures, Bible translations, Orthodox Christianity, British Bible Society.

The article examines the contribution of Konstandin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription of the Biblical Word and its impact on the Albanian people, through the research of his biography, creativity and philological, social and religious contribution. In addition, the article presents the multifaceted contribution of Kristoforidhi, in the Spiritual Tradition of the Albanians based on the previous biblical translation tradition in the Albanian language; the qualities of his personality, so necessary to conduct his work, the main moments of which, as far as we are permitted are mentioned in this study related to its biographical elements. Moreover, this study highlights the influence and evaluation, or neither of these, of his work at the time before and after

Citation:

Shkira T. The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word among the Albanians. Theology & Culture. 2021; 2: 97-109. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.17290.59841

The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription

Introduction

he nineteenth century constitutes an important period of biblical translations which relied on the previous writing and the biblical translation tradition in the Albanian language1, and exceeded it, because the complete translation of the New Testament was never finalized before, when for several times it was published in the Tosk dialect with Greek letters, first by Grigor Gjirokastriti in Corfu in 1827 and then in both Albanian dialects by Konstandin Kristoforidhi, in 1867 in the Gheg dialect with Greek letters and in 1872 in the Tosk dialect with Latin letters. Konstandin Kristoforidhi became the most prominent personality of the Albanian language during the XIX century. His multifaceted and enormous work shaped the period of the Albanian National Renaissance, mainly enriching the spiritual tradition of the Albanians through the inclusion of the Biblical Word among them, transcripted so masterfully by him. Kristoforidhi supported and continued the previous biblical and linguistic translation tradition in both dialects of the Albanian language. It is a fact that, up to date, no one has exceeded the limits of his creative works. Needless to say, his talents and the contributing work achieved by him can only be understood by knowing his stations and biographical elements. Kostandin Nelko (Kristoforidhi) was born in Elbasan, Albania in 1827. He completed his primary education in the Greek school of the Kala neighborhood and his secondary education in the Greek gymnasium Zosimea in Ioannina during the years 1847 - 1850. During high school he was a distinguished student and he was appointed as a tutor and taught Albanian to the deputy consul of Ioannina, named J. G. Hani, using as a basic book the New Testament of Grigor Gjirokastriti. Thanks to this collaboration J. G. Hani managed to compile an Albanian-German dictionary. Both of them together conducted philological expeditions through Albania to collect linguistic material, which served as valuable material for the later dictionary of the Albanian Language compiled by Konstandin Kristoforidhi (Lloshi, 2002, p. 22-23). 1 The tradition of writing the Albanian language begins in the Arberian ecclesiastical spaces in the period before the Turkish occupation and takes place on the same grounds in the XIV-XIX centuries. This effort is driven by the desire of members of the Arbero-Albanian Christian community to pray to God in the Albanian language. Pjetër Budi, Frank Bardhi, Pjetër Bogdani, Lekë Matrënga, Grigori i Durrësit, Dhaskal Todri (Haxhifilipi), Grigor Gjirokastriti, Konstandin Kristoforidhi etc. have translated or written in Albanian the biblical and liturgical literature, which has been put to use by the same ecclesiastical community and available to the entire social community of the country.

The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription

Kostandin’s acquaintance with the New Testament, his philological knowledge and his ability to translate the Holy Scriptures into Albanian originate at the earliest from the age of 202 (Lloshi, 2017, p. 118-119; Lloshi, 2008, p. 118). His previous philological and translation work made him worthy to take the meaningful surname “Kristoforidhi” later on.

1. The reason for the self-change of Kostandin’s surname from Nelko to Kristoforidhi In 1854 Kostandin wanted and changed his surname from Nelko3 to Kristoforidhi. The authors and scholars link the change of his surname in Kristoforidhi with the year 1857 onwards, with the beginning of his collaboration with the British Bible Society, from whom he received orders for the translation of the Holy Scriptures into Albanian and with the continuation of his philological work until 1895, which is the year when Kristoforidhi passed away. Although authors agree that this change has philological and biblical motives, except for Dhimitër Shuteriqi, all the others neither ask nor answer, what was the reason before 1854 when Kostandin, deliberately from this year, used the new surname Kristoforidhi. In response to that, Shuteriqi is looking for reasons of changing the surname that have nothing to do with the field of translations and philology of the young Kristoforidhi. (Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 4-5). As a reason, we can say that after reviewing the references of these authors on this issue, we come to the conclusion that this change of surname was done for biblical and philological reasons in connection with the translation and his work activity before 1854, which Konstandin Kristoforidhi continued, perfected, and managed to publish a good part of his work till the end of his life. 2 ‘To gain experience in writing my native language, I have spent many years of my life studying it theoretically and grammatically, examining the origin of each word together with Mr. George Hahn, now Austrian consul in Syra’ (Xhevat, 2008, 118). Z. Georg Hahn was the first to pay attention to the Albanian language, being at that time Austrian Deputy Consul in Ioannina (today Consul General), he took the opportunity to study it and compiled an Albanian-German dictionary in these two Tosk dialects of gegërisht, and also made an Albanian grammar of the two dialects, as well as other interesting works on this language, which were published in Vienna in 1850. At the time he was dealing with this work, he was his assistant as a language teacher Albanian. But his efforts were useless for my country, as his writings were German and so my efforts were in vain. See: Xhevat Lloshi, Treasures for the Albanian Language of the Bible Society I (1815-1883), Tirana: ISShP, 2017, pp. 118-119 3 This was for generations the surname of his family.

The Contribution of Konstantin Kristoforidhi to the Albanian Transcription

The people of Elbasan, related to the change of the new surname Kristoforidhi, mention as a reason that the new surname Kristoforidhi literally from Greek means: he who brings Christ - Christ bearer or Christ bearer, in the Albanian translation of the New Testament. I think that, until 1854, his translation work had given enough results that he had to use the surname Kristofor because he had brought Christ in the Albanian language, which is exactly the same thing that started to be confirmed by the people. Another version, according to some scholars, is the reason that Konstandin used the new surname because through his work - he brought the Albanian language to light - just as Columbus discovered America and both were called Christopher. However, all versions of scholars, when referring to the change of surname by Kristoforidhi, have in common the biblical and philological motive on the work of this translator (Shuteriqi, 1973, p. 235; Sedaj, 1997, p. 85; Lloshi, 2017, p. 118-119). The scholar Tomor Osmani mentions that Kristoforidhi in the 50s, before joining the biblical society of London, worked to solve the problem of the alphabet of the Albanian language (Osmani, 1999, p. 188; Osmani, 1982, p. 77). The above statement is also confirmed by a later fact of 1860, a year after Kristoforidhi started cooperating with the Bible Society. He gave the final touch to his translation, which we say he had done this translation before cooperating with the society, because, as it is well known, the representative of the Bible Society, Isaac Lowndes, asked Kristoforidhi about the gospel submitted for publication to change the Latin alphabet he had used, with the Greek one, because the Albanians, in order to understand Latin letters, had to learn those foreign letters from the beginning, while they had learned the Greek letters in Greek schools and knew how to read them better. Kristoforidhi accepted his proposal and so it was done. (Osmani, 1982, p. 87). Since I. Lowndes changed the alphabet or did not set a deadline for Kristoforidhi as to which alphabet would be used for translation, it is very likely that Kristoforidhi brought for publication the translation completed before the start of his collaboration with the British Bible Society, which eventually was published after making the last corrections. Therefore, we can say that the difficult test of the translation of the biblical philology, preceded by the change of his surname, is the reason why Konstandin in 1854 began to use the new surname Kristoforidhi, because he felt that with his work he had managed to ‘’ bring Christ ‘’ in the Albanian language. 100

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From 1854, Kristoforidhi had taught and helped Han until 1950 and at the same time from 1854 he was definitely engaged in translating the Holy Scriptures. Although, no translated book had seen the light of publication again his work had yielded so much result that Konstandin himself had enough reason to change his surname from Nelko to Kristoforidhi. He worked in Smyrna (Izmir) in 1856-1857 and then for the first time in 1857 moved to Bebek near Istanbul and began collaborating with the Bible Society. In July of the same year he went to Malta for a qualification in philology and theology, attending the Protestant College under the supervision of representatives of the branch of biblical society while accepting the translation of the New Testament into Albanian. He studied for two years and stopped studying to find work. In 1860 he left for Tunisia, where he became the director and head teacher of a Greek school until 1865. In Tunisia he married Eleni Panayoti, a Greek woman originally from Corfu with whom he had 9 children. After communicating with the representative of the Bible Society, he resumed his cooperation with it, so he settled in Istanbul in 1866, engaged in the publication and correction of the books of the Holy Scriptures, a cooperation which would last until 1872. The fruits of this cooperation would be the translations and works such as: New Testament in Gege dialect in 1872, New Testament in Tosk dialect in 1872, the Psalms in Gege dialect in 1872, The first and second ABC-books of the Albanian language in Gege dialect in 1866, in Tosk dialect in 1868. Also, his first Grammar in Tosk dialect and compiled in Greek language was published in Constandinople in 1882 (Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 30). It should be considered that during the nineteenth century the first complete translation of the New Testament into Albanian was achieved, after many partial translations done during previous centuries. The person who oversaw and supervised this work was the Bishop of Evias Grigor Gjirokastriti, appointed as the representative for this translation by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in collaboration with the Bible Society. The New Testament was published in 1927 using Greek letters in Albanian in the Tosk dialect in one column and in the New Greek language for the parallel column on the same page. The influence of its publication in the philological study circles was wide, unlike its little use among Albanians in general. (Kurrilla, 1933, p. 2). The translation of the New Testament by Konstandin Kristoforidhi would be an important and influential monumental work on biblical and philological Albanian language in the last decades of the 19th century. 101

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Kristoforidhi was the translator of books but, while he was in Albania, he became their distributor as well. Despite the religious and educational disproportions of the Albanians, the works translated by him had considerable influence and sales were made throughout Albania and beyond. In some of the parts of central Albania, such as Elbasan, Berat, Kavaja, Durrës, and Tirana, these books were read in the homes and in some Orthodox churches by seculars and in some cases by clergy. Albanians of other religions also showed interest as they were amazed that the Holy Scriptures were read and understood in their native Albanian language. (Lloshi, 2017, p. 305, 313-14). Although, it should be mentioned that the New Testament in the Tosk dialect found wider use than the New Testament in the Geg dialect. The greatest success of this work belongs to Kristoforidhi. The merit of this long and tedious work is emphasized by the representatives in the reports and correspondence of the Bible Society for Albania, attributing it to the unconditional dedication of Kristoforidhi and his low payment. As they make the same notice as the Albanians, they mention their appreciation for Kristoforidhi, as a religiously moral and virtuous man as well as his capacity and being a dedicated man, without whom this monumental work would not have been possible. In addition, being an Albanian and of orthodox affiliation, he was seen and mentioned by the Society as an important asset for achieving their influence and success among Albanians. (Lloshi, 2017, p. 304).

2. On the work of Konstandin Kristoforidhi Kristoforidhi’s biblical translations resonated widely to all Albanians, regardless of religion or region. All of his works relied entirely on the Bible or religious books with religious and biblical motives. Konstandin Kristoforidhi supervised the publication of his works. He published New Testament books twenty times and for the first time published the complete New Testament in the Gheg dialect in 1866 in Greek letters and in 1872 in Latin letters. During the reprints he perfected the language used according to the new principles established by him. He also translated and supervised the publication of books of the Old Testament such as Genesis, Exodus, Psalms, etc. (Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 18-32). Whereas, the works published and republished after his death (Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 3-13). Konstandin is the author and the compiler of the first dictionary of the Albanian language with 11,200 words, known for its scientific criteria based on the language of the previous biblical literature of Budi and Bogdani. Despite 102

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Kristoforidhi’s efforts to publish it, this work was published in Athens in 1904. He pursued his work on the continuance of the religious and cultural tradition of Elbasan and the Monastery of Shijon, where is well known the tradition of manuscripts translated into Albanian and their preservation, such as the Anonymous of Elbasan. In terms of the saved written works it constitutes the oldest translation of the Bible in the Albanian language, which is definitely related to the pre-Turkish tradition of biblical Albanian language (Shuteriqi, 1979, p. 6-13; Shuteriqi, 1976, p. 29). He was dissatisfied with the improper behavior of some of the representatives of the Bible Society, some of the renaissance people who had power in the Ottoman Empire but also with the behavior of some of those he considered as trustworthy. They often made him doubt and keep his head down toward the persons dealing with common issues for the good of the Albanian Nation. Konstandin Kristoforidhi was the first initiator of the Albanian society of Istanbul interested in the issues of the homeland and the alphabet of the Albanian language in 1864, 1867 and 1877, where he had many discouragements and obstacles caused by them. Despite the failures of these initiatives, we can confirm that many Renaissance people relied on his work. These injustices made are clearly comprehended in the dissatisfaction expressed by Konstandin Kristoforidhi himself (Shuteriqi, 1950, p. 11-13; Shuteriqi, 1973, p. 243).

3. Preaching in Albanian language In 1872, following the tradition of Albanian preaching in Elbasan from 1848 by Pope, Kol Popa in the Church of St. Mary of the Kala neighborhood, Kristoforidhi preached in his mother tongue (Kotherja, 2012, p. 14). The sermons in Albanian performed by him in Elbasan for the orthodox community of the castle became an ecclesiastical tradition. A part of the women in Elbasan learned the Albanian language (Xhuvani, 1990, p. 450-451). His works became the reason to try and give sermons in Albanian language based on the Bible books translated by him in some parts of Albania at that time (Lloshi, 2017, p. 305). For the second time, Kristoforidhi (first time in 1853) worked as a teacher in Tirana, in 1872, at the Greek school of St. Procopius where he taught Albanian language with the Istanbul’s alphabet to many students; and at the same time, he read them the Apostle and the Gospel in Albanian language while teaching the subject of religion. These were used simultaneously in the 103

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ecclesiastical celebrations of the churches of St. Procopius and The Evangelization in Tirana by the clergy and the whole community. The testimonies of his students and the memory of their ancestors over the years described him not only as a good teacher but also as a devoted believer (Pano, 1973, p. 433).

4. The persecution of the figure and work of Kristoforidhi under Communism (1944-1990) During Communism, in 1948, Enver Hoxha mentioned in the first Congress of the Communist Party that religion is the tool of fascism and the clergy, and took certain measures to abolish the teaching of religion in schools since the educational reform of 1946-1947 (Enver Hoxha, 1950, p. 65, 120123, 178-179). While in 1969, again, the same Dictator writes in the book ‘On the further revolutionization of our school’ that based on the spirit of the previous religious literature such as translations of gospels catechisms, liturgical books and other works with biblical motives, Konstandin Kristoforidhi would simply be mentioned and not analyzed at the secondary and higher education level (Enver Hoxha, 1969, p. 164). This heavily affected the studies of on the figure of Kristoforidhi because few rare articles were considered sufficient about him, and most books referring to the period of the national renaissance did not devote a separate chapter to Kristoforidhi, but were seldom mentioned or placed anonymously when some figures were mentioned by name, he was probably anonymously left to be found in ‘... etc’. Consequently, during the communist period, Kristoforithi’s work and he himself did not escape from the pressure of this violent and liquidating spirit of communist atheism, to which some scholars unintentionally influenced by this spirit tried to conceal Kristoforidhi in the disguise of an atheist, despite their adverse data to prove this (Plangarica, 2020, p. 160; Shuteriqi, 1977, p. 358-359). This tendency did not remain only in the spirit of Kristoforidhi’s treatment as an atheist. However, Shuteriqi, in the same article, analyzes other indisputable facts which are handled with the tendency of the anti-religious spirit of the communist state; but these facts show more than just the deliberate manipulation of the text. These are exactly the facts that help us be assured of his religiosity, even though they are treated in the opposite spirit. Some of them are mentioned in the references below used by other authors, but since they are repeated, we are not mentioning all of them here, such as Kristoforidhi’s assertion of his own religion and his last wish that he was to be buried in the 104

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Orthodox Monastery of Shijon, facts that unequivocally prove his orthodox religion (Shuteriqi, 1977, p. 257-362). In addition, it is Dhimitër Shuteriqi himself who extracts from the State Archive the data about the change and the meaning of the surname Kristoforidh by Konstandin himself in 1854. He is also, the one who writes another valuable data for us, in which a month before Kristoforidhi died suffering from cirrhosis, an orthodox priest visited him at his house every day and they talked about matters of faith together and that on the last day before Kristoforidhi died, he confessed to the priest. It would be common for us the expression that described Kristoforidhi as ‘divine providence for the Albanian people’ at a time when Albania was in great danger of being wiped from the world map. However, this expression would be so uncommon and out of tradition, extraordinary even, for those scholars who did not highlight his religion and his religious contribution. The father of the language was interested in bringing the Holy Scripture in Albanian for his people. Kristoforidhi translated the Bible since his early youth years until the last years of his life, published translations and many unpublished books of The Old Testament. All of these testify for the faith that motivated him to make the content of the Albanian language known to Albanians, realizing this mainly through scripture and the monumental spiritual work of Albanians during the centuries of Christianity. The researcher Engjëll Sedaj has concluded that the cases of reports of the representatives of the Bible Society where they mention Kristoforidhi as a Protestant Christian are unsubstantiated and unproven4 (Sedaj, 1997, p. 85; Lloshi, 2017, p. 373). Related to the same issue in question, we encounter the assertion of Alexander Thomson that Kristoforidhi belongs to the Orthodox faith, an assertion also written in the reports of the biblical society. Although due to heavy rain he was not buried at the Monastery of St. John Vladimir in Shijon according to his will, he was buried with honors between the two tombs of despots nearby the Church of St. Mary, in the neighborhood 4 Engjëll Sedaj writes in the subtitle of his article: ‘K. Kristoforidhi never converted to Protestantism, published in 1997 in the magazine Hylli i Dritës: “Thomson bluntly says (about Kristoforidhi) that ‘he did not convert to our religion’. - and the citation of the article continues- Kristoforidhi’s faith was the faith of a scientist, while his Christianity was that of the Albanian tradition, which in fact, is the most stable and very just faith”. This work is also evidenced by the words when in a question of Thomson, (do you believe in God? Kristoforidhi) says, “would it happen that a man who does not believe, devote so much effort to the Bible? And how could I most convincingly express my feelings about the value and need of the Bible to my people?”.

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of Kala in Elbasan. His interment was characterized by a great participation, a procession in the streets of the city that had fallen into mourning, and the overwhelming speech of his student Tushi (Dhimitër) Pina, who among other things said: ‘Cry you mountains of Albania, the father of Albanian language’ (Shuteriqi, 1977 p. 357).

Conclusion After his death his gospel works were published and republished. Dhimiter Shuteriqi has stated that the Konstandin Kristoforidhi’s manuscripts of the New Testaments were significantly intervened by being corrected and that later on were published. The translation of the New Testament into Albanian was highly praised by the Orthodox Social Community, so much so, that the New Testament in the Tosk dialect has been, is and will possibly always be the only official use of Albanian language in the biblical readings of the Gospel and the Apostle, in the religious celebration services, sermons and other mysteries of the Church. Copies of this Testament were published on the order of the Holy Synod of the Orthodox Church of Albania in Tirana in 1930, and were sealed as the official variant of the Orthodox community. Meanwhile, in the 30s of the 20th century, the eminent albanologist Eulog Kurilla in one of his work praises Kristoforidhi’s work and gives his philological assessments and critiques on the Albanian translation of the New Testament. (Kurrila, 1933). His work shows that Konstandin Kristoforidhi is not simply the only greatest linguist of our National Renaissance, having 25 monumental works (Murati, 2002, p. 230), but he is the Leader and the designer of this movement. He translated the entire New Testament into both dialects of the Albanian language using Greek and Latin alphabets, also, a considerable number of books of the Old Testament (those that were published and those that were not), and other Catechism textbooks, etc., because he realized that the independence from the Ottoman rule and the impact of his work on the Albanian people could not be accomplished by any means other than by reinforcing the religious traditions of a nation in its mother tongue. Therefore, Kristoforidhi is the initiator who offered the first model of the national literary language of the New Testament. This is used and preserved by the Orthodox Church as the highest spiritual momentum of Albanian language. The biblical translation and all his work became the cornerstone of the spir106

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itual liberation of the Albanians, the act of declaring their independence towards a Christian Europe and an authentic testimonial of the autocephaly of our Church. Therefore, Konstandin Kristoforidhi became the forerunner of the Autocephaly of the Church of Albania. For this reason, the Church, to this day, has as its Testament and official language, the translation and the language translated by its devoted believer in Christ (Beduli, 2006, p. 117-118).

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References Beduli Dhimitwr, (2006), Kishë dhe Kulturë (Studime), Tiranë, Instituti i Dialogut dhe Komunikimit. Kongresi i I-rë i Partisë Komuniste të Shqipërisë (8-22 nëntor 1948), Botim i Partisë Punës së Shqipërisë, (1950), Tiranë, “Mihal Duri”. Kotherja Hyqmet, (2012), Pavarësia e Elbasanit 1912, Tiranë: ``Dy Lindje dhe dy Perëndime``, 2012. Kurilas Lavriotu Evlogios, (1933), ‘Alvanike Melete, i Metafrasis tis K. Diathikis is to Alvanikon’, Thesaloniki, M. Triandafillidu ke Sias. Lloshi Xhevat, (2005), KRISTOFORIDHI përmes dokumentimit, Tiranë, ‘Bota Shqiptare’. Lloshi Xhevat, (2008), Rreth Alfabetit të Shqipes, Shkup – Prishtinë - Tiranë, Logos. Lloshi Xhevat, (2017) Thesaret për Gjuhën Shqipe të Shoqërisë Biblike I (1815-1883),Tiranë, ISShP. Murati Qemal, (2002) ‘Nelko Kristoforidhi – Kryearkitekti i pwrnjesimit dhe i pastwrtisw sw gjuhws shqipe’, në Përmbledhje me Studime për Konstandin Kristoforidhin, Elbasan: ‘’Sejko’’ Universiteti ‘A. Xhuvani’, pp. 230-234. Osmani Tomor, (1999), Udha e Shkronjave Shqipe, Shkodër, ‘Idromeno’. Osmani Tomor, (1982) “Rreth Alfabeteve të Përdorura në Veprën e Konstandin Kristoforidhit”, në Buletin Shkencor I Viti XIX, Instituti i Lartë Pedagogjik, Shkodër: ‘Migjeni’, pp. 77- 90. Pano Jorgji, (1972) Gjuha Shqipe në Tiranë, tek Alfabeti i Gjuhës Shqipe dhe Kongresi i Manastirit, Tiranë: Mihal Duri, pp. 433-436. Për Revolucionarizimin e Mëtejshëm të Shkollës sonë (Dokumenta dhe materiale) II, (1969), Tiranë, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor. Tiranë. Plangarica Tomor, (2002) ‘Vepra e Kristoforidhit – hapësirë që mundëson mendim shkencor’ në Përmbledhje me Studime për Konstandin Kristoforidhin, Elbasan: ‘’Sejko’’ Universiteti ‘A. Xhuvani’, pp.146-161. Sedaj Engjëll, (1997), ‘Përkthimet e Teksteve Biblike nga K. Kristoforidhi’, Hylli i Dritës, Tiranë Nr, 1-2, pp. 84-115. Shurteriqi S. Dh., (1976), Shkrimet Shqipe në vitet 1332-1850, Tiranë, ‘Mihal 108

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Duri’. Shuteriqi S. Dh., (1950), “Konstandin Nelko – Kristoforidhi 1830-1895”, Buletin i Institutit të Shkencave, Tiranë, Viti i IV-të, Nr.1-2, pp. 3-37. Shuteriqi S. Dhimitër, (1973), Nëpër Shekujt letrarë, Tiranë, ``Naim Frashëri``. Shuteriqi S. Dhimitër, (1977), Autorë dhe Tekste, Tiranë, `` Naim Frashëri``. Shuteriqi S.Dhimitër, (1979), Në kërkimin e origjinave të shqipes së shkruar, te Mbi Barletin dhe shkrime të tjera, Tiranë, `` Naim Frashëri``. Xhuvani Aleksandër, (1990), Trashëgimi Kulturor i Popullit Shqiptar, Vepra II, Tiranë, ‘Mihal Duri’.

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Theology & Culture-Volume 2

Articles inside

Theology & Culture-Volume 2

Communication approach in the missionary magazine Porethentes

Relations between the Generations

Transcription and the Acquisition of the Biblical Word among the Albanians

from the orthodox perspective

The Roman Religious Policy at the time of Polycarp of Smyrna 65

Christian morality and political morality

Acknowledgements