UP BOR selects new president; Students, communities vow to continue militancy, fight for welfare
UP-PGH Budget Cuts: Milyon-milyong Pagkaltas, Milyon-milyong Apektadong Bukas
Isinantabi lang.”
ANG KASAYSAYAN NG UNIBERSIDAD ay kasaysayan ng pakikibaka. Ito ay pinatunayan sa mahabang panahon ng militansya ng sangkaestudyantehan na patuloy na nagpapaalab sa puso at kaluluwa ng unibersidad. Sa bawat pagkakataon na sinisiil ang kalayaan ng masang Pilipino, paiigtingin ng matibay at malawak na hanay ng mga mamamayan ang pagdepensa sa kalayaan.
Ngayong ang bansa ay pinamumunuan ng mga anak ng diktador at pasista, higit na mas kinakailangang palakasin ang hanay ng komunidad ng UP sa gitna ng lumalakas na makinarya ng estadong pilit pinatatahimik ang mga progresibong indibidwal at grupo. Gayundin, sa pagpapanibago ng liderato sa unibersidad ay makaaapekto ang tatahakin na laban ng malawak na hanay.
Sa mahabang kasaysayan ng pakikibaka ng mga estudyante, pinatutunayan lamang na ang pinakamabisang sandata sa panahon ng ligalig at pagkabalisa ay pakikibaka. Sa huli, walang anumang unos ang kayang pumuksa sa nagngingitngit na apoy.
PAKIKIBAKA SA UNIBERSIDAD
Naging bulwagan ang unibersidad ng iba’t ibang pagkilos sa kasaysayan ng pakikibaka sa bansa. Isa na rito ang Diliman Commune, kung saan nagtipon-tipon ang maraming
indibidwal at organisasyon sa kampus ng UP Diliman kasabay ng iba pang pagbabarikada ng mga unibersidad sa Mendiola at UP Los Baños dahil sa lumalalang krisis sa ekonomiya.
Madugo ang naging pakikibaka ng buong komunidad ng UP, kung saan may mga Iskolar ng Bayan ang inialay ang kanilang buhay para makamtan ang kalayaan na ating natatamasa sa kasalukuyan.
Ngayon, makalipas ang 50 taon ay nananalaytay pa rin sa dugo ng komunidad ng UP ang militansya.
Kamakailan ay nagkasa ng iba’t ibang mobilisasyon sa unibersidad upang patambulin ang panawagan hindi lamang ng mga mag-aaral ngunit pati ang komunidad na siyang buhay ng hanay sa loob ng unibersidad.
Ito ay sa gitna ng pagpapalit ng liderato mula kay Danilo Concepcion na kilala sa kanyang mga polisiya na hindi mapagkalinga sa mga manininda at manggagawa sa loob ng unibersidad.
“Hindi niya kinakalinga ang mga manggagawa, empleyado, at mga
mag-aaral. Katulad ng mga polisiyang ipinatupad ng ating pamahalaan,” ani Reginald Vallejos ng All UP Academic Employees Union (AUPAEU) Manila. Dagdag pa ni Lakan Umali ng Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND), “Wala siyang paninindigan. Sa puno’t dulo ay wala siyang gawa. Dapat sa susunod na president ay sisibakin na natin ang mga bakod. Bakod sa campus. Bakod sa academic freedom. Bakod na bumabalakid sa ating karapatan.” Samantala, sa pangunguna ng Office of the Student Regent, Katipunan ng mga Sangguniang Mag-aaral sa UP (KASAMA sa UP), at UP Solidaridad ay kinondena ang patuloy na pag-atake ng estado kontra sa mga progresibo, pati na ang kapalpakan ng gobyerno na solusyonan ang kasulukuyang krisis pang ekonomiya.
“Magkaisa po tayo dahil walang ibang magtatanggol sa atin kung hindi ang ating lakas. Ito ang tunay na pagkakaisa na gusto natin—
pagkakaisa ng mga inaapi—hindi pagkakaisa ng mga nasa taas na nais lamang ang interes ng mga nasa taas,” ani Dyan Gumanao, alumna ng UP Cebu at development worker na kamakailan ay dinukot ng puwersa ng pulisya.
PAKIKIBAKA SA LANSANGAN Sa mahabang kasaysayan ng pakikibaka sa unibersidad ay patuloy ang paglubog sa masang pinaglilingkuran. Ang mga Iskolar ng Bayan ay patuloy na humahanay sa iba’t ibang komunidad, tangan ang responsibilidad na makiisa at palakasin ang panawagan ng masa.
Nand’yan si Jo Lapira ng UP Manila na tinalikuran ang kanyang komportableng buhay sa kalunsuran upang tumungo sa Timog Katagalugan at makipamuhay sa mga magsasaka bilang pagsasabuhay ng pinakamataas na uri ng pakikibaka.
Si Chad Booc na nagtapos nang may karangalan sa kanyang kolehiyo sa UP at piniling makipamuhay at nagsilbing gabay ng mga kabataang Lumad tungo sa pagkakaroon ng isang makabayan, siyentipiko, at makamasang edukasyon.
Pare-pareho mang brutal na pinaslang ng mga militar sina Jo at Chad, hindi kailanman mapapatay
ng anumang dahas ang mga punlang itinanim nila sa puso ng kani-kanilang mga komunidad na pinagsilbihan at sa diwa ng sangkaestudyantehan na kanilang pinanggalingan.
Nariyan din si Dr. Natividad Castro ng UP College of Medicine na nagdala ng serbisyong pangkalusugan sa mga probinsyang salat sa dekalidad na serbisyo. Sa ngayon, nakikipagbuno pa rin si Dr. Castro sa estadong pilit siyang iginagapos.
Ang sangkaestudyantehan ay lumalahok pa sa napakaraming laban sa labas ng pamantasan, kung saan patuloy nilang kinakaharap ang iba’t ibang porma ng matinding represyon.
Ngayong maraming pagbabago ang nangyayari sa bansa at unibersidad sa gitna ng patuloy na pag-atake sa mga karapatan ng masang Pilipino at ngkomunidad ng UP, mas kailangang paalabin ang militansya na ating minana sa mga nagsimula ng laban tungo sa tunay na kalayaan. Hindi kailanman ibibigay ng mapang-aping estado ang karapatan na nais nating makamtan—ito ay kailangan nating ipaglaban hanggang sa tuluyan tayong makaalpas sa siklo ng inhustisya. Sa pagkakataon ng ligalig, ang pakikibaka ang siyang mananaig.
Sa pagpasa ng kapangyarihan ng pambansang administrasyon sa kamay ng mga Marcos at Duterte, ang lumiliit na demokratikong espasyo ng masang api ay patuloy na kakamkamin ng mga naghaharing-uri. Ang liderato naman ng unibersidad ay ipinasa na rin sa isang indibidwal na may hindi tiyak na tindig sa iba’t ibang isyu na kinakaharap ng unibersidad at bansa. Sa ganitong yugto, nararapat lamang na paigtingin ang ating paglaban.
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Rochel Floron IV | ASSOCIATE EDITOR FOR INTERNALS Marianne Zen Therese De Jesus | ASSOCIATE EDITOR FOR EXTERNALS Christel Castro | ASSISTANT ASSOCIATE EDITOR FOR EXTERNALS Janine Phoebe Liwanag | MANAGING EDITOR Natasha Beatrice Carolina | ASSISTANT MANAGING EDITOR Melissa Julianne Allauigan | NEWS EDITOR Alexandra Kate Ramirez | FEATURES EDITOR Pauline Mae Magsino | CULTURE EDITOR Joanna Pauline Honasan | GRAPHICS EDITOR James SablayIN AN ATTEMPT to satisfy international standards, the administration of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos is intent on pursuing public-private partnerships (PPPs) as means to modernize the outdated transportation system in the country. Two initial targets of this eyed privatization are the Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA), following its fiasco, and the EDSA Carousel, which is also known for the Libreng Sakay program. Likewise, progressive organizations stand against these privatization plans, saying that it will only be an additional burden for people who already suffer from the current economic crisis.
no back-up plan nor solution was in line.
The said power outage has made the local aviation authority admit that the country’s CNS system is ‘outdated’, which has then re-opened the talks of privatization. Bautista further disclosed that the plans of privatizing NAIA are underway and will be fasttracked under the administration of Marcos Jr.
Looking back, the Philippine government also procured Manila Area Control Center, a PHP 511-million air traffic control system, which still hasn’t been used by airport authorities.
Former CAAP director general William Hotchkiss II said on Jan. 12 during a joint Senate committee hearing that it was a waste of money because the system had flaws, which rendered it unsafe to use.
“Management has not submitted any update on the potential utilization of the substantially completed Manila Area Control Center Phase I and II so as to deter further loss to the government due to technological obsolescence,” said in a report of the Commission on Audit (COA) flagging the MACC system in July 2022.
Aside from the country’s international airport, EDSA Carousel has been included in the said privatization talks. Proposals will be entertained by the first quarter of 2023, according to the Department of Transportation (DOTr).
The EDSA Busway Libreng Sakay program saw its end on the last day of 2022. Last Jan.
transportation organizations issued warnings that it might be “against the public interest” since higher fares do not always equate to better services.
Thousands of daily commuters coming from different sectors depended on the Libreng Sakay Program of DOTr.
Per this year’s fare matrix released by the Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board (LTRB), the southbound route—rides from Monumento to PITX—costs P75.50. Whereas, the northbound or the reverse route costs slightly less, amounting to P73.
This will be an added burden to the plate of commuters who are also facing hardships in budgeting at times of an 8.1 percent inflation.
Meanwhile, the Nagkaisa Labor Coalition expressed firm opposition to the plans of privatizing NAIA and EDSA Busway, emphasizing that privatization is not a panacea or an all-out solution to the country’s public transportation woes nor is it a cure to the government’s mismanagement and corruption.
“We want the government to avoid fixation with privatization, as there are other alternatives to it, especially when mechanisms for genuine people’s participation in policy decisions are activated. We believe that by working together, we can find a solution that benefits everyone, rather than just select tycoons,” said Nagkaisa Chair Atty. Sonny Matula.
The Philippine Development Plan (PDP) 2023–2028 was approved by the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA), chaired by President Marcos Jr., last December 2022. The Office of the Press Secretary reports that PPPs will be the centerpiece of Marcos Jr.’s economic blueprint with the aim of propping up the economy and steering it back to its high-growth path.
In a meeting with the League of Cities of the Philippines in Malacañang, the president also urged the country’s Local Government Units (LGU) to consider PPPs as a means for providing projects to their constituents.
“I think this is the way forward, and I encourage all our local government units to be open to the possibilities of PPPs and to have private-public partnerships, especially in your areas,” he said.
The PDP aims to facilitate the entry of foreign investments in the Philippines, which will primarily impact
fisheries, forestry, transportation, and telecommunications. Under the guise of generating employment, the administration will practically concentrate the country’s human and natural resources in the hands of local conglomerates as well as multinational corporations.
Furthermore, one of the priority legislations of Marcos Jr. is an omnibus PPP law that espouses the consolidation of all infrastructure projects between the private sector and the government.
The said law seeks to accelerate the enforcement of privatized infrastructure development through PPP, which will also be complemented by NEDA’s plan to raise the minimum threshold for projects that will be requiring the approval of the NEDA Board. While the exact threshold amount is yet to be determined, this lamentably translates into a further decrease in public evaluation and oversight of PPP projects.
MEETING ‘GLOBAL STANDARDS’
NAIA greeted its passengers with a bang to welcome 2023 as it underwent a severe power outage, thereby affecting the air traffic control and resulting in 282 flights being delayed, canceled, or diverted to other regional airports. Meanwhile, a total of 56,000 passengers were also affected on New Years’ Day.
The Civil Aviation Authority of the Philippines (CAAP), which operates the airport, said in a statement that technical problems were discovered for the first time on Sunday morning. Meanwhile, former airline Executive turned Transportation Secretary Jaime Bautista said that he was aware of the issues with the Communications, Navigation and Surveillance Systems for Air Traffic Management (CNS/ATM) that malfunctioned on New Year’s Day and delayed flights across the country, yet
1, passengers from Parañaque Integrated Terminal Exchange (PITX) to Monumento and vice versa started to pay for bus fares once again.
Bautista emphasized that the increase in the volume of passengers is one of the factors in the department’s plan to privatize the said busway.
Moreover, MAP Infrastructure Committee Chair Eduardo Yap said that EDSA Carousel is not up to par with the international standards based on the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) Standard, hence the plans for privatization.
“Knowing the situation of government, the fiscal constraint, and other constraints as well — you know, the procurement in government is so tedious — we felt that the best solution, time being of the essence, is to privatize the busway,” he said.
Private companies have to make up for the expenditures incurred when investing their assets. Higher airline costs and commuter bus fares are likely to result from this.
Prior to privatization,
The Coalition also stated its rejection of the idea that privatized transport system is a global standard. As argued by Matula, even advanced economies such as the USA, Japan, Switzerland, Germany, Singapore, and Canada publicly run their mass transportation systems, which continue to provide the public with efficient modes of transport as well as a source of employment.
The Philippine government, he further stressed, must then retain control over the country’s international airports and explore alternative models for the EDSA Busway, such as making it cooperative-run. Rather than the typical seller-buyer relationship that Filipinos experience with privatelyowned utilities, this could provide synergy instead to both the coop workers and the commuting public.
“We stand with the working class and the people in calling for an efficient and equitable transportation system that serves the needs of all Filipinos. What the country needs is a strong, accountable, comprehensive, responsive, effective, and democratic public service,” Matula asserted. ▼
We want the government to avoid fixation with privatization, as there are other alternatives to it, especially when mechanisms for genuine people’s participation in policy decisions are activated.
ATTY. SONNY MATULA Nagkaisa Chair
ELEVEN STUDENTS from the University of the Philippines College of Nursing (UPCN) were forced to drop their major courses due to the sudden lifting of academic policies adopted by UP to help students continue their education amid the pandemic.
Meanwhile, in a university town hall meeting last Jan. 17, the UP Manila University Student Council (UPM USC) revealed that the UP College of Dentistry (UPCD) faces a low number of graduates and that there are still from Batch 2016 who are yet to finish their program.
These are just some of the many instances that are of great concern to the students of ‘white’ colleges, or the UPM colleges offering medical programs, especially given the strict provision stipulated in their Return Service Agreement (RSA), which still has not been revisited since it was implemented in 2011.
Students coming from the colleges now call for more pro-student measures and for the reinstatement of academic ease policies. They also urge the UPM administration to lift the Maximum Residency Rule (MRR) and stop and review the RSA.
Pursuant to Memorandum 2022127 released by the UP Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (UP OVPAA), several nursing students with Incomplete (INC) marks in their prerequisite courses were forced to drop a major subject. Since the memorandum was announced and immediately enforced, both students and faculty had insufficient time to process the requirements being taken according to previous academic ease policies, thus failing to meet the new standard in accomplishing INC marks, which should be given one academic year to complete.
College representatives from the batch said that among the reasons behind their INC mark were the lack
of clients for their respective nursing subject/s and the toll of the pandemic on mental health. They also cited personal reasons, such as balancing academics and work while attending to the needs of their families as well as the general grueling nature of the course. In addition, they said that there were some students who were still asked to drop their higher nursing courses even though they were “completing or had already completed the necessary requirements.”
In the first First General Assembly of the Nursing Student Assembly (NSA) last Sept. 30, this issue was brought forward, which the Office of the College Secretary (OCS) acknowledged but noted that it is beyond the control of the administration to suspend it at a college level since the mandate came from the university. Instead, they advised the affected students to coordinate with the faculty or OCS on what steps to take next.
Eventually, concerns were handled on a case-to-case basis. Some unreported individuals were able to continue with the subject, but the eleven known students can no longer be accommodated since the clinical component of the course has already begun.
In the UPCD, there is a persistent problem of a low number of graduates, and there are students of UPCD Batch 2016 who are still finishing their program.
“Nitong nakaraan, ang produced graduates ng UPCD ay bilang lamang sa kamay, at mayroong mga estudyante sa CD na walo hanggang 11 taon nang nasa kolehiyo,” said the UPM Dentistry
Student Council (DSC) in the 54th General Assembly of Student Councils (GASC).
According to an informant in the college who chose to remain anonymous, the dentistry clinicians continue to endure the lack of dental chairs, thus limiting them to achieve the required clinic hours. In addition, the informant cited the lack of professors overseeing the clinicians in their clinic duties.
This resounded with the statement of the UPM DSC in the 54th GASC, “sa nakaraang dalawang taon ng pandemya, ang clinicians namin ay hindi nakausad dahil imposibleng ituloy ang kanilang mga clinical cases sa loob ng sarili nilang mga tahanan. Nagbukas na muli ang clinics sa CD, ngunit napakaraming kakulangan sa kanilang setup.”
However, in the recent university town hall, UPM Chancellor Carmencita Padilla bragged about the renovations in the college. The chancellor said that she had already spent “three times the total expenditures in UPM” on upgrading the college’s facilities.
Following the delayed completion of the program, students have requested to lift the MRR to allow them to reenroll and finish the program. In turn, according to the informant, the college already approved all MRR extension requests.
According to Article I (3) of the RSA handbook, “…[the student shall] render healthcare services in the Philippines of a minimum of two (2) years within five (5) years from graduation unless unable to do so due to physical and/or mental incapacities as determined by [his/her college]. For those who do not graduate on time, the
5 YEARS
years of return service shall be half of the number of years spent in the University.”
Given this provision, any delay in finishing the program, whether it is the fault of the student or the system, will be an additional year and cost for delayed students. The longer the year a student will stay in the program, the longer the years to serve or the higher the cost that they need to pay should they opt to change their program.
Thus, the campaign Stop-AndReview RSA (SARSA) pushes for the immediate halting of the agreement and allow students under RSAbound programs to shift out.
The college councils also call for transparency as to where the millions of payback should the student be able to pay the said amount.
In the town hall meeting held last Jan. 17, UPM USC urged the administration to make a commitment to addressing the concerns of the students, particularly the issues raised by UPCN and UPCD, and called on the UPM administration to stop and review RSA.
Chancellor Carmencita Padilla suggested a face-to-face dialogue. “Wala akong problema sa review because we’ve been doing that all these years. Ang hinihingi ko lang talaga sa deans at sa community, by college, let us see how we can make a better rotation,” she added.
The UPM USC, in a recent unofficial exclusive dialogue, called the attention of the new UP President Angelo Jimenez to stop and review the RSA to which, while he recognized the need for return service, he acknowledged that it “might be problematic” because students are resisting the agreement. ▼
In 2022, first year students of the UP College of Nursing submitted their RSA contracts without first undergoing the RSA orientation which is supposed to be a prerequisite for contract signing.
Prevailing large number of delayed students from the UP College of Dentistry
Low and inconsistent UP allowances for SHS units
Students in SHS units are forced to search and apply for external scholarships
Due to extra conditions of scholarships and financial aids, their RSA doubles or increases and eventually hinders their access to the ladderized curriculum.
Reports from undergraduate students bounded by the RSA contract who were unable to enroll in UP College of Medicine despite guidelines allowing students to complete their years of service after finishing medical school
Wala akong problema sa review because we’ve been doing that all these years. Ang hinihingi ko lang talaga sa deans at sa community, by college, let us see how we can make a better rotation.
DR. CARMENCITA PADILLA UP Manila Chancelloragreementstates that the
studentshall serve in the Philippines within
after graduation.
If after 5 years, the graduate has not fully complied with the RSA, they will
PAY DOUBLE THE COST OF THEIR EDUCATION
a prevailing rate from the time of entry, plus interest, and less the total amount of tuition fee paid.
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES railroaded and approved House Bill No. 6608 creating the Maharlika Investment Fund on Dec. 15, despite the controversy surrounding both its original and revised forms. Since its creation, however, the MWF bill has been under much scrutiny. Various progressive groups criticized the bill’s sources of capital and vulnerability to corruption, as well as the history of those behind the bill.
Popularly known as the Maharlika Wealth Fund (MWF) bill, HB 6608 aims to foster economic development by enabling the Philippine government to invest in various outlets. Planned investments include infrastructure and development projects as well as domestic and international corporate bonds.
The bill initially stated that the MWF would amount to P250 billion, pooled from four Government Financial Institutions (GFIs): the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS), contributing P125 billion; the Social Security System (SSS), contributing P50 billion; the Land Bank of the Philippines (LBP), contributing P50 billion; and the Development Bank of the Philippines (DBP), contributing P25 billion.
Following concerns that pension funds could be endangered, GSIS and SSS were pulled out of the fund and replaced with the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). Replacing the P175 billion from GSIS and SSS, the BSP would contribute 100% of its clear dividends, amounting between P30 million to P35 million.
The MWF bill was principally authored by House Speaker Martin Romualdez, senior deputy majority leader Ilocos Norte Rep. Sandro Marcos, and four other members of the House of Representatives, including
| JAMES SABLAYSpeaker Romualdez’s wife Rep. Yedda Romualdez. More than 200 lawmakers are also listed as co-authors of the bill, some of them belonging to other wellknown political dynasties.
President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who is both Speaker Romualdez’s cousin and Rep. Marcos’ father, was the first to bring up the idea for a sovereign wealth fund. He has consistently backed the MWF, even marking it as urgent after it passed the House’s second reading.
As many critics have pointed out, the MWF bill was authored by lawmakers who are some of the wealthiest in their respective regions and/or those who belong to political dynasties that have been accused of corruption and other charges. Several progressive groups have opposed it, stating that the fund may be misused for personal gain instead.
Despite these reservations, the House voted 279-6 to approve the revised bill on the third reading. It only took 17 days after filing for the lawmakers to deliberate on the bill, sparking suspicions that its passage was being railroaded.
Only representatives from the Makabayan bloc and the House minority voted against the bill, citing reasons such as its corruption-prone nature and the skyrocketing national debt and inflation rate.
Creating
According to Gabriela Representative and House assistant minority leader Arlene Brosas, “Creating a sovereign wealth fund that is purely based on existing financial resources of government financial institutions rather than on surpluses amid widening fiscal deficit, record-high national debt, and sham economic recovery dangerously puts Filipinos’ money on track to a disaster.”
‘‘Additionally, ACT Teachers Representative and House deputy minority leader France Castro stated that the Maharlika Investment Corporation’s board of directors would not be fully independent, as they would be picked by an advisory board composed partially of members of President Marcos Jr.’s Cabinet.
“Its very name makes it clear who the Maharlika Funds are for –the rulers in power who are running it themselves,” Anakpawis Partylist stated.
BY THE NUMBERS
WHERE
PartylistIn fact, the bill initially had the Philippine president as the chairperson of the Maharlika Investment Corporation’s board of directors. Contentions were immediately raised since President Marcos and his family are still facing charges for the atrocities they committed during the regime of the late dictator in the person of Marcos Sr. Fears of mismanagement were also cited which made the proposing committee delegate the leadership to the seating secretary of finance instead of the president. ▼
a sovereign wealth fund that is purely based on existing financial resources of government financial institutions rather than on surpluses amid widening fiscal deficit, recordhigh national debt, and sham economic recovery dangerously puts Filipinos’ money on track to a disaster.
REP. ARLENE BROSAS Gabriela
LAST DEC. 9, 2022, in an unusual three-round voting, the University of the Philippines Board of Regents (UP BOR), the highest decisionmaking body of the whole UP system, selected a new president who will serve for six years.
During the nomination period, UP student councils, faculty, and communities within the university, even student publications, have come together to push for two massive campaigns: one in support of Dr. Fidel Nemenzo’s bid, while the other in opposition to the nomination of Dr. Fernando Sanchez.
The UP community, despite Nemenzo’s defeat, promises to uphold its militancy and to continue fighting for the welfare of students and other sectors and communities.
chairperson. As a student journalist, meanwhile, he became an associate editor of the Philippine Collegian and the National Chairperson of the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP).
“I felt like I just dropped a little apple of voice, hopes, and dreams of my alma mater and it feels like 11 men and women smiled at it,” Jimenez said in his first public engagement speech.
He added, “I like to let you know na ‘yung tatak bilang sa sektor ng magaaral ay nakarating dito sa Quezon Hall at babalikan at babalikan ko kayo. I will defend academic freedom; I will defend the independence of the institution according to the law. It’s one of my most ardent devotions to protect our freedoms.”
Yet, he is known for his stance against the establishment of the UP-Department of National Defense (UP-DND) accord despite persistent calls from the UP community for its institutionalization following the intrusions of police forces in UP campuses.
On top of that, he is also for the contractualization of some UP workers, except in teaching and research, since he thinks that today’s labor markets value flexibility over stagnation.
The UP BOR selected Atty. Angelo “Jijil” Jimenez who is a practicing private lawyer and has served twice in the UP BOR— as a student regent in 1992 and as a regent from 2016 to 2021. He finished both his undergraduate program and his law degree at UP Diliman (UPD).
Jimenez was also a student leader who served in the UPD University Student Council (UPD USC), first as a councilor and eventually as the
Jimenez is also against the mandatory Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC), full face-to-face learning, the UP College Admission Test (UPCAT), and the abolition of fraternities. Meanwhile, he is in favor of the commercialization of UP spaces as well as full free and unconditional education but with reservations.
He also agreed to stop and review the implementation of the Return Service Agreement (RSA) that UP Manila and its extension campuses have been fighting against since it was implemented in 2011. However, he has yet to provide any plans for carrying out his stance regarding RSA.
Despite the whole UP community
rallying behind Nemenzo for his bid for the UP presidency, the UP BOR has once again voted in contrary to the demand of the university’s largest sectors who will bear the brunt of their decision.
“Mahaba at marami pang laban ang tatahakin para isulong ang mga pagtatanggol ng academic freedom, pagsulong ng demokratikong pamamahala, at pagsulong ng mga programang akademiko at pananaliksik na tunay na maglilingkod sa ating bayan,” UPD Chancellor Nemenzo said in his address shortly after the selection process.
Two days before the selection process for the next UP president, the emergency General Assembly of Student Councils (eGASC), headed by the Office of the Student Regent (OSR), adopted the GASC Resolution No. 2022-036 in support of Nemenzo’s nomination.
His policies and actions as UPD chancellor were cited as reasons for the support of the student assembly. These include his stance regarding the UPDND accord, his integration of gender and development into the university, his close relationship with the communities inside the university, and his urgent response to the necessities of the COVID-19 pandemic.
“Pinanindigan ni Dr. Nemenzo ang kalayaang pang-akademiko at tiniyak ang seguridad ng mga nasasakupan nito sa ilalim ng kanyang panunungkulan bilang Chancellor ng UP Diliman sa pamamagitan ng paglikha ng Safety and Security Committee sa nasabing campus. Ipinakita niya ang kanyang sarili sa panahon ng mga mobilisasyon at demonstrasyon, lalo na sa panahon ng unilateral na pagbasura ng UPDND Accord,” said UP Manila USC in a Facebook statement.
Furthermore, faculty members across the UP system also endorsed the nomination of Nemenzo saying, “It is our most informed and judicious view that, among the current aspirants for UP President, only UP Diliman Chancellor Fidel R. Nemenzo fulfills all of our criteria for an ideal and exemplary academic leader.”
Communities and vendors living within UPD also took a stand for the UPD chancellor, “Sa 30 years kong paninirahan dito, ngayon lang ako nakakita ng chancellor na kumakausap ng tao,” said Leuneides Diola of Magkaisa Arboretum.
Publications across the UP system also made their historic endorsement of a political candidate which is considered to be ‘taboo’ for publications.
“Sa kasaysayan, hindi nagbibigay ng endorso ang mga pampublikasyon
Regents were selecting among the nominees to be the next UP President.
ngunit kagabi nakita natin ang sunodsunod na post ng mga publikasyon para i-endorso si Fidel Nemenzo at kundenahin si Sanchez,” remarked Angelo Vince Marfil of UP Solidaridad, the systemwide alliance of student publications in UP system.
The Manila Collegian has made its first-ever political endorsement as well. In an editorial, the publication writes, “while being aware of Nemenzo’s gaps in some instances, he is known for his capacity to listen and act according to his progressive principles, especially during crises that challenge the university.”
“Facing the tyrannical crackdown of the Marcos-Duterte regime and the long-prevailing issues that have been troubling UP’s constituents, it is time to go beyond the nature of what a publication is and directly respond to the political exigencies of the time.”
“Nemenzo was the best fit for UP Presidency. Kahit na hindi sya perpekto, maraming unity points ang sangkaestudyantehan sa kanya. Nakakalungkot na hindi na naman pinakinggan ng reaksyonaryong BOR ang kagustuhan ng iba’t ibang sektor ng UP ang pag-endorso nila kay Nemenzo,” said Eleazar Jose Barnuevo, Chairperson of the UP Los Baños College of Human Ecology Student Council (UPLB CHE SC).
Last Jan. 13, in his most recent statement, Nemenzo said that he will vie for a second term as UPD chancellor, “I remain committed to serving the University and community that I love, and will welcome the opportunity and challenge to continue the work as chancellor of UP Diliman.”
In order to block the attempt
of then-UP Los Baños (UPLB) Chancellor Sanchez for a third term, the communities in UPLB launched the ‘No To Third Term, Sanchez’ campaign citing his “anti-constituent policies” and the “absence of compassion” during his two-term chancellorship.
As Sanchez started to seek for the UP presidency, the eGASC adopted a resolution condemning his nomination and making ‘No More Chances, Sanchez’ (NMCS) a systemwide campaign for student councils across UP system.
With the UP BOR selecting Atty. Jimenez, some members of the UP community casted their doubts if Sanchez not winning can really be considered as victory given the failed bid of Nemenzo.
Mark Roma of the NMCS coalition considers it as ‘half win’ because, despite Nemenzo’s defeat and the success of blocking Sanchez, a large percentage of UP community were organized and mobilized to demand and assert their rights.
“Para sa akin, maituturing na tagumpay na maharangan ang nagbabadyang pagkapanalo ng tila pinaka-anti estudyante sa lahat ng nominado na si Sanchez dahil danas ng UPLB ang kaniyang kapabayaan. Hindi dapat pinagbabangga ang mga kampanya. Nagkaroon ng minimum demand na No More Chances Sanchez at maximum demand na endorse Nemenzo sa UPLB,” said Christianne Lei Golena, Chairperson of the UPLB College of Agriculture and Food Science (CAFS).
The coalition, meanwhile, vows to continue watching every move that Sanchez will do in the next coming months more so should he vie for chancellorship, deanship, or any position in the university.
Student councils, publications, and other sectors of the communities
across the UP system have pledged to keep their militant spirit by asserting the rights and welfare of the university and the Filipinos.
“Hindi magbabago ang role ng OSR in its years of existence. Regardless kung sino man ang presidente na naselect, ganun pa rin ang gagawin natin. Mas magiging kritikal tayo sa pagpapatakbo ng university and magiging actions niya going forward,” remarked UP Student Regent Siegfred Severino when asked about the role of his office.
Andrew Ronquillo, Kasama sa UP (KSUP) Chairperson, adds, “we need to assert, hindi po titigil ang KSUP at OSR at mas lalong di titigil ang mga estudyante para magcommit si Jijil sa mga pangako niya.”
The UP Office of the Student Regent (UP OSR) will also push for the following systemwide student demands: the right to quality education, a greater and equitable budget for education, upholding democratic rights, and defending academic freedom.
In ways moving forward, Barnuevo asserts that the whole UP community must unite and demand commitments to the UP President-Elect Jimenez so that issues would not remain unresolved when the latter formally assumes the position.
“Patuloy na magmamatyag at babatikusin ng konseho ang anumang pagyurak sa mga karapatan ng mga estudyante at mga questionable na galaw ni Jimenez, patuloy rin na magbubuo ng unities at kakabigin si Jimenez ng buong UP community para tugunan ang mga demand nito,” said UPLB CHE SC chairperson.
UP Open University Professor “Ka Lito” Manalili calls for the UP community to relive the spirit of militancy in the university, “Ang kasaysayan ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas ay pakikibaka. Kailangan natin panatilihin ang pagiging unibersidad ng sambayanan.” ▼
‘‘
I like to let you know na ‘yung tatak bilang sa sektor ng magaaral ay nakarating dito sa Quezon Hall at babalikan at babalikan ko kayo. I will defend academic freedom; I will defend the independence of the institution according to the law. It’s one of my most ardent devotions to protect our freedoms.ATTY. ANGELO “JIJIL” JIMENEZ 22nd UP
President
THE NEWS TEAM
AFTER TWO YEARS of online set-up, the UP Manila College of Arts and Sciences (UPM CAS) will finally push through with a hybrid set-up that caters to more face-to-face classes with a suggested percentage of at least 50%.
After two years of online set-up, the UP Manila College of Arts and Sciences (UPM CAS) will finally push through with a hybrid set-up that caters to more face-to-face classes with a suggested percentage of at least 50%.
Several issues have nonetheless resurfaced such as the lack of student spaces like dormitories, cafeterias, and classrooms to name a few. Meanwhile, the recently held online registration also revealed problems with the shortage of human resources in offices as well as inefficient policies.
As of writing, the dean of CAS has requested the professors and lecturers to move their on-site classes a week after the date originally set by the college administration.
Being the largest college in the university that is expected to accommodate around 2,000 students, is CAS really prepared for holding faceto-face classes?
The recent college’s enrollment process was beset with multiple delays, leaving the students at an utmost disadvantage.
Even before the scheduled on-site validation, students were already met with various difficulties in acquiring their Enrollment Checklist Form (ECF), such as missing subjects on the form— or not receiving one at all—and having to accomplish multiple Google Forms to get theirs.
Following the lifting of the academic ease policies as issued in Memorandum No. 2022-09 by the Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA), scholastic
delinquency rulings were once again in effect.
During the validation of ECFs, there were multiple reports of students suddenly being labeled ‘delinquents’ despite their full compliance with all the requirements for this step, causing further delays in the queue.
A freshman detailed how her classmates, who all received their grades at the same time, were cleared, while she and a few others were delayed because of their ‘delinquent’ status. She complained that they were redirected to yet another long line and stayed until almost 7 p.m. on campus—with their issues being resolved in a matter of seconds when their names were finally called.
Others stressed that it was unfair for them to be labeled as delinquents when they have incomplete grades, especially since they are not the ones in charge of releasing their grades. However, some professors’ late submission of grades can also be attributed to the additional burden of administrative work.
Even worse, some remaining students with unresolved concerns were sent home and advised to return to the college some other time. Students asserted that this could have been processed online like the previous years, especially since some of them do not live near Manila.
According to the UPM CAS Student Council (UPM CASSC), the CAS Office of the College Secretary (OCS) cited, in a meeting, the lack of manpower to cater to the needs of students, which may suggest the opening of student volunteers.
Problems with student spaces in the college are nothing new. According to the UPM CASSC, the renovations of the Rizal Hall have been ongoing for five years already. This problem is now compounded with concerns about student housing as the return to on-site classes takes place.
On student housing, the UPM CASSC noted, in a December 2022 survey, that the majority of students, especially those coming from provinces, still have no dormitories because of three main reasons: (1) the university-owned dormitories are still reserved for female students; (2) the lack of clear face-toface plans from the college; and (3) the expensive living costs in Manila.
Some students said that they might resort to daily commuting just to attend on-site classes, “I have no choice but to commute but you know our transportation system works here in NCR that not only would it drain me physically, but also mentally and emotionally.”
While the campus aims to fully reopen for face-to-face instruction this second semester, CAS Dean Carillo, on Feb. 2, requested the college faculty to conduct fully online classes in the first week due to the lack of classrooms and the ongoing renovations at Rizal Hall. The letter also stated that this would allow students to finish their enrollment.
In the online town hall meeting conducted last Jan. 17, Chancellor Padilla revealed that construction at CAS still cannot be completed primarily due to the lack of funds. She stated that the college would still need an additional
MAI ALLAUIGAN AND MIRAFLOR ANACIO
AS THE NEW SEMESTER approaches and the university transitions towards a hybrid learning set-up in all undergraduate courses pursuant to the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) Memorandum Order No. 16, the demand for affordable living spaces near the University of the Philippines (UPM) rapidly increases as well. Despite having comparatively lower rent than other condominiums and dormitories, the university-owned dormitory and its many limitations barely ease students’ concerns about high living costs in the metro.
Like any other dormitory, the UPM dormitory has its own set of rules and regulations, part of which is the prohibition of cooking, eating, and storing food inside the dorm rooms. Students have complained about these restrictions because buying food daily is costly and timeconsuming.
“Kailangan kong bumaba sa first floor para lang kumain. Bawal magdala ng cooking appliances. Bawal magdala ng appliances in general. Mura yung renta pero bawing-bawi naman yung gastos sa mga daily essentials tulad ng pagkain,” said El*, a student who stayed in the dormitory during the first semester.
El bore that their expenses for food were around more than P1000 a week,
as they usually eat at eateries outside and even skip breakfast to save money. Meanwhile, Marie*, another student who lived in the dorm for a semester, revealed that her monthly expenses for food would reach P8000, while her other roommates would spend almost P10,000.
They also noted that access to the pantry, where they could initially leave their leftovers and dishwashing
Php 70 million to repair damages and address the space shortage.
Meanwhile, Dr. Blesile Mantaring, the director of the Office of Student Affairs (OSA) said that updates on completed construction and renovations of learning spaces would be provided after three months.
The CAS Student Council (CASSC) expressed their disappointment with the administration as their incessant requests for a dialogue regarding F2F classes were only granted once which only lasted for an hour.
paraphernalia, was revoked two months after their stay. While there are understandable concerns about pest control and cleanliness, this also gave the dormers an additional burden.
Alongside the prohibition of all appliances is the ban on doing laundry in the dorm, which is yet another hurdle and additional expense, especially for students like El who need to wear a white uniform and have face-to-face classes almost every day.
Dormers detailed that their internet access was limited, not to mention the weak internet connection because the signal is barely transmitted beyond the lobby and the study lounge. The study lounge, however, is only open until 9:55 p.m. or 11 p.m. in instances where an extension is requested.
El also explained that buying pocket WiFi or even spending for mobile data would sometimes be a fruitless endeavor since the cell reception was especially weak from the fourth floor — where their room is located —up to the eighth floor.
In the recently concluded General Assembly of Student Councils (GASC), Chairperson Namit bore that the said consultation only lasted for an hour because the CAS Dean insisted on maintaining a “life-and-work balance.”
Moreover, after the on-site enlistment, The Manila Collegian reached her for an interview to know her insights about what happened during the enrollment. Still, she requested a scheduled table discussion instead.
“It is already past 5,” she said after leaving the site. ▼
As such, some students are forced to study and accomplish their requirements by the stairs and in hallways at night, even though it is prohibited. This especially becomes challenging during midterms or finals weeks, when the communal study space becomes more cramped, and the internet connection gets considerably slower.
UNRESPONSIVE AND UNCERTAIN Marie and El both noted that responses to some occupants’ concerns about dormitory management were usually slow. Examples include dorm room repairs, noting the possibility of insufficient funding as a reason. Meanwhile, they also expressed concerns about the uncertainty of being accepted again for the next semester. Since their contract is renewed on a semester basis, there is a possibility that other applicants would be prioritized. ▼
*pseudonyms preferred by the students
Article based on relevant findings of the thesis titled, “Performance of Community Health Workers during the COVID-19 Pandemic and Its Associated Factors in San Nicolas, Ilocos Norte: A Sequential Explanatory Mixed-Methods Study
ALAS SINGKO pa lang ng umaga pero marami na ang nakapila sa kalye ng Padre Faura. Malayo pa lang, maririnig na ang alingawngaw ng ambulansyang lulan ang isang pasyente na nanggaling sa probinsya. Halos lahat sa kanila ay sumadya pa sa Maynila para makapagpagamot sa University of the Philippines-Philippine General Hospital (UP-PGH). Kahit na malayo ay marami pa rin ang bumabalik pa kinabukasan, minsan mas maaga pa sa alas singko, nagbabakasakaling mapagbigyan sa isang konsultasyon.
Humigit-kumulang isang daan at dalawampung katao ang dumadagsa sa PGH kada araw pagsapit ng Hunyo 2022. Bagaman itinakdang National COVID-19 Referral Center mula noong 2020, hindi lamang mga pasyenteng mayroong COVID ang tinatanggap ng PGH. Lahat nang mayroong malalang komplikasyon o nangangailangan ng emergency care, sinusubukang mabigyan ng kwarto o espasyo sa loob ng pagamutan.
Sa kabila ng labis-labis na kapasidad, sinisikap pa rin ng mga nars at iba pang healthcare workers sa PGH na makapagbigay ng de-kalidad na serbisyong pangkalusugan. Marami pa nga sa kanila ang napipilitang magovertime o ‘di kaya’y mag-double shift, matugunan lamang ang problema ng pagdagsa ng mga pasyente. Pero kahit sanayin ang lakas-paggawa na magtiis sa ganitong sitwasyon, hindi pa rin nito mapupunan ang kakulangan ng pondo ng PGH.
Noon pa man ay humarap na sa ilang pagkakaltas ng pondo ang UP. Sa ilalim ng Roadmap for Public Higher Education Reforms (RPHER), ang badyet na nakalaan sa State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) ay binawasan upang bigyang prayoridad ang ibang proyekto tulad ng imprastraktura. Taong 2013 nang imungkahing kaltasan ng P1.9 bilyong halaga ang pondo ng higher education, kung saan Php 1.43 bilyon ang ibinawas sa UP.
Ngayon, direkta nang kinaltasan ng pamahalaang Marcos ang pondo ng UP-PGH. Nitong ika-16 Disyembre 2022 lamang, nilagdaan na ng pangulo ang taunang badyet, kung saan binawasan ng Php 2.54 bilyon ang pondo ng UP system. Bukod pa rito, nabawasan ang PGH ng humigitkumulang Php 893 milyong halaga ng pondo.
ibinibigay na suporta ng gobyerno sa ospital. Hanggang ngayon, nananatiling luma ang mga kagamitan, limitado ang akses sa edukasyon at abot-kayang serbisyo-medikal, at kontraktuwal ang maraming manggagawa.
Sa paglipas ng taon, palala lamang nang palala ang kondisyon ng PGH.
PATULOY NA PANGGIGIPIT
Matagal nang naipasa ang 1991 Local Government Code (LGC) na nagpatupad ng debolusyon ng serbisyong medikal, pero hindi pa rin sapat ang kapasidad ng rural health units (RHUs). Kadalasan kasi, iba-iba ang prayoridad ng lokal na pamahalaan pagdating sa mga proyekto nito. Mayroon mang badyet para sa pagbibigay ng serbisyong medikal, nakaangkla ito sa pribadong relasyon ng gobyerno at mga korporasyon alang-alang sa kita.
Dahil dito, mas nabibigyan ng espasyo ang mga pribadong ospital. Mula 2009, umabot na sa 60% ng kabuuang bilang ng mga pagamutan ang pagmamay-ari ng pribadong sektor. Napakalaki nito kung ikukumpara sa natitirang 40%, na siyang binubuo ng mga pampublikong ospital.
Bukod sa matinding kakulangan sa abot-kayang serbisyong-medikal, wala ring sapat na pagsasanay ang mga kawani ng RHUs pagdating sa pagsusuri at rehabilitasyon ng kalusugan ng mga komunidad. Hindi nakatatanggap ng sapat na pondo para sa mga gamot at kagamitan maski mga pampublikong ospital. Ayon sa pag-aaral, 55% lamang ng mga pampublikong ospital ang mayroong kumpletong listahan ng mga gamot at mas mababa pa sa 33% ang mayroong kumpletong kagamitan. Bunsod ng ganitong sitwasyon sa mga probinsya, pinipiling indahin ng
ng RHUs pagdating sa pagtataguyod ng epektibong serbisyong medikal. Mababanaag din ito sa kung paanong pinipili na lamang dumiretso ng mga maysakit sa PGH, bagaman ito ay isang tertiary hospital na nagbibigay ng espesyalisadong serbisyo para lamang sa mga pasyenteng mayroong malalang kondisyon. Ito ay taliwas sa orihinal na mithiin kung bakit ibinaba sa LGU ang kontrol sa sistemang pangkalusugan upang maging mas malapit ang serbisyong pang medikal sa mga tao.
Kaya naman nagsisiksikan ang mga Pilipino at pumipila sa lansangan ng Padre Faura para makapagpagamot sa PGH. Kapalit din ng ilang oras na paghihintay ang libo-libong salapi na hindi na nila kailangan pang o ipangutang,
maipambili lamang ng mamahaling gamot at maipambayad sa mga gastusin sa pribadong ospital. Sa PGH umaasa ang milyonmilyong Pilipino. Dito, ‘di hamak na mas kumpleto at abot-kaya ang serbisyong medikal dahil sa dami ng mga manggagawang pangkalusugan at mga dalubhasa sa iba’t ibang espesyalidad. Mas malawak din ang mga pasilidad kung ikukumpara sa mga ospital sa probinsya.
Pero sa kabila ng papel na ginagampanan ng PGH, napakababa ng tinatanggap nitong pondo mula sa gobyerno. Sa huling taon ng kaniyang termino, ipinanukala ni Duterte na kaltasan ng Php 500 milyon ang badyet ng UP-PGH. Ngayong umupo na si Marcos, umabot na sa Php 893 milyon
ang nakaambang mabawas sa pondo ng ospital.
Naniniwala si Karen Faurillo, pangulo ng All UP Workers UnionManila, na hindi katanggap-tanggap ang pagkaltas sa badyet ng PGH, lalo na’t patungo ang bansa sa new normal.
“We saw the need for PGH to be upgraded in terms of facilities, and in human resource,” aniya. (Nakita namin ang pangangailangang pataasin ang kalidad ng PGH pagdating sa pasilidad at lakas-paggawa).
EDUKASYONG HANDOG NG PGH Pagdating sa UP Manila, maigting ding ipinapanawagan ng mga konseho ang sapat na pondo para sa PGH. Para kina Rhadrian Resuello, UP Nursing Student Council (UP NSC)
Chairperson, at Trevor Lomotos, 2024 Batch Representative, ang pagkaltas sa badyet ng UP-PGH ay pagkakait ng isang komprehensibong edukasyon sa susunod na healthcare workers ng bayan.
Pangatlong taon na nina Resuello at Lomotos sa unibersidad. Sa isang panayam ng The Manila Collegian, ibinahagi ni Resuello ang kaniyang mga karanasan habang nagdyuduty sa PGH. Isa kasi sa mga rekisito ng kaniyang kurso ang aktuwal na pagsasanay bilang nars sa ospital.
“Mabigat siya [dahil sa] papers pero very fulfilling ‘yung experience and masaya that you get to interact with patients, and more than their health conditions [or] their treatment, you also get to learn about their
background, since we also recognize that healthcare is, of course, multifactorial,” aniya. “We also considered the economic conditions of these families, and we recognize that these are factors that contribute [to] why they acquire certain diseases.”
Dagdag pa ni Resuello, naging hamon din ang malaking agwat sa bilang ng mga propesor at estudyante. Kadalasan, isang propesor lamang ang itinatalaga sa isang grupo ng mga estudyante tuwing duty. Para kay Lomotos, isang malaking limitasyon ang kakulangan ng faculty-in-charge (FIC) sa kanilang pagsasanay.
“Kapag nagkasakit ka sa duty, dahil nga [bilang] effect din ng budget cuts, less teachers, less time sa wards. Kapag nagkasakit ka talaga, parang
ang hirap bumawi, kasi ‘yon, hindi ka nga ma-ha-handle ng mga professors dahil kakaunti rin sila,” sabi niya. Nang tanungin kung maaapektuhan ng nakaambang PGH budget cut ang accessibility ng edukasyon sa UP, sumagot si Resuello, “Oo… kasi nagiging very limited ‘yung acceptance rates ng nursing students… considering na sobrang daming naga-apply sa UP College of Nursing, pero sobrang nagiging rigorous nung process of accepting these applicants kasi… the capacity for them to operate or to teach these students is very limited since one, limited nga ‘yung faculties natin, yung professors natin, [and] two, limited din ‘yung facilities natin.”
Para kina Resuello at Lomotos, mahalagang mayroong sapat na alokasyon ng pondo sa mga kagamitan sa PGH upang maisagawa nang maaayos ang iba’t ibang medical procedures na bahagi ng kanilang pagsasanay. Kuwento ni Lomotos, dahil sa kakulangan sa rekurso sa PGH, napipilitan nang gumamit ang kanilang kolehiyo ng alternatibong materyales sa pagtuturo.
“[The] good thing is that, these healthcare workers, or ‘yung nurse na nag-assist kasi sa akin, they understood na it’s part of our duty or it’s part of our training na dapat bigyan kami ng materials or bigyan kami ng instruments para magawa namin ‘yung procedure and ma-train kami. Pero ‘yon, we cannot avoid [these] types of circumstances [kasi] talagang limited ‘yung resources na available sa PGH,” pahayag naman ni Resuello.
Bukod pa rito, anila, nananatiling salat ang accessible mental health
‘‘Sa pagtungo ng bansa sa isang new normal, bitbit pa rin ng sektor ng kalusugan ang mga dating sugat na hindi kayang hilumin ng panahon. Dehado pa rin ang mga nars at mga kontraktuwal na manggagawa ng UP-PGH dahil sunod-sunod ang pagkaltas sa pondo nito, sa kabila ng mga problemang hindi pa rin natutugunan hanggang ngayon.
services hindi lamang sa kanilang kolehiyo, kung hindi pati na rin sa buong unibersidad. Kasama sana ito sa pinopondohang University Health Services (UHS) ng UP-PGH, pero maging UHS providers ay walang gaanong kapasidad na makapagbigay ng konsultasyon sa lahat ng estudyante.
Naniniwala si Resuello na kawalan ng pondo ang nagiging ugat ng mga problemang kinakaharap ngayon ng PGH.
“I think, ‘yung [effect] ng budget cuts [na] limited resources that [have] been happening since before is immeasurable,” aniya. “It’s not enough na mag-duty kami and then pumasa kami and then, mag-proceed kami sa higher courses without recognizing that there are actual limitations within the healthcare system of the country and patients are really affected [by] these limitations and limited budget and resources na in-a-allot ng government sa ‘tin.”
“[A]s students… we deserve the budget, we deserve the resources. Kasi, at the end of the day, the people we want to serve naman is the Filipino people,” dagdag ni Resuello.
KARAPATAN ANG KALUSUGAN Sa pagtungo ng bansa sa isang new normal, bitbit pa rin ng sektor ng kalu sugan ang mga dating sugat na hindi kayang hilumin ng panahon. Dehado pa rin ang mga nars at mga kontraktuwal na manggagawa ng UPPGH dahil sunod-su nod ang pagkaltas sa pondo nito, sa kabila ng mga proble mang hindi pa rin na
tutugunan hanggang ngayon. Noong 2022, inasahan ng pamunuan ng PGH na patuloy na mababawasan ang bilang ng kanilang mga manggagawa dahil sa pagbubukas ng international borders. Paano pa kaya ngayon na ginigipit ang pondo ng ospital? Paano pa ngayong tumataas ang presyo ng mga bilihin habang nananatiling mababa ang pasahod?
Ang isyu sa paggawa ay nakatali sa kalusugan. Kung mananatiling mababa ang kinikita ng mga manggagawa, maaapektuhan ang kanilang kaligtasan maging ng kanilang pamilya. Kung hindi na nakabubuhay ang sahod na tinatanggap ng mga nars buhat ng kakulangan ng suporta mula sa gobyerno, lohikal lamang na maghanap ng trabaho sa ibang bansa kung saan kinikilala ang kanilang natatanging kontribusyon sa usapin ng kalusugan.
Iisa ang panawagan: dagdagan, sa halip na bawasan, ang pondo ng UPPGH. Mula noon hanggang ngayon, walang espasyo ang pagsasamantala sa gitna ng sunod-sunod na krisis na kinaharap at kinakaharap ng bansa. Magbago man ang panahon, magbago man ang mukha at tindig ng mga nakaluklok sa puwesto, mananatiling karapatan ng bawat mamamayan ang kalusugan.▼
IT WAS 1986. The People Power Revolution just overthrew the tyrant, but his presence remained palpable, as millions of Filipinos were left malnourished, suffering from contagious diseases, or, worst, dead. Marcos Sr.’s iron fist punched the Philippine healthcare system to the point of paralysis.
As part of the recovery efforts, the 1991 Local Government Code (LGC) was formulated to devolve basic services and facilities, such as health, to Local Government Units (LGUs). After all, a decentralized system would better equip LGUs to respond more quickly to grassroots needs than the national government.
The idea was fairly simple and noble at the outset. But three decades have already passed, and changes are still yet to materialize in the country’s healthcare system.
THE CASE OF THE PHILIPPINE HEALTH DEVOLUTION
So, is a progressive health devolution not tenable in the country?
“Mangyayari ‘yon, but it requires certain things to be in place,” said Dr. Gene Nisperos of the UP College of Medicine. He believed it would only work when people have real power over health decisions, and the government is accountable enough to relieve erring local officials. There must be an effective oversight mechanism to ensure its proper implementation, which is not the case in the Philippines.
For the longest time, health
devolution in the country conveniently allowed local elites to misuse financial resources supposedly allocated for health services to strengthen political patronage, especially in areas ruled by dynasties. These opportunistic and corrupt politicians do not treat health as a right. They only see it as an electoral currency they are willing to bargain to stay in power.
With the implementation of the Mandanas-Garcia ruling, the local governments’ National Tax Allotment (NTA) increased by 40 percent or about Php 263 billion in 2022 compared to the previous fiscal year. And so, Dr. Nisperos asked, “If devolution didn’t work before, would giving LGUs more money make it work better this time?”
A mere budgetary increase does not equate to better health services, as corruption in the local scene presents a clear danger. It requires a far more daunting task—overhauling the Philippine political system.
On the other hand, in response to the prospect of losing access to a significant portion of the national revenues, the Duterte administration issued EO 138, directing the full devolution of the functions stipulated in the LGC by 2024. Experts estimated
that devolution costs are twice the amount that local governments are entitled to receive under the NTA. This makes the risk of failure high once the policy pushes through without careful consideration.
The distribution formula used for NTA-share computation is also inherently problematic because it is heavily weighted toward the population and land area of each LGU category. While this may not be a concern for high-class LGUs with independent local revenue generation systems, the same cannot be said for NTAdependent units receiving a minuscule share. This skewed calculation will likely result in substantial disparities in the quality and quantity of public health services across the country, as rich LGUs are seemingly favored while poor LGUs have to deal with greater economic instabilities.
The Department of Health earlier pronounced that the Mandanas-Garcia ruling could help sustain the execution of the Universal Healthcare (UHC) Law. But is this still the case when the discussed fiscal issues remain unresolved?
THE UHC LAW THROUGH A CRITICAL LENS
Inasmuch as the MandanasGarcia ruling is problematic, so is the UHC law. Thus, even if the LGUs, powered by additional funding, happen to champion health and judiciously implement the law, the entire development process can still be defective.
The UHC Law is innately a health financing document, not a publicregarding law. This is because 10 of its 11 chapters are about PhilHealth, NHIP, and the like. With UHC being centered on PhilHealth, the Philippine healthcare system is rampantly driven not by people’s needs but by the government’s conviction on how services will be financed. As expressed by Dr. Nisperos, “’Pag pera na ang nagpapatakbo, hindi na ‘yan usapin ng health bilang karapatan— usapin na yan ng ‘sinong may pera’ at ‘magkano ang gagastusin diyan?’”
The government used to trumpet that the law was a groundbreaking advancement of the Filipino people’s right to health. But the UHC Act of 2019 does not perceive health as a right. In fact, it institutionalizes inequality, as is made clear in Chapter 3, Section 9, which states that PhilHealth shall provide additional benefits for premium contributors. If health is indeed a right, no one should have more or less of it.
Moreover, the ceiling of the premium payment does not consider the enormous income gap between a migrant nurse and a landlord politician since both have to pay the same amount of contribution. Again, if health is indeed a right, one must not suffer more financial damage than others.
The effective implementation of the law is expected to change practically nothing, as it only echoes the current co-payment system for private health services and free medical
care in public hospitals. Ultimately, the Philippine healthcare system remains a battle of money and connection. In the realm of probable solutions, reversing devolution is the most doable course of action. Improving local governance to make devolution work might be one way to go, but this can only be possible through a system with greater accountability for government officials. However, in juxtaposing the character development of politicians and the reversal of devolution, the latter sits closer to reality, especially under a draconian rule.
This new year, no hope is left for the Marcosian government, whose values are anathema to the provision of people’s basic rights and needs. After all, what can we expect from the son and namesake of the dictator who siphoned off the country’s public wealth while the health system bled from inadequate resources and the exodus of health professionals? The open wound left by his father and those who came after exposed the country to dangerous pathogens, making it at risk of further infection.
The most lethal pathogens of the time, the Marcos-Duterte regime, will continue to weaken the country’s immune defense. And no tokenistic or shallow health reforms can provide temporary relief anymore. Only through an antidote concocted from the collective rage of the Filipino people will a revitalized Philippine healthcare system emerge. ▼
JOHN REY AMESTOSO AND GERRA MAE REYESNO MATTER THE GENERATION, children are a reflection of innocence. Although their maturity may sometimes surprise adults, they carry a playful spirit that unapologetically sees the world through rose-colored glasses. It’s a quality that is almost unique to them. Even throughout adulthood, people tend to lean into their “inner child” to reimagine reality or cope with life’s challenges. Children hold an authenticity so easy to mistake for ignorance or naivety, which makes it harder to see they, too, have the right to live a life free of abuse and exploitation.
Remember how we always lose in the very famous “Langit, Lupa”, a known larong Pinoy because we always fall short of reaching Langit (an elevated place) by running away from the Taya (Tag)? Well, these are easily marks of one exhausting but fulfilling childhood. Patintero, piko, luksong baka, and other Pinoy games were the symbol of a child’s freedom and happiness. But, even to this day, not every Filipino child gets to play.
The country’s juvenile laws have been anti-child since time immemorial. In fact, “children in conflict with the law” have always suffered from poor rehabilitation and stern intervention of authorities. Several administrations have promised to make the Philippines “a safer place for children” but, without fail, it becomes another empty, electioneering pledge.
A film by Kirsi Crowley, an international media broadcaster from Germany, shows the world how
Filipino children are being neglected by the Philippine government. The film showed how street children have ironically made the streets a safe haven from police forces catching them without providing protection and further intervention as provided by the law. If there is anything to blame for the prevalence of juvenile crime, it is the continued neglect of the government to address poverty leading to child labor and its active contribution to perpetuating violent acts against children.
The Human Rights Watch reported in 2018 a total of 101 children were extrajudicially killed or were killed as “collateral damage” in buy-bust operations. The number of children killed in this war on drugs campaign of the Duterte administration has continued to spike until the end of his term. Justice has yet to be served for children who have been killed by state forces. Duterte has been evading criminal cases for his crimes against humanity.
With the same tenets of the presidency under the Dictator’s son, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., children are left at no better place. They would endure the heat and long lines outside the DSWD office waiting for the Social Amelioration Program (SAP), only to find out that the government agency was not prepared to cater all children who need subsidies for education. Owing to that, children are forced to drop out of school and once again, scuffle the streets to live. Children face various crises due to the pandemic yet one of the key persons for children’s rights, the Secretary of Education has been giving out toothbrushes to starving children; has been pushing for repressive school policies. No changes. No actions. Not even under a new administration. Genuine programs to make society a safer place for minors is yet to see the light of the government’s urgency. The call for restorative justice is yet to be prioritized. The narrative always puts children to blame for adults and the state’s co-equal failure to humanize rehabilitation and reform. Children are not criminals. If there is one, it is the politician who deliberately curves the law in his or her favor. Only the powergreedy are capable of such horrendous acts; no children are adept to be one.
Children should not be jailed nor should they be treated as if they are
prisoners behind metal bars in youth rehabilitation centers. Resolving the roots of why children are forced to commit crimes should be addressed. However, the government seems to be on the loose while non-government organizations (NGOs) are on the go exhausting all possible channels to continue their humanitarian efforts.
In partnership with an international NGO, children advocates from UP Manila formerly led by Paul Carlo A. Alibin turned to all possible forms of initiatives to deliver service to children. ‘Through Little Hands: Isko With UNICEF,’ a service-oriented university-based organization, launched educational situationers and online fora on topics concerning children’s rights. They also hosted “Awit ng Kabataan,” a year-end concert and income-generating project (IGP) for Bahay Tuluyan that caters to street children and launch “Isko Merchandise” as an incomegenerating project (IGP) for the Child Hope Philippines. Through their information-education campaign, “Hope 5000,” the organization was also able to publish educational materials intended for public dissemination.
Children’s organizations and advocates went above and beyond. Despite their successes, Little Hands expressed they still had to work under a few constraints. “These initiatives are not enough given the limitations imposed by the pandemic, especially
the online setup, but we really tried our best to work around what we have”, Alibin said.
Organizations dedicated to ensuring the welfare of children have been receiving little support from the government, in spite of the role they play in mitigating the impact of repressive government policies. And instead of providing a more systematic response to cases of child abuse and exploitation using their wealth of resources, the government opts to free ride on organizations’ efforts to deliver effective services to affected communities.
New year, same old predicament. Children are continuously discounted and mistreated by the very institutions that should protect them. To this day, they are wrecked by systemic culpability, causing them to suffer deep injuries they bring with them throughout their life.
The government should recognize the urgency to implement pro-children laws and programs, as well as revisiting existing child laws in place to meet the changing orientation of juvenile abuse. It needs to provide livelihood assistance to urban poor families and introduce them to the concept of family planning while equipping them to engage in one. Instead of trampling on children’s rights, the government should act on a decades-long call to protect children and listen to their needs. After all, it is the country’s future that needs saving. ▼
ALAS TRES ng madaling araw.
*Bzzzt bzzzt bzzzt,* tunog mula sa de-keypad na cellphone. Hudyat ito ng panibagong araw ng pagpasok sa pinto ng karimlan. Bumangon si Tano, isang ama at sekyu, sa kanilang mumunting silid—tulala. Pinagtatanto kung ang pagtakas sa lupit ng reyalidad ay hanggang panaginip na lamang ba. Gumising siyang binibilang ang oras na muling makasama ang kapayapaan sa kanyang paghiga.
Sa halip na tilaok ng manok, binati si Tano ng kaluskos ng FX, karipas ng motor, at hikahos ng mga tulad niyang manggagawang naliligaw kahahanap ng direksyon. Sa dakong kaliwa, kasama niya ang mga taong ginawa na ring agahan ang usok ng dyip. Sa dakong kanan naman, tanaw niya ang napakahabang pila sa tricycle na hindi na maaninag ang dulo.
Gaya niya, ang mga taong ito’y nauna pang magpakita sa araw, suotsuot ang kanilang mga unipormeng gusot at relong naglalaman ng natitirang oras sa pakikipagsapalaran. “K’ya. Penge naman akong barya. Pangkain lamang,” pakiusap ng isang gusgusing bata kay Tano habang naghihintay ng masasakyan. Ngunit nang tingnan niya ang kanyang pitaka ay kulang pa ang laman nito pang-uwi. Kasabay ng pagbuntonghininga, malungkot niyang itinuon ang atensyon sa paparating na bus.
Alas tres na ng madaling araw.
Bagaman gising na si Tano at sanay na sa paulit-ulit na buhay ay hindi pa rin handang harapin ang isa na namang araw ng hirap sa pagsakay.
Isang malakas na busina ang pumawi sa kaniyang pagpupungas. Bitbit ng higanteng bus na ito ang lagpas singkwentang pasaherong dinaig pa ang sardinas sa lata. “Kuya, wala na. Hindi na kami kasya rito,”
‘‘
Siksikan na nga sa loob ng bus, siksikan pa rin sa may labas. Animo’y mga musmos na nag-aabang ng sundo;
lukot ang mukha sa pagkabagot. Ang iba’y walang pakundangang
namamangga ng kapwa, makaalpas lang sa rehas ng malaimpyernong pagdurusa.
reklamo ng katabi niyang mapalad ding nakasiksik sa bus. Bagaman alanganin ang pagkakasabit ni Tano, wala siyang magawa kung hindi makipagsiksikan upang umabot sa pasok niyang alassyete ang simula.
Isang malalim na buntong-hininga
ang kanyang pinakawalan. Balewala ang pagpulido niya sa buhok dahil sa bumulusok na usok na sumira nito. Bakas ang pawis sa uniporme niyang mabusising pinlantsa ng kaniyang misis. Umuurong na lamang din ang kaniyang gutom sa tuwing maaalalang nagmahal na ang paboritong agahang ensaymada.
“We’re not really that high,” saad ng well-mannered na pangulo sa telebisyon ng bus. Nang marinig ito ni Tano, hindi niya mapigilang ihambing ang kapabulaanang narinig sa arawaraw na kalbaryong kinahaharap nilang mga komyuter.
Siksikan na nga sa loob ng bus, siksikan pa rin sa may labas. Animo’y mga musmos na nag-aabang ng sundo; lukot ang mukha sa pagkabagot. Ang iba’y walang pakundangang namamangga ng kapwa, makaalpas lamang sa rehas ng mala-impyernong pagdurusa. Sapagkat, ang inaasahang bathalang magliligtas sa kanila’y nagpapakasasa sa nakaw na yaman, nagpapakasarap habang nakatirik ang mga mata.
Alas tres na ulit ng madaling araw.
Papasok na muli si Tano. Pagkababa ng bus, rekta na agad sa mala-blockbuster na pila sa MRT. Gaya niya, marami sa mga pasaherong ito ang mayroong bakas din ng hirap ang pinagdaanan.
“Paki-usog na lamang po sa tabi. Nasiraan kasi ang tren sa may bandang Q. Ave,” marahan na anunsyo ng sekyu na nagbabantay sa dulo ng riles.
Nilalamon ng pagkabigo si Tano sa bawat gapang ng orasan; alanganin pa
pala ang gising niyang alas tres.
Tumulala na lamang si Tano sa kahabaan ng EDSA— balisa. Tanaw niya ang mga kotseng ginawang paradahan ang abenida; nagbabakasakaling mas maluwag ang buhay kung mayroon siyang awtomobil.
Unting-unting napagtatanto ni Tano ang laki ng agwat nilang mga komyuter sa mga mayroong kakayahang maglakbay nang hindi gusot ang uniporme at hindi basa ang kili-kili. Mula sa bus hanggang pagsakay ng tren, mas lalo niyang nadarama at ng ilang libong naaagrabyadong pasahero ang lumalalang krisis ng transportasyon sa bansa. Mga karanasang suntok sa buwan ang layo sa ginhawang ipinangako ng ‘Build, Build, Build’ ng rehimeng Duterte.
Alas tres na naman ng madaling araw.
Mayroong galit talaga ang mga diyos-diyosan at naghahari-harian sa mga komyuter gaya ni Tano dahil hindi lamang punuan at siksikan, kundi, makupad pa ang pag-usad ng mga sasakyan ngayon. Mga sasakyang animo’y naghahatid ng patay sa huli nitong hantungan.
“Bakit may sad dahil back to work na? Dapat grateful kasi may work!”
wika ng isang burgis na influencer na pinapanood ng katabi ni Tano. Kung sasagutin ni Tano ang tanong na ‘yon, siguro’y aabutin sila ng magdamag dahil sa dami ng dahilan.
Sa ‘di kalayuan, pulutan ng dalawang magkumpare ang untiunting pagsasapribado ng gobyerno sa mga pampublikong sasakyan. Anila’y
pasakit lamang pagdating ng Bagong Taon dahil hindi na raw libre ang EDSA Bus Carousel. Kakaunting ginhawa na nga lamang ang naibigay nito sa aming mga komyuter, ipinagkait na naman ng gobyerno. Tiyak na magmamahal pa ang pamasahe dahil ganid ang mga kapitalistang magmamay-ari nito. Napabuntong hininga na lamang si Tano; aabot pa kaya sila sa kanilang destinasyon? Dahil sa bawat minutong nahuhuli sa trabaho, isinusugal nila ang kapakanan nila at ng kanilang mga pamilya.
Ang bawat oras na nawawala ang nagtatakda kung mayroong maihahain ba sa lamesa ang mga tulad nilang mistulang namamalimos ng tamang serbisyo mula sa gobyerno. Sumagi sa isip ni Tano ang batang namalimos sa kanya noon. Wala naman pala silang gaanong pinagkaiba. Parehas silang nananabik sa ambon na biyaya ng mas nakaluluwag sa kanila. Sa kabila ng lumulobong utang ng bansa, silang mga komyuter ay ‘di nakatitikim ng kahit katiting na ambon ng mas maginhawang transportasyon. Sa wakas, alas tres na ng madaling araw.
*Bzzzt bzzzt bzzzt,* tunog na gumising kay Tano. Hudyat ito ng isa na namang araw ng pagpasok. Subalit, hindi siya sa trabaho paroroon, kung hindi sa pagbuwag ng walang tigil na pasakit na dala ng patuloy na nabubulok na sistema. Baon ni Tano ang mulat na kaisipan at lakas ng loob mula sa araw-araw niyang karanasan. Kung saan tutungo si Tano ay iba pang kuwento. ▼
MOTHER HAS BECOME BONE-THIN from a chronic illness. For the longest time, it has leeched off her, rendering her incapable of nursing her weeping children. What was once a body that nourishes became a body that crumbles; healing seems improbable, for the illness is deeply-rooted. Her children are left in hunger day and night, hearts igniting in anger.
“What is the nature of this consuming illness? Not even the experts are able to treat her!” her children cry. They need to know what is ailing their mother. Why could she no longer nourish them with her fresh produce? Her arable lands could grow a bountiful supply of crops when they coexisted in harmony, but the illness consumed her.
People claim her body to be something they can possess and they turn this into a lifeless array of infrastructure while sucking out her resources. While her children, left in poverty and hunger, are left with no choice but to consult the skies that accompanied them through cruel nights.
The zodiac signs across the sky have lived through eras, and so the children consulted them. Together, they unearthed the celestial bodies that conspired against their mother. The pattern of failed treatments and abuses have occurred too many times, and there could only be one culprit behind this: the planetary retrogrades.
The zodiacs cleared the sky, and three prominent planetary retrogrades appeared. Three major planets are moving backward when observed from Earth, a foretelling sign of stagnation.
JUPITER RETROGRADE: GREED FOR EXPANSION
“Jupiter, planet of expansion
With its greed and overindulgence
Left them bound to chains of poverty”
Jupiter, the largest planet, desires nothing but expansion for its own sake. Bathing in hedonism, he sucked the life out of mother just to bathe in her riches. His methods of expansion are two sides of the same coin: either he owns the land and milks it off, or seizes it and converts it for industrial use.
The first method is rather traditional, a practice that has been tormenting the mother and children for centuries. He breaks the harmony between them. He forges a shackle that forever binds the land to him, one that only breaks when another man purchases it. The shackle also binds the children into eternal debt and suffering, where they pay soaring prices of land rent and loans and break their backs under the sun, only earning a few coins to their name.
The other method is modern, where Jupiter dances in sync with the sly Mercury in order to orchestrate their plan. He forges yet another shackle, where he repurposes the land from agricultural to industrial. He stomps over fields with towering buildings or expansive factories and power plants. Fresh air is replaced by suffocating fumes; gone were the days when the children would sustainably plow and harvest from the fields. Now they’re bound to a life so gray within the shackles of unfair working
conditions.
Jupiter’s retrograde motion has entrapped the mother and her children into a slow and backward life, a dark tunnel with no sunlight.
MARS RETROGRADE: BASTION OF BRUTALITY
“Mars craves aggression and power Tear stains of the banished children Bring joy to his corrupted heart”
Mars, the planet of aggression, thirsts for power and bloodshed, which he gains by being the loyal guard dog of Jupiter. He has adopted both the trickiness of Mercury and the power greed of Jupiter, which he does in a sneaky manner into the children’s lives by planting fake pieces of evidence, and framing them into trumped-up charges. He has been the active force that hijacks mother’s treatment, for Mars retrograde harshly pushes back any sort of progress made—may it be at the picket lines, at the agricultural fields, or at the gates of his beloved master. He has fully functional ears that spy over the poor children, yet it fails to listen to their pleas. He claims to hear nothing as he brutally hits progressives with his evil-marred bat and shield. Sometimes he shoots them dead with a gun—all of their cries falling on deaf ears when Jupiter’s men build large infrastructures over the children’s
beloved home. His hands are soiled with the blood of the innocent and the poor, yet however he may try to wash his hands, blood still reeks from his skin. He serves and protects not the people, but his one and only true master.
MERCURY RETROGRADE: TOWER OF BUREAUCRACY
“Mercury opts for tricky routes Mastermind of the plan, serving painfully slow, and with malice”
The planet with a natural talent for agility, Mercury, works slowly when it comes to serving the people he has chosen to enchant. As a magician, he spends too much time orchestrating the best ruse while pretending to be at their service. His purported job of spreading cheer to the populace is nothing more than a series of tricks to siphon off their few resources, diverting their attention away from the very theft of his brothers. The children cannot help but ask the land grabber for help as their mother endures day-today suffering from the illness that barred them from making ends meet. As Mercury moves in retrograde, misfortunes further hamper her recovery.
Despite Mercury and Jupiter’s promises to supply funds for the family, little help actually reached them. It took them a long time and a number of processes to amass the
necessary funds to purchase a small dose of medicine for their mother, which didn’t work anyway. Mercury is cunning, the way he made the family beg for money they should have already been receiving from the land taken. It was yet another part of his tricky plan to exacerbate the family’s suffering by continuously importing rice and collecting tariffs on it.
Anything in excess could have been used for the mother’s medication. However, the family continued to struggle for food and medicine.
The planetary retrogrades work together to roll out their grand masterplan: to continuously profit off of the motherland, barring the poor from living sustainably. These planets high up in the sky seem unreachable, but the children’s hands stretch high, the desire to reach the planets to topple them over reverberating. These planets live high up in the sky, seemingly unreachable, and yet, the children’s hearts still beat in sync. These planets are millions of miles away, far from the reality they live in. Reality has real monsters high up the social ladder that bring nightmares to the land and its tillers.
While power remains to the few who remind them of these retrogrades, the children shall choose to resist gigantic, cosmic forces. That is the real remedy against the illness of the land. ▼
CHRISTINA MICHAELA CAMBIADO AND JOANNA HONASAN
MARK LAURENZ B. HANDAYAN
FOR ALMOST THREE YEARS, the COVID-19 pandemic reshaped the methods of teaching and learning especially in higher education. However, the prolonged lack of face-to-face classes further widens the mismatch between learned theory and applied practice. The UP system is not a stranger to adapting policies that were devoid of its constituents’ demands.
Despite minimal progressive efforts, the university’s implementation of hybrid classes fails to consider the woes that go beyond the simplicity of merging online and on-site setups.
FAUX “CONVENIENCE”
One of the promises of a hybrid setup includes marketing self-paced learning as a mode of “flexible instruction.” In an ideal hybrid setup, both the students and faculty have the agency to peruse online materials at their own pace. However, many seem adamant about the steeper cognitive load the hybrid setup requires.
“Recorded video lectures can oftentimes be static. It feels artificial; thus, making me disengaged. A lecture that is usually finished for an hour on-site takes me twice the time and headspace to finish processing in a hybrid setup,” a sentiment raised by a 3rd-year student from the College of Public Health.
In most colleges of UP Manila, lectures for the current academic year remained online while laboratory and departmental exams were held on-
site. This selective importance shifts the emphasis of face-to-face classes from simulating critical discussions to high-stake assessments.
All of a sudden, authentic onsite discussions were replaced with monotonous recorded videos. Consultations became discussion forums. Raising hands was reduced to Zoom functions. The rigorous art of dialogue has also merely become an afterthought to convenience.
Even colleges that shifted to hybrid instruction were faced with issues. Oftentimes, students still have to accomplish online lectures and formative assessments after their on-site laboratory classes. And given that the university has insufficient resources, accessibility remains an issue to supplement the shift from a traditional to a hybrid setup.
There is also an evident mismatch between skill formation from online learning and applying such in reallife practice. Academic programs, whose competencies relied on practical skills, were met with unprecedented expectations despite the lack of on-site training.
Under a hybrid setup, merging the digital and on-site landscapes adds perplexity to non-conventional pedagogy. Unlike traditional classes where there were definite bounds to class schedules, students have to overcome a steeper learning curve in digesting lectures aside from their usual course deliverables.
The loss of shared pacing further blurs the divide between work and personal spaces. And without the structure of classroom learning, the flexibility of hybrid classes remains an unfulfilled promise.
In the middle of July, the Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA) announced in a memorandum that the UP system will shift to blended learning for A.Y. 2022-2023. UP Manila then later confirmed that the delivery of face-to-face classes was at the discretion of colleges, citing that each can shift to a hybrid setup based on the readiness of the faculty.
This non-standardized implementation of face-to-face classes prioritized programs with laboratory courses (mostly from white colleges) to shift to an on-site setup, while humanities and social sciences programs (mostly from College of Arts and Sciences) were left to operate under the usual online instruction.
With very little time to prepare, the students and the faculty raised
logistical concerns. Students from distant provinces had to book tickets and look for accommodations at a much higher price due to immediate demands. Bureaucracy from faceto-face requirements (i.e. PhilHealth Insurance, Physical Exam) also burdened students away from NCR. The contentious academic calendar also added strain to the pockets of those away from Manila. Recently, students had to book tickets over the holidays to finish remaining exams that were pushed to January,a month that is traditionally the start of the semestral break in the regular UPM academic calendar.
Students whose financial capacity was ravaged by the pandemic had no choice but to conform to the antistudent policy of the administration.
Despite the return of students, there is little support to sustain the reopening of facilities and conducive learning spaces on the campus. Students in UP Manila commenced their return to campus with construction sites, limited classrooms, and flooded areas— all of which are indicators of an overarching issue of budget cuts in state-funded universities. This is also a culmination of the years of neglect by the UPM administration in heeding the call of students for adequate spaces.
If the university wants to uphold its mandate of cultivating critical thinkers, then it needs to heed the calls of its constituents.
A genuine academic reform requires an established dialogue among the foremost sectors of staff, faculty, and students. Administrators need to acknowledge that there are certain nuances from traditional learning that cannot be complemented with online learning, no matter how innovative modern methods may be.
The return of 100% face-to-face classes in the next semester will resurface issues that were shrugged off during the pandemic. Sooner or later, the lack of spaces, faculty, and resources will supersede the increasing demand for free quality education. On top of this is the Php 124.8 million budget cut that UP received as reflected in the 2023 General Appropriations Act.
As long as designing setups remains unilateral, we continue to spiral into myopic policies we believe are solutions to multifaceted problems. A university devoid of student welfare is a manifestation of a deteriorating democracy. A striking metaphor for the country’s political instability. The issues faced in the current hybrid setup are not distinct pitfalls, but rather are symptoms of a deeply-entrenched education crisis.
#IsulongAngLigtasNaBalikEskwela
IN THE RECENTLY HELD university town hall meeting, UP Manila (UPM) Chancellor Dr. Carmencita Padilla and UP College of Medicine (UPCM) Dean Charlotte Chiong revealed that the government adopted the existing Return Service Agreement (RSA) of the university and that the university also served as a resource institution and was part of the technical committee that drafted its Implementing Rules and Regulation.
The Republic Act 11509 or Doktor Para sa Bayan Act, signed in 2021, aims to improve the doctorpatient ratio in the country, which is at 3-to-1000, by producing doctors through scholarships to be given to less fortunate students coming from provinces with a dwindling number of registered physicians. But, just like any government scholarship, a student is mandated to serve the public healthcare system for the same number of years they were under the scholarship program.
No matter how noble the reason of the government in giving out medical school scholarships, this only fails to resolve the long-standing issues of the Philippine healthcare system. This will never address the brain drain of healthcare workers in the country. Scholarships like this are only breeding sheep to be slaughtered in the future.
The pandemic has aggravated the problem of the healthcare system. In 2020, at the height of the pandemic, then-President Rodrigo Duterte banned the deployment of nurses and physicians abroad to prevent the depletion of healthcare workers in the country. Even before the pandemic, there are around 13,000 healthcare professionals who leave the country for better opportunities abroad. For a country known for its overseas workers, it is not a secret why they are seeking work abroad, it is always for higher wages and better working conditions. Remember when Dr. Maria Theresa Cruz, a doctor who died of COVID-19 while courageously serving Cainta Municipal Hospital, was paid by the government Php 60.93 per day as her hazard pay. Remember when a photo circulated online captured healthcare workers of Philippine General Hospital (PGH) in Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) sleeping on the ground. And just recently, PGH, the largest tertiary and highly specialized hospital, and a COVID-19 referral hospital was slapped with a Php 800 million budget cut despite calls for a higher budget.
All these are happening to our healthcare workers while the underperforming Philippine president is sleeping comfortably in his bed not worrying that his office will run out of money to be used for extravagance and his lap dogs.
Meanwhile, the RSA has always been paraded to be a way to instill nationalism in students who will eventually become community healthcare workers. It is always the narrative of the UP Manila administration on why they still have not scrapped or even revisited the
agreement despite the long history of resistance by the UPM community. Subjecting students to stricter standards would only pressure them to comply with requirements and might eventually start to be indifferent towards the profession. Imagine having to work hard for a profession that would only pay you an amount way lower than underperforming politicians.
‘‘It is always the narrative of the UP Manila administration on why they still have not scrapped or even revisited the agreement despite the long history of resistance by the UPM community. Subjecting students to stricter standards would only pressure them to comply with requirements and might eventually start to be indifferent towards the profession.
Serving the people must not be forced down the students’ throats, it should be inculcated through community immersion; it is exposing the students to the ills of healthcare in communities which the spirit of serving the country may come from.
It is a no-brainer for the government to know that the problem of brain drain is less about accessibility to ways to become a particular professional, but is more about the treatment of these professions that made them decide to leave the country for a greener pasture. Answering the remark from the UP Manila chancellor, the healthcare workers have never perceived serving the country as a burden. It is the health system, which includes the government, which does not give justice to its workers and does not recognize the importance of ‘Health for All’ in achieving greater health outcomes for the people.▼
LONGING FOR HAPPIER TIMES from the past seems to be one of the most harmless human experiences, but as the past national elections have unfortunately shown us, nostalgia ceases to be harmless once it becomes a tool in a fascist’s arsenal. We saw how the Marcos-Duterte ticket successfully used nostalgia to lure people into a promise of “the golden age” of Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., former president and dictator. Months into the Marcos-Duterte administration, crisis over crisis have become the norm. Some say that we deserve to suffer because we voted for these butchers. Tempting as it may be to believe them, any analysis that blames voters alone ignores how those in power have always used mythmaking to distort history for their benefit and legitimize fascist rule.
The Marcoses have a long history of weaponizing nostalgia to suit their purposes, diving deep into the collective consciousness of the nation, primarily through the use of myths and extravagance to hide the skeletons in the closet. The father commissioned paintings depicting himself and his wife as Malakas and Maganda from ancient creation myths. The mother’s “edifice complex” created the illusion of progress funded by foreign loans our grandchildren will probably still
be paying off. The father’s cult of personality was built on credentials as a Bar topnotcher and hero of the Second World War (still fresh in many Filipinos’ memories of when he first came to power) that were later discovered to be false like the golden age of his regime was later claimed to be. All of this set the stage for his son’s campaign, which was built on nothing but the manufactured memory of his father’s regime.
This manipulative strategy has
also been wielded to deadly effect by the Dutertes. The father built his image as the iron-fisted mayor of Davao who brought the city peace and discipline, conveniently leaving out how many people were killed or disappeared at the hands of the so-called Davao Death Squad. He also played to our culture’s machismo, joking about shooting female rebels in the genitals and saying addicts deserve death. While the daughter claims the narrative of feminism when convenient, all she does is reinforce the same mold of masculinized, authoritarian power.
One narrative common to these families, given their origins in Ilocos Norte and in Davao, is that of the probinsyano ostracized by Imperial Manila. This also weaponizes nostalgia, as many Filipinos remember their roots in the provinces as members of the peasantry, and no doubt relate to being oppressed and othered, making us want to cast our votes for the underdog. But this story leaves out how both families were already power players back home before stepping onto the national stage. Far from being excluded, they forge alliances with the oligarchs they claim to hate once it proves to be politically advantageous.
Now, months into their leadership, Marcos and Duterte-Carpio have been proving themselves to be weak and corrupt leaders who only seek to protect their families from the judgment of history. Inflation keeps on increasing, as marked by the whooping PHP 600 per kilo of red onions and the recent 45% increase in the prices of eggs. The
persistent learning crisis brought on by the pandemic still fails to be addressed by the Department of Education. And while many Filipinos have now been looking for ways to adapt to the ongoing health and economic crisis, the president is now on his eighth trip abroad just seven months into his leadership, carrying with him his family and other close friends enjoying leisure paid by our national coffers.
As proved by the history of authoritarian and fascist regimes, building power from false memory can only go as far. The Marcos-Duterte tandem would do well to enjoy it while it lasts, because it only takes one crisis to blow down the house of cards. There are now people who regret voting for the son of the dictator and the daughter of the fascist.
At this point, we should understand that blaming the voters for their choices while ignoring the corrupted information ecology of the country from which Filipinos can draw their decisions is a myopic point-of-view. It is even counterproductive to the movement and will cast a negative image on us should we continue to guilt people who are already beginning to see how they have been victimized by disinformation. While we have the responsibility to educate ourselves, what sets the blame squarely on the shoulders of these two families is the massive machinery they can access with their capital. The average Filipino can lie about their credentials, but without connections, they have a low chance of landing even a minimum wage job,
much less the highest office in the land. The average Filipino can post a madeup achievement online, but without money to pay Cambridge Analytica, 31 million people will not believe them. That is the power asymmetry victimblaming narratives demonizing the masses don’t recognize.
The only way to take back control of the narrative is to recognize our nation is made of all our memories, which dictators can bury for a time but can never destroy. We must acknowledge that collective amnesia encircling people with false nostalgia exists and has even intensified, thus the prerogative to act now. Honoring our history is not nostalgia for a glorious past, but collective responsibility that listens to the purposely unheard and holds space for the ugly truth that our leaders are not the heroes we wish they could be. As we are beset by crisis after crisis during the Marcos-Duterte term, it is becoming increasingly difficult for these two dynasties to maintain the facade that their rule is a golden age. The urgency to stop state-sponsored violence from claiming more and more lives means that there is even less room for complacency, for finger-pointing, for “I told you so.” Now that those in power are threatened by the growing realization that the spell they cast on us is about to be broken, and want nothing more than for us to forget, the task laid out for us the next six years and beyond is clear: to open our eyes to the realities and remember.▼
AT LEAST
THEODORE
NATURAL NA SA MGA PILIPINO ang maging madiskarte, ika nga “kapag maikli ang kumot, matututong mamaluktot.” Sa depinisyon nito, ito ay ang paggawa ng ibang paraan upang makamit ang isang bagay. Mula’t sapul, nasa dugo na ng mga Pilipino ang pagiging madiskarte at pakikibagay sa mga pangyayari sa bansa. Ito ay isang abilidad na nagpapalakas at nagpapataimtim sa ilang mga kababayan lalo na’t sa kasalukuya’y nagsisitaasan na ang mga presyo ng bilihin at serbisyo sa bansa.
Dahil sa patuloy na pagtaas ng presyo habang ang sahod ay nananatiling mababa, samu’t saring diskarte na ang mga naiisip ng mga Pinoy. Imbis na bumili ng de-kalidad na mga groceries, bumibili na lamang ng mga alternatibo na hindi hamak na
mas mababa ang kalidad. Kamakailan ay patuloy na sumirit ang presyo ng mga handa sa noche buena. Sabi ng gobyerno, puwede naman daw hindi magarbo ang handa at PHP500 lamang ang gastusin. Ito ay nagmula sa gobyerno ni Marcos na kilala
Kahit hirap na, diskarte lang ang upang malampasan ang bawat oras na lilipas, marahil sa mga liku-liko at baku-bakong patakaran at pangungurakot ng pamahalaan.
naman sa pagiging magastos—nakita naman natin kamakailan lamang ang selebrasyon ng kaarawan ni Imelda Marcos sa Malacañan.
Sabi pa na imbis na ulamin ay pandesal, hotdog at itlog, puwede naman daw na sinangag na may tuyo na lamang, katulad na lamang ng pagiging diskarte ng ilan sa ating mga kababayan noon pa man pagdating sa pagkain. Ika nga ng Department of Trade and Industries (DTI), at least may nakakain ka, may nabibili ka, at nabubuhay ka. Diskarte na naman. Pilipino na naman ang hahanap ng paraan para mabuhay.
Ngunit, lingid sa kaalaman ng karamihan, ang pagiging madiskarte ay isang paraan para maipasa ang responsibilidad ng gobyerno sa kanyang mamamayan. Pinalalala lamang ng diskarte ang kahirapan at kakulangan sa mga batayang
pangangailangan at serbisyo ng mga mamamayang Pilipino. Tila bulag ang ilan sa kahirapang hindi nabibigyang solusyon ng gobyerno, na ang diskarte ay ipinapasa na lamang sa kanyang mamamayan. Kahit hirap na, diskarte lamang upang malampasan ang bawat oras na lilipas, marahil sa mga liku-liko at baku-bakong patakaran at pangungurakot ng pamahalaan. Ngayong nasa pandemya, diskarte pa rin ang bumubuhay sa ilang mga Pilipino, at makikita ang mababang alokasyon ng gobyerno para sa mga proyektong ikauunlad ng mamamayan. Hanggang kailan magiging madiskarte ang Pilipino? Sa patuloy na pagtaas ng mga bilihin, diskarte pa rin ba ang aasahan? Ang taumbayan pa rin ba ang siyang magkukulang kung hindi siya magiging madiskarte? Marahil panahon na upang mas bigyang pansin ang mga pangangailangang dapat na
makamit ng taumbayan. Ngunit, tunay naman talagang maabilidad ang mga Pilipino sa paghahanap ng paraan sa maraming pagkakataon. Subalit kung ito ay manggagaling sa isang pabayang gobyerno na siyang dapat umaalalay sa taumbayan, ibang usapan na iyan. Gaano kalakas na pagkalam ng sikmura ba ang kailangan ng gobyerno upang marinig ang sambayanang nagugutom? Hanggang kailan magpapakasasa sa limpak-limpak na pera ang mga politiko na inihalal ng taumbayan? Hanggang kailan magtitiis ang masang api sa kahirapan? Hindi kailanman malulutas ng diskarte ang lumalalang kahirapan sa bansa. Panahon na upang kalampagin ang gobyerno na patuloy na nagpapasarap sa pera ng taumbayan upang pondohan ang kani-kanilang mga luho.▼
you’re seeing this on or after Mar. 05, 2023, MKule may be for you...
The Manila Collegian is in need of journalists to join us in telling the stories of the unseen and the unheard. If you have a passion for serving the student body and the Filipino masses through different forms of arts, work with us toward a just and equitable society.
layong pag-aralan ang sakit ng lipunan. Ito ay sapagkat lagi’t laging napagiiwanan ang mga estudyante ng DSS sa mga polisiyang ipinatutupad sapagkat laganap ang baluktot na kaisipan na maaaring online na lamang muna ang departamento dahil wala naman itong laboratory classes katulad ng health disciplines. “Flexible learning,” giit nga ng administrasyon.
kinakaharap ng ating lipunan. Sa pamamagitan ng harapang diskurso, mas mapayayabong nila ang antas ng kaalaman ng isa’t isa hanggang sa pagbuo ng kritikal na solusyon sa mga isyung ito.
HAMON SA ADMINISTRASYON
ANG HEALTH DISCIPLINES ng UP Manila (UPM) ang mga unang programa sa UP System na nagkaroon ng limited face-to-face classes simula noong 2021, alinsunod sa pangangailangang medikal ng bansa dulot ng rumaragasang pandemya. Samantala, huli nang nabigyan ng pagkakataon na magbalik silid-aralan ang mga programa ng Department of Social Sciences (DSS). Manipestasyon ang ganitong klaseng kalakaran sa makitid na pananaw na hindi magkaugnay ang dalawang pang-akademikong disiplina sa paglutas ng suliraning pangkalusugan sa bansa.
HINDI PATAS NA PAGTINGIN
Lumang tugtugin na ang mababang pagtingin sa social sciences at humanities programs sa bansa. Nandiyan ang kawalan ng mga oportunidad kagaya ng scholarship grants bilang isang malinaw na indikasyon na wala ito sa prayoridad ng estado. E, bakit nga naman? Hindi ito ang “in-demand” na karera sa pandaigdigang merkado. Ano ba naman ang silbi ng pag-
uugat sa sakit at suliranin ng lipunan kumpara sa salaping naipapasok ng health professionals na ikinakalakal ng gobyerno habang nagdurusa ang sariling bayan sa problema ng brain drain?
Bilang isang mag-aaral ng Political Science sa UPM, ang tinaguriang “Health Sciences Center” ng Pilipinas, sa gitna ng pandemya, mas naging hayag sa akin ang hindi patas na pagtingin sa mga programang
TEORYA AT PRAKTIKA
Subalit ang hindi lubos na napagtutuunan ng pansin sa pamimilit na yakapin ng mga mag-aaral ang flexible learning ay ang unti-unting pagkitil sa kaluluwa ng agham panlipunan na nakasandal sa teorya at praktika. Walang saysay ang malalim na teoretikal na kaalaman ng mga mag-aaral kung hindi ito nakalapat o angkop sa materyal na kondisyon ng masang Pilipino.
Sa katunayan, mapanganib ang ganitong klaseng patakaran. Kung walang praktika, magiging pabrika lamang ang pamantasan ng mga reaksiyonaryong intelligentsia na hindi marunong bumaba sa kanayunan at komportable lamang na nakaupo sa kanilang toreng garing. Taliwas ito sa gampanin at ipinaglalaban ng UP.
Bukod pa rito, napakahalaga para sa mga estudyante ng DSS ang face-to-face learning dahil dito lubos na natatasa ang kanilang abilidad na suriin ang iba’t ibang isyung
Bilang health sciences center ng Pilipinas, hamon ko sa UPM na gamitin ang posisyon nito upang maipamulat na ang kabulukan sa sistemang pangkalusugan ay sintomas ng sakit ng lipunan. Maraming mga Pilipino ang namamatay nang hindi nakatatanggap ng serbisyong medikal sapagkat hindi itinuturing ng pamahalaan na karapatan ang kalusugan. Nagkukulang sa medikal na personel ang bansa sa kabila ng pagiging eksporter nito ng mga nars dahil mababa ang sahod and benepisyo na kanilang natatamasa sa sarili nilang bayan.
Magagawa lamang ang hamon kung pantay-pantay ang turing at pagpapahalaga ng administrasyon sa bawat programa ng pamantasan at kasangga ito sa paglaban sa neoliberalisasyon ng UP. Ang edukasyon ay karapatan. Hindi dapat na pinagbabangga ang health sciences sa social sciences at humanities programs dahil magkasapakat ang dalawang disiplina na ito sa pagpapabuti ng kalagayan ng mamamayang Pilipino.▼
...sa gitna ng pandemya, mas naging hayag sa akin ang hindi patas na pagtingin sa mga programang layong pag-aralan ang sakit ng lipunan. Ito ay sapagkat lagi’t laging napag-iiwanan ang mga estudyante ng DSS sa mga polisiyang ipanapatupad sapagkat laganap ang baluktot na kaisipan na maaaring online na lamang muna ang departamento...
LAGI’T LAGING TUMATAMBAD sa mga balita ang ‘di umano’y mga rebeldeng sumuko at kumalas mula sa hanay ng Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). Madalas inihaharap ng mga miyembro ng Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) ang mga surrenderee sa midya nang nakapulupot ang ulo ng itim na tela habang namamanata bilang tanda ng kanilang pag-aklas sa Partido.
Lumang tugtugin na ang naratibong ito pagka’t taon-taon pinaparada ng rehimen ang mga fake surrenderees upang paniwalain ang mga Pilipino na maraming umaaklas sa Partido na nangangahulugang paghina ng kilusan, ngunit ito ay isang malaking kabalintunaan.
Matatandaan na naglabas ang militar ng ritrato ng mga rebeldeng sumuko noong Disyembre 2019 sa kasagsagan ng ika-51 anibersaryo ng CPP na mabilis namang umani ng batikos dahil photoshopped ang ritratong ibinigay ng AFP sa midya. Dagdag pa rito,
iniulat ng Paghimutad Negros noong nakaraang taon na pinagbantaan ang mga magsasaka mula sa Cauayan, Negros ng 15th Infantry Battalion ng Philippine Army. Pauna ng mga militar ay livelihood support ito mula sa National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) ngunit pagdating sa pinagdausan, sila ay pinarada bilang mga NPA surrenderees.
Kung bakit patuloy na gan’tong taktika ang pinalilitaw ng militar ay dahil sa kalakip na salaping galing sa kaban ng taumbayan.
Madaling dungisan at magbato ng mga paratang ang mga militar laban sa pulang mandirigma dahil ang reaksyunaryong gobyerno ay may monopolyo ng daluyan ng impormasyon. Ngunit sa kabilang banda, hindi nakapagtataka kung bakit umabot sa 54 taon ang Partido at patuloy pa rin itong ‘di matalo-talo.
Sa bawat napasusukong rebelde, nakatatanggap ito ng mahigit kumulang Php 10,000 bilang gantimpala. Dagdag pa rito ang natatanggap na ganansya ng mga miyembro ng AFP sa kanilang napasusukong rebelde na kadalasan ay inosenteng mamamayan lamang. Ang sapilitang pagpapasuko sa fake surrenderees ay nangangahulugang mas maraming salaping makukurakot ang militar imbes na ilaan ito sa serbisyong panlipunan. Magkakasalungat din ang estadistika na inilalabas ng AFP sa naturang numero ng puwersang gerilya sa mga nagdaang taon. Noong 2018, binanggit ng AFP na tatlong libo na lamang ang mga miyembro ng NPA ngunit datos din ng gobyerno ang nagpawalang-bisa sa inilabas ng AFP pagkat 17,000 na miyembro ng NPA ang sumuko ayon sa kanilang nakalap.
Ang ganitong baluktot na naratibo ay sumasalamin kung paano nilulutas ng mga namumuno ang matagal nang problema ng kahirapan sa
bansa. Madalas idinadaan sa bandaid solution na ‘di kailanman kayang ugatin ang sanhi ng pagdami ng mga umaanib sa pwersang gerilya.
Halos lahat ng rehimeng nagdaan ay nangakong bubuwagin ang kilusan. Maraming nagsabing bilang na lamang ang mga pulang mandirigma kung kaya’t tuluyang mauubos ito sa pagtatapos ng kanilang termino, subalit ano mang paghihigpit ng sinturon at pagpapatupad ng counterinsurgency programs patuloy pa rin silang nagpupunyagi sa loob ng limang dekada.
Marahil ang mga pulang mandirigma sa katunayan ay kabaliktaran kung paano sila ipinakikilala sa taumbayan ng mga militar. Puspusang nakikibaka laban sa reaksiyonaryong AFP ang mga NPA upang paglingkuran ang sambayanan. Sa mga kasuluk-sulukang bahagi ng bansa, sila ang umaagapay sa mga masang tuluyan nang kinalimutang paglingkuran ng estado. Dahil sa presensya ng hukbong bayan, mayroong mga iilang lupang sakahan
na ang napasailalim sa tunay na reporma at marami ring mga naisalbang potensyal na minahan na makasisira sa kalikasan kung saan nakatira ang mga katutubo. Madaling dungisan at magbato ng mga paratang ang mga militar laban sa pulang mandirigma dahil ang reaksiyonaryong gobyerno ay mayroong monopolyo ng daluyan ng impormasyon. Ngunit sa kabilang banda, hindi nakapagtataka kung bakit umabot sa 54 taon ang Partido at patuloy pa rin itong ‘di matalo-talo. Pagkat buo ang loob at kaisa ng mga pulang mandirigma ang layunin ng malawak na hanay ng masang Pilipino, ang mapalaya ang bayan sa tanikala ng mga mapagsamantala.
Kung kaya’t kahit maraming administrasyon na ang nagdaan, bagaman maraming nasawi sa hanay ng hukbong bayan, patuloy pa rin itong nagpupunyagi. Sapagkat hangga’t walang katarungang panlipunan sa bayan, patuloy na dadanak ang mga rebolusyonaryo hanggang makamit ang tagumpay.▼
Ngunit hindi lamang dito makikita at mararanasan ang kultura ng utang na loob. Higit sa lahat, masasalamin ito sa University of the Philippines Manila (UPM).
Sa pagpasok ng mga freshmen sa kursong may kaugnayan sa kalusugan, tila iba ang proseso ng kanilang enrollment sapagkat kailangan muna nilang pumirma sa isang kontrata—ang Return Service Agreement o RSA. Isinasaad nito na kailangan nilang magbigay ng dalawang taong balik-serbisyo sa loob ng limang taon kung matapos ang kanilang kurso. Kung ma-delay naman, kalahating bilang ng taon ng kanilang pag-aaral ang balik-serbisyo.
Sa mahabang panahon na itinatali ng RSA ang mga magaaral sa mga kolehiyong may kaugnayan sa pangkalusugan sa UPM, ang konsepto ng pagbabalikloob ay patuloy na naging negatibo sapagkat ito ay nagresulta sa samu’t saring suliranin na dagok lamang sa sangkaestudyantehan. Ngayon, ito ay sinusubukan butbutin upang unawain ang kahulugan nito, lalo na sa konteksto ng UPM ‘white colleges’.
KONSEPTO NG UTANG NA LOOB SA RSA
Ang utang na loob (Debt of Gratitude) ay ang pagbabalik ng pabor ng tagatanggap sa tagapagbigay. Kaugnay rin nito ang konsepto ng Gratitude, kung saan umiinog ang pasasalamat ng tagatanggap. Kadalasa’y pakiramdam din ng tagatanggap na siya’y obligadong magbalik ng pabor na hindi basta-basta mapapalitan ng salapi.
Mayroong apat na salik ang utang na loob ayon sa mananaliksik na si Charles Kaut. Una, nariyan ang
NAKAUKIT NA SA KULTURA ng mga Pilipino noon pa man ang utang na loob, kaya naman hindi nawawala sa mga magkakapitbahay ang barter ng mga handa tuwing may okasyon. Sa konteksto ng pamilya naman, nariyan ang pagbibigay ng tulong ng anak sa kanyang mga magulang. At syempre, hindi mawawala ang mga katagang “Wala kang utang na loob!” na naririnig natin kapag nagkakasagutan tayo sa tahanan.
“Kaloob,” kung saan kusang-loob na nagbibigay ng kaloob ang tagapagbigay. Pangalawa ang “Pagtanggap” na naguugnay sa tagapagbigay at tagatanggap sa pamamagitan ng pagtanggap ng kaloob. Pangatlo ang “Pagbayad,” o ang pagbabalik ng pabor na maaring pinagkasunduan o kusang-loob.
Huli, nariyan ang “Kakulangan at Sagana” kung saan maaari lamang maibalik ang pabor kung kinakailangan ito ng tagapagbigay (Kakulangan) at kung kaya itong ibigay ng tagatanggap (Sagana).
Masasalamin sa RSA ang apat na salik na ito, kung saan ang ipinagkaloob na “libreng” edukasyon ay may inaasahang kapalit na balik-serbisyo sa ating bansa. Sa pamamagitan ng pagpirma sa kontrata bago ang enrollment, tinatanggap din ng mga estudyante ang mga kondisyong nakapaloob dito.
Makikita rin sa RSA ang salik na “Kakulangan at Sagana” ni Kaut. Taong 2011 nang ipatupad ang RSA sa lahat ng ‘white colleges,’ maliban na lamang sa Kolehiyo ng Medisina kung saan 2009 pa lamang ay ipinanukala na ito nang may ibang katangian. Layunin nitong tugunan ang lumalalang brain drain o ang patuloy na pagkaubos ng mga healthcare workers sa ating bansa, at makapaglingkod ang mga gradweyt ng UPM sa mga nangangailangang komunidad. To serve the underserved communities, ika nga nila.
Sa una’y maganda at mabango ang layunin ng RSA, dahil ito’y tumatalima sa paglilingkod sa masa. Gayunpaman, sa likod nito’y nakakubli ang pangil na siyang hindi kalaunan ay kumakagat sa mga mag-aaral ng white colleges.
Sa una’y maganda at mabango ang layunin ng RSA, dahil ito’y tumatalima sa paglilingkod sa masa. Gayunpaman, sa likod nito’y nakakubli ang pangil na siyang kumakagat sa mga magaaral ng white colleges.
PAGKABAON SA UTANG NA LOOB Napapaloob ang mga estudyante sa ilalim ng galamay ng mga kondisyon ng RSA, kaya naman nililinaw sa isang orientation ang mga paglabag dito. Kapag hindi tinapos ng mag-aaral ang kaniyang kurso, lalo na’t nakakuha na siya ng higit-kumulang 60 units, ay matatawag ito na Pre-termination of Contract. Kaya rin may tinatawag na ‘Point of No Return’ sa white colleges, kung saan hindi na maaaring mag-shift o transfer palabas sa kurso ang isang estudyante dahil sa Pre-termination. Kapag naman hindi nagbalik-serbisyo ang isang white college graduate, tatawagin itong breach of contract, na siya ring may karampatang parusa.
Malalim bumaon ang pangil ng RSA sa mga bumabalikwas sa kondisyon nito. Mabagsik ang hagupit ng payback o multa, kung saan kailangan ng estudyanteng magbayad ng halagang doble ng kanyang matrikula dagdag interes, kasama pati ang mga donasyon na natatanggap ng kanyang kolehiyo. Umaabot ito ng ilang daang libo hanggang isang milyong piso, lalo na sa mga nagtatagal sa kanilang programa. Nariyan din ang kawalan ng malinaw at iisang breakdown ng multa, na siyang nakadepende sa bawat kolehiyo sa white colleges.
Kung ang estudyante nama’y hindi nakapag-enroll dulot ng physical and mental incapacity o di kaya’y financial incapability, hindi siya mapapaloob sa multa ng RSA basta’t may maipapakita na kaukulang dokumento. Gayunpaman, hindi pa rin garantisadong mapapawalangbisa ang kontrata, lalo pa’t may pagkakataon na maaaring hindi pa pala sapat ang ipinakitang dokumento. Ani rin ng mga mag-aaral na nakapagtapos na sa UPM ngunit tali pa rin sa payback, halos wala pa raw sa kasaysayan ng RSA ang pinayagan na hindi na magbayad dahil sa incapacity o incapability.
Para makalusot sa multa, kailangan mong dumaan sa isang butas na mas maliit pa sa butas ng karayom—sa madaling sabi, imposible.
Represibong kontrata ito dahil napipigilan ang kalayaan ng mga estudyante na aralin ang kursong kanilang ninanais gawa ng multa
kapag sila’y nag-shift. Minsa’y sa kalagitnaan ng kolehiyo napagtatanto ng mga estudyante ang kursong angkop para sa kanila. Maaaring mas epektibong makapaglingkod sana sila sa bayan kung sila’y nasa kursong nais nilang lipatan, ngunit dahil sila’y naiipit ng RSA ay nahihirapan silang makapagtapos.
Ang mga estudyanteng nadedelay sa kolehiyo dulot ng iba pang sirkumstansya ay nagkakaroon ng mas matagal pang balik-serbisyo. Bagaman kasama sa eksempsyon ang ‘financial incapability,’ wala itong konsiderasyon sa mga estudyanteng nairaraos naman ang pang-araw-araw na gastusin subalit hindi pa rin kaya tustusan ang buong gastos sa pag-aaral at bayaran ang milyon-milyon na payback ng RSA. Hindi rin malinaw kung anong dokumento o kondisyon ang kinakailangan upang masabi na pasok sa eksempsyon ang isang mag-aaral. Bukod pa rito, huwad na libreng edukasyon ang kanilang isinusulong, sapagkat may sapilitang balikserbisyo o hindi kaya’y tumbas na multa ang matrikulang libre namang natatanggap ng mga estudyante dulot ng Universal Access to Quality Tertiary Education Act.
PANLIPUNANG WANGIS NG UTANG NA
LOOB
Ayon kay Virgilio Enriquez, isang Pilipinong sikolohista, nagiging kasangkapan ng naghaharing-uri ang utang na loob upang panatilihin ang estado ng lipunan. Halimbawa, pinapairal nito ang pag-iisip na dapat ay magpasalamat ang Pilipinas sa “American aid” kahit na porma ito ng imperyalismo. Sa kanayunan naman, ginagamit ito ng mga panginoong maylupa upang panatilihing nakatali sa kanila ang mga magsasaka. Nagagamit din ang utang na loob upang makatakas ang naghaharing-uri sa kanyang responsibilidad sa masa.
Ganito rin ang wangis ng utang na loob sa RSA. Upang matakasan ng gobyerno ang responsibilidad nitong bigyan ng mainam na lunas ang matagal na suliranin sa brain drain at nabubulok na healthcare system, umaasa ito sa patuloy na daloy ng mga
fresh graduate na nagbabalik-serbisyo. Maraming dahilan kung bakit nangingibang-bayan ang ating healthcare workers, tulad ng kakulangan ng sapat na sahod at benepisyo, pati hindi maayos na kondisyon sa trabaho. Hindi nakapagtatakang mas kaakit-akit para sa kanila na mangibang-bansa, lalo pa’t bukod sa in-demand sila, mas mataas din ang sahod at kalidad ng kondisyon sa paggawa roon.
Kung tunay na layunin nitong itanim sa puso ng mga iskolar ng bayan ang pagsisilbi sa bayan, hindi dapat nito ipinapasa sa sangkaestudyantehan ang responsibilidad na solusyonan ang brain drain at kakulangan ng healthcare workers.
Magmula dekada ‘70 ay suliranin na ito ng Pilipinas, at sa paglipas ng panahon ay lumalala lamang ito. Hindi dapat pansamantalang lunas ang ibinibigay sa matagalang sakit na ito ng bayan, bagkus ay isang mainam at sistematikong solusyon—ang pagbibigay-pansin sa naghihingalong sistemang pangkalusugan ng Pilipinas.
Hangga’t may mga Pilipinong pumipila sa Philippine General Hospital mula sa malalayong nayon; hangga’t napipilitang matulog sa malamig na sahig ang mga pasyenteng umaasa sa mga pampublikong ospital; at hangga’t hindi sapat ang sahod at benepisyo ng mga healthcare workers ay mas pipiliin ng mga nagsipagtapos na mangibangbayan na lamang—lalo pa ngayong lumalala ang krisis sa Pilipinas sa ilalim ng rehimeng tagapagtaguyod ng hindi makamasang mga polisiya.
Nakaugat sa ating kultura ang utang na loob, at nararapat lamang na magbalik-serbisyo ang mga iskolar ng bayan sa masang humuhubog at nagpapaaral sa kanila. Gayunpaman, ang libreng edukasyon ay hindi kaloob o regalo na ibinibigay ng pamahalaan, bagkus ito ay karapatang dapat natatamasa ng sangkaestudyantehan. Kapag natamasa ang karapatan sa edukasyon at maayos na sistemang pangkalusugan ay tiyak na magbabalik-serbisyo sa bayan nang kusa at pangmatagalan ang mga iskolar ng bayan. ▼
