Messene 215 B.C.: An Enigmatic Revolution Author(s): Doron Mendels Source: Historia: Zeitschrift f端r Alte Geschichte, Bd. 29, H. 2 (2nd Qtr., 1980), pp. 246-250 Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4435716 . Accessed: 22/04/2013 06:40 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
.
Franz Steiner Verlag is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Historia: Zeitschrift f端r Alte Geschichte.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 83.212.248.199 on Mon, 22 Apr 2013 06:40:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
246
Miszellen
und zum Zwecke der Rechtfertigung war es hier in der Tat ganz unerlfglich, an das Strafgerichtzu erinnern, das einst die Amphiktyonen-Gemeinschaft an den Gottesfrevlern von Krisa vollstreckt hatte"5.Vor allem aber lieg sich mit diesem Vorschlag, der fur die Zukunft alle Annektionsversuche und Obergriffe der an Attika angrenzenden Staaten streng unter Strafe stellt, auch dem Argwohn Spartas begegnen, das verstandlicherweise einem allzu drastischen Machtzuwachs seiner starksten Bundesgenossen, Boiotien und Korinth, migtrauen mugte'6. Jedenfalls ergibt sich aus der Notiz im Plataikos des Isokrates ganz unzweifelhaft, dag schon geraume Zeit vor den 40er Jahren des 4. Jh. v. Chr. die Oberlieferung vom Ersten Heiligen Krieg was Ergebnis wie historischen Rang dieses Geschehens anlangt - einen festen Platz im Geschichtsbewugtsein der hellenischen Welt einnahm. Gustav Adolf Lehmann
Koln
Anweisung der Pythia zur Bestrafung Krisas). Die Ubereinstimmungen - bis in den Wortlaut hinein - legen den Schluf nahe, dag Isokr. Plat. 5 31 die sachlich vollstandigste W i e d e r g ab e jenes thebanischen Initiativantragesbietet, der in der Versammlung namentlich von Korinth, aber auch von zahlreichen anderen Poleis unterstutzt wurde (Xen. Hell. 2,2,19; 29). Die spateren Hinweise bei Xen. Hell. 3,5,8 u. Andok.Myster. ? 142; Isokr. G. Kallim. % 6,5,35.46 zeigen deutlich, dafgman in der athenischen Offentlichkeit - begreiflicherweise! - sehr genau iiber Gegenstand und Verlauf dieser entscheidenden Beratungen in Sparta informiert war (zur Furcht vor dem drohenden Strafgericht 405/4 v. Chr.: Xen.Hell. 2,2,3.10.16). 15 Bezeichnend auch die eigenartige Motivation, die Ephoros (Diod. 9 c. 16; Paus. 10,37,6) fur diesen Amphiktyonenbeschlu43 gibt. 16 Vgl. auch Polyain. 1,45,5 (zur Auffassung Lysanders).
MESSENE 215 B.C.-AN ENIGMATIC REVOLUTION" It has rightly been observed that Messene's internal affairs during the years 222-212 B.C. contributed to the instability in her foreign relations1. Whereas scholars were able to trace a general outline of Messene's foreign policy2, they could point to only one brief episode within the mffentionedperiod which affected the constitution of the city, namely, the revolution of 215 B.C. I would like to argue that there occurred in fact two revolutions, one in 219 B.C., the other in 215 B.C. First, the evidence: a fragment from Polybius (VII, 10,1 = the Suda, toflyo0Qr), informs us about a revolution in Messene: 01or;
8qtoxQc(TcLag Za(t
?LfVWV, TOWV& VoX_QCg
oI;0 MEOo-VIOLg, %C( TwOV ?V
xTaXxXTjQoUXYjtE'VCV
qJIEWQoV
&LoX67ywv &vIbQv
T&g TOVToV o0Uo(L;g ?l%QTUVWV
T'VTOV'TCoV iornyoQ(XLv
oi
?VOVTE5 TGOVau(wA
Tf5
vPUyac6vt0XLrTE[
v :TOXLTCV.
- I thank Prof. A. Fuks for his kindness in going over this paper. ' C. A. Roebuck, A History of Messenia from 369 to 146 B.C., Chicago 1941, pp. 71ff; W.S. Robins, "The MesseneAffair", UBHJ V (1955), pp. 113- 118. 2 See, for instance, J.V. A. Fine, "The background of the Social War of 220-217 B.C.", AJPh LXI (1940), pp. 153ff; F. W. Walbank, Philip V of Macedon, Cambridge 1940, pp. 24ff. Historia, Band XXIX/2 (1980)
? Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, D-6200 Wiesbaden
This content downloaded from 83.212.248.199 on Mon, 22 Apr 2013 06:40:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Miszellen
247
in other words, "democracy" was established in Messene after the banishment of the important men. From then on, those who were granted the property of the banished ruled the town. The "old citizens" found it hard to stand the political equality of the new regime. It seems that the "new" citizens were those who by a yig &vct8s(oxi6 received the vacant allotments3. It must be noted that no comprehensive redivision of property was enacted. The picture that emerges is of a timocracy in which political equality (tofLyo(La) exists, but in which those who presumably have more property govern the city. Plutarch, Aratus, 49,3 ff states:
,a~
O Rv "AQaTo; IJOT=QELPO OV, O6& DL'lUo0g fkE~Q Tg0Q6TEQOV TfV 7t6Okv, e?M1V5 olTOgv WV 'EVEPOLaXETOL; &VftQwJtOLg, TLVa Xac &Ut E'v Lb'l6 QWT(O`VTOVS OTQaTfIYO-V TWV MEGocrVItV, Et VOLOu; XCTCt TOV 'toXXtv OV,X E,XOUcLV, h5(t &E
CFTCtGoCC6VTOVy&Q acOTGV, EX06V
E'iL
:T&XLVTO1J TO)V 3TOXXWV tLOE0TWT., TOrOUV fhzQQfLoctvTE,g
;toXkv
tEXf16v-teg
oL Toy;
t?V T'
EL XEl&Q0 Xaa
&QDOVTEg ?ttEXc3aVOVTO catovTc;
tg
CIEXTELVOV
T(OV TUQCVVOVVTWV TJV 6PayCy6iv, xCii
TOV
&XOV
6-X
6c EXOUOLV. hX
tXEiVOL & 6X[yov
LETa
TOWV
&ToXeCiovWag
&LaXooC(wv.The last part of the story (Plut. Arat. 50) is almost identical to Polyb. VII,12,1 ff( from
the excerpta antiqua)4. We learn from Plutarch that two factions clashed at Messene, one represented in the story by the CtQctTflyo(, the other by the :TQOEOTEtge who were the champions of the populace. The latter are also called &%tetywyoi,and the former &dxOVTe;. Philip V of Macedon appeared during this 'stasis', and incited one faction against the other. Aratus, who was alerted, presumably by the OtcDaTtyoL, arrived a day late. The populace finally gained the upper hand, after a bloodbath in which the magistrates and 200 other citizens were killed. Then Philip V asked the 7tQoE=OtEs whether he could ascend the Ithome. His request was granted, and we then hear of his conversation with the two Arati on the Ithome (Plut. Arat. 50,1 ff; Polyb. VII, 12,lff). Scholars connect these two accounts, claiming that Polybius VII, 10,1 describes the outcome of the episode appearing in Plutarch 49,3ff and Polybius VII, 12,lff, and they date it to circa 2155. Against this notion, it can be argued that the above mentioned sources do not necessarily refer to the same revolution. If the VII, 10, 1 revolution were a result of the one described in Plutarch, Arat. 49, 3ff, at least some hints would have been expected which would connect the two accounts. In Plutarch we do not find the "democratia" and "isegoria". There is no mention of the banishment of the &i6Xoyoi CtvQec;,who were the dominant 'princijes' in town, nor is there any mention of a division of their property. Plutarch does not draw any distinction between "old citizens" and others. The Polybius VII, 10, 1 fragment, on the other hand, does not have the slightest indication of the murder of the "strategoi" and 200 of Messene's citizens. The only points mentioned are the banishment of the dttiOXOyOt 6VbQEg and the division of their property. The outcome, too, is different: Plutarch, Arat. 49,3ff (and Polyb. VII,12,1) allude to a popular regime which followed the revolution; 3Against F. W. Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Oxford 1967, vol. II, p. 57. See below for the reasons. 4 See W. H. Porter, Plutarch's life of Aratus, Cork 1937, p. XIX and ad locum; F. W. Walbank, Commentary, ad locum. To the episode of the Arati and Philip V on the Ithome, see my "Polybius, Philip V and the Socio-Economic question in Greece", Ancient Society 8 (1977), pp. 159ff. K. Seeliger, "Messenien und der achaische Bund", Programm Zittau (1897), p. 12. n. 10, and p. 13; W. H. Porter, op. cit. pp. XCIVff; F. W. Walbank, Philip V, p. 72, n. 3, and pp. 299ff; C. A. Roebuck, op. cit. pp. 80ff; P. Pedech, La methode historique de Polybe, Paris 1964, p. 104; D. Ashern, Distribuzioni di terre nell'antica Grecia, Torino 1966, p. 49 ("scoppiata prima del 210 a-C."); D. Musti, "Polibio e la Democrazia," Annali della Scuola normale superiore di Pisa 36 (1967), pp. 181ff. It is implied by B. Niese (Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten, Gotha 1893-1903, vol. II, pp. 469ff) that Polybius VII, 10,1 refers to events that occurred after the treaty of Naupactus (217 B.C.), but he does not prove it.
This content downloaded from 83.212.248.199 on Mon, 22 Apr 2013 06:40:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
248
Miszellen
Polybius VII, 10,1 depicts more of a timocratic regime6. Polybius' hostile attitude reflected through Plutarch, Arat. 49,3ff (Polyb. VII,12,1), and his toleration of the revolution depicted in Polybius VII,10,1 also support the above7. Such differences in important details between the two sources make it impossible to regard them as referring to the same episode, especially when we know that Plutarch drew on Polybius for these affairs, a matter clearly seen when one parallels Polybius VII,12,lff with Plutarch. Arat. 50,lff8. Hence, whereas the revolution depicted in Polybius VII,12,1 and Plutarch, Arat. 49,3ff took place circa 215 B.C.9, I would suggest that the Polybius VII, 10,1 revolution occured at the end of 219 B.C. Plutarch, Arat. 49,4 says that in 215 B.C. Philip V addressed the OTQCLTYOi of Messene in order to incite them against the masses. But we know that in 220 B.C. the chief magistrates of the city were the icpoQOlmL.Thus, it is likely that a constitutional change took place at some point between 220 B.C. and 215 B.C. This is in accordance with Roebuck's claim that one of the reasons for Messene's shift in policy to the Hellenic league during the so-called 'Social War' was a change in her regime, namely, the elimination of the oligarchs, who, according to Polybius were, "peace lovers"'11.The new regime then established in Messene was, I believe, the one depicted in Polybius VII,10,1. This assumption is based on several points. It is mentioned in Polybius VII, 10, 1 that the &aL60oyoL Cv6c;'2 were driven out. This can only mean the leading oligarchs, as we hear that the "old citizens" found it hard to live with the Koyyoefa introduced by the new regime. The "old citizens" could therefore only be the ones who in the former constitution had possessed citizenship rights. According to Polybius VII,10,1 the 6YL6koyoia`v6eg were "replaced" by the "new citizens" (it is implied that the "new" citizens had no citizenship rights within the former regime). Furthermore, a pro-Achaean policy of Messene is apparent during the years 219-215 B.C."3. It is likely that the regime probably established there (according to Polyb. VII,10,1) would pursue such a policy. First, this regime has some traits in common with the Achaean federal constitution: the "strategoi" were eventually the chief magistrates'4; there existed a political "isegoria" and "democratia", terms which Polybius uses also for the Achaean federal polity'5. Second, Polybius' neutral attitude towards the VII,10,1 6 The JTQo0E(JoTTE, who are also called &rcywyol by Plutarch, Arat. 49,5 become dominant. As to the timocracy established there, see below. 7 Polybius is hostile towards every popular revolution, however moderate; see my forthcoming "Polybius and the socio-economic revolution", in L'antiquite Classique. 8 See especially B. Niese, op. cit. p. 469, n. 6; W. H. Porter, op. cit. pp. 19ff. 9 This can be deduced from Philip V's intervention in Messene; see F. W. Walbank, Commentary, vol. II, pp. 56ff. 10 Polyb. IV, 4,2; 31,2; K. Seeliger, art. cit. p. 12, n. 10. I do not think that Roebuck is justified in claiming that the oTQcaTlyoi may have replaced the EcFOLOL in times of emergency (op. cit. p. 81, n. 76). Had this been the case, I would have expected the oTQc(Trlyo( to be the chief magistrates in 219 B.C., and the ?OQOL in 215 B.C. when the city faced no immediate threat from outside. 11 Polyb. IV, 32,1ff; C. A. Roebuck, op. cit. p. 78. 12 For the use of &aL6koyoL avoeg in Polybius see A. Mauersberger, Polybios Lexikon, Berlin 1968, I, 1, col. 146; compare especially to Polyb. III, 8,7; X, 21,2; XXX, 1,10. 13 In contradistinction to her pre 219 B.C. and post 215 B.C. policy: C. A. Roebuck, op. cit. pp. 71ff. 14 See F. W., Walbank, Commentary, II, p. 57: "this will reflect a change to Achaean institutions . . ." 15 For the Achaean federal constitution, see especially J. A. 0. Larsen, Greek Federal States, Oxford 1968, pp. 215ff. Whereas in Polybius' sixth book %torXQo(aTchas the "classical" connotation, in the Histories it appears in the loose "Hellenistic" meaning, and does not denote a regime of the "many" (J. A. 0. Larsen, "Representation and Democracy in Hellenistic
This content downloaded from 83.212.248.199 on Mon, 22 Apr 2013 06:40:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Miszellen
249
revolution, despite the fact that the familiar elements of the radical revolution appear in it (banishments, confiscation of property etc.), shows that it resulted in a good regime, at least in Polybius' eyes'6. Also his use of terms which elsewhere refer to the good Achaean federal constitution, points in the same direction'7. Third, the Gorgos enigma can easily be solved within this interpretation". Polybius praises him (VII,10,2ff). We know that the historian dislikes the Messenian oligarchs (Polyb. IV,31,lff); thus, it is probable that Gorgos was from among the leaders of the new pro-Achaean regime'9. A remark on the order of fragments in Polybius' seventh book should be added. If the above is accepted, then Polybius VII,10,1 was part of a retrospective section on Messenian affairs, and should stand in book VII with 10,2-5, probably before 1120. The above interpretation of Messene's internal affairs may provide a more satisfactory explanation than Robins' of the position of Messene within the international scene2".After Sellasia Messene was allied with the Aetolian league, but when the latter started to harass its allies, Messene's policy shifted. Messene was admitted as a member of the Hellenic Federation in 220 B.C. but remained at first neutral in the so-called "Social War". This was apparently the outcome of the "peace-loving" oligarchical policy until the end of 219 B.C. In 218 B.C. we find Messene fighting on the side of the Hellenic league, presumably until the end of the war in 217 B.C.22. We may assume that until 215 B.C. the city was in league with the Achaeans, and when a revolution occurred there in 215 B.C., the leaders of the city alerted Aratus. Such a pro-Achaean policy was conducted by the "democrates" of Polybius VII,10,1, who were dominant in town from the end of 219 B.C. to 215 B.C. From 215 B.C. onwards, we lack evidence as to Messene; we know only that Philip V launched an attack on the city, probably in order to seize the Ithome23.Another motive of the Macedonian king might have been returning Messene to a pro-Hellenic league policy, since it is
Federalism",CPh XL (1945), pp. 88ff; F. W. Walbank, Commentary, I, pp. 221ff.) The ioflyoQia does not include a socio-economic equality (A. Mauersberger, op. cit. ioayof(a). Hence, the social inequality which ensued from the 219 B.C. revolution could provide sufficient grounds for the outbreak of a popular revolution in 215 B.C. 16 For Polybius' hostility towards popular revolutions, see, for instance, Polyb. II, 47,3; IV, 81; XIII, 6ff; XV, 21ff; XXIV, 7; and my "Polybius and the socio-economic revolution", forthcoming. " See for 6?Iox9et(Ta Polyb. II,44,6; 41,5-6; and iLo)yo)e( Polyb. II, 38,6; 42,3. 18 Polyb. VII, 10,2ff. As to Gorgos, see B. Niese, "Gorgos", RE VII (1912), col. 1661; C. A. Roebuck, op. cit. p. 78; F. W. Walbank Commentary, II, pp. 57ff. 19 This is also in accordance with Polyb. V,5,4ff. If this proposition is accepted, then the difficulties which F. W. Walbank (Philip V, p. 72, n. 3) and C. A. Roebuck (op. cit. p. 78, n. 55) raise can be overcome (see also F. W. Walbank, Commentary, II, pp. 57ff); because if Gorgos belonged to the leaders of the new pro-Achaean regime, then he was obviously not from among the leaders of the populace; had he been one of the latter, Polybius would surely not have praised him. For Polybius' hostile attitude towards popular leaders, see, for instance, Polyb. XIII, 1-la; XIII, 6ff; XXIV, 7; XXXVIII, lOff; and my forthcoming "Polybius and the socio-economic revolution". 20 And not as F. W. Walbank, "after 10, 2-5 or even after 12" (Commentary, vol. II, p. 2). As to the excerpta antiqua in book VII, see. J. M. Moore, The Manuscript tradition of Polybius, Cambridge 1965; pp. 55ff. 21 Art. cit. pp. 116ff. He claims that the Messenian oligarchs were anti-Aetolian, and the "democrates" (Polyb. VII, 10,1) post 215 B.C., pro-Aetolian. 22 C. A. Roebuck, op. cit. pp. 71ff. 23 Polyb. VIII, 8,1ff; 12,1; Plut. Arat. 51,2 C. A. Roebuck, op. cit. pp. 83ff.
This content downloaded from 83.212.248.199 on Mon, 22 Apr 2013 06:40:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
250
Miszellen
likely that after 215 B.C. Messene reverted to her pro-Aetolian policy, a process concluded when she joined the Aetolian league and Rome in their war against the Hellenic symmachy24.This kind of policy was practised by the popular government dominant in the city from 215 B.C. onwards. The Hebrew University, Jerusalem
24
Doron Mendels
Livy, XXXIV, 32,16. See E. Badian, Foreign Clientelae, Oxford 1958, pp. 57ff.
EINE SCHERZHAFTE BEMERKUNG DES KAISERS CLAUDIUS? Wie jede beruhmte antike Inschrift ist auch die in Lyon gefundene ,,tabula Claudiana" (CIL XIII 1,1, 1668 = ILS I 212) in einer Reihe von Veroffentlichungen minuzios untersucht wordenl. Wenn hier aufs neue die Aufmerksamkeitauf dieses Dokument gerichtet wird, dann deswegen, weil bisher ein nicht unwesentlicher Abschnitt der auf dieser tabula erhaltenen Rede des Kaisers Claudius unzureichend interpretiertworden zu sein scheint. Bekanntlich ist Claudiusin dieser i. J. 482 gehaltenen Senatsrededafur eingetreten, daB die primores Galliae, quae Comata appellatur, foedera et civitatem Romanam pridem adsecuti, auch das ius ... in urbe honorum erhalten, wie Tacitus (ann. XI 23,1) sich ausdruckt. Nachdem Claudius durch viele Beispiele belegt hat, quam multa in hac civitate novata sint (Col. 1, Z. 5), fahrt er fort: Tempus est iam, Ti. CaesarGermanice, detegere te patribus conscriptis, quo tendat oratio tua; iam enim ad extremos fines Galliae Narbonensis venisti. Tot ecce insignes iuvenes, quot intueor, non magis sunt paenitendi senatores, quam pacnitet Persicum, nobilissimum virum, amicum meum, inter imagines maiorum suorum Allobrogici
nomen legere. Quod si haec ita esse consentitis, quid ultra desidera-
tis, quam ut vobis digito demonstrem solum ipsum ultrafines provinciae Narbonensis iam vobis senatores mittere, quando ex Luguduno haberenos nostri ordinis viros non paenitet. Timide3 quidem, p(atres)c(onscripti), egressus adsuetos familiaresquevobis provinciarum terminos sum, sed destricte iam Comatae Galliae causa agenda est ... (Col. II, Z. 20-32). Nach allgemeiner Meinung ist aus diesem Text zu ersehen, da13i. J. 48 nicht nur Manner aus der Gallia Narbonensis (insignes iuvenes, Col. II, Z. 23), sondern auch aus 1 Die wichtigste neuere Literatur zu den mit der Inschrift zusammenhangenden Problemen ist bei Ute Schillinger-Hafele, Historia 14, 1965, 4431, zusammengestelit. Hinzuzufugen ist noch F. Munzer, in: Festschrift zu 0. Hirschfelds sechzigstem Geburtstage, Berlin 1903, 34-44; E. Schonbauer, lura 6, 1955, 160-169; D. Flach, Hermes 101, 1973, 313-320; K. Ph. Seif, Die Claudiusbuicherin den Annalen des Tacitus, Diss. Mainz 1973, 79-82. A. Mehl, Tacitus uber Kaiser Claudius (Studia et testimonia antiqua 16), Munchen 1974, 101, hat angekundigt, die Themenkomplexe ,,Innen- und Auf3enpolitik des Claudius bei Tacitus" monographisch zu behandein. 2 Zum genaueren Zeitpunkt vgl. Ph. Fabia, REA 33, 1931, 118-131. 3 Das timide erklart Ph. Fabia a.a.0. 250' folgendermaBen: ,,Ce qui a &6 timide, ce n'est pas Claude, c'est son excursion en Gaule Chevelue, puisqu'elle n'est pas allee au-deld de Lyon, qui touche aux dites bornes provinciales". Historia, Band XXIX/2 (1980)
? Franz Stciner Vcrlag GmbH, D-6200 Wiesbaden
This content downloaded from 83.212.248.199 on Mon, 22 Apr 2013 06:40:58 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions