The Family Curriculum: Socialisation Process, Family Network and the Negotiation of Police Identities Eduardo Paes-Machado Federal University of Bahia, Brazil
Carlos Linhares de Albuquerque UniversHy of Salvador, Brazil
T
his article analyses how recruits' learning is filtered through their personal social network, with the aim of understanding the role of this network in police education. Based on 68 interviews with recruits about their family relationships, this analysis demonstrates that both relatives and the police academy effectively combine to groom candidates for the rank of officer in the Brazilian Military Police. Narratives from recruits about family strategies to prevent recruits from leaving the academy are analysed, demonstrating the importance of how the family both resists and adapts to its offspring's new role. For a considerable portion of lower-middle-class and non-white recruits' fomilies, the police academy offers an important opportunity for one of its members to gain entry into the labour market. According to interviewees, the familial social network operates as a supplementary curriculum and affective background that prevents recruits from losing heart and provides them with psychological comfort in a demanding environment. For recruits, the participation of their relatives in socialisation proves to be essential to neutralising negative aspects of the police identity and learning process. We also conclude that instead of being an outcome of a dyadic or dual relationship — between the recruits and the police academy — the police habitus is also shaped by a third player represented by the recruits' familial social network, which provides recruits with a support role that the police academy and its official curriculum cannot offer.
Studies on police socialisation have pointed to different and complementary aspects of the process, such as impacts on the occupational culture of the police, the acquisition of enduring skills and tendencies and the ruptures produced in the adult personalities of the recruits through the intemalisation of the institutional underworld of police academies. In regard to the third aspect, that of ruptures or breaks in the recruits' personalities, the literature tends to show that such processes are
Address for correspondence: Professor Eduardo Paes-Machado, Federal University of Bahia, Rua Basilio da Gama, s/n Canela, 40.111.040, Salvador, Brazil. E-mail: epm@ufba.br 248
THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY VOLUME 39 NUMBER 2 2006 pp. 248-267
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
powerful ritual processes of initiation through which the subjects pass from the civilian world to the police world. The literature tends to give more importance to the academies' intemal educational mechanisms and processes than to the relationships between recruits and their wider social networks. As a consequence, the way police recruits' families and friends view the recruits' new values, attitudes and behaviours, and the way these broader social networks feed into the process of socialisation and contribute to the development of police recruits' moral careers, has been largely ignored (Goffinan, 1996).' This article discusses police socialisation. It does so by looking at the narratives of recruits regarding the attitudes of their relatives and friends about the changes these rookies experience as a result of their encounter with the police academy (Van Maanen, 1978). The material analysed here demonstrates the initiatory character of the acquisition of the police habitus (Chan, 2001, 2003; Van Maanen, 1978), focused on the role the recruits attribute to their families in the negotiation of their new self-identities (Fielding, 1988). It is argued here that the socialisation of recruits depends on the flexibility and adaptability of their families to the new and significant role their children are taking on. The family is the intersection point between civilian and police cultures (Niederhoffer & Niederhoffer, 1978). As such it plays the role of a moderating organisation committed to its offspring's career investment and plans for social improvement. Accordingly, the recruits' families and police academy establish a supplementary relationship (Pichon-Riviere, 1988, 1980) that eases the encounter and integration of recruits entering the academy.^
Fieldwork The basic data used in this article were gathered in the context of an ethnographic investigation of changes in Brazilian police education carried out over the course of nearly 3 years. One of the researchers spent 3 years (from 1996 to 1998) at a Military Police Academy of Bahia (MPAB), during which time he played two roles: an observer and an instructor at that institution. At the police academy in question, there are 4 years with two classes each, called A and B. There are 70 students per year, divided into two 35-person classes. This part of the study, which has to do with the family's view of the recruits, involved all third-year students at the Military Police Academy (MPA). There were 68 students in that year at the time — 65% men and 35% women. Therefore, the standard for selection was having completed the third year in 1997 with enough baggage to be aware of the process of acculturation that had taken place in them during their time at the academy. The selection involved all 68 students in the third year in 1997, with 35 in class A and 33 in class B. Not all of the 68 recruits were present when data were gathered, because it was rare for them all to be present at the same time. Divided into sports teams (soccer, athletics, volleyball, cycling, chess, etc.) they had the academy's unrestricted support for taking part in frequent training sessions and tournaments held throughout Brazil, both in police and civilian championships. This practice made it possible for 4 to 5 students to be legitimately absent from class at any one time.
THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
249
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO AND CARLOS LINHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
Several kinds of research instruments were used. We employed both written records, such as students' academic projects and essays, and the instructor's and researcher's field notes on the heated debates during class, in which students expressed the existential metamorphoses brought about by immersion in the military police's organisational culture and the sequence of socialisation rites that recur in that type of institution (Albuquerque & Paes-Machado, 2004; PaesMachado & Albuquerque, 2003). During the research, the students were aware that they were the subject of an academic study and gave their consent, while showing a tendency towards selfcensorship and resistance, as if the study being conducted could in some way betray undesirable behaviours and bring them problems later on. The use of the family's viewpoint as a witness to these changes was a strategy utilised to help recruits overcome self-censorship and break down their resistance to talking about the changes they are undergoing, while overcoming their fear of not fitting into the academy's ideal of a model recruit, thereby preventing them from evaluating their metamorphosis. This strategy has been successful and resulted in rich information. The oblique method of asking recruits to write down what their parents and friends have said about their behaviour since they entered the academy seems to have adjusted for the students' lack of objectivity and enabled them to make fresh discoveries. They feel intently scrutinised by their families and close friends, which led us to ask why this obsessive monitoring takes place and how important the recruit's future career as a police officer is for the family group.
Brazil's Police Forces' Police forces in Brazil date back to colonial times and the period of slavery when, apart from existing private policing carried out on the sugar plantations by overseers, there was also public policing to assist the troops responsible for territorial defence. This type of policing persisted until the first decade of the 19th century, when the first specialised police force was created: the General Police Superintendency and the Royal Police Guard, the former having been inspired by the French Lieutenant General de Police (Bretas, 1997; Tavares dos Santos, 1997). By means of these two police forces, the state began to provide instruments of control, which before this were entrusted only to the land-owners and their private agents in order to repress and exclude the segments of society that received few or none of the benefits guaranteed for the ruling minority (Holloway, 1997). This system began to carry out new functions in a changing socioeconomic context, maintaining, however, a reasonable continuity regarding structure and procedure. Created for the purpose of patrolling the streets, the Royal Guard was substituted in 1831 by the Military Police, conceived as the Police ofthe Armed Forces of Rio de Janeiro, then the imperial capital of Brazil, and the model for similar organisations in the rest ofthe country (Holloway, 1997; Mattoso, 1992). From its beginnings, the Military Police applied punishment and employed policing techniques, such as humiliations, threats, and physical aggressions that reinforced public hostility against them.
250
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
The government of the Republic, which was declared in 1889, contributed to the improvement of the police force's qualifications and made the police a little less subject to the vagaries of political influence (Bretas, 1997). The police reaffirmed their clientelistic relationships with the elite in power, who tolerated police violence and corruption as long as they were only being directed towards the lower classes. The elite expected public order to be maintained, no matter what methods used by the police, who were reputed to be uncontrollable and inferior. Following the 1930 coup, local private authorities' power was reduced, and the first police academies were founded. The Civil (or Judiciary) Police, in turn, was refashioned to act as a secret police force that suppressed the political adversaries of Getulio Vargas's dictatorship. This legacy prevailed in the following decades, when new authoritarian impulses, such as the 1964 coup, prioritised the ideology of the cold war and the fight against the domestic allies of intemationai socialism and communism. For this reason, policemen began to be trained in anti-guerrilla techniques by qualified instructors from United States (US) military academies. The Brazilian police forces were armed with machine guns, developing coordinated actions among themselves and with the armed forces to conduct surveillance, arrest, and extract information from and eliminate members of political organisations considered subversive. It was also a time when death squads, which initially arose in Sao Paulo's Civil Police Force in the late 1950s to execute delinquents, began to form part of the repression of political opponents of the government, intensifying the elimination of suspects and eventually becoming a major link to organised crime in the 1980s (Barcelos, 2001; Mingardi, 1991). During the transition from a military to a civilian regime from 1979 to 1985, the congressional lobby of the Military Police obstructed (as it continues to obstruct) reforms by legislators who feared being accused of retaliation against the authoritarian regime, and thus kept the old police model intact. The Military Police (MP) and Civil Police (CP) act within the limits and under the administration of the 26 states of the Union. The MP (with 345,487 officers) and the CP (67,525 officers) have different responsibilities in regard to preventive and investigative policing, which, in the majority of modern police forces, are combined in a single organisation. The consequences of this fragmentation of activities, called 'police dualism' (Soares, 2000), go beyond the traditional rivalry among police departments, increasing the competition for scarce resources, limiting communication and impeding joint decision-making. Both police forces nominally are accountable to the state governments, under specific secretariats. However, only the CP is effectively subordinated to the state governments, given that the MP is under its administration and at the same time under the control and coordination of the Federal Government, and, in particular, the Armed Forces (Bayley, 1985; Brodeur, 1994). Though a subversion of the federative principle, the legal statutes regulating the MP as an auxiliary force of the army, guarantees the army's power over civilian political institutions, restricting the authority ofthe states and reducing accountability (Adomo, 1999; Lemos-Nelson, 2001). In copying the military model of organisation, the MP is characterised by the concentration of decisions, inflexibility of communication, and standardisation of procedures, giving more value to internal discipline than to the end-product of
THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
251
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO AND CARLOS UNHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
policing (Guimaraes, 2000). Although the police reforms of the 1990s reduced its ranks, the MP is still highly centralised, which makes the bottom of the hierarchy tend to adopt passive behaviour. Among the behavioural models, that of the hero or superhero cop personified by courageous men capable of committing aggressive and violent acts against criminals (and suspects) is most greatly valued. This predominant model, which prevails throughout Brazilian society, prioritises emotions, resulting in amateurish and harmful actions with unexpected results and unnecessary consequences, for policeman as well as for the others involved. The power of this conception also permeates performance evaluations and the results of intemal investigations, resulting in tolerance and approval of misconduct, particularly summary executions (Cano 1997; Cedec, 1997; Chevigny 1995; Huggins, 2000; Lemos-Nelson, 2001; Paes-Machado &. Noronha, 2002a). The MP has its own academies and training programs, which study situations in which police officers can legally use force or firearms. However, the lack of standardised procedures on this subject favours a variety of interpretations often guided by individual or organisational values that are incompatible with national laws and internationally accepted standards. The influence of militarism and the warrior mentality (Kraska, 1996; Sheptyck, 1999) is expressed in the slight importance given to training in conflict negotiation techniques (de-escalation) and the use of 'less-lethal' force (Gabaldon & Birkbeck, 2003; Stenning, 2003). In addition to this, the silhouette targets used in firearms training give priority to the vital organs, which does not emphasise the importance of preserving life. The lack of weapons and ammunition constitutes a serious obstacle to firearms training, preventing police officers from acquiring proficiency (Alburquerque, 1999), and making them a threat to public safety when they find themselves forced to fire their weapons.
The Police Within the Labour Market After 50 years of growth, the Brazilian economy entered a phase of stagnation in the last 25 years, the so-called lost decades. Following the long recession of the 1980s caused by the exhaustion of Brazil's model for national development, neo-liberal policies of stabilisation and deregulation implemented in the 1990s failed to restore economic growth. Economic development could not keep pace with the booming birth rate in a country where, each year, 3 million young people enter the job market. Thus, in major Brazilian cities such as Salvador, the state of Bahia and the northeast, the unemployment rate is over 20% of the workforce, leading people to join the huge informal economy or compete for scarce job positions. Although policing is attracting a growing number of middle-class and white people, it is still a place for police officers' children and a path to upward mobility for young people from lower middle class and non-white groups. These social characteristics are reflected in our convenience sample of recruits. The recruits (aged 18 to 24, with the exception of some older students) are mainly from lower-middle-class backgrounds and live in the low-income districts near the MPA, which is in a run-down part of Salvador (Paes-Machado & Albuquerque, 2003). For example, over 85% of the recruits who enrolled in 1994 came from families where neither parent had a college education. It is very unusual
252
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
for recruits to come from a white middle-class family with two college-educated parents. Poor white candidates from the interior of the state are in the same boat as black and dark-skinned candidates (84%) from Salvador: vulnerable to harsh treatment and succumbing to the socialising processes and becoming excessively authoritarian police officers (Brogden & Shearing, 1993; May, 1997). These police recruits make a double shifr: from the civilian to the police world and from lower-middle-class backgrounds to the sphere of high-ranking military police officers.'' Also, the MPA is highly attractive and even unique because it offers recruits direct and indirect rewards such as salaries, housing and meals, social security and health insurance, and other material and symbolic advantages that would be impossible for them to obtain elsewhere. Thus, the MPA's dropout rate is relatively low, reaching 10% (of 70 recruits) each year. Looking at the four consecutive school years, dropouts are concentrated in the third year, before practical training in the fourth year, and after the second year, when rookies find the academy has lost its novelty, and are feeling bored and angry at the MPAB (Military Police Academy of Bahia).
Emotional Rupture Like other forms of secondary socialisation (Berger &. Luckmann, 1973), police education provokes ruptures in the recruits' everyday lives that lead them to make comparisons between their civilian attachments and the demands of the academy. In the case of MPAB recruits, their narratives reflect the contrast in their lives by occupying alternate spaces within the same week: the police academy and their parents' home. The narratives are heavily laden with the shades, colours, blended hues, perspectives and nuances found on a painter's canvas (Laplantine, 1996). Their happy and bright weekends, spent with relatives and friends, are eclipsed by the somber shades of their weekdays, punctuated by rules and discipline. This watercolor in contrasting shades seems manichaeistic and idealised. After all, why do the recruits portray all weekends at home with the colours of happiness, informality and joy, always sunny, with beaches, plenty of food, and parties? It seems that it never rains on weekends, there are never any family quarrels; in contrast, the dreadful weekends when they suffer the worst possible punishment — condemned to spend them locked up in the academy — are always wintry, grey and described with the dark shadows of a dungeon. The basic ambivalence, exaggerations and abundance of childish idealisations indicate how much the people making these statements are striving to synthesise these conflicting logics. On the one hand, the uniform symbolises this colourless, faceless aspect. When wearing their uniforms, recruits feel acutely that they must hide or repress spontaneous expressions of affection, natural gestures and the expressiveness assimilated in the old days, when they were civilians. On the other hand, during the time spent with their families and friends, they receive delightful signals of affectionate contact. The following phrases describe the space in which the family provides opportunities and room for symbolic nourishment, sharing, shelter and individuation:
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
253
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO AND CARLOS LINHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
lying on my mattress and pillow, just looking at the posters by my bed on Saturdays, Mom cooks up a roast I just love. 1 play my stereo really loud, listening to any music 1 want. Sunday lunch always seems to be in my honor. you can get up late on Saturdays and Sundays ... it's great when people tiptoe around so you can sleep.
Like Asian and black recruits in the British police, MPAB rookies complain a great deal about meals (Holdaway & Barton, 1997). However, while the former attack the type of food they have to eat, Brazilian recruits feel bad about the standardised way that meals are served at the academy's mess hall. However, in both situations, meals, with their deep Oedipal meaning of searching for stress compensations, become a very sensitive and conflicted point in the recruits' perception of police socialisation. When, for example, Brazilian rookies mention meals at home, the most important feature is conviviality and sharing, apart from the fact that the food reflects both flavour and memory. There is a feeling of profundity in these acts of eating together, savouring a common flavour that is familiar to all and has a name and face. Here it would be appropriate to mention the Gestalt maxim of figure/ground: at home, their perception is one of being seated at the table as major protagonists in the scene. The setting lies in the background as a secondary resource and object. Mealtime at the barracks is in stark contrast to the comforts of home: the recruit is just another body lining up for food, a tray in his or her hand. The setting of total organisation is omnipresent, with its standards and rules, and the space of the barracks predominates in the rookie's perspective. In most of the recruits' statements, the overwhelming feeling is that Sunday lunch with their families is more nourishing than an entire week of mess hall food and military police rations, where the trays are flat and the food slops over the edges. The recruits complain about the automatic quality of this rite. The excessive standardisation of the process has dried up its contents, corroding the essential affective aspect of sharing, and the food has become innocuous. Mealtimes at the mess hall have lost their opportunity to become a moment of celebration and unity for the educational institution. The recruits' families teach the academy this lesson when they put food seasoned with informality and affection on the table, served with a different dynamic that nevertheless involves its own hierarchies, and is far from a caricature. The 5 days spent in uniform that students experience intensely in their role as recruits would not be the same without that affectively asymmetric, contrasting and, above all, supplementary weekend, which stitches together all loose ends, tidies up the self and replenishes the individual's energies, enabling recruits to face another week on the grey and monotonous canvas that will transform them into officers in the military police. Finally, all of the subjects' statements point to the fact that the recruits need their families to help them renegotiate their sense of self-identity (Fielding, 1987), get used to the military-bureaucratic codes and resist the temptation to quit the police academy.
254
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL QF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
Fighting Desertion In spite of new curriculum innovations (Albuquerque, 1999; Federico, 1999), daily life at the academy is still an intense experience of frustration as a means of learning and character formation (Albuquerque &. Paes-Machado, 2004; Paes-Machado &. Albuquerque, 2003). This archaic philosophy with a stoic bent hovers over the minds of many members of the directing team (Goffman, 1996), who also view sacrifice and hardship as genuine teaching instruments for building character worthy of future MP officers and a personality skilled in self-control (Elias, 1994), and a number of other naive ideals. Given this quotidian of education through privation and the oppressive suppression of specific roles, recruits cross a mountain range of crises, with all its highs and lows, including adapting to the arbitrary hierarchy, the restriction of physical movement by wearing uniforms, the strains of lack of privacy, and so on. All of this is compounded with the typical crises of their present psychological stage, including fragments of adolescence that have yet to develop and all the difficult engineering of adult identity that is produced at great cost. Personal and professional identity crises, emotional and other kinds of crises are a natural part of these young peoples' daily lives, but it is crises of depression and reactions to the MPAB's way of life that overcome some hearts and minds and make them want to leave that world and its unbearable pressures. For many, the solution to these more intense crises is associated with the idea of breaking with the institution, of resigning from the piolice academy — what is known as desertion. At these times, they need their families and friends to take therapeutic action and engage in the intelligent strategy of immediately removing any ideas of quitting the academy from the recruits' minds. At times like these, the family polices the depressed potential officer and does not let up until the downcast youth has regained his or her enthusiasm. Compared to the families of minority British recruits, who apparently do not make an effort to prevent their children from dropping out (Holdaway &. Barron, 1997), Brazilian families, according to the recruits' narratives, develop strategies to prevent their children from resigning that are noteworthy for their diagnoses and interventions. While difficulties related to strong racial intolerance lead Asian and black recruit families to not encourage their children to stay in the British police (Holdaway & Barron, 1997), Brazilian recruit families, who do not face such difficulties, support their children's police careers because of direct and indirect rewards offered by the MPA to recruits. Well aware that daily life at the academy is tough and education there is hard and exhausting, the families redouble their efforts to support the recruits. This emotional network comes to signify something like an oasis of affection, supplementing and contrasting with the recruits' exhausting life by providing receptivity, warmth and comfort. The family network supports, nourishes and sustains their calling. During the first years of the recruits' life at the MPA, when their bond with the institution is still fragile, the family's proactive presence does not hide the fear of a possible break and a resulting loss of status. A new role emerges within the family group that partners with the MPA: that of providing loyalty and solidarity to the police (Kappeler, Sluder, & Alpert, 1994; Van Reenen 1997).
THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
2S5
EDUARDO PAES MACHADO A N D CARLOS LINHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
Many statements show that the significance attributed to resigning from the academy is associated with the invidious military concept of desertion, making potential 'deserters' feel guilty and intimidated. According to Valmir, age 23, a third-year recruit who once considered leaving the police academy: Our families and friends say we can't even think about quitting, dropping out ... giving up, [they sayl what's up? No way! You know, if you give up you're shut out. My aunt nearly fainted when I mentioned it one time, she got real upset, and started crying, got all pale and cold, and started freaking out, my father started preaching at me, he talked for half an hour about unemployment, saying what's going to become of you, what are you going to do with your life, you idiot? The traditional weapons of family hysteria are used with theatrical skill. Blackmail, threats, tears, fainting spells, silence and many distortions of affective expression can be used by the 'mother cell' of society to ensure that its offspring incorporates the police spirit. In fact, this form of blackmail involves many messages, including a plea to the young person to come to his or her senses and accept the family's help to achieve success. The family's vociferous complaints when they sense that the recruit might give up this historic opportunity are well known. One example of this was the reaction of 20-year-old Esmeralda's family. They brought in outside help when they realised their daughter intended to leave the MPAB because of the 'brutality of life in there, rude instructors, general ignorance and a million other things that were building up': so I went to tell them back home, in fact I didn't need to say anything, because I looked real down, but my mother went crazy, man, my mother brainwashed my boyfriend, get that, to make him talk me into going to a doctor and taking medication to make me forget the idea of giving up on a military police career. The fact is that the family metaphorically enters the academy through its young representative, seeking a means of social improvement through the recruit that will arrive when the student enters the academy, graduates and starts a career as an officer in the military police. Because the sacrificial lamb is a group offering, the family will not countenance, according to recruit accounts, the idea of backing out. Therefore, the family admits its inability to provide alternative channels of social improvement and uses Machiavellian wiles, group advice and accusations to get its way. We can see this in the statement given by Rubens, age 22, a second-year student, about a time when he was overcome with disappointment and thought he could no longer tolerate the police academy and admitted to his family that he intended to leave: I thought I'd tell them how 1 felt, that 1 was going to send all this to hell, and I saw that everybody was getting real worried, but my mother was more upset than anybody. She said real loud — I'll never forget it — she said, no way, 1 didn't give birth to a bum. Through its opposition of either being a recruit or a vagrant, this statement confirms the supposition that families view police education as a sacrificial rite. Their internal logic goes something like this: the recruit is experiencing these things in this time/space on our behalf thanks to our support and our scheme for achieving social mobility. Another fragment from the same interviewee's statement
254
THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
describes how his parents and friends were mobilised to comfort and persuade him not to give up on his career in the police force: everybody said the same things she [his mother] did, amazing, the thing is that the family picks up on what's going on because you can't hide it, I can't hide it when I'm feeling down, I was fucked up, wanting to get the hell out of there and it was goddamn crazy because everybody was saying, what gives? don't give up, all my brothers and sisters and friends said tbe same thing, like she'd sent every last one of tbem to repeat what she'd said word for word, so everybody was encouraging me, boosting me up, warning me to think things over carefully and let it blow over. This controlling and conservative mother who represents the parents' general attitude is essential to completing the process of police socialisation because she manages personal dissatisfaction crises whenever necessary.
Cultural Capital As we have seen, when the individuals leave the family world and enter the strict, harsh context of the military police academy, with its successive difficulties of socialisation, we find that the presence of psychological backup — their family network — helps them go through the process of acculturation and overcome the inexorable obstacles that that career involves. However, this support is more effective when the recruits have relatives in the military police or in the civilian police force (35% of our sample), and can turn to their cultural capital (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1992) to endure the hardest stages of attachment in their new lives as police officers. As a result, these recruits develop a special sense that helps them handle difficulties and show more resistance and ability to hide their emotional crises. Celia (age 21, third-year student) exemplifies this when she compares her experience at the academy with that of a classmate whose father is a senior military police officer: It's different for Marcia because her father's a military police captain and whenever she gets pissed off, whines and complains, you know, because of bow brutal life gets here, ber fatber comes down bard ... be doesn't even listen to her, be tells ber stories about wbat he went tbrougb in the military police wben be was a recruit ... a thousand times worse tban what she was going through ... but there's a good side because be shows her bow to get out of those situations and she says it works, tbat be teaches ber tricks to make things go easier. Having someone in the family who has undergone police socialisation makes it much easier for the young person to learn how to withstand and tolerate obstacles. These recruits live with people who are, in practice, a veritable fountain of wisdom and give them invaluable tips. Knowing and trusting someone who is intimately familiar with that world is an incomparable form of support. Naturally, these students are more successful, as we can see in this statement fi-om Ronaldo, age 20, a second-year recruit: He already knows the ropes, he's not going to be stupid and cballenge a superior, what do you want, tbe guy's dad is a major, brotber, tbe major calculates all tbe risks for him, right? He says, son, tbis stage is like that, so do your best, you'll go througb a period like tbis, so be prepared.
THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
257
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO AND CARLOS UNHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
Relatives who are acculturated in the police world share crisis prevention strategies with the recruits. They competently teach them that the sacrifice is worth it for the future benefits. In short, the equation of social mobility is repeated with the variation that, in these cases, the family has a representative authorised to give the most effective advice to its children. Extravagant explanations have been given to justify the advantage recruits with relatives in the police force have over those who do not. The most bizarre explanation is the theory of genetics: because they are closely related to people who have this mentality in their DNA, these young people are genetically more capable of withstanding the challenges of that kind of education. This mystique of blood relations barely disguises obvious personal favouritism. A powerful surname that is well known in the organisation, together with the youth's given name, can get him or her more favourable treatment and escape from the worst aspects of training. Silvia, 23, a third-year student, indignantly levels the following charge: don't tell me it wouldn't be logical to stop Miss So-and-So, a major's daughter, from getting tbrasbed or suddenly protect Mister So-and-So who's a well-known colonel's brat, no be doesn't need to do tbat ... some instructors are scared to death of laying a finger on tbem, afraid of being marked down, persecuted, some instructors are sbameless liars because tbey're scared to deatb but what's worse tbey say witbout batting an eyelasb tbat Miss So-and-So doesn't bave to go on tbat maneuver because ber family's witb the force, because Mister So-and-So was born witb bis parents' nature, it'sabuncbofcrap! In other words, the fact that recruits who are related to police officers get individualised treatment and are spared the toughest endurance tests of military police training confirms the belief that they do not have to make a greater personal effort to have a guaranteed place reserved for them in the organisation (Dombusch, 1955; PaesMachado & Albuquerque, 2003). Along the same lines, because they know the value of these connections for their professional future, including access to the best jobs (Paes-Machado & Albuquerque, 2003), these recruits are not as concerned about militarised training and overcome career crises more easily. This seems to be the meaning behind an ironic observation from fourth-year student Antonio Sergio, 24: the best [police] jobs are in air-conditioned offices witb carpeting and coffee, and don't bave anytbing to do witb crawling exercises wbere people get all sticky, sweaty and smelly. The fact that the paramilitary model of the police academy, as well as of the police forces, fosters personal favouritism and clientelist relationships contradicts arguments raised elsewhere in its defence (Bittner, 1970).
Changing Roles The role of the recruits, anticipating the inclusiveness of their future tole as police officers (Reiner, 1978), modifies all family roles, redirects the flow of affections, alters the proportions of attachments and changes the processes of identification between members of the household group. Being the focus of attention, the recruit — like a patient — merits special care (Parsons, 1964). This can be seen in the following statement by an interviewee.
258
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
which reflects the extreme consideration given to the recruits' presence on weekends, the care taken to keep the house quiet when they are sleeping, make them comfortable and give exaggerated signs of attention: like tbe clean, dry, good-smelling towel folded on tbe bed, my pillowcase washed witb softener, a special fisb stew on Saturday, made witb grouper or amber-fisb, wbicb Mom knows I like. Dad puts a beer in tbe icebox and we never bave to figbt over tbe TV cbannel, because tbey know I want it to stay on my favorite channel (Clodoaldo, age 21). The family's joy at their children's social prospects changes their outlook, making them more confident and favouring conflict negotiation. This is one of the conclusions that can be drawn from this statement: 'my family got much better after I entered the Academy. Things changed an awful lot back home, they really got better, a lot of bad things went away when I came here' (fourth-year student Raimundo, 23). Other interviewees agree with Raimundo and give further concrete examples of how relations with the family improved: they tend to keep quiet about money problems and household quarrels, as if these difficulties have magically disappeared, and the family's behaviour is more restrained and serious. Whether they are influenced by this new climate or responding to their children's demands, the family is disposed to rethink the significance of ordinary behaviours and abolish customs, gestures, forms of speech — swearing, loud laughter, heavy drinking — and replace them with others that are better suited to their expectations regarding the family of a future military police officer. This insistence on proper behaviour can be seen in the following statement: after all, is it right for you to be here killing yourself and getting ready to wear a uniform tbat is really serious and important to society wbile your fatber or brotbers are drunk, boozing in a bar and playing dominoes, and your cousin's smoking pot witb a buncb of lowlifes? (second-year student Luciana, 21). Instead of insisting on keeping up habits that make recruits' adaptation to the police difficult or impossible (Holdaway &. Barron, 1997), Brazilian families agree to give up behaviours considered unfitting to their children's new role. Furthermore, the constant scrutiny of civilians (Conti &. Nolan, III, 2005) and the mocking complaints and demands of friends and neighbours reinforce intemal changes, boosting the process of readapting the family to the role of the recruit: the fact that they have a future MP officer in the family is not congruous with heavy drinking, reckless driving and swearing. Civil society, in the guise of this other meaning, 'polices' the family, pressuring it to adapt to its new roles. We seem to have entered a network of reciprocal controls that expresses itself, among other ways, in subtle warnings, formulated in a bantering tone such as: 'I'm going to tell your brother the MP you did that, or what will your MP sister say when she finds out? If she does you're toast!' The police is used as a toolbox by all sides, in a wide range of situations, bringing about changes in day-to-day interactions, reinforcing identification with roles and ensuring a modicum of loyalty to the police institution.
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
259
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO AND CARLOS LINHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
Negotiating Limits The recruit's family and friends position themselves with regard to the recruit's metamorphosis or changed behaviour due to police training (Van Maanen, 1978). Fernando, 22, a fourth-year student, gives this general assessment: you know, you've gotta change after taking classes like Shock Policing [special unit for policing protests] and all the police methods you learn in the course, you've gotta know how to hold a gun, shoot and defend yourself, when you spend a lot of time learning about guns and ammo that does something to your head, right? In the general assessment of memhers of the network of attachments, recruits hecome more serious and tend to think more ahout their lives, future and society. They hecome more mature, compassionate and disciplined, and are more demanding ahout their younger siblings' performance in school. According to some statements, they even rearrange the household furniture. They learn that reason is superior to emotion and therefore start feeling uncomfortahle with the emphasis on emotional language at home. Tahle 1 contains terms extracted from the students' statements that show how their families perceive the impacts of their education on these young people's lives. As Tahle 1 shows, the network complains ahout negative behaviours the recruits have picked up. The authoritarian, abrupt way they resolve household issues meets strong resistance, as we can see in the following statement, in which the recruit quotes his mother's disapproving words: Just wait a second there, son, this isn't the barracks, don't even think about it, you can stop that right now, things are different around here young man! Don't come in here shouting orders in people's faces, we're not the police, you know (Valter, 21). The culture of the military police enters the recruit's home and moves in. But the family network protects itself from that powerful rival (Niederhoffer & Niederhoffer, TABlfi Perceived Changes in Recruits' Behaviour Deemed Positive
Deemed NegoHve
260
More insensitive, cold
More mature and prudent
Authoritarian with siblings
Take better care of themselves physically
More mechanical, robotic gestures
Firm ideas and opinions
A certain coarseness and abruptness
Always have an opinion on any subject
Keeps a distance from everyone except fellow recruits
More responsible about commitinents
Pejorative use of the term 'civilian'
Compassion and social concerns
Paranoid, misti^stful of everything
Good new friends, all recruits
Rude, gives short answers
More concerned about the arrangement of furniture, cleans the house
Only talk about militarism
More disciplined
Daughter is less feminine
More concerned about their appearance
THE AUSTRAUAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
1978); as a civilian cell, it has its own perspective and makes distinctions hetween what can he changed and what should he resisted. The network partially negotiates its lifestyle, changes some procedures to get along with a young person who is now familiar with firearms and trained to fight. Negotiate is the right verb, in this case, because the families never give up altogether. First they demand some reciprocity. In this regard, military-hureaucratic codes (Bittner, 1970; Leirner, 1997) are appropriated hy family micro-powers (Foucault, 1986), hased on the strength of attachments and a flexible concept of hierarchy that translates as creativity and proven organisational efficacy.' The network of attachments acts as a supplementary curriculum that uses affectivity and spontaneous pedagogy to reconstruct some parameters of police socialisation. It is as if the recruit were hearing an imaginary voice from the network of attachments telling him or her that, 'We've supported you up to this point. From now on you have to get the support of your new family. It's your and that family's prohlem now so leave us alone and don't give us a hurden we can't cope with'. There are stories (Shearing &. Ericson, 1984) in which we see recruits intensely reworking their official learning in the sphere of the family. As in a comedy film, some scenes point to this. Among them, there is Marcos, a 19-year-old student who quarrelled with his entire family hecause they were not punctual ahout mealtimes on weekends, and given the sarcastic response to his fruitless campaign, he came to his senses and realised how foolish it was to ask his relatives to arrive on time for the hig Sunday lunch. In another scene, a student (Salete, 20) made a huge fuss ahout the earrings, bracelets, bikinis and perfumes her sisters and cousins wore, which she thought vulgar, until she realised they were in the right and she was dressing like an ugly female cop (Pfeia). In a third scene, Savio, 22, was so used to hearing sophisticated technical terms at the academy that he became unwittingly pompous and started using them during a drinking hout, and was ridiculed hy his father, brothers and friends, who, drunk and laughing out loud, imitated the recruit's artificial speech and hehaviour. In every case, the family effectively uses its own didactics to set limits, which helps the students select their roles according to the situation. This demonstrates that the family network protects itself from the alien mentality of the recruits, who are renegotiating their sense of self-identity. The family curriculum vastly surpasses the effectiveness of the official curriculum, which shows that it can protect its cell membrane from the psychological intrusion of the police (Reiner, 1978) even when drunk. Strategically speaking, the network of attachments is open to the MP culture, naturalising and sheltering it within the home, carefully processing it and subjectively negotiating with the new professional habitus (Chan, 2001, 2003) that is taking over their offspring, who seemed to have heen a child just yesterday, and is now talking about guns. Soon — if they are not already — they will he using lethal force or 'dropping people', armed to the teeth and running unthinkable risks (PaesMachado & Levenstein, 2004; Paes-Machado & Noronha, 20O2h). Geraldo, 22, a second-year student, describes a fourth scene that is also replete with meaning when he tells how he came into conflict with his family when he spoke negatively ahout a police action against street vendors in downtown Rio de Janeiro.
THE AUSTRAUAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
261
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO AND CARLOS LINHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
They saw it on television, which broadcast shocking scenes of police abuses and incompetence. According to Geraldo: The strangest thing that night, watching TV, was that I was the only person who criticized the police because they really were in the wrong, they acted like idiots, and commander did everything wrong, they didn't do anything right, and it got out of hand, so when I said that ... it was unbelievable, they nearly hit me, my family started running down the poor street vendors [saying that] if they were taking a beating it was because they deserved it, they were a bunch of shits ... can you believe it?
This statement suggests a counter-reaction: the family reserves itself the right to defend police hrutality if their representative of the police, the recruit, does not toe the line and fit in with his or her social role, does not adjust to the right stereotype. If they do not, the family intervenes with standards of embarrassing rationality and management. The family network has no choice but to go into action, 'policing' a place that helongs to it despite their offspring's immaturity, defending the stigma that the recruit sometimes rejects with the truculence of someone who has heen suhjected to it. They do this to guarantee the imaginary role of their children, who are considered too naive and inept to keep to the place and attitudes expected of them. The roles in this scene can also be reversed. If a recruit approves of a violent police action shown on TV, the family immediately plays its part by disagreeing and arguing in favour of more democratic police work. The police, whose mission is to monopolise the use of force, seeks shelter in the bosom of families steeped in negative stereotypes ahout the police organisation. The police organisation knocks on the door of another organisation characterised by providing affection and existential nourishment, and tells the family imagination to renegotiate stigmas ahout police identity so that negative images will not bolster their children's personal dissatisfaction.
Erstwhile Friends The network of attachments is comprised of leading players, as we have seen, hut it also has supporting actors: the recruits' old friends and boyfriends/girlfriends, who realise the strength of the social deradicalisation caused hy police (Reiner, 1978; Rohinson, 1978). Inevitahly, old civilian partners complain that the recruits ate gradually distancing themselves and weakening their attachments (Teather, 1997) and feel they have heen replaced hy academy classmates (see Table 1). Friends complain a great deal about the growing lack of mutual identification. Their worlds and daily lives have nothing in common. The recruits seem to talk of nothing but militarism, talk about civilians in negative terms and are extremely mistrustful in general (Albuquerque & Paes-Machado, 2004; Kappeler, Sluter, &. Alpert, 1994). Yet civilians make fun of their uniformed friends' 'Robocop' and mechanical style. Former playfellows who are now more like cops than teenagers, the recruits are more serious and too adult and mature for their age. The civilians get their own hack hy ridiculing and parodying the recruits' lifestyle (Niederhoffer & Niederhoffer, 1978), criticising — albeit in a confused way — the role of Brazilian police and their deep connections with the army and dictatorships as we have seen:
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
They mix us up with the armed forces, thinking that the MP has a general, they think ... we're doing everything we can to make Brazil a dictatorship again, they don't get it and I got fed up ... with my old friends' hassling (Leo, 23). The explanation for cooling friendships might he a lack of dialogue on the part of the students due to the changes entailed hy attending the police academy: the recruit's subjectivity is colonised by instrumental codes from the police world (Habermas, 1987). The attitudes of friends and hoyfriends/girlfriends differ from those of the family (Fielding, 1988). The former do not know how to negotiate the osmosis, the hackand-forth flow of identities. They operate with more rigid boundaries and hecome a part of civil society that rejects the construction of police identity. Friendships fade together with the memory of the recruits' civilian life, and the only ones that survive are those which emulate the family's resilience. In fact, families speed up the breakdown of attachments that might get in the way. The family network is allergic to friends who focus too much on the stigma of joining the police force. One student admitted that his family threw an old friend of his out of the house because he insisted on running down the organisation's image and criticised police hrutality, constantly preaching about the strongly negative meanings associated with Brazilian police forces. The family network simply treats that kind of friend like a phagocyte. The family begins to 'police' their child's friends with new standards. It gives and takes away its blessing from its offspring's social ties, while expecting the MP institution to hring ahout a metamorphosis in the recruits, leading them to drop erstwhile friends and cement relations with their peers at the police academy. In the plot line of this psychosocial drama, the civilian family learns to conjugate with its own offspring all the identity verhs of the police's mission: it polices, guards, protects, patrols, defends, safeguards and serves.
Conclusions In this article we discussed recruit narratives related to family atittudes towards police career and socialisation, showing the role of family, as the intersection hetween civilian and police cultures (Niederhoffer & Niederhoffer, 1978), in the integration of recruits entering the academy as well in the negotiation of police indentities. At a time when rookies are experiencing a suhjective crisis and emotional overload (Albuquerque & Paes-Machado, 2004) caused hy their encounter with the police academy (Van Maanen, 1987), recruits do not hesitate to use, and take advantage of, this intersection to renegotiate their sense of self-identity (Fielding, 1987): making comparisons, looking for help, rehearsing new behaviours and, getting feedback ahout police careers. For recruits the family network provides a hackground to think about, resist and adjust to police academy rules (Holdaway & Baron, 1997). By acting in this manner, the family expresses a sense of reality and essential astuteness that helps recruits to assimilate the police world that has entered its household. At its most basic, this realism and astuteness stems from the recognition that the police career can he a strategy for social improvement. If the structural position and the importance of police status helps explain the family's commitment to its offspring's career
THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
263
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO A N D CARLOS LINHARES DE ALBUQUERQUE
(Henderson & Berla, 1994; Olmstead & Rubin, 1983; Steams & Peterson, 1973), this involvement has important implications for families and recruits alike Thus, police academy instructors and classmates hecome a significant other, a symbolic family (Niederhoffer &. Niedhoffer, 1978), without completely replacing this social network and its forming influence on recruits. According to the rookies' accounts, even when they disagree, their families' attitudes and hehaviours are extremely important and meaningful to ensuring that they complete their professional education. This scheme involves the tense and contradictory solidarity hetween civil society — and its democratic aspirations — and the police institution, with its authoritarian character, and the ways in which the family, despite its amhivalence and perplexity, emhraces and domesticates the presence of the police institution. The evidence discussed here shows that, in Brazil at least, the police institution understands that, for the development of new police officers to reach a satisfactory conclusion, and in light of the challenges of that socialisation, importance must he given to the support provided hy the broader network of attachments. This support provided hy the network of attachments (Pichon-Riviere, 1988) or the family curriculum supplements the arduous path of official curriculum, overcoming obstacles that might dissuade recruits from continuing and providing a numher of resources related to expressions of affection, preventing discouragement and offering psychological comfort. The family group undergoes subtle and profound transformations that are expressed in a psychological pact of reciprocity with the MP's educational project through which the family accepts certain guidelines of the military police life and ensures that recruits persevere in their police career. Once again, the academy takes in the recruits, and in exchange the family participates in the shaping of the new habitus embodied in their child's new social role (Bourdieu, 1972; Chan, 2001, 2003). The polarity between the civilian and military police worlds is resolved through the almost-religious conversion of the family into a small civilian cell that is 'consanguineous with the Other', that is, the police institution; a cell that, having housed 'the Other' for so long, eventually assimilates its culture. The principles, values and norms, of the two organisations hecome hlended in the body of the social player, engendering the psychological outlook that individuals whose daily lives hifurcate in alternating roles are capahle of having. In this case, the recruits undergo a sentimental reeducation in these alternating settings: like a system of connected vessels, the surplus of symholic and psychological contents on one side slides to the other, balancing and adapting the identity traits of both individuals and organisations. Finally, our general conclusion is that instead of being an outcome of a dyadic relationship — between the recruits and the police academy — the police habitus (Bourdieu, 1972; Chan, 2001, 2003) is also shaped hy a third player represented hy the recruits' familial social network, which provides recruits with a support structure that the police academy and its official curriculum cannot offer.
244
THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
Endnotes 1
In general terms, preferring to stick to specifically academic aspects of learning, police studies do not include many contributions regarding the role of the family in the educational process, which could shed light on the subjective impacts of police socialisation. The main references in this regard are studies of the habitus and family agency in education, which respectively focus on the transmission of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1972; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1992) and parent involvement in their children's scholastic success (Henderson & Berla, 1994; Olmstead & Rubin, 1983; Stearns & Peterson, 1973). 2 In this article the family network (Bott, 1957) will also be called a network of attachments to take into account the psychological ties (Pichon-Rivifere, 1988, 1980). 3 See Paes-Machado and Albuquerque (2003). 4 This will be a college degree, as schooling at the police academy is the equivalent of a college education, although it is neither viewed as such or valued by civil society. Because of the symbolic inconsistency of the MP officer's degree, over 80% of academy graduates serving as lieutenants have had to go to college to get another degree that is more palatable for the civilian world. This is also because they can easily get special enrollment privileges, avoiding the grueling and expensive college entrance exams, particularly for law school. Furthermore, they get credit for over 50% of the classes taken at the academy. This partially explains why MP academy curriculums are replete with law and physical education classes, which military police officers most prefer. 5 The military hierarchy contains an intrinsic ambiguity: while being a general principle that is omnipresent in the institution it is also a segmenting principle, permitting people to view individual action as the expression of collective action and collective action as the result of individual actions governed by that parameter (Leimer, 1997).
Acknowledgments Thanks to the Brazilian Ministry of Education — Capes for a scholarship to spend a sabbatical at tbe nice environment of the Centre of Criminology of the University of Toronto, where I did this one and other studies between 2004 and 2005. Also thanks to Mariana Valverde, Simon Holdaway, James Sheptycki, Philip Stenning, John Pratt, Rosemary Gartner and Dena Demos for their valuable comments on this article, and H. Sabrina Gledhill for the English translation.
References Adomo, S. (1999). Racial discrimination and criminal justice in Sao Paulo. In R. Reichmann (Ed.), Race in contemporary Brazil: From indifference to ineqiudity (pp. 123-138). University Park, PE: The Pennsylvania State University Press. Albuquerque, CL. (1999). Escola de bravos: Cotidiano e curricub em uma Academia da Policia Militar. Unpublished master's thesis, Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brazil. Albuquerque, C.L., & Paes-Machado, E. (2004). The hazing machine: The shaping of Brazilian military police recruits. Policing atuJ Society, 14(2), 175-192. Barcelios, C. (2001). Rota 66: A historia da policia que mata. Sao Paulo: Globo. Bayley, D.H. (1985). Patterns of policing: A comparative international analysis. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. Bretas, M.L. (1997). Ordem na cidade: O exercicio cotidiano da autoridade policial na cidade do Rio de
Janeiro, 1907-1930. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco. Brodeur, J.P (1994). Police et coercition. R. franc. Sociol., 35(3), 457-485. Berger, PL, & Luckmann, T (1973). A construcao social da realidade. Petropoiis: Vozes. THE AUSTRALIAN A N D NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
26S
EDUARDO PAES-MACHADO AND CARLOS UNHARES DEALBUOUEROUE
Bittner, E. (1970). The functions of the police in modem society: A review of background factors, current practices, and possible role models. Maryland: National Institute for Mental Health. Bott, E. (1957). Family and social network: Roles, norms, and external relationships in ordinary urban families. London: Tavistock. Bourdieu, P. (1972). Esquisse d'urw theorie de la pratique. Geneve: Droz. Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J.A. (1992). A reproducao: Elementos para uma teoria do sistema de ensino. Rio de Janeiro: Francisco Alves. Brogden, M., & Shearing, C. (1993). Policing/or a new South Africa. London/New York: Routledge. Cano, I. (1997). The use of force by police in Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto de Estudos da Religiao. Cedec. (Ed.). (1997). Mapa de risco da violencia de Salvador. Sao Paulo: Cedec. Chan, J.B.L. (2001). Negotiating the field: New observations on the making of police officers. Australian and New Zealand Journal o/Crimino!o0, 34(2), 114-133. Chan, J.B.L. (with Devery, C , & Doran, S.). (2003). Fair cop: Learning the art of policing. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Chevigny, P. (1995). The edge of the knife: Police violence in the Americas. New York: New York Press. Conti, N., & Nolan, J., III. (2005). Policing the plantonic cave: Ethics and efficacy in police training. Police (SfSociery, J5(2), 166-186. Dornbusch, S.M. (1955). The military academy as an assimilating institution. Social Forces, 33, 316-321. Elias, N. (1993). 0 processo civilizador. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar. Franke, Y C . (2000). Duty, honor, country: The social identity of West Point cadet. Armed Forces and Society, 26 (2), 175. Federico, V (1999). Um caso de policia: Reorganizacao, capacitacao profissioruil e policia comunitaHa na PMBA. Salvador: Escola de Administracao da UFBA. Fielding, N. (1988). Joining forces: Police training, socialization, and occupational competence. London/New York: Routledge. Foucault, M. (1984). Micro/isica do poder. Rio de Janeiro: Craal. Gabaldon, L.G., & Birkbeck, C.H. (Eds.), Policia y fuerza fisica en perspectiva intercuitural. Caracas: Nueva Sociedad. Goffman, I. (1996). Manicomios, prisoes e conventos. Sao Paulo: Perspectiva. Guimaraes, L.A.B. (2000). Valores institucionais: A pratica policial militar e a cidadania. UnidadeRevista de Assuntos Tecnicos da Policia Militar, Ano XVIII, no. 41, 45-85. Habermas, J. (1987). La teoria de la acdon comunicativa. Barcelona:Taurus. Henderson, A.T, & Berla, N. (1994). A new generation of evidertce: The family is criticd to student achievement. MI, Mott/St. Louis, MO: Danforth Foundation and Flint. Holdaway, S., & Barron, A.M. (1997). Resigners? The experience of Black and Asian police officers. London: Macmillan. Holloway, T H . (1997). Policia no Rio de Janeiro: Repressao e resistencia numa cidade no seculo XIX. Rio de Janeiro: Fundacao Getulio Vargas. Huggins, M.K. (2000). Urban violence and police privatization in Brazil: Blended invisibility. SociaUwtice, 2(27), 113-134. Kappeler, V.E., Sluder R.D., & Alpert, G.P. (1994). Forces of deviance: Uruierstanding the dark side of policing. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press. Kraska, P (1996). Enjoying militarism, justice Quaterly, 13(3), 405-429. Laplantine, F. (1996). La description etnographique. Paris: Ed. Nathan. Leirner, PC. (1997). Meia volta volver: um estudo antropologico sobre a hierarquia militar. Sao Paulo: FGV/FAPESP
THE AUSTRAUAN AND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
THE FAMILY CURRICULUM
Lemos-Nelson, A.T. (2001). Judiciary Police accountability for gross human rigths violations: The case of Bahia. Unpuhlished PhD thesis. University of Notre Dame, United States of America. May, L. (1997). Socialization and institutional evil. In L. May & J. Kohn (Eds.), Hannah Arendt: Twenty years later (pp. 83-105). Cambridge: MIT Press. Mattoso, K. (1992). Bahia, seculo XIX: Uma provincia do Imperio. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira. Mingardi, G. (1991). Tiras, gamose trutas: Ccotidiano e reforma na policia civil. Sao Paulo: Scritta. Niederhoffer, A., & Niederhoffer, E. (1978). The police family: From station house to ranch house. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. Olmstead, P.P., & Rubin, R.I. (1983). Linking parent behaviors to child achievement: Four evalution studies from the patent education followthrough programs. Studies in Educational Evaluation, 8,311-315. Paes-Machado, E., & Noronha, C.V. (2002a). Padroes de ttabalho e tendencias do uso da fotca policial no Brasil. In Rubens Pinto Lyra (Ed.), Direitos humanos: Os desafios do seculo XXI - uma abordagem interdisciplinary (pp. 225-240). Brasilia: Brasilia Jutidica. Paes-Machado, E., & Noronha, C.V. (2002b). Policing the Brazilian poor: Resistance to and acceptance of police brutality in urban popular classes (Salvador, Brazil). Jnternationaf. Criminal Justice Review, 12,53-76. Paes-Machado, E., & Albuquerque, C.L. (2003). Jungle I.D.: Education reform in Brazilian paramilitary police. Policing and Society, 13(1), 59-78. Paes-Machado, E., & Levenstein, C. (2004). 'I' am sorry but this is Brazil:' Armed robberie on the buses in Brazilian cities. British Journal of Criminology, 44, 1-14. Parsons, T. (1964). The social system. The Ftee Press of Glencoe. Pichon-Riviere, E. (1980). Teoria del vincuio. Buenos Aires: Ed. Cinco. Pichon-Riviere, E. (1988). 0 (>rocesso grupai. Sao Paulo: Martins Fontes. Reiner, R. (1978). The blue-coated worker: A sociological study of police unionism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Robinson, C D . (1978). The deradicalisation of the policeman. Crime and Delinquency, 24/2, 129-151. Shearing, C , & Ericson, R.V. (1984). Culture as figurative action. British Journal of Sociology, 42/4, 481-506. Sheptycki, J. (1999). Editorial reflections on policing: Patamilitatisation and scholatship on policing. Policing ami Society, 9, 117-123. Soares, L.E. (2000). Meu casaco de general; 500 dias no front da seguranca publica do Rio de Janeiro. Sao Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Stearns, M.S., & Peterson, S. (1973). Parent involvment in compensatory education programs: Definitions and schools in a pluralistic society. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Stenning, PC. (2003). Regulacion de la fuerza policial en Canada. In L.G. Gabaldon &. C.H. Birkbeck (Eds.), Policia y fuerza fisica en perspectiva intercuitural (pp. 53-66). Caracas: Nueva Sociedad. Tavares dos Santos, J.V. (1997). A arma e a flor: Formacao da organizacao policial, consenso e violencia. Tempo Social, 9(1), 155-167. Teather, R.G. (1997). Mountie makers: Putting the Canadian in RCMP. Surrey: Heritage House. Van Maanen, J. (1978). Observations on the making of policemen. In PK. Manning & J. Van Maanen (Eds.), Policing: a view from the street (pp. 292-308). Santa Monica: Goodyear. Van Reenen, P (1997). Police integrity and police loyalty: The Stalket dilemma. Policing and
Society, 8 ( \ ) , 1-45.
THEAUSTRALIANAND NEW ZEALAND JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY
267