The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Maria Inez Turazzi
Preface
Since the mid-19th century, photography has distinguished itself from other forms of visual representation because of its unprecedented ability to capture «reality» in a mechanical, reproducible manner. Culture was transformed by the rapid expansion and diversification of the use of this technology. The power of photography and, later, of cinema, television and digital media, allowed for the creation of striking social stories that shaped people’s desires and subjectivities and the way they perceive reality. In today’s world, the means necessary to produce and share images are available to wide sectors of society. By having cameras on every mobile phone and providing almost free access to digital media, anyone can tell stories through images. Nevertheless, this process of «democratization» of technology is not accompanied by instances that promote its conscientious use. If we wish to wield the power of images, we must know what we can do with them, what they do to us, who produces them and why and what for, how they are shared and how we can interpret them. At first, photographic images were considered ways to objectively capture reality. Later, they were understood as ways to share a specific vision of the world unique
to each author. Both assumptions tell us of their history and characteristics yet hide the social practices behind them, such as the fact that every image is the result of a chain that produces meanings and involves creators, techniques, authors, media, knowledge and ideologies that exceed reality as it is as well as the individual’s subjectivity. Besides that, images are a part of our identity, of our ever-changing way of being in the world. This is made up of overlapping, complementary, contradictory narratives and experiences that battle within each individual. Imagination is their main battlefield, and imagination depends, to a large extent, on the images to which we have access. For all these reasons, one of the goals of the Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo (CdF) since its inception has been to consolidate photography research in Uruguay and throughout the region. This book is published as part of this policy. With it, we seek to increase our knowledge of the origins of photography and to continue weaving a Latin American network of production and reflection capable of imagining new ways of being in this world. Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo 7
Table of Contents
Foreword by Grant Romer ..............................................................................................................11 Foreword by Paulo Knauss .............................................................................................................. 13 Abbreviations ................................................................................................................................... 15 Introduction. On Board ................................................................................................................... 18 Chapter 1. Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images ........................................................ 32 Chapter 2. The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’ ................................... 64 Chapter 3. The Extraordinary Mission of the Oriental-Hydrographe .................................................. 96 Chapter 4. Early News and Bad Omens.......................................................................................... 128 Chapter 5. ‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic .......... 160 Chapter 6. The Wreck of the Expedition: Versions and Suspicions .................................................. 210 Conclusions. The Voyage Is Not Over… ........................................................................................ 248 Chronology of the Invention and Dissemination of the Daguerreotype (1816-1842) ...................268 Sources Consulted ......................................................................................................................... 279 Manuscripts, Newspapers and Other Sources................................................................................... 279 Specific Sources on the Oriental-Hydrographe .................................................................................. 283 Conditions for Admission to the Oriental-Hydrographe, Written by the Commander (1839) ..............310 List of Participants and On-Board Roll of the Oriental-Hydrographe (1839-1840) ........................... 313 Bibliography .................................................................................................................................. 322 Index of Images .............................................................................................................................. 346 Index .............................................................................................................................................. 364 Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ 375
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Foreword By Grant Romer
History is knowledge derived from inquiry. The quality of the questions we ask about the past determines the value of the answers we derive. The most common historical question posed is “Who was first?” – first to discover… first to encounter… first to succeed… first to profit – there is distinction in being First. We learn this as children: primacy is a factor, often an advantage, in the competition of life. In primary school we are given answers to many such “First” questions without having formed the inquiry ourselves. Consider your answer to the question, “Who was the first person to fly?” Depending upon many qualifying factors, including where you were educated, the answer might be: Pilâtre de Rozier; Alberto Santos-Dumont; Orville Wright; even Louis Blériot or Franky Zapata. Of course, the answer depends upon what is meant by “fly”. All, in one way or another, were ‘first’ to fly. It would take a major effort to explain and justify such a statement. The case would span a period from 1783 to 2019 and would take into account many other histories not normally associated with aviation. “Who was the first?” is a very primitive inquiry. A single answer to a single question, no matter what degree of validity it might have, cannot give much useful knowledge. When it comes to invention, “Who was first?” questions are particularly pernicious,
often ultimately leading to the diminishing of further inquiry once answered. On January 7th, 1839 the eminent scientist, François Arago, officially confirmed that his countryman, Louis Daguerre, had found chemical means of fixing the image formed in the camera obscura. Within weeks Arago, Jean-Baptiste Biot, and Alexander von Humboldt, all who had examined Daguerre’s results, received identically worded letters from the Englishman, Henry Fox Talbot, claiming priority of invention. Humboldt described it as a “pompous, vacuous letter” and Talbot’s claim as an impertinence, not worthy of a response. He feared that it would lead to “an unpleasant dispute over priority”, which it did. Soon many other contenders made claims to priority, if not in achievement, at least in concept, of such a miraculous invention. The subsequent histories of photography are polluted, down to this very day, with tedious and fruitless arguments, often tainted by national bias, about “Who was first to invent photography?” Today there are many, much better questions to ask about the origins and emergence of such a profoundly important and transformative technology. The scientist Gay-Lussac in his address to the Chamber of Deputies in support of the proposed bill to acquire the rights to the invention for the French nation said, “Daguerre’s success has laid the foundation of a new order 11
of possibilities”. One of the greatest of all time novelties, the emergence of the Daguerreotype was totally unanticipated. Once reported and confirmed, it could not be well imagined, even by those who had experimented with lightsensitive chemistry. When examples were first seen, all, whatever their knowledge and experience, were astounded by what they beheld. The eminent English scientist John Herschel, friend of Talbot and himself an experimenter with photography, when first shown an example by Arago, declared, “We are nothing but scribblers. We could not have conceived of anything like this. It is wonderful. It is a miracle!” Not only the reality of the materials that formed the image gave surprise, but also the process by which it was rendered – all beyond imagining, all connected to nothing that had come before. The Daguerreotype was First Photography, pure photography, but photography of another order than what we are familiar with. Strangely beautiful, with all the characteristics and mystery of the mirror, it rendered with an aura of perfection the actuality of the visual experience… the sense of “seeing” in the moment what was depicted, as if with one’s own eyes. This is the essence, the characteristic that distinguishes photography from all other graphic forms. The Daguerreotype established the Photographic Standard, by which all subsequent systems were judged. For fifteen years it was the commercially dominant process, by which the international business and industry of photography was established. It has been observed that if a rainbow lasts more than a quarter of an hour, we lose interest in it. Today, few thrill to photographs as those who experienced the first fifteen years of photography through the Daguerreotype. However a high quality daguerreotype, in good condition, still brings expressions of 12
surprise and wonder from those who have never seen one before. At the time of the one-hundredth anniversary of the daguerreotype in 1939, historians in many countries began to inquire into when daguerreotypes were first made in their countries. The answer for Brazil and Uruguay was astonishing: soon after the public revelation of the process, well before many countries closer to France. Here you will find the explanation of how that came to be. It is not about a single “First” at a single moment in time, it is not just about photography, nor a naval expedition, nor a narrative of individual success and failure. Here you will find much meaningful knowledge about a pivotal moment in time, when the discoveries resulting from inquiry into physics and chemistry began to be applied to commercial and industrial ends, for the benefit of individuals and nations. What follows is the result of the formation of much better questions on the part of the author than those which were posed by past historians. Answers have been gained through great and long effort. The result is well worthy of attention at this present moment. It was no accident of Fate that the first practical system of photography emerged from France when it did, nor that the French government actively participated in the promotion and global dissemination of new technology. This is not a story of a “First”, but of a “Beginning”, a beginning of something that has shaped contemporary life and the human mind. When next you look at a screen, pause and reflect upon the reality that the technology has at its foundation the Daguerreotype. Grant Romer
Founding Director Academy of Archaic Imaging
Foreword By Paulo Knauss
Anyone interested in the history of photography, especially in how it was first introduced in Latin America, should read this book. Reading it feels like an adventure as you follow the story of the unsuccessful voyage of the Oriental-Hydrographe, an expedition not only meant for the education of aspiring merchant seamen but also envisioned as the first voyage around the world to be documented through photographs, publicising the first commercialised process based on daguerreotypes across the continents. By telling the story of the educational voyage for the merchant seamen apprentices of the Oriental-Hydrographe in her new book, Maria Inez Turazzi offers an original approach to the story of the first daguerreotypes created in South America in 1840. In Rio de Janeiro and Montevideo, public demonstrations were organised to showcase this pioneering photographic process that owes its name to its inventor, Frenchman Louis-Jacques-Mandé
Daguerre. Although the results of his research were already known, it was not until August 1839 that Daguerre’s invention was made “available to all” and was recognised at a joint session of the Sciences and Fine Arts Academies in Paris, France. Following this timeline, it could be argued that thanks to the Oriental-Hydrographe that sailed from the French port of Paimboeuf on September 25, 1839 and sank in Chilean waters on June 23, 1840, South America quickly joined the process of dissemination of photography. Specialised historiography does not ignore the creation of the first photographs in South America. This historic event also led to the inauguration in Rio de Janeiro, in 2016, of a public monument located where the first daguerreotypes of the city were created. Nevertheless, and although this is a fact of recognised historic significance, admiration for these first images was not always accompanied by thorough research on 13
their context of production. Even though, today, these images are well-known and can be easily accessed through modern media, the author avoided taking the traditional path of historiography that values the inventory of images, photographers and processes of the technical evolution of photography. Her approach is innovative because it produces a historical characterisation of the context of photographic practices, centring on photographic equipment as the subject of the story. As stated in the main argument of the book, the presence of the daguerreotype camera in the expedition should not be understood as a coincidence or improvisation, for everything seems to indicate that the aim was to build a network of business interests, diplomatic relations and cultural exchanges revolving around photography. Additionally, not only did the sinking of the ship capsize the merchant seamen training programme, it also did the same to the first project focused on disseminating photography and all devices involved in photographic creations recorded through daguerreotypes across the world. Oblivion lurks close behind the trail of maritime failure of the Oriental-Hydrographe’s naval expedition that visited Portugal, Madeira, the Canary Islands and Senegal, as well as Brazil, Uruguay and Chile. And yet its pioneering role in photography in many places did not entirely overshadow the memory of the Oriental-Hydrographe’s voyage. Even after the unsuccessful expedition, its captain helped introduce photography in Australia, spreading the influence of the Oriental-Hydrographe across time and space. It should be noted that the author was able to deal deftly with the tricks of memory that cloud historical matters. 14
Moreover, and as the author indicates, her research was also determined by research conditions. Because of these, it took years to overcome the challenges posed when trying to integrate data from documents of different natures scattered across many countries. Hence, it was only possible to conduct this study over several years, as it involved many trips to the archives of multiple organisations and was completed thanks to the current possibility of crossing sources with the aid of the internet. Furthermore, the chosen approach had to ignore the national perspective in historiography to focus the analysis on an exceptional case of stories connected through a transnational perspective appreciating the originality of this approach to the history of photography. The truth is that after reading this book it will be impossible to look in the same way at the old image of the current Praça XV de Novembro in Rio de Janeiro and its prominent Paço Imperial from that distant 1840. When observing this daguerreotype surrounded by controversial stories and attributions, we cannot escape the unforgettable story (with hints of adventure and tragedy) that connects South America with the global history of the beginnings of photography and defines the instant in which an image is taken as an element in a broader historical process.
Paulo Knauss
Director of the National History Museum (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil) Professor at the Department of History of the Federal Fluminense University
Abbreviations
ABL ABM AD-Be AD-Fr ADLA AMN AN-Br AN-Fr ANOM BHVP BIBNA BM BMF BMT BN-Cl BNP BnF BOR CADN CdF
Academia Brasileira de Letras – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Arquivo Regional e Biblioteca Pública da Madeira – Funchal (Autonomous Region of Madeira / Portugal) Archives diplomatiques de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium) Archives diplomatiques du Ministère des affaires étrangères de France (“archives du Quai d’Orsay”) – Paris; La Courneuve (France) Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) Archives municipales de Nantes – Nantes (France) Arquivo Nacional – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Archives nationales – Paris (France) Archives nationales / Centre des archives d’Outre-Mer – Aix-en-Provence (France) Bibliothèque historique de la ville de Paris – Paris (France) Biblioteca Nacional de Uruguay – Montevideo (Uruguay) The Bowes Museum – Durham (England) Biblioteca Municipal de Funchal – Funchal (Autonomous Region of Madeira / Portugal) Bibliothèque municipale de Toulouse – Toulouse (France) Biblioteca Nacional de Chile – Santiago (Chile) Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal – Lisbon (Portugal) Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France) Biblioteca de Obras Raras / Centro de Tecnologia da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Centre des archives diplomatiques du Ministère des affaires étrangères – Nantes (France) Centro de Fotografia de Montevideo – Montevideo (Uruguay) 15
CNAM-a&m CPF FBN FIRJAN GEM IF-AdS IHGB IMS - RJ JCB KBR IRPA MC MHC MHN-Ar MHN-Br MNH-Cl MHN-Uy MImp MImp-CG MLH MnM MMN MNN MNBA NLA NMM ON GETTY RGPL SDM SEIN SFP SHD-Marine SGL WPM 16
Conservatoire national des arts et métiers / Musée des arts et métiers – Paris (France) Centro Português de Fotografia – Porto (Portugal) Fundação Biblioteca Nacional – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Federação das Indústrias do Rio de Janeiro / Biblioteca – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) George Eastman Museum – Rochester (United States) Institut de France / Académie des Sciences – Paris (France) Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Instituto Moreira Salles – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) John Carter Brown Library – Providence (United States) Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium) Institut royal du Patrimoine artistique – Brussels (Belgium) Musée Carnavalet – Paris (France) Museo Histórico Cabildo – Montevideo (Uruguay) Museo Histórico Nacional – Buenos Aires (Argentina) Museu Histórico Nacional – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Museo Histórico Nacional de Chile – Santiago (Chile) Museo Histórico Nacional – Montevideo (Uruguay) Museu Imperial – Petrópolis (Brazil) Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Musée de la Légion d’Honneur – Paris (France) Musée national de la Marine – Paris (France) Museu Marítimo Nacional – Valparaiso (Chile) Musée Nicéphore Niépce – Chalon-sur-Saône (France) Museu Nacional de Belas Artes – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) National Library of Australia – Canberra (Australia) National Maritime Museum – Greenwich (England) Observatório Nacional – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) The J. Paul Getty Museum – Los Angeles (United States) Real Gabinete Português de Leitura – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Serviço de Documentação da Marinha – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale – Paris (France) Société française de photographie – Paris (France) Service historique de la Défense / Département de la Marine – Vincennes (France) Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa – Lisbon (Portugal) Westlicht Photography Museum – Vienna (Austria)
The city and port of Nantes, seen from the Salorges pier, in an album of engravings of “Maritime France”, c. 1823-1832. The image is part of the collection of 64 marines created by Ambroise-Louis Garneray for the album of engravings Vues des côtes de France dans l’Océan et la Méditerranée, published in instalments (Paris, 1823-1832).
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Introduction On Board
The images of children stripped of their childhood by the precocity and hardships of navigation were well-known when the Oriental-Hydrographe left France, on the 25th September 1839, for a long journey around the world. The ship weighed anchor in Paimboeuf, between the cities of Nantes and Saint-Nazaire, the great port complex located on the river Loire, facing the Atlantic Ocean. The French and Belgian young men participating in the expedition, however, had other expectations regarding their first experience for long-distance navigation. Midshipmen for commanding positions in the merchant navy or simple sailors had all boarded the Oriental-Hydrographe with the promise of a glorious future. Jules Verne, as a young boy, might well have been one of those apprentices. Born in Nantes in 1828, he fled home at eleven years of age to venture out on a trip to India as a cabin boy. Recaptured by his family in
Paimbeouf, he devoted the rest of his life to writing the fantastic stories he would have liked to live in his failed attempt to explore the immensity of the planet.1 Extensive and original, his work draws many references from the maritime scenario of his childhood and stands out when compared with the vast travel literature of the 19th century for its scientific and technological optimism and incredible ability to anticipate inventions that would become a reality much later.2 Apart from stimulating the imagination of generations of readers obsessed by the travel experience, Jules Verne’s books, with their futuristic fantasies, illustrated the unshakeable confidence of an era in industrial progress and the civilising mission of European culture. The year 1839 was marked by the excitement produced by the announcement of an invention that had just begun to be called photography and the first public presentations of the novelty. Together with other instruments 19
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Literature for “instruction”, in 1835: “the travels of a student to the five corners of the world”, in its 18th century edition, revised and augmented. P. Navarre’s work, Amusements géographiques et historiques, ou les mémoires de M.*** contenant ses voyages et ses aventures dans les quatre parties du monde (Paris, 1786), published with the king’s approval as a “work that could be very useful to young people”, was revised and expanded in the first half of the 19th century and published in several editions.
carried on board the Oriental-Hydrographe, the ship set sail with all the paraphernalia needed to obtain photomechanical images with a daguerreotype. The word was also new and its use, initially restricted to the photographic procedure performed with a camera 20
obscura, acquired new meanings which also included the apparatus and the image itself. 3 The presence of this equipment, the initiative to employ it and the demonstrations carried out in the ports visited by the travellers of the Oriental-Hydrographe should have secured this expedition a prominent position in the history of maritime voyages of the period. However, the experience of the OrientalHydrograph, marked by obscure transactions and undesirable failures, was forgotten by maritime annals and the historiography that dealt with European expansion and naval missions during the first half of the 19th century. Maligned and controversial, even before her shipwreck in Chilean waters on the 23rd June 1840, the expedition of the Oriental-Hydrographe would remain submerged for more than a century, in spite of its extraordinary story. After all, it would include the first public demonstrations of the daguerreotype in countries such as Portugal, Brazil and Uruguay, together with other attempts on the coast of Senegal (Goreia), and, possibly, the islands in the North Atlantic (Madeira and Tenerife). Throughout the 20th century, based on only a few references found in local newspapers, Latin American historians, conservators and collectors published the first notices and photographic images related with the expedition in cities such as Rio de Janeiro and Montevideo, but only mentioned in passing the nature of the voyage and the circumstances that brought the novelty to the South Atlantic.4 The first demonstrations of the invention tended to be regarded as amazing and exceptional events, as the secrets involved in the practice of daguerreotype had just been revealed to the world when the ship left France. Within this framework, the presence
Maria Inez Turazzi
of a daguerreotype on board the Oriental-Hydrographe seemed relevant only to the history of photography, i.e., for an isolated history in itself. A perspective centred on the priority of photographic experiments and the biography of the first daguerreotypists, together with the impossibility of conducting an extensive research among several documentary collections, now enabled by the internet, delayed the task of constructing and analysing the whole network of technical devices and cultural meanings, both complex and interdependent, involved in the dissemination of photography and naval voyages, the visual world and the maritime universe. In order to do so, it is also necessary to know the relationship that may be established between these experiences, the ambitions that gave rise to them and the reasons why they were forgotten, which are wider-reaching and longer-lasting than we usually assume. This task is as important as remembering the initial demonstrations of the daguerreotype in South America and, naturally, ensuring the preservation and enjoyment of this common heritage. I am referring here, among other matters that will be further explored throughout the book, to the idea of conceiving photography as an art with no prerequisites, accessible to all.5 In a leaflet printed towards the end of 1838, Louis-Jacques-MandĂŠ Daguerre made this ambition manifest by publicly announcing the invention bearing his name: Daguerreotype The discovery that I announce to the public is one of the few that, due to its principles, results, and the beneficial influences it exerts on the arts, is naturally included among the most useful and extraordinary inventions. [...]
Introduction
South America, drawing by A-H. Dufour, under the direction of Alcide d’Orbigny, French naturalist and explorer who travelled through the continent between 1826 and 1834. A geographer and map publisher, Dufour worked with several naturalists, cartographers and engravers, and published maps and atlases from various parts of the world.
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Paimboeuf
Valparaíso
The route planned by the OH. The route followed by the OH between September 1839 and June 1840.
22
Maria Inez Turazzi
Introduction
With this process, with no rudiments of drawing, without any knowledge of chemistry or physics, it will be possible to take in a few minutes the most detailed views and the most picturesque scenery, as the manipulation is simple and does not demand any special knowledge: only care and a little practice are necessary to succeed perfectly. Louis Daguerre 6
The journey of the Oriental-Hydrographe with a daguerreotype apparatus, soon after the process was explained at a joint meeting of the Academies of Science and Fine Arts in Paris on August 19, 1839, was aimed in this direction. Nevertheless, the connections between an event envisaged as “foundational” for the history of photography and the multiplicity of times and spaces of an “instruction journey”, prepared to go around the world with the invention, remained obscure until the late 20th century. For a long time, the references to the history of this expedition were rather scarce and the persons involved left practically no trace. More detailed information about the Oriental-Hydrographe reached Latin American historians only at the turn of the present century with the dissemination of two articles through digital media. The oldest, published in 1970, was written by the French physician, Adrien Carré. It is the outcome of long years of research into the history of the French Navy using multiple sources about the voyage of the OrientalHydrographe, although the researcher was unaware of the presence of the daguerreotype apparatus in the expedition.7 The other paper, published in 1994, was written by Rupert Derek Wood, a biomedical researcher who pioneered the creation of a digital
Daguerreotype portrait of Louis-JacquesMandé Daguerre, wearing the French Legion of Honour decoration, 1844.
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
The uniqueness of the Oriental-Hydrographe, by Adrien Carré The article “La singulière histoire de l’Oriental-Hydrographe”, published in the Nantes Committee on Historical Marine Documentation (Comité Nantais de Documentation Historique de la Marine) bulletin in 1970, led this researcher to Adrien Carré (1908-1999) and his personal archive. Graduated in medicine, the author pursued his career in the French Navy with the conviction that he should “learn everything about the Navy”. He became a historian of the experiences gained in this universe, enriching them with his readings and amateur studies of life at sea. Carré synthesised some peculiarities of the Oriental-Hydrographe and mentioned his intention of writing a more comprehensive work on the subject, which he did not. Rich in detail, although with a rather confused ordering of the data, his text makes no reference to the invention of photography. Reading this paper in mid-2001, together with other documents on the Oriental-Hydrographe found at the History Department of the Marine (Service Historique de la Marine) at the Chateau de Vincennes in Paris, was a major finding, as it opened new paths for the research already underway in the French journals and ministerial archives. Carré’s text also included revealing comments and value judgements, together with biographical data on the persons involved. In pre-digital times this data was very hard to find. Nevertheless, the historian did not offer clear indications as to the whereabouts of his sources, only clues for somebody already embarked on the task... Locating this information in the following years was another challenge until I had the chance of once again researching the documentation in the History Department of the Marine in January 2008. To my surprise, Adrien Carré’s personal archive had been open for consultation since 2006. Carré’s research and difficulties to accomplish his paper are registered in an extensive correspondence with historians, cultural associations, archival institutions, in addition to descendants of apprentices and passengers. The archive also includes a handwritten transcription and photographic reproduction of some primary sources, but the historian regrets an absence: the correspondence regarding the shipwreck sent by the Consul General of France in Chile was missing.8 This documentation had fortunately been found already, in 2001, in the Ministère des Affaires Étrangères archives, then located in the Quai d’Orsay, and transcribed for this project. Adrien Carré’s archive thus enabled supplementing or revisiting several data on the expedition of the Oriental-Hydrographe. Access to these papers likewise confirmed the idea, after reading his article, that the historian was not aware of Captain Lucas’ démarches to purchase, use and demonstrate the daguerreotype apparatus in his journey around the world. After all, had he known, he would have been even more enthralled by this unique experience.
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address to make this type of work known.9 Besides making Carré’s investigations known, Wood’s text dealt more extensively with the introduction of photography in Australia, where the commander of the Oriental-Hydrograph went after the shipwreck.10 The study of the Oriental-Hydrographe voyage was therefore a seminal opportunity to combine broader views with the necessary documentary and bibliographic research on a history still plagued with gaps and questions. The presence of a daguerreotype apparatus on board the expedition had its raison d’être in a rather ambitious aspiration. The unfolding of this idea within the scenario of the mid-19th century international affairs and cultural experiences further demonstrates the uniqueness of this circumnavigation voyage. Even if it were not to complete the journey around the world promised to those who embarked on the expedition, it carried with it the project of an ‘art for all’ in a context of structural change in the economy and visual culture. The symbolism of this idea and initiative to take it to the four corners of the earth, together with the as yet unknown aspects of the realisation of the enterprise, make the history of the OrientalHydrographe a complex, comprehensive and multifaceted story. Thus, fitting the expedition with the daguerreotype camera was not, as we will later see, an improvised and casual decision made just before leaving, but one of the links in a complex network of commercial interests, diplomatic negotiations, scientific exchange and cultural changes. The connections established in the interpretation of the experience converge in the argument according to which the expedition already began with the expectation of
Maria Inez Turazzi
Introduction
appearing in the annals of maritime history as the first journey around the world to use the novelty represented by photography. On the other hand, the nebulous circumstances surrounding the preparation, realisation and shipwreck of the expedition contain all the ingredients of a sea voyage that ultimately invites an imaginative reading of the traces left behind and the intrigue involving those who have been forgotten. Many stories are interconnected following this experience, both in relation to the different geographic scales and thematic approaches, according to the perspective pointed out by Roger Chartier: Conceived as a space open to multiple readings, the texts and all the categories of images cannot therefore be apprehended as objects whose distribution would suffice to identify them, nor as entities whose meaning could be stated in universal terms, but trapped in the contradictory network of uses that constitute them historically.11
The decision to locate, reproduce and investigate the sources on the Oriental-Hydrographe scattered in Brazilian and foreign institutions arose during the celebrations for the sesquicentennial of the invention of photography at the Imperial Palace in downtown Rio de Janeiro in 1989. In fact, the project began in 2001, following a one-year stay in France where I began to gather the documents and found the articles by CarrĂŠ and Wood. Since then, the research work also included the transcription and/or reproduction of scores of documents both handwritten and printed, textual and visual, in several languages and varying maintenance conditions, located in archives, museums
and private collections in various countries, particularly France, Belgium, Portugal, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. This survey was enriched in recent years by the digital sources that contributed to complete, expand or interrelate information previously obtained by conventional means or simply unknown until then. On the other hand, the data collected was read with a view, shared by other authors, to analyse the documentary sources as practices and representations inserted in the history of their culture.12 The mention of travels and images, as well as of the OrientalHydrographe and the daguerreotype process, in the newspapers of the period, in different latitudes, was studied paying special attention to the “century of the press�, as coined by Christophe Charle when summarising the significance acquired by newspapers since the 1830s:
Commemorative stamp of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the first photograph in the River Plate, 1840-1990.
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
forms in a period of acceleration of fashions and dissemination of knowledge.13
The OH crew roll, in the Nantes Maritime Registry, just before the voyage, 1839. The document set out the ship’s equipment, the contract conditions and rights acquired by the crew, in order to use it as a credit in their career.
26
Mass media are therefore simultaneously a matter of power (to inform is to influence), an economic issue (a newspaper is a business and a means of making money in the economic field through advertising), a social matter, according to the status of the public it aims at, and a cultural issue, because it publicises or creates new cultural
Between 2001 and the conclusion of the book in the reader’s hands, the research was interrupted on various occasions and, at the same time, extracts were disclosed whenever the opportunity arose through the invaluable support of many people and institutions.14 The creation of a website on the Oriental-Hydrographe in 2010 and the papers published in the Revista de História da Biblioteca Nacional and the Revista Acervo do Arquivo Nacional made available the initial results of this “personal journey” to such a stimulating subject.15 In 2014 the Portuguese collector Alexandre Ramires issued a publication on the presence of the daguerreotype and physiognotype aboard the Oriental-Hydrographe and especially during its stop in Lisbon. He also referenced the contribution of those early articles in this work illustrated with a rich iconography from his private collection.16 In 2016, the inauguration of a landmark to commemorate the introduction of photography in Rio de Janeiro, Olympic City, designed by the photographer Milon Guran with the support of the French government, led to a new publication on the subject with texts by Pedro Karp Vasquez and myself.17 However, the experience of the Oriental-Hydrographe, the photographic demonstrations when the ship lay anchored in different ports and the manner this story interconnects with other issues of the period still awaited a comprehensive and multifaceted editorial initiative indispensable for researchers bent on related matters, and at the same time more accessible to the general public, including via the internet. After all, historians
Maria Inez Turazzi
Introduction
The city and port of Rio de Janeiro, highlighting the São Bento monastery in the centre, and several types of boats, c. 1835. The image created by Garneray’s imagination represents a mythical port for the French already since the “French Antarctica”, in the 16th century. The bay of Rio de Janeiro, now occupied by the calm presence of ships with the French flag, was a sign of the recovery and extension of its naval force.
and their readers also increasingly experience international mobility and acquire global connections that influence their choices and projects.18 In the case of the Oriental-Hydrographe these connections can only be understood through the interactions among the places, practices and knowledges involved in the story. Navigation, hydrography, cartography and communication, among other subjects, are linked here to the modes of creation of the planetary space in material or symbolic terms. Naval bases, protectorates and agricultural colonies responded to the growing need to
multiply markets beyond the old continent.19 The voyage of the Oriental-Hydrographe, marked by the hope that the ports all over the world should be open to business, inventions and the lights of Europe, is also the story of a unique expedition in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and its controversial shipwreck, from the perspective of a global history.20 The publication of this book in digital form and hard copy, in three languages, which materialises a long-awaited effort of research and dissemination of the history of the Oriental-Hydrographe, has now become 27
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
View of the port of Montevideo, by Adolphe d’Hastrel, 1840. The artillery Captain Adolphe d’Hastrel had been in South America in the 1830s as part of the French naval forces stationed in the River Plate region. Draughtsman, water colourist and lithographer, d’Hastrel did not manage to attend the demonstration of the daguerreotype in Montevideo, in February 1840, because he had travelled before to Rio de Janeiro, where Chaplain Louis Comte had just presented the novelty. Back in France in 1841, he corresponded extensively with his Argentine friend Florencio Varela, exiled in Uruguay, on their common learning of photography that they were both practicing by then.
possible through the support and enthusiasm for the project of the entire team of the Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo. As a work of synthesis aimed at a diverse audience, the narrative adopted, while not without analytical depth, leaves out historiographical discussions or exhaustive bibliographic comments. The chapters focus on cities such as Paris, Brussels, Lisbon, Funchal, Salvador, Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo and Valparaiso, backdrops for the development of the expedition and the interests at stake between 1839-1840. After all, the city is a favourite space for politics and image. In the city politics take hold of time and, creating the illusion of mastering it, settles down in its duration – as if out of reach 28
from the world’s upheavals. In the city, politics likewise takes over the image and the excess that shows that what is accessory often serves to mask what is essential. That is what it is all about: images are useful for the city to “théâtraliser le politique”, transform politics into drama.21
In this sense, this book seeks to situate a set of players, events and places that marked the history of the Oriental-Hydrographe within a transnational perspective and intricate network, bearing in mind the complexity of the economic, political and cultural connections of this maritime experience while at the same time approaching the historical context informed by the visual culture of the 1800s. Therefore, the images selected for publication
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are equally representative of a rapidly changing world regarding the strategies for the creation, observation and utilisation of visual images. A world still given to seeing through drawings, paintings, engravings and lithographs, extensively reproduced in these pages. A world that in 1839 was fascinated to witness the appearance of photography and its promises.22 The backdrop of this book is nevertheless a spatial and temporal dimension that is not limited to the cities indicated nor to the 1839-1840 period, and is influenced by the textual and visual narratives of previous or contemporary sea journeys as well as by news and images circulating at an international scale through books and periodicals. The journey around the world of the Oriental-Hydrographe and the inclusion of the daguerreotype in the enterprise were part of a movement to spread knowledge that had started well before the expedition’s departure. The major discoveries that characterised the European maritime and commercial expansion in the 15th and 16th centuries gained new momentum in the 18th century with the development of the naval industry, the creation of nautical instruments and the improvement of documentation and printing methods. The expeditions in the first half of the 19th century, devoted to the exploration and mapping of new territories, largely benefitted from these improvements. On the other hand, colonial expansion and the slave trade that produced forced migratory and delocalisation movements of individuals and human groups, resulted in the mobility (and on many occasions the death) of a significant portion of the world population. The increasing circulation of people, knowledge and products in international capitalism, together with the growing number of voyages of all sorts, would
Introduction
The voyage of the OH, announced in March 1839: Expedition of the Hydrographe ship (school-ship). Voyage around the world, under the auspices of the government for the instruction of young people in general, and particularly for those destined to the merchant navy or commerce.
also translate, in both material and symbolic terms, the full extent of the multiculturalism that was beginning to appear. Travels and images are, therefore, complementary and interdependent axes in the history of the Oriental-Hydrographe. The expression “on board” in the title of this Introduction thus seems justified. In maritime dictionaries it indicates the two parts into which a vessel is divided in the longitudinal plane. Here it is used in the metaphorical sense, with the aim of suggesting that the reader “embark” on this book with a certain spiritual disposition vis a vis the “mist” that surrounded this story for so long, and venture with us on the journey of the OrientalHydrographe (from now on, simply OH). 29
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Oriental-Hydrographe When Captain Augustin Lucas conceived the unprecedented voyage around the world for the apprentices of the merchant navy, he also chose a name for the ship that would materialise his enterprise. At the time he counted on a ship from the French Navy. The word hydrographe (hydrograph) was to express the scientific and at the same time utilitarian nature of the expedition, for it represented expertise in a modern discipline rather well developed by the French since the late 18th century, essential for the safety of sea travel. In summary, hydrography provided a method for the survey and graphic representation of the maritime topography and water regimes applying astronomy and other sciences that gave remarkable precision to cartography and navigation. Hydrographical charts in the first half of the 19th century not only synthesised the representation of the coast, but also enabled the measurement of the water depth, sea currents and tide frequency, the slope of the seabed, the description of the rocks and other physical elements in oceans, seas, lakes and rivers and how they changed with time. The name Hydrographe chosen by Captain Lucas was not therefore a random choice. The Oriental, a large sailboat with a common name at the time, had already served for commercial navigation in medium and long-distance journeys until it was chartered for the expedition. The property of two shipowners from Nantes, the Oriental was smaller in size than Lucas had imagined and was only associated to the enterprise the day before the departure of the voyage, due to the lack of other options. Even so, the initiative was a timely solution for the captain to make the project feasible and an advantageous agreement between the parties. In a shipwreck, the Oriental would be protected by marine insurance, as was usually the case, and at the end of the expedition the shipowners would receive part of the payment due from the students. In several documents of the period, the journey of the OrientalHydrographe was mentioned either by its original name, that of the ship, or by joining both. In Belgium for example, even after the Oriental had been included in the enterprise, the local authorities continued to refer to the “instruction voyage” using the name Hydrographe, while part of the press mentioned both. Upon arrival to South America, the port records and newspapers of the time used the name Oriental more frequently, still a common reference to name the ship that brought the daguerreotype to the continent, in spite of it being an incomplete way of represent more faithfully the history of the expedition as a whole.
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Detail of the composition by Ambroise-Louis Garneray, the famous marine painter of the first half of the 19th century. Ambroise-Louis Garneray (1783-1857) entered the French Navy at 13 years of age, having already learned the first notions of art with his father, the king’s painter. He participated in expeditions, combats and adventures that would lead him to the Indian Ocean and other seas before being captured by the English in 1806 and spending eight years as a prisoner during the Napoleonic wars. Even so, he earned some money with the “pencil and paintbrush”, by selling sketches made in prison for a publisher of prints. The trade of drawings, watercolors and engravings was now an expanding market. Back in France, he became a “Marine painter” in 1817 when he began to produce maritime and port scenes of the French coast in a country that needed to recover the image of its naval force. Like many artists of this time, he personally met King Louis-Philippe and became close to aristocrats, bankers and businessmen who helped him to receive the commissions that elevated his name and his work. Garneray’s marines participated regularly in the Fine Arts Salons of Paris between 1817 and 1857. The “Collection générale des vues dans l’Ocean et dans la Méditerranée”, started in 1832, published the work of Garneray and other engravers with great success. In this year, he was engaged as conservator at the Museum of Rouen. The artist left more than a hundred oils on canvas, watercolors and engravings representing “Maritime France” and other ports of the world, in addition to travel reports and memoirs published in his autobiography.
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Introduction 1. [Marcel Moré], “Jules Verne (18281905)”, In : Verne, 2002, p. 503. 2. Moré, 1960. 3. Françoise Reynaud. “Le daguerréotype comme objet”. In : Bajac and Planchon-DeFont-Réaulx, 2003, p. 90. 4. See, for example, Saldanha, 1936; Santos, 1942; Riobó, 1942, Ferrez, 1953, 1985; Kossoy, 1980; Vasquez, 1985; Gómez, 1986; Gesualdo, 1990; Alexander, 1992; Adelman, Cuarterolo And Priamo, 1995; Turazzi, 1995; Gutierrez, Mendez and Zuñiga, 1997; Varese, 1998; Ferrari and Alexander, 1998, among others. 5. Brunet, 2000, esp. p. 21. 6. Leaflet announcing the invention of the daguerreotype and the exhibition of approximately forty images to be held on January 15, 1839. The only known copy of this leaflet is in the George Eastman Museum. Document reproduced by Reynaud et al, 1989, p. 22 and Roubert, 2006, p. 21. 7. Carré, 1970. 8. Carré, 1970, p. 29. 9. Cf. Wood, 1996. Wood’s article was initially published in 1994 but was later revised and made available in hard copy and digital versions; here we quote the pages of the 1996 edition. The article was also reprinted in Foucrier, 2005, pp. 69-79. 10. The articles by Carré and Wood were made available at the FotoPlus website, at https://www.fotoplus.com/, and now also by the Centro de Fotografia de Montevideo, at http://cdf.montevideo.gub.uy/ All Wood’s articles are available at http:// www.midley.co.uk/ 11. Chartier, 1988, p. 61. 12. Chartier, 1988; Frade, 1992; Brunet, 2000; Roubert, 2006; Belting, 2009, among other references that may be found in the Bibliography at the end of this book. 13. Charle, 2004, p. 12.
Introduction
14. The acknowledgements, apologising for any involuntary omissions, are detailed in another part of this book. 15. Turazzi, 2000a (FBN) and 2000b (AN). The website www.orientalhydrographe. com was active during some years and showed images, texts and a timeline of the expedition. The objective of also reproducing in it some of the documents researched was therefore not possible. 16. Ramires, 2014. I thank the author for sending me his book. In 2015, UCV TV (Corporación de Televisión de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso) showed the documentary Un naufragio porteño, the fourth episode of a series called “Naufragios”, directed by the filmmaker Tevo Díaz, focussing on the history of “La Oriental”. For the documentary, see http://www.plazaespectaculos. cl/2015/09/23/naufragios-reflota-la-increible-historia-de-la-oriental/ e https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=e5rx5G7rnkQ 17. Turazzi, 2016. 18. Conrad, 2016; Fernández-Armesto, 2009. 19. Taillemite, 1987; 1999; Legoherel, 1999; Rioux, 2007. 20. New perspectives on the South Atlantic focussing on specific issues of that geographical and discursive area with multiple dimensions Cf. Alencastro, 2015; Bystrom And Slaughter, 2018. 21. Vidal, 2014, p. 60. 22. The study and conservation of the Geyer collection, donated to Museu Imperial (Petropolis, Brazil), offered me the chance for in-depth work with this documentary heritage and the visuals of the eighteenhundreds.
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South America represented in an atlas aimed at disseminating new knowledge about America, Africa, China, Japan and other regions of the world in the 18th century. The map was included in the Atlas Historique, ou nouvelle introduction à l’histoire, à l’chronologie et à la geographie ancienne et moderne, published in seven volumes between 1705 and 1720 by the French editor Henry Abraham Chatelain, with reprints in 1732 and 1739. The atlas not only gathered the new knowledge of geography that enriched the cartography of the period, but also a large amount of genealogical, political and historical information of different regions refered to the editor. The work circulated widely in the illustrated Europe of the 18th century.
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1
Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
Circumnavigation, of all the different types of journeys across the planet, has long been the most unique form of human expeditions, not only maritime as in the past, but also by air or land today.1 The Museo Universal (1837-1842), a French-inspired newspaper dedicated to “family leisure” promised to bring the wonders of the world explained by the “greatest circumnavigators” to readers in Rio de Janeiro.2 In this way, the specificities of this manner of travel contributed to the creation of a unique type of narrator.3 Because of this, the history of oceanic circumnavigation is full of famous men, ships, expeditions and narratives. On the other hand, the sea has been and will continue to be the major protagonist of the “fascinating and enigmatic” fable of a world open to navigation: what used to be an “infinite space, of fear and unknowing”, became a space “navigable in all directions and distances”.4 The definitions and imagi-
nations of this unembraceable character of human life help to understand the oscillations and turbulences through which the OH navigated. The old nautical glossaries defined navigatio circum, an expression of Latin origin, as a “voyage of discovery” around the Earth, an intrinsic aspect of the first explorations of this genre.5 The long duration, the unknown routes and risks entailed in these journeys were common features to all these expeditions, surrounded by expectations as great as the preparations that preceded them. It was Fernão de Magalhães, the Portuguese navigator serving both the Crown and Spanish merchants, who was recognised for having conducted the first circumnavigation voyage we know of. The feat is celebrating 500 years: departing from Seville towards the Indies on the 20th September 1519, the expedition followed a course that had never been tried before, with a fleet of five ships 33
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Scene imagined in the 19th century: “The preparation of a cannibal meal in Brazil at the time of the Conquest”. The illustration for the Le monde, histoire de tous les peuples (Paris, 1838-1840) collection revisits a subject and its disconcerting visuality, already thoroughly explored by the first travel accounts of voyages to the New World.
34
and a crew of diverse origins. Magalhães crossed the Atlantic, replenished his supplies in Rio de Janeiro and then proceeded towards the southern tip of the American continent until he crossed the narrow passage that would later bear his name towards the so-called “great ocean”. Legendary and unknown, the Pacific should lead the expedition to the riches of Orient, and it was believed that it was less stormy than the Atlantic. On the 21st October 1520 Magalhães
opened European navigation to the largest ocean in the world, but after facing great difficulties, including the wreckage of one of his ships, finally died attacked by natives in an island of the Philippines. The discoveries and misadventures of the celebrated navigator were documented, as so many other voyages, by the expedition’s historiographer, but remained secret for long years, a common strategy at the time to discourage the competition of undesirable explorers.6
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Two and a half centuries after the first circumnavigation, and following more than two dozen exploratory expeditions around the world in the annals of naval history, a prominent career military man and mathematician left the port of Nantes on the 15th October 1766 to initiate the first voyage of its kind organised under the protection of the King of France.7 Like other navigators of his time, Count Louis-Antoine de Bougainville, born in Paris, set out in search of a thorough and detailed knowledge of the different regions and peoples of the planet being opened to discovery and conquest. The interest in relocating French settlers in the Iles Malouines / Falkland Islands, claimed by Spaniards and Englishmen, would emphasise the importance of the South Atlantic for the expedition’s route, which included calls in the ports of Rio de Janeiro and Montevideo. In the Pacific, Bougainville’s contact with the natives of Tahiti and his observations regarding the lifestyle of the “good savage”, without the vices of civilization, made the outcome of this experience very popular. The reports and images were published under the title Voyage autour du monde par la frégate du roi la Boudeuse et la flûte l’Etoile, en 1766, 1767, 1768, 1769, sous le commandement de M. de Bougainville (Paris, 1871). Bougainville thus became an emblematic figure of the illustrated traveller, a source of inspiration and reference not only for the philosophers of the Enlightenment, but also for those who sailed around the world after him. The organization and financing of the circumnavigation missions had been consolidated by the 18th century as undertakings of great interest to the state, receiving close collaboration from the scientific world.8 Combining public and private interests quite in-
Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
Title page of the work by Louis-Antoine de Bougainville, commander of the expedition and author of the text of the first voyage around the world by the French Navy.
geniously, the so-called “exploration and discovery voyages” of the period were headed by naval commanders with comprehensive educational backgrounds in charge of officers, cartographers, draughtsmen and scientists from diverse fields (naturalists, astronomers, botanists, geographers, among others). The qualified testimony and sense of usefulness granted to these expeditions began to command and justify the major investments made: “the traditional instruction journey of a cultivated person still exists, but the travellers of the ‘Century of the Lights’ are increasingly requested to serve their homeland and humankind”.9 “Wise men” of the most varied disciplines were engaged in the preparation of the “travel instructions” that were a true working 35
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
methodology for these expeditions. After being approved by scientific societies, the instructions served to guide the systematic observation, careful collection and treatment of all the information, animals, plants and minerals along the journey, as well as the organisation and study of the material after its inclusion in museum collections, archives, libraries or botanical gardens in Europe. Successful careers and a celebrated posterity are thus common traits in the biographies of the great explorers of the period. Their discoveries and conquests were quick to turn their names into emblems of a glorious era for sailing and European expansion across the continents. However, the surprises and hazards of these voyages also tragically ended the careers and convictions of many explorers. Undoubtedly, the most famous of them was James Cook, an English explorer who commanded three major expeditions undertaken between 1768 and 1780. He quite simply redrafted the map of the world of his time, besides radically transforming the conditions of navigation with the use of stopwatches, portable observatories, sanitary measures and other innovations of great importance for ocean travel. Like Magalhães, Cook died on a Pacific island in 1779 and the idea that he was eaten by cannibals10, cemented by tales and images, has been recently discredited.11 Soon after, the Frenchman Jean-François de Galaup, Count of La Pérouse, set off on another circumnavigation voyage under the patronage of the French Crown. The expedition experienced a mysterious problem and the commander an equally tragic end. Having disappeared together with the crew and without any known reason, the name and fate of La Pérouse became an emblem of the 36
uncertainties and misadventures of sea life. In June 1840, the El Mercurio newspaper of Valparaiso, where the OH had weighed anchor some days before, took advantage of the great interest in the subject and described the story of La Pérouse and his famous circumnavigation journey: Among the seafarers who have explored the world there is no other whose name is more popular than that of La Pérouse; part of this celebrity could perhaps be attributed to the dismal outcome of his expedition.12
Having fought in several naval battles and conquered the most honourable promotions and decorations of the French Navy, La Pérouse received from Louis XVI the command of a journey around the world planned to last three years. Composed of the ships Boussole and Astrolabe, the expedition set off from the port of Brest in 1785 and managed to make a brief passage along the Brazilian coast, other nations had been banned by the Portuguese from exploring it, before heading for the Pacific Ocean. In December 1787 the captain of the Astrolabe and eleven of its crew members were killed by the natives. In March of the following year La Pérouse himself, together with the remaining crew members, mysteriously disappeared. In mid-1789, amidst the revolutionary unrest against the Ancien Régime, the lack of news from the expedition troubled all France. The silence regarding their fate contrasted with the publication by the Royal Printers (Imprimerie Royale) of fantastic descriptions and images brought to the French capital by Baron Barthélémy de Lesseps, one of the expedition members. In February 1791 the
Maria Inez Turazzi
Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
Atlas containing images and maps of Commander La Pérouse’s voyage around the world, published in France in 1797. The front page of the work, published when the disappearance of the expedition already indicated its misfortune, is one of the most beautiful visual representations of La Pérouse’s contemporarie’s fascination with knowledge and uncertainty.
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
The harbour of Montevideo with the movement of British troops in the region during the Napoleonic Wars (1800-1815). Based on the 1789 survey, the map shows the location of the gunpowder stores on the coast, depth by soundings, the scale in nautical miles, the relief drawn in, and the principal meridian (Cadiz, Spain).
revolutionary government declared it officially disappeared. For years the French sent missions in search of the whereabouts of La Pérouse and his companions, but it was only in 1826 that the first remains of the expedition designed to be “one of the maritime glories of France” were found.13 Until the mid-18th century the contour of the continents was quite imprecise, and the art of navigation depended on this knowledge and its graphic expression. From then on, all maritime cartography began to be radically transformed. England, France, 38
Holland and other naval powers promoted the mapping of their coastline, the improvement of nautical charts, a detailed description of the sailing conditions and all the benefits that such information could provide for the safety of expeditions and expansion of commercial and colonial business in other waters and territories.14 On the other hand, the ships employed by Bougainville, Cook or La Pérouse in their legendary circumnavigation journeys did not differ greatly from those that would cross the oceans during the first half of the 19th century.15 The means to
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undertake a long haul-voyage were still basically the same: a large sailing ship.16 Brigs, frigates and corvettes were the war and trade vessels that dominated the infinite variations of the large mass of salt waters of the planet. These vessels had developed considerably, and steamships, already undergoing short trips, would only replace them for ocean travel during the second half of the 19th century. The transition underway was complex and involved major changes in shipbuilding technology and navigation itself: After 1815, wooden ships of greater tonnage pose a greater problem than ever. They are now working at the maximum tension a wooden joint can withstand: the longitudinal bending adds to the excessive weight of the rear, which at the limit tends to the rupture of the vessel, etc. […] The internal structures certainly increase the demands on the iron parts, an advantage for joints with complex shapes. But this is in the context of ships still made of wood.17
There were changes taking place on land too. The restoration of the monarchy between 1815 and 1848 represented the ambiguous and contradictory accommodation of the “two Frances”, apparently irreconcilable in matters such as sovereignty vis a vis Europe when faced with the restrictions imposed upon it by the Napoleonic defeat, the implantation of a new representative system, the recognition of the Rights of Man and the freedom of the press, the relationship with the Church and the restitution of the goods seized by the Revolution, among other matters difficult to understand.18 In 1830 this accommodation brought to the
Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
throne a king who embodied both in figure and actions the delicate transition between the old and the new experienced by the French people during those years. The July Monarchy (1830-1848), the historical reference for the popular demonstrations that culminated with the ascent of LouisPhilippe d’Orléans to power, marked the appearance on the scene of a “citizen-king” who renounced divine right and embraced liberalism and the republican principles, but exercised monarchical power in an authoritarian and centralised manner, especially in times of crisis. A monumental painting by Delacroix synthesised the situation, portraying the figure of Liberty guiding the people under the protection of the tricolour flag, a symbol recovered by the new times, which replaced the flag of royalty: The throne, it was said, would be surrounded by ‘republican institutions’. The pending discussion was if there was any need for the throne, and why the man who sat on it had to be from Paris and close to the previous dynasty that represented the tradition with which they wanted to break. None of this makes sense, but is revealing of the historical moment.19
Louis-Philippe became a partisan of the Republic after the 1789 Revolution, and even a member of a Jacobin club. With the condemnation of Louis XVI to the guillotine and the persecution of his family, he was forced to live a long period in exile. He therefore had the opportunity to embark on an expedition to Scandinavia and to later spend some time in the United States and Central America, journeys that sharpened 39
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Prince de Joinville, wearing the uniform of a Vice-Admiral of the French Navy, 1844. François-Ferdinand d’Orléans entered the French Navy as midshipman at 13 years of age, like other young aristocrats, having graduated in the naval career in missions in Europe, America, Africa and the East. In 1843 he married dona Francisca, sister of the Emperor of Brazil, making a reality the union between the dynasty of Orléans with the house of Bragança and strengthening their mutual interests.
his perception of this kind of experiences and led to his willingness to encourage them. Back in France he could be seen in the streets of Paris, a habit he kept even after being proclaimed “King of the French” by the Chamber of Deputies, which left him at the mercy of the protests and attacks that almost took his life. At the head of an increasingly authoritarian constitutional monarchy, Louis-Philippe orchestrated several ministerial arrangements in an attempt to control and balance competing interests. Surrounded by high officials, politicians, scientists and writers who embraced liberalism, republicanism and Bonapartism in their various shades, he exercised censorship and police persecution of opponents, and thus pushed many early supporters onto the opposite side.20 40
Attachment to the glorious past of the nation acquired a sublime meaning for the Restoration and the July Monarchy, and this included the celebration of the Napoleonic era. The strengthening and reorganisation of the French Navy in a context of great political instability both inside and outside Europe became essential for the continuity of the regime. The conquest of Algeria, initiated in 1830, was commanded by the then Vice-Admiral Guy-Victor Duperré. This mission represented much more than the forced seizure of a territory capable of ensuring the French a strategic position in the Mediterranean, partially compensating the loss of colonial territories in the West Indies and the growing difficulties for the export of sugar and slave trade by French vessels in the so-called triangular trade (Europe, Africa, the Americas).21 The grandiosity of the operation, with a fleet of hundreds of warships and commercial vessels, would also serve to show the world, and England in particular, that France had regained the strength of its Navy, shaken by the defeat in Trafalgar (1805).22 Louis-Philippe’s Ministry of the Marine and Colonies had to deal with matters as complex as the military intervention of Mexico, driven by commercial issues after its independence; the establishment of naval stations in regions far from France; conflicts involving French settlers and missionaries in various territories; increased wages and pensions for commanders and the people under their command; the introduction of steam energy and new armaments in warships, and, last but not least, the return of the mortal remains of Napoleon to France.23 The person responsible for the success of such a memorable event was the Prince de
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Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
The transportation of Napoleon’s ashes in the Belle-Poule frigate, commanded by the Prince de Joinville, 1840. The event, extensively portrayed in the French press, is illustrated here by Le Magasin Pittoresque.
Joinville, a commander previously trained in other naval missions. The choice of LouisPhilippe’s third son for a task that represented a kind of exhumation of France’s glorious past granted the king and the July Monarchy some of the popularity enjoyed by Napoleon.24 The rehabilitation process of the old French naval force had therefore both practical and symbolic dimensions. Since 1815, when the end of the Revolutionary wars and the Empire marked the collapse of the maritime and colonial positions inherited from the Ancien Régime, leading to a retreat to the national territory and the absolute preponderance of England over the seas, the navy was able
to reasonably improve its morale and operational conditions, after making great efforts and sending expeditions to all the oceans […]. If she [France] still wanted to preserve her position of great power and end her diplomatic isolation, she should not forget the sea. 25
The remodelling of the arsenals, expansion of the fleet, renewal of the artillery and, above all, the commissioning of naval missions all over the world was to serve not only for promoting the recovery of the French Navy but also to showcase the “international competence” of the country, guaranteeing a glorious future for the expansion of French maritime trade in other latitudes.26 Of course, 41
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Hydrography and navigation atlas of the voyage around the world commanded by Louis de Freycinet, navigator and cartographer, between 1817 and 1820.
the expected results naturally depended on the success of the missions entrusted to these expeditions, together with the full visibility these outcomes could obtain through publications, awards, exhibitions and other realms of memory. The voyages led by Freycinet (1817-1820), Duperré (1822-1825), Hyacinthe de Bougainville (1824-1826), Dumont d’Urville (1826-1829 and 1837-1840), Laplace (1829-1832 and 1837-1840), Vaillant (1836-1840), Du Petit-Thouars (18361839) and Cécile (1837-1840) continued collecting scientific material and commercial information, as had occurred in previous expeditions. But now it was the French navy officers who had to perform these duties. Civilians also embarked on these ships under 42
rather restricted conditions, a change based on the understanding that care had to be taken for discipline on board.27 Subjects such as natural history, geography, geology, botany, zoology, ethnography and linguistics established models of knowledge closely linked to the plans and outcomes of these voyages, and hydrography became a fundamental resource for the exploration of new territories, while it was also being popularised in the newspapers of the period. Circumnavigation journeys in the first half of the 19th century thus added new commercial and diplomatic objectives to the activities of geographic exploration and scientific discovery typical of the previous century’s voyages, which served as a model and source of inspiration. Though still illuminated by the spirit of the Enlightenment, they were increasingly subordinated to the geopolitical strategies of the European expansion and the colonialist horizon that was being created. Summing up the ongoing changes in the organisation and financing of these journeys, the historian Étienne Taillemite stated that together with the public circulation of their results, “two new elements also favour the success of explorations: the gradual disappearance of the secrecy which hitherto concealed the results obtained, and the rapid publication of reports”.28 The conquest of new knowledge and territories also materialised in the publication of illustrated, expensive and monumental works soon after the expeditions returned to France. The effort to systematise and promote the knowledge obtained from sketches, drawings, diaries, maps and reports all over the world leaves no doubt that the legitimation and popularisation of these expeditions through words, images
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and memoirs became increasingly relevant for the missions they performed. The memory and dissemination of the results of the voyages around the world integrating the naval or scientific archives and bulletins also reached other means of dissemination such as newspapers, journals and other printed materials that multiplied all over France in an accessible language aimed at a growing reading public. On the other hand, editors used titles, subtitles and epigraphs with which they identified their printed material to indicate the philosophical matrices, political trends and commercial objectives they embraced. When we observe these expressions and phrases we realise that they make up a true mosaic of the aspirations and tensions of the period. Le Magasin Pittoresque, an illustrated newspaper launched in 1833, published a broad “picturesque vocabulary of the marine” throughout 1840. One of the entries offered to the readers is a beautiful description of the crew of a large sailboat when about to set off: A ship is being rigged as it prepares to leave its position in the harbour where it was anchored and sets to sea with the best winds. […] Rigging is one of the most important operations performed on a ship, especially when it comes to pass this huge structure through narrow and obstructed straights. This sort of manoeuvre may be done in ten different ways according to the commanding officer’s skill. If the weather is bad all the crew members participate. Each officer is at his post; the captain is everywhere. Everything is silent on board. A thousand men act and move on all points. The low accents of the
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megaphones give the orders, the shrill and vibrant whistle of the boatswain transmits them above the noise made simultaneously by the roaring wind, the moaning sea, pulleys that creak and collide, the rubbing of ropes that obey. It’s a wonderful sight to see this colossus, now inert, now fleeing quickly under the powerful thrust of an intense breeze.29
Dictionaries published in the 17th century highlighted “marine words” among their main entries, For the French, the ancestral representation of a whole vast culture associated with the sea could be synthesised in a single expression: “Maritime France”.30 The publication of the two hundred and ten volumes of the Encyclopédie méthodique (Paris, 1782-1832), begun by bookseller and philosopher Joseph Panckoucke, is a striking example. Organized into areas of knowledge, the work contains four volumes exclusively dedicated to the navy published between 1783 and 1787. The geographical survey of the world and the growth of intercontinental navigation not only encouraged a vast editorial production on naval subjects, but also required the ordering of jurisprudences and the definition of customs, rules and monetary practices. This demand promoted the appearance and dictionarisation of words and expressions capable of translating the growing movement of men and goods through the oceans; the specificity and precision of maritime terminology required this systematisation of language. For the so-called “men of the sea”, it condensed at the same time spatial references, technological information, codes of conduct, hierarchic relations, safety procedures, learning strategies and manners of mutual recognition.31 43
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
“Maritime France”, divided between the ports of Brest, Lorient, Cherbourg, Rochefort and Toulon, in an illustrated 19th century map.
“Navigation is a science, a sublime art”. This quotation from Admiral JeanBaptiste Philibert Willaumez would illustrate an entry in the Grand dictionnaire universel du XIXe siècle.32 In 1820 Willaumez published the Dictionnaire de Marine, suivi d’un appendice sur un modèle de frégate de premier rang, dont la construction est ordonnée à Brest (Paris: Bachelier, 1820), a work that was succesively re-edited and was popularised and known after its author’s name. In 1831, when the “Willaumez dictionary” was already in its third edition, it wasn’t hard to find it “on sale in the main bookstores in Paris and all major ports”. The text of this 44
work is considered, to date, as an essential compilation of the maritime vocabulary related to sailing.33 Since 1929 the Revue des Deux Mondes had been publishing for a broader public as a “newspaper of travel, administration and customs” of the different peoples of the world. Written by a “society of French and foreign sages, travellers and writers”, it continues to circulate. The Revue des Deux Mondes had a section specially devoted to the “future of our Navy” and, in January 1840 presented a detailed analysis of the “general state of the Navy and Colonies”, drafted by the military engineer and former minister Jean Tupinier.34
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All these descriptions and images conferred unprecedented popularity to naval themes in the literary world of the 1800s. The OH “instruction voyage” was the first expedition around the world dedicated to the merchant navy at a time of strategic changes for Maritime France, and also coincided with this movement of expansion of the cultural boundaries of the maritime universe and all its symbolism. The pioneering work of Bougainville, the disappearance of La Pérouse and the experience of so many commanders that would set off on notable exploratory, scientific and commercial missions earned a place of honour in the celebration of the homeland’s history of the July Monarchy. In addition to atlases and illustrated reports, paintings, museums and decorations all contributed to build the memory and visibility of these expeditions within and outside France, immortalising the physiognomy, actions and legacy of its commanders. In a context of projection of maritime culture and national glories, the figure and work of these famous and exemplary seafarers were a source of inspiration for the new generations of navigators. The creation of a “Marine Room” in the Louvre in 1752 was accompanied by the commissioning of the “Vues des ports de France” (“Views of the ports of France”) series, by Claude-Joseph Vernet (1714-1789). These monumental paintings would later be housed in a gallery of the Ministry of the Marine. In 1827 the Dauphin Museum was installed in the Louvre facilities, and later transformed into Museum of the Marine until it became the present Marine Museum.35 These spaces then received the remains of La Pérouse’s expedition which had begun to be brought to France by Dumont d’Urville.
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The mission that set off “in search of La Pérouse” to strengthen French claims on Pacific islands had gathered an immense natural history collection of the Pacific area.36 On his return d’Urville was decorated for commanding “the most glorious expedition ever undertaken”.37 In 1837, Louis-Philippe inaugurated a museum dedicated to “all the glories of France” in the Versailles Palace. From then on, the galleries of the former residence of the French kings would offer marine paintings and naval scenes commissioned by the “citizen-king” for public viewing, among other topics aimed to celebrate the memory of the nation. Between September 1836 and March 1839, Vice-Admiral Claude du Campe de Rosamel was at the helm of the Ministry of the Marine and Colonies. He is thought to have taken great interest in circumnavigation voyages, and he was convinced of their symbolic value for the image of France.38 Between May 1839 and February 1843 Admiral Duperré occupied the post and was substituted during a short period between March and October 1840 by Baron Roussin. The years during which these ministers led the French Navy thus coincide with the invention and dissemination of the daguerreotype, as well as the preparation, journey and wreckage of the OH. Ordering and purchasing optical instruments which included the camera obscura and the camera lucida were common practices in the preparations for the major naval expeditions of the period and, in that sense, the incorporation of the daguerreotype apparatus to the equipment that would be part of the OH was a natural investment.39 The senior officers of the French Navy involved in all the preparations for these missions were trained in multiple 45
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
disciplines and were naturally accountable for the instruments carried on board. In 1839, engineer and hydrographer Beautemps-Beaupré was in charge of the Charter and Plant Repository (Dépot de Cartes et Plantes), one of the most important departments in the reorganisation process then underway in the French Navy. He had participated in the Bruny d’Entrecasteaux expedition, the first in search for La Pérouse, begun in 1791, where he conducted a series of measurement procedures that led to considerable progress in the accurate determination of the latitude and longitude of coastal areas.40 Back in France, he began demarcating the entire coast of the country and worked for many years in the organisation of monumental atlases such as Le Pilote Français (Paris, 1822-1844). For all these reasons Beautemps-Beaupré has gone down in history as the father of modern hydrography. When the Ministry of the Marine acquired its first daguerreotype apparatus to board it on La Malouine on a mission off the coast of Africa, it was Beautemps-Beaupré who certified the instrument and approved its purchase together with the manufacturer Alphonse Giroux.41 Fate, however, had already worked to link Vice-Admiral Rosamel’s career to the biography of one of the inventors of photographic processes well before the appearance of the daguerreotype. Born in Nice, Hercule Florence was sixteen years of age when he entered the merchant navy of the Principality of Monaco, and soon after the French Navy, like so many young men of his generation fascinated by life at sea.42 In 1823 he was under Rosamel’s command during the naval blockade of Barcelona, an attempt made by European royalty to restore absolute monarchy in 46
Map of the bay of Rio de Janeiro made between 1826 and 1827. Commissioned by the then Rear-Admiral Rosamel, head of the French Naval Station in South America.
Spain. On his return to the port of Toulon, while awaiting a promised circumnavigation journey, he embarked on the Marie-Thèrese, commanded by Rosamel, now also head of the two French stations in the South Seas (Brazil and the Pacific).43 When he arrived in Rio de Janeiro in 1824, Florence gave up his naval career and remained in the city, attributing to his commander some influence on this decision.44 A talented draughtsman, the apprentice was charmed by the light in the tropics, which illuminated the ideas and images he had in mind.
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Florence travelled all over Brazil with his pencil and paintbrush at the service of the expedition (1824-1829) of Baron Georg von Langsdorff, a German-born naturalist who had participated in the first circumnavigation journey of the Russian Empire. Florence helped to produce a vast inventory of the riches of the Brazilian Empire. In the following decade he was a married man and lived modestly in the interior of the country, investing the few resources he had in a photographic process that did not manage to attract the interest of those to whom he presented his results.45 Years later, recalling the readings of his youth before he became obsessed with an expedition far beyond the Mediterranean, the inventor recorded in his diary: I read Robinson [Crusoe] and fell in love with sea travel and adventures. This pleasure gave me the taste for geography, and I spent long hours pouring over a good atlas we had.46
The popularity of circumnavigation voyages and growing dissemination of reports, images and memoirs of related subjects, such as the public acknowledgement of the brilliant careers of commanders like Bougainville, La Pérouse, Willaumez and many more, were also a source of inspiration for the designs of other seafarers. The long-distance captain of the merchant navy who conceived the expedition of the OH was no different. Augustin Lucas was originally from the same island on the French coast where Willaumez, the Vice-Admiral who became a source of pride for the locals, had also been born. Entering the Navy at fourteen years of age, Willaumez had begun, under Bougainville
Extraordinary journeys Naval themes fostered a vigorous publishing market aimed at young audiences during the first half of the 19th century. All the Captain Marryat books, by a British Navy officer who fought against Napoleon’s forces, were translated into French in the 1830s. Captain Marryat became the first successful author in this literary genre: L’officier de marine (Paris: Ménard, 1833); Pierre Simple, ou aventures d’un officier de marine (Paris: C. Gosselin, 1834; Ménard, 1838 ); Monsieur le midshipman Aisé (Brussels: J. Jamar, 1837); Newton Forster, ou la marine marchande (Brussels: A. Wahlen, 1837); Oeuvres complètes du capitaine Marryat (Paris: C. Gosselin, 1837-1838). These books were part of the readings of the young people who would travel aboard the OH, and also served to inspire writers such as Jules Verne.
Album of souvenirs with the “fragments of a voyage around the world”, conducted between 1836 and 1840, by the French artist Auguste Borget. The artist had been in North and South America, as well as in China and India, and had presented his paintings regularly in the Paris Salons until 1859.
47
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Captain Augustin Lucas’ signature with the Freemason symbol.
Freemason lodges and their distribution in the France, on an 1842 map.
48
and La Pérouse, a career that would lead him to participate in numerous missions world-wide, including the first mission in charge of finding the whereabouts of the mythical missing expedition. In addition to the dictionary that gave him ample recognition, Willaumez was responsible for the first navigation notions received by the Prince de Joinville. Decorated with the title of Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour and Knight of the Royal and Military Order of SaintLouis, his name is engraved in the Arc de Triomphe in Paris. Lucas, however, would build a career full of accidents, leaving no trace for historians to write his biography in the future: mysterious behaviour, uncertain fate, no known portrait.47 But the captain’s signature contained three small dots that formed a triangle. This almost imperceptible clue nevertheless is revealing of the philosophical views and personal ties that marked the life of this enigmatic character. Like other signatures adorned with the symbol, Lucas’ showed he was a Freemason. If, on the one hand, Freemasonry was always secretive in relation to its codes and rituals, it had, on the other hand, served historically for freemasons to recognise each other, not so much bringing to bear a common past, but rather current relationships and future prospects.48 Analysing the ties with Freemasonry of various characters linked to the history of the OH is not a simple task, particularly due to the secretive aspects of the organisation. The shelter of secrecy has always enabled oppositions and conspiracies within it, even when it presented itself as the guardian of non-political values (wisdom, justice, goodwill, etc). On the one hand, it is necessary to consider how a politically conformist
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institution in the Napoleonic era was transformed in a few decades into the sounding board of liberal ideas in France. In 1830, numerous Masons were implicated in the ‘glorious days’ that led Louis-Philippe to the throne.49 The Masonic lodges, invoking human fraternity, the power of reason and the virtues of wisdom and philanthropy, fostered a sociability that inspired the dissemination of liberal and progressive ideas regarding the political and social order, despite their traditional legalism in relation to the establishment.50 On the other hand, the antagonisms that divided French society also confronted different conceptions of power and social interests within the Masonic lodges, which is why, if it were possible to speak of a Masonic project, it would be characterised by the ambiguity and diversity of standpoints regarding the future of the nation, as indicated by Eric Saunier. The work by Jean Crouzet, one of the greatest scholars on Freemasonry, included a detailed documentary survey on the subject, and even information about Augustin Lucas indicating that he was already a member of the La Parfaite Réunion lodge on the 15th January 1833.51 Created in 1805, in the Saint-Parisis commune in Bayonne, a town on the French coast close to the border with Spain, this lodge expanded its activities during the first half of the 19th century, bringing together merchants, shipbuilders, engineers, public servants and ship commanders. Lucas’ affiliation with Freemasonry certainly helped to open doors and, at least partly, gain some support for his endeavour during his visits to the ministerial offices of the July Monarchy, as well as from trade associations and scientific societies of the period. After all, a Freemason always has
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the duty to help another, and this help was built by the confluence of principles and purposes that brought the expedition of the Oriental-Hydrographe closer to other views and initiatives of the time. The long-distance captain licence is historically the highest degree in the career of a merchant navy officer. In the 19th century the practice and professionalisation of this activity were essential to extend the routes and business of the large shipowners and merchants. It enabled the captain to command vessels employed in ocean voyages that expanded these businesses beyond the coastal areas of Europe served by cabotage navigation. In general terms, long-distance captain owed allegiance to the shipowner, and had to comply with a code of conduct when commanding the ship, transporting cargo and caring for his crew.52 The professionalisation of the French merchant navy already in the 1830s, consisted of preparatory courses and a specialised bibliography.53 The figures are presented in the Annales maritimes et coloniales: 15,657 sail ships and 85 steamers made up the French merchant navy fleet in 1839.54 However, the hands-on training of its crew was considered precarious, rendering it poorly prepared in the face of ocean sailing difficulties and opportunities open to French trade. For the naval apprentices starting a merchant navy career there was nothing like the Orion “school ship”, the first in the French Navy, docked in Brest from 1827 to 1840.55 Some months before the departure of the OH Captain Lucas published a paper whose title alone was already a political platform: Extrait d’un mémoire sur quelques changemens à apporter dans l’organisation de la Marine et notamment sur le moyens que la 49
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Augustin Lucas (1804-after 1858) The commander of the OH was born on the 6th March 1804 in Bongor, a small village in Belle-Île (today Belle-Île-en-Mer), on the coast of Brittany (France).56 The island is currently a tourist attraction, with a smaller population than in the 19th century, when economic activities were focused on navigation, fishing, agriculture and shipbuilding. Lucas was the son of a fisherman of the region, and began his life at sea as a child. The French Navy records describe a young man who entered the merchant navy career as a sailor; he registered in Bangor in 1824 as a man with “fair hair, red eyes, high forehead, large nose, medium-sized mouth and round chin”.57 Between 1826 and 1831, during which he obtained the “cabotage master” licence, Lucas sailed along the French coast and made longer voyages to Guadaloupe (1828), Martinique (1829) and the Réunion Island (1830). He studied mathematics, astronomy, mechanics and related subjects, combining hands-off and hands-on training on the manoeuvres required to navigate with large sail ships in the School of Hydrography (École d’Hydrographie), in Rochefort, where he graduated as “long-distance captain” on the 2nd June 1832. Lucas married the young Elisabeth Zoe Bellais, in Rochefort on the 3rd September 1832, soon after graduating as a long-haul captain.58 She was already expecting their first daughter. Born to a family of hostel-keepers in town, Elisabeth accompanied Lucas on his first trip to South America aboard Le Trophée et Mathilde between 1834 and 1835. The captain acquired a certain notoriety in the maritime milieu during this trip after overcoming a series of adversities in Cape Horn. The ship lost its rudder, but he managed to save all on board by devising a jury-rudder (“gouvernail de fortune”), a temporary device built in the stern of the ship and capable of steering it as far as Valparaiso.
Rochefort, in France, also known as an “arsenal-city”, and its shipyards, warehouses and sawmills, c. 1840.
At the time, Lucas said that the artifact was so good it could be maintained on a journey around the world.59 The invention, reported at a meeting of the Navy Council, was registered in the Annales maritimes et coloniales, a publication containing legislation, events, innovations and studies related to marine matters, together with an indication of the books that should be included in the libraries of the French Navy ships.60 Thus, Lucas gained a reputation as an experienced and skilful commander that was later expanded with the publication of some works that would reveal his concerns and interests. The second daughter of the couple was born in Valparaiso in 1835. Elisabeth, the two girls61, brother-in-law Prosper Bellais, enrolled as apprentice, and sister Louise Augustine Lucas, married to Jean-François Briel, third lieutenant, sailed on the OH, conferring an unusual “family” character to the expedition, commented on by their contemporaries.62
50
The “jury-rudder” (“gouvernail de fortune”) created by Commander Augustin Lucas. Illustration for Le candidat (Paris, 1850; 1853).
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France pourrait employer pour en augmenter le personnel sans augmenter le budget général ; suivi d’une note sur les causes et la faiblesse de notre commerce maritime (“Extract from a Memoir on some Changes to be Introduced in the Organization of the Navy and Particularly on the Means France Could Use to Increase its Personnel Without Increasing its Public Spending; Followed by a Note on the Conditions and Weaknesses of our Maritime Trade”).63 On the cover page the author was presented as “captain and founder of the expedition destined to travel around the world with the sole objective of training people for the navy and trade”. On the same page, as a suggestive epigraph, was a phrase by Saint Bartholomew, the travelling apostle: “Love the Homeland and make the utmost efforts so that it is feared abroad and calm inside”. At the time, these principles seemed to guide all the investment that became necessary for the French war and merchant navy. To realise them, Lucas would not spare his metaphors: The Navy is the most powerful and active agent of universal civilisation. It reduces distances and brings people together; it is the messenger, the bee of all the needs of humanity, as Europe is its hive.64
The work concludes by presenting a draft of a project, later elaborated on by captain Lucas in various articles published in newspapers and elsewhere. There Lucas presents in a few lines his views on a school ship for the merchant navy, an idea previously introduced with convincing arguments and data as a strategy to contribute to disseminating it in the naval milieu. How, for example, could useful information be
Title page of the book written by Captain Lucas, published in Paris in 1839.
obtained about countries amenable to doing good business if previous visitors kept that information secret? The answer was incisive: travel reports did not provide precise data on the nature and volume of the goods imported and exported by the country, nor on the manner of payment and prices obtained for French goods in international trade, among other information that had to be collected on site and systematised by the merchant navy officers in order to benefit France.65 The workshops of the Wittersheim Press (Imprimerie Wittersheim), owned by an engraver and printer with liberal ideas66, gave shape to the book and soon after, to 51
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I am particularly interested in summarising all the practical knowledge I have gained about sailing during twenty-five years of experience in all levels of the profession, from the beginner’s duties to the rank of captain”. 68
Three-mast sail ship, in the graphic representation (relief) for the book by Augustin Lucas Le candidat (Paris, 1850; 1853).
52
the advertising of the expedition. The leaflets with the travel plan and conditions for admission to the OH presented a detailed description of an experience that promised to “enlarge the homeland and its business abroad”.67 Addressed to young people who could feel attracted to the navy and other endeavours, the “instruction voyage” had the appeal of a first-hand experience as an essential requirement for successful business in a context of expansion of the capitalist economy. Faith in the knowledge acquired by the individual’s first-hand experience, one of the main features of a bourgeois mentality, was a recurring expression in the texts and images of the maritime world. In 1850 Lucas would publish another book where he also expressed this view clearly, drawing on his own history:
Circumnavigation voyages, more than any other marine activity, represented a practical opportunity for seafarers and nations wishing to secure an advantageous position in transoceanic circulation. The United States had already entered the dispute in 1838, when it organized the U.S. Exploring Expedition, the first expedition around the world of the U.S. Navy, commanded by Captain Charles Wilkes, whose reports were published in 1845.69 This global circulation also served as a sort of showcase. According to the July Monarchy, the policy to recreate the prestige of its marine force required a significant presence of French ships in the four corners of the world. As Hélène Blais stated, it was “necessary to represent what the idea of having ships crossing the globe with the tricolour flag symbolised, at least for the France of the period”.70 In any case, the visibility of this prestige depended on the scientific and commercial results of the missions. In a world that now had fewer places to be discovered and a lot of business to be done, the circumnavigation journey of the OH was, in the words of its founder, a strategic mission for his country: Above all, we should convince ourselves that the English Navy and maritime trade of England are at their peak. The immense coastline of this power, the large number of possessions it has appropriated in all parts of the world, together with the
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Confrontation of colonial expansion and commercial interests, printed in a political cartoon of the Parisian press, 1839. Competition between the traditional sugar extracted from sugar beet by French farmers and that obtained in the sugar cane plantations with slave labour (Caribbean, Brazil, etc.), transported to France by the shipowners from Nantes and other city ports was one of the major issues debated at the time. Both sides requested protection, indemnification and government compensations to support their business and deal with the competition.
incalculable advantage of having its manufacturers in its ports, have rapidly allowed them to establish relations with all the peoples and supply them in exclusivity to our disadvantage. [...] We have thus seen that all the peoples in South America supply themselves almost exclusively with English items manufactured cheaper and better in France than in England [emphasis in the original]. We observed something even more serious: American and French ships, for example, arriving at the same time and in the same places, carrying French goods of the same kind. The former deliver their goods at prices such that our ships are forced to follow the flow of the sale, and cannot even
The history of trade relations between France and Brazil and their prospects, in a work published in 1839.Horace Say was the son of the famous French economist Jean-Baptiste Say. In addition to being a merchant and exporter, he also devoted himself to publishing and teaching related subjects.
make up for the price paid for the goods at the time of shipment.71
Lucas’ words thus coincided with diagnoses made by many critics of the time regarding the weak situation of the French merchant navy in relation to the competition from other countries, particularly England.72 The French colonies in various continents and the young states that opened up to its influence in South America signalled business horizons which, in the face of pressure to end slavery, represented very promising markets for new merchant navy investments in general. However, the dispute over those areas, as in the case of Oceania, aggravated 53
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wars, invasions, pillage and other armed conflicts that fuelled expansion. There was no limit to the methods used. The Opium Wars (1840-1842) were an emblematic example of the strategies used in the expansion of capitalism, with opium dependence induced on thousands of Chinese, to ensure China’s opening to England.74 Lucas was aware of the complexities of the mission he proposed with his planned expedition, but harboured the expectation of attracting the glories bestowed to the seafarers who preceded him on the celebrated voyages of the past. The historian Leroi-Gourhan has left us a beautiful image of the psychology of the explorer who set off one day for the more distant confines of the earth:
Carpenters attempting to repair the damage produced on the H. M. S. Terror by ice during its voyage to Antarctica, 1836. The warship adapted for the exploration of ice entered history as one of the famous ships of the English Royal Navy. The illustration “taken with the camera lucida” by the Englishman William Smyth depicts the problems faced on the journey that preceded Captain James Ross’ successful mission to Antarctica. The artist later painted “The H.M.S. Terror in the Ice” on canvas representing the bad weather faced by the expedition.
the moods of merchants, shipowners, settlers and missionaries of different nationalities, as well as the natives themselves, giving way to the emergence of a series of conflicts on several fronts.73 For this very reason, the words of the long-distance captain also allowed a glimpse of the commercial, diplomatic and symbolic antagonisms that would spread to all corners of the world during the following years. International maritime trade promoted the growing circulation of people, goods and capitals at a global scale, preaching free trade and the end of human trafficking, but combining this rhetoric with 54
Taken separately, as an elite individual, an explorer is but the exponent of the qualities of a man of action. Except when following orders, or when tackling the voyage as if a battle or business, a streak of daydreaming is to be found in him. He is a mariner’s son, or a colonial officer’s nephew; he has a predilection for tales of conquest, or has simply dreamed in front of the sea, or at a fair stand. There is in him a certain predetermination: his latent capacity for daydreaming is higher than average, and external excitement sources only make it focus on a goal. Often, he knows very early that he will sail away, and it is at this point that his inclination to act comes into play.75
Commercial competition among nations and the expansion of their marine power, intimately linked with the circulation of people, knowledge and products in the
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first half of the 19th century, also nurtured patriotic feelings regarding the pioneering voyages around the world and the novelties carried on board. England was preparing a naval mission to Antarctica commanded by Captain James Clark Ross when the invention of the daguerreotype was published in the press in January 1839. The English physicist John Herschel wrote to Daguerre on behalf of the Royal Society in London before the secrets of this procedure were disclosed in August, requesting an instrument and the corresponding instructions so that an English mission could set off with the novelty, but no avail. France was not willing to grant England priority for the use of the invention on sea journeys.76 The public recognition of the English mission to Antarctica between 1839 and 1843 came in other forms. It broke a historic barrier when it penetrated its glaciers as never before. The English commander would thus be immortalised by the kind of tribute paid to other explorers who had found new routes across the planet: the Ross Sea, south of New Zealand, is named after him.77 When the announcement of the invention of the daguerreotype was published by newspapers in several cities, echoing the news reported in Paris, inventors of other photographic processes began to compare their discoveries with Daguerre’s invention. The investigations conducted by William Fox Talbot were then publicly communicated in England, and this gave way to the discussions about the precedence of his “photogenic drawings” in relation to the images obtained with the daguerreotype.78 Shortly after, the French made public the experiences conducted by Nicéphore Niépce, Daguerre’s deceased partner, clarifying in this manner
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the undeniable primacy of their discoveries over those of the other inventors.79 The controversy regarding the paternity of the invention of photography, transposed from the scientific academies to the newspaper pages, was more than a chapter in the old rivalry between the two powers. It was inscribed in a sentiment of anglophobia (and its reverse, francophobia), as some authors charaterised it, spreading through various aspects of the collective imaginary, especially in the 1830s and 1840s when slavery, colonisation and other issues also divided the field.80 A comment made in 1841 indicated what seemed to be the expression of these rivalries in the press and in the public sphere: “in England, newspapers are the interpreters and translators of public opinion; in France it is they who dictate it”.81 The “century of the press” had not yet shown the full extent of the role played by newspapers since the 1830s, although they had already proved to be a vehicle for mass communication and a fundamental arena for public debate, even if this dimension showed variations in each country or city.82 The press weighed significantly in the reputation of inventions, exposing the conflicts of priority and simultaneously amplifying the forms of recognition and legitimisation that consecrated inventors and scientists.83 The dispute over the paternity of photography, by prioritising either the French or the English precedent regarding one of the most highly acclaimed inventions in the scientific world of the time, relegated to a second place all forms of cooperation, testing and experiments inherent to any process of invention, besides covering up all the other controversies at play on the political scene. Florencio Varela, an Argentinian political 55
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political issues that had absorbed them. Daguerre’s name often led to forget that of Abd-el-Kader, and optical matters replaced those regarding Eastern politics. According to the testimony of Minister Duchatel, European sovereigns hastened to offer considerable sums to Daguerre in exchange for his secret. But Daguerre was French and could not deprive France of this beautiful laurel in her scientific crown.84
A vine leaf reproduced in “photogenic drawing”, a photographic process invented by Fox Talbot, c. 1834-1839. William Henry Fox Talbot’s “photogenic drawings”, obtained by the inventor since 1834, were presented to the Royal Society in London at the end of January 1839, following the announcement of the invention of the daguerreotype in Paris. Using salted paper, Talbot exposed this paper directly to the action of sunlight (he would later use the camera obscura) until the image formed there was revealed to the observer’s eyes after a few hours of exposure. With his “photogenic drawings” a “negative” could generate other “positive” images through contact. Although the process was lengthy and the quality of the image was relatively precarious, the feasibility of obtaining multiple “copies” from a single “matrix” represented an advantage over the daguerreotype. After being perfected, the process developed by Talbot was also known by the name of the inventor (“talbotype” or “calotype”) and its basic principle (negative/positive) would characterise the very nature of the photographic image.
exile, who attended some of the first daguerreotype demonstrations in Montevideo, said: Such is the history of the discovery that, in the middle of the previous year [1839], it distracted France and Europe from the 56
A young aspirant to the French Navy who came to the New World in 1824 was one of the inventors of the period, and for many years felt bitter about the lack of public recognition for the conception of a photographic process other than the daguerreotype.85 After crossing the Atlantic and spending some time in Rio de Janeiro, Florence took up residence in the provincial town of São Carlos (now the city of Campinas), in the interior of São Paulo, where he sought to make a living painting life-size portraits, miniature portraits and typographic prints, as well as devoting himself to the discovery, application and marketing of some inventions. In 1833, he conceived a process with which he aimed to “multiply drawings and writings only by the action of sunlight”, and with this system produced copies of pharmacy labels and freemasonry diplomas.86 In 1839, news of the invention of the daguerreotype in France was published in Brazil, and the voyage that took the young Florence so far from home made the already mature artist and inventor deeply regret his “exile”.87 Pierre Plancher, the Bonapartist bookseller and typographer, arrived in Rio de Janeiro in the same year as Florence, but unlike the novice, he had come to Brazil fleeing political persecution in France.88 Three years
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later, in 1827, he founded the Jornal do Commercio, soon sold to a Frenchman, Julio Villeneuve, owner of the Typographia Imperial e Constitucional (Imperial and Constitutional Typography), who transformed it into one of the most important of monarchic Brazil.89 In 1839 the newspaper had a special section dedicated to “scientific news” contemplating readers both in court and in the provinces of the Empire with subjects related to inventions and discoveries arising at home and abroad. The article “Optique; révolution dans les arts du dessin” (“Optics; Revolution in the Arts of Drawing”), published in Le Siècle (Paris, 17th January 1839), translated into Portuguese in O Panorama (Lisbon, 16th February 1839) and reproduced by the Jornal do Commercio (Rio de Janeiro, 1st March 1839), brought the news to Florence. The article highlighted the “new and unexpected miracle” that made nature take “her own” portrait, and represents one of the best examples of the role played by newspapers and editorial practices of the period to spread this idea. “Left to his own devices”, Florence realised that France had granted Daguerre all the honours he thought he also deserved for the invention of a photographic process, viewing himself and the efforts he had made under such unfavourable conditions with deep dismay.90 Lack of financial compensation for the inventive work and the search for social recognition also affected another Frenchman likewise dedicated to photomechanical experiences. The first photographic self-portrait is representative of its scope in the matter in the 19th century, and it is not by chance that it shows what might be the figure of a castaway. In mid-1840 Hippolyte Bayard portrayed his own body, naked and exhausted, and entitled it: “Self-portrait as
Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
Set of labels for pharmaceutical bottles reproduced by the photographic process invented by Hercule Florence, 1833.
a Drowned Man”. His self-image expressed with subtle irony a great frustration due to the lack of interest shown by Arago and other French eminences towards his photographic process (direct positive paper print). Bayard’s self-portrait thus resorted to the appeal of the figure of a castaway, ever present in the imaginary of the period, not to fix the physiognomy of the inventor with the “pencil of nature”, but to touch the sensibility of his contemporaries. Photography, in spite of the idea that it was an “art without artistry” that only “reproduced” the visible world, began to show it could also become a symbolic and fictional image.91 In notes and diaries written throughout his life, Florence expressed his conviction regarding the acknowledgement of individual effort and, correspondingly, the hierarchy in social merit, a conception very 57
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
dear to French inventors, scientists and engineers, greatly influenced by the ideas of Saint-Simon.92 On the 26th October 1839, in the A Phenix, in São Paulo, he published an article in which he publicly communicated his invention: Another discovery of mine, also known in this village and to some people in Rio de Janeiro, is Photography. The text sent to Paris ended with these two titles: Discovery of Photography, or Printing with Sunlight; Investigations on the Fixation of Images with the Camera Obscura, Through the Action of Light. A photographed drawing I made was presented to the Prince de Joinville and included in his album by a person to whom I owe this favour. I have just been informed that in Germany they have printed with light, and that in Paris they are really perfecting the fixation of images with light. Since I have not done much photography because I lacked more complicated means and did not have enough knowledge of chemistry, I will not dispute discoveries to anybody, as the same idea may come to two people, because I always found the results I obtained were weak, so to each his due [...].93
Florence’s communication opens some directions in the history of the OH and, more particularly, the arrival of the daguerreotype to Rio in Janeiro. Besides the Prince de Joinville, to whom he presented a “photographed drawing”, the inventor presented the studies and images he produced to other foreigners with whom he had a chance to exchange information. Reverend Daniel Kidder was one of them. Between 1837 and 1840 the American missionary lived in Brazil and travelled 58
from the north to the south of the country, meeting Florence on his passage-way through the province of São Paulo. When the OH called in at Salvador, in December 1839, Kidder was in town after having visited the north and northeast provinces.94 In contact with the crew, the American received an offer from Commander Lucas: could he follow them to Rio de Janeiro? Sketches of Residence and Travels in Brazil, published in 1845, narrates the missionary’s experience on board the OH, with observations on the reception he received, the nature of the expedition, the ship’s condition, as well as the food, the French rules of etiquette and habits adapted to life at sea: My first night in the entrepont (steerage) was a long and almost sleepless one. The air of the apartment was excessively heated, while there was neither wind nor motion to secure the least ventilation. Besides the great number of sleepers, whose breath was continually adding rarefication to the air, individuals were conversing in all directions, and as party after party arrived, new subjects of interest were introduced. I was somewhat amused with a dialogue which occurred near me in terms like these: ‘Has our passenger arrived?’ ‘Yes, he is here.’ ‘Is he a priest?’ ‘Yes, he has already said his prayers.’ ‘The truth is he has really had an amusing education with us here!’95
When the OH anchored in the port of Rio de Janeiro, the Jornal do Commercio reported, as usual, the ships that had arrived
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Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
in the city and also the presence of Kidder among the passengers coming from Salvador.96 Information that there was a daguerreotype on board, probably given by Commander Lucas or by another member of the expedition, soon became known. This seems to be the reason why, five days after the arrival of the OH, the Jornal do Commercio reported the article Florence had published in October of the previous year. A transcript appeared on the front page alongside another article on the latest photographic experiments conducted in Belgium and Germany. The intention, the newspaper said, was to invite the reader to decide whether the world owed this “discovery� to Europe or Brazil.97 The daguerreotype had thus reached the city, and with it an extensive and long-lasting controversy over the paternity of photography.
The passage through Rio de Janeiro recorded in the atlas of the expedition around the world of the Venus frigate, between 1836 and 1839. The atlas corresponds to the fifth volume of the accounts of the journey commanded by Abel Du Petit-Thouars, published between 1840 and 1843.
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Chapter 1 1. For a list of these journeys see https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_circumnavigations. 2. Prospecto Specimen”, Museo Universal, jornal das famílias brazileiras, 1837, pp. 2-3. 3. Sussekind, 1990, esp. p. 80. 4. The sea and its representations in painting, in various temporalities and spatialities, has already been the subject of many exhibitions, most notably the recent As idades do Mar, at the Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian (Lisbon, 2012- 2013 and Europe and the Sea, at the Deutsches Historisches Museum (Berlin, 2018). Cf. Pereira et al, 2012 and Blume et al., 2018. 5. Jal, 1848, p. 476. 6. Pigafetta, 2011; Taillemite, 1987, pp. 13-39 ; Gouzy, René. “Magellan”. In: LeroiGourhan, 1947, pp. 52-54. 7. Cartier, 1973, 151-164; Taunay, s/d, pp. 431-432. 8. Daumas, 1957, pp. 455-462. See also Fernández-Armesto, 2009. 9. Kury, 1998, p. 67. 10. J.N.L. Baker. “Cook”. In: Leroi-Gourhan, 1947, pp. 82-85. 11. Frame; Walker, 2018, esp. pp. 204-215. 12. [Anonymous]. “Viajes de Descubrimientos. La Pérouse” El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 19th June 1840, p. 2. 13. Cf. Doneaud, 1865. Professor of literature at the Navy School (École navale), Alfred Doneaud published over a dozen books on the history of the French navy and its “glories at sea”, an expression that he contributed to enshrine. Regarding the presence of La Pérouse’s expedition in the French imaginary, see also http:// www.laperouse-france.fr/. 14. The Malaspina-Bustamante expedition, between 1789 and 1794, was one such initiative, documenting in detail the Pacific regions (the Americas, Philippines, New Zealand and Australia, among other
60
points). Promoted by the Spanish Empire, it could not enter the Brazilian ports, and reached Montevideo directly after a brief passage through the island of Trinidad on the coast of Brazil where La Pérouse’s expedition had also been. 15. Taillemite, 1987, p. 69. 16. Duron, 2000, esp. p.190. The author clarifies the disagreements and imprecisions in naval literature regarding the words “navire” and “batiment” that translate into English with the same word (ship). 17. Jean Meyer. “Marines et économies”. In: Marine et technique au XIXe siècle, [1988], p. 34. 18. Jardin and Tudesq, 1973, t. 6, pp.10-30. 19. Golo Mann. “El desarrollo político de Europa y de América de 1815 a 1871”. In: Mann and HeusS, 1985, p. 480. 20. Idem, esp. pp. 477-494; Gueniffey, 2000, p. 1465. 21. The French shipowners who “trafficked” would leave the ports in their country with European manufactured products that they exchanged in Africa for men, women and children enslaved and transported on their ships to be sold to the settlers on the Réunion (also called “Bourbon”) and Mauritius islands, West Indies, Brazil, North America and Indian Ocean in exchange for sugar, coffee, cocoa beans, tobacco and other goods exported to Europe. 22. The matter was seen in this light for a long time. Cf. Jullin, 1947, p. 23. The Battle of Trafalgar, off the Spanish coast, represented a major defeat for France that, unable to control the Atlantic, lost its chance to invade England. Admiral Nelson, greatly responsible for the victory, died in this battle and thus became one of the greatest English heroes of all times. 23. AN (France), Rapports du et au ministre de la Marine, 1789-1863. “Notes sur les affaires courantes”, 20 octobre 1840. Cote BB1-80. See also Darrieus and
Quèguiner, 1997, pp. 29-41. 24. Gueniffey, 2000. 25. René Estienne. Dupuy de Lôme et le Napoléon. In : Marine et technique au XIXe siècle, [1988], p. 203. 26. Riviale, 2000, p. 242. 27. Blais, 1996, pp. 78-79; Idem, 2001, p.1. The author’s thesis, consulted at the SHDMarine in 2001, was published in 2005. See the full reference in the Bibliography at the end of this book. 28. Taillemite, 1987, p. 61. 29. Anonymous. “Vocabulaire pittoresque de la marine”. Magasin Pittoresque Paris, 8th year, 1840, p. 128. 30. Grehan, 1837-1846. 31. Freitas, 1855; rodrigues, 1999, esp. pp. 29-38. 32. Grand dictionnaire [...], 1873, v. 10, p. 1208. Available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ ark:/12148/bpt6k205362h/f1212.image (Encyclopédie Larousse). 33. Maritime dictionaries published throughout the 19th century, even in Brazil, at http://www.bruzelius.info/Nautica/ Nautica.html. 34. Louis Reybaud. “Avenir de notre marine ; Rapport sur le matériel de la Marine, par M. le baron Tupinier, membre du conseil d’amirauté, etc.”, Revue des Deux Mondes, Paris, volume 22, 1840. 35. Sylviane, 1990, pp. 47-52 ; Palais de Chaillot, 1943, p. 2. The opening of the National Museum of the Marine (Musée National de la Marine) in the Palais Chaillot and the extensive conceptual reform carried out in recent years demonstrate the vigour of this tradition. 36. The term used in that part of the world to designate the islands located between the Pacific and Indian oceans entered usage in the early 19th century. 37. Jean-Paul Faivre. “Dumont D’Urville”. In: Leroi-Gourhan, 1947, p. 267. See also Taillemite, 1982. A gold medal was awarded to the expedition by the Paris Geo-
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graphic Society. 38. Hennequin, 1836, v. 2, pp. 353-375; Taillemite, 1982, p. 296; Yvert, 1990, p. 181. According to A. Carré “here we can observe how Lucas applies the intentions of Minister Rosamel. This is the reason for the approval he will show towards Lucas, recommending him to other ministries». Carré, 1970, p. 18. 39. France. Almanach royal et national pour l’an 1839 présenté à sa Majesté [...]. Paris : A. Guiot et Scibe, 1839, 4e partie, Dept. de la Marine et Colonies, esp. p. 132. 40. Chapuis, 1999. See, especially chapter 4, “Éloge de la méthode”. 41. AN (France). Fond de la Marine. Serie “Correspondence génerale et mouvement (minutes)”, Lettre (minute) à “François Arago, secretaire perpetuel de l’Academie Royal et des Science”. 10th September 1839. Cote BB2-271, fl. 38; AN (France). Fond de la Marine. Serie “Rapports du ministre au roi e rapport au ministre”, “Proposition d’approuver l’achat d’un daguerréotype”, 12th and 28th September 1839. Cote BB1-79, p. 199. 42. Bourroul, 1900, p. 9 and following pages. 43. Hennequin, 1835-1837, pp. 264-296. 44. Idem, p. 47. The author states that Rosamel could have introduced Florence to the French Pierre Dillon (former secretary of Joachim Lebreton and, after 1816, a merchant settled in Rio de Janeiro), and construed that he also authorised the disembarkation of his novice so Florence wouldn’t be considered a deserter. 45. The subject will be commented on later in this book. 46. Bourroul, 1900, p. 22 (without giving a precise source). Hercule Florence. “L’inventeur au Brésil”, in : “L’Ami des arts”, 1837, p. 177. Apud Monteiro, 2001, p. 55. 47. O’REILLY, 1966, p.45-46. In a historical report on Lucas the historian regrets not having found any portrait of the long-distance
Navigation Around the World: Voyages and Images
merchant navy captain, which was also the case when researching for this book. 48. For a history of Freemasonry, see Faucher, 1988; Saunier, 2000; Morel, 2001; and https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/1911_Encyclopedia_Britannica/Freemasonry . 49. General Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, hero of the 1789 revolution and Independence War in United States, as well as celebrated Freemason, became an emblematic figure in the relation between the said institution and its historical members with the new times. This matter is present in the Freemasonry museum, subordinated to the Grand Orient de France, in Cadet Street, Paris. 50. “Sociability”, besides indicating social bonds and manners of socialisation, was studied by the French historian Maurice Agulhon as a new theoretical and methodological armamentarium, synonymous to the associative will and practice, recognised by quantitative and comparative data. On this subject, see MOREL, 2001 (a), esp. pp. 4-6. 51. Crouzet, 1998, pp. 57 and 255. O Fonds Maçonique in BnF, cote FM² 397, indicated by the author, contains the lodge regulations together with other documents; nothing, however, has been found regarding Lucas in the documents consulted. 52. Freitas, 1835. 53. The work by Dubreuil, 1844, is an example (the two first editions are from 1835 and 1839). 54. France. Annales maritimes et coloniales, Partie officielle, Paris, Imprimerie Royal, 1840, v. 2, p. 376. 55. Darrieus and Quèguiner, 1997, p. 33 ; Palais de Chaillot, 1943, p. 36. The Marine School on board the Orion was transferred in 1840 to the Borda, employed until 1914. 56. Lucas’ birth was recorded in Palais, on the same island. This information can be found in the Port de Lorient Archive (France), series 3P, in Belle-Île, sub-series
3P(1)22, on seamen registered in Bangor (Belle-Île). See also SHD-Marine. Fonds privé Adrien Carré. Archives du port de Lorient. Registres des officiers mariniers et matelots 1826-1849. Augustin Lucas. 57. Idem. 58. A copy of Lucas and Elisabeth’s marriage certificate may be found at the SHDMarine. Fonds privé Adrien Carré. 59. France. Annales maritimes et coloniales, Partie non officielle, Paris, Imprimerie Royal, 1835, v. 2, pp. 1012-1014. 60. Idem; See also SHD-Marine. Fonds privé Adrien Carré. “Extrait du procés-verbal de la seance du Conseil des Travaux du ministère de la Marine (France). Nº 1395 – Gouvernail de fortune”. [Paris], 22 octobre 1835. 61. The daughters of Augustin Lucas and Elisabeth Zoé Bellais were named Elizabeth Mathilde Lucas (1832-1923) and Dolores Lucas (1835-1868). Cf. Brève histoire d’Augustin Lucas et de sa famille par Eugène Guellec (1906-1970). Available at http://chauvigne.info/index.php. A genealogy site also features the testimony of Evangeline Soyer, the couple’s granddaughter, but contains some misleading or conflicting information about Lucas and his family. 62. Cf. Doc 00.00.1839-1840 (Registry on board the OH). See also CARRÉ, 1970, p. 26. 63. Lucas, 1839. 64. Lucas, 1853, “Reflexions et introduction”, p. I. 65. Lucas, 1839, pp. 30-31. 66. The owner was Aaron (called Arnold) Wittersheim. Cf. Dictionnaire des imprimeurs lithographes du XIXe siècle. Available at http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/ imprimeurs/node/23204. 67. OH - Doc 00.03.1839 and OH – Doc 22.04.1839. 68. Lucas, 1853, p. II. Reedition of a work published in 1850. 69. Cf. Wilkes, 1845. On the expedition,
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see Junqueira, 2008. 70. Blais, 1999, p. 79. 71. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 72. Say, 1839, p. 200. 73. Blais, 2001, Carré, 1970. 74. For European travellers to Imperial China and their narratives, see Groh, 2000. 75. Leroi-Gourhan, 1947, p. 9. 76. Schaaf, 1992, esp. pp. 79-80. 77. Leroi-Gourhan, 1947, p. 268. The Erebus and Terror Seas were named after the expedition ships. 78. Talbot’s research and images are available at https://talbot.bodleian.ox.ac. uk/search. 79. Schaaf, 1992; Brunet, 2000. 80. Cornevin and Cornevin, 1990, p. 394. 81. [Anonymous]. “Costumes políticos; o jornalismo na França e na Inglaterra”, Revista Litteraria, Porto, 1841, p. 351 (“extracted from the Quarterly Review”), University of Michigan Libraries. Available at http://books.google.com.br. 82. Charle, 2004. 83. Hilaire-Pérez, 2000, p. 294. According to the reseacher, “the examples are many, and suggest that the journalists are aware of a responsibility in the dissemination of information”. 84. See OH - Doc 04.03.1840. The article on the invention of the daguerreotype by Florencio Varela, published in El Correo de la Plata (Montevideo, 4th March 1840), will be commented in chapter 5. 85. Kossoy, 2006. Revised and expanded edition of the 1976 and 1980 editions. The researcher has conducted an extensive documentary survey, together with empyrical confirmations and a critical analysis that have demonstrated and disseminated Hercule Florence’s invention internationally. 86. Hercule Florence. “La recherche et la découverte”. Manuscript from 1833. Apud Kossoy, 2006, p. 159. 87. Florence’s reaction in 1839 was re-
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ported in his 1852 writings. Cf. Kossoy 2006, p. 143. 88. Ferreira, 1977, p. 199; Morel, 2002. 89. Turazzi, 1995, p. 96. 90. See Turazzi, 2008, for an analysis of Florence, Daguerre and the “national rewards” granted to the two inventors. 91. GAUTRAND and FRIZOT, 1986. 92. JARDIN and TUDESQ, 1973, v. 6, pp. 100-101; André James, “L’événement Arago”, in Frizot et al, 1989, p. 24; Brunet, 2000, pp. 83-84. 93. A Phenix, 26th October 1839. Reproduced in Kossoy, 2006, p. 228. 94. Ermakoff, 2006, p. 25. 95. Kidder, 1845, p. 344. 96. Jornal do Commercio, 25th, 26th and 27th December 1839 editions, p. 5. 97. Jornal do Commercio, 29th January 1840, p. 1.
The Temple Boulevard in Paris, photographed by Daguerre between 1838 and 1839. The inventor made two known daguerreotypes at different times from the same place when he was experimenting with the effects of light to obtain images. In this daguerreotype the camera captured two human figures that remained still for some time (lower left corner). Daguerre presented the set in a beautiful frame to King Ludwig I of Bavaria, soon after the secrets of the daguerreotype were revealed at the Paris Academy of Sciences on the 19th August 1839. Other daguerreotypes were sent by the inventor to various monarchs (Belgium, Austria, Russia, Prussia, etc). The OH would present the invention to a few more.
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View from a window in Gras, residence of Nicéphore Niépce in Chalon-sur-Saône, 1826. This is the oldest photographic image that is preserved, and it was obtained on a tin plate sensitised with bitumen of Judea after eight hours of exposure to sunlight.
2
The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
Certain inventions of the modern world have curious names inspired by the circumstances and characters involved in their incorporation into social use and the everyday lexicon. Some inventions of French origin with these characteristics may be recalled from the history of the OH. The guillotine is the first. The word refers to Doctor Guillotin, a physician who defended the use of machinery in France during the 1789 revolution as a way of shortening the prolonged suffering of those condemned to death. In May 1839, the Brest Maritime Court sentenced the chief officer and one of the sailors of the merchant ship Alexandre to the guillotine for the murder of their captain and part of the crew. The case had major repercussions at the time and was published with a title that illustrates the rigorous disciplinary code of the naval milieu.1 Reverend Kidder, as well as several of the naval commanders who called at the Atlantic and Pacific ports
with the OH, believed that the lack of discipline aboard paved the way to misfortune. The second invention of this kind is the silhouette, a miniature portrait obtained with an ingenious mechanism capable of delineating the profile of individuals using the contour of their own shadow. The use of the physiognotrace popularized the commissioning of small portraits that could now be bought at moderate prices and which, for this reason, were named after the French Minister of Finance in the pre-revolutionary period. Étienne de Silhouette was a well-known follower of art and thrift.2 The French would promote the appearance of other even more clever inventions in the art of representing the visible world lightly and accurately at affordable prices during the first half of the 19th century. The incorporation of the daguerreotype to the OH indicates, at least partially, the scope and success of this idea, despite the shipwreck of the expedition. 65
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre (1787-1851) The famous inventor was the grandson of a French Navy surgeon (JeanJacques Daguerre)3, and his appreciation of sea voyages, even if it had not been part of the imaginary of the era, would have thus found a good family reason. A rather inexpressive painter, he worked as a theatre decorator and with scenographic panoramas until 1822 when he obtained the patent for the diorama, a spectacle that explored the fascination with exotic landscapes and historical monuments using light projection effects. As a successful entrepreneur of the world of images Daguerre began to focus on experimentation with photomechanical processes while enjoying the popularity and prestige gained in the Parisian scene. In 1825 he was awarded the Légion d’Honneur de France, and in 1832 was introduced to the court of Louis-Philippe, both typical manifestations of prestige that would naturally bring him other forms of recognition.4 The idea that the OH expedition would be the first circumnavigation journey to obtain images with the daguerreotype, bringing the invention to the peoples and monarchs to whom it was presented, did not escape a personality like Daguerre, judging by the inventor’s concerns, as they may be inferred from various accounts of his activities before, during and after the year 1839. The French government’s support for the expedition and the imaginary regarding scientific achievements and symbolic rewards associated with naval missions were significant attractions to convince him of the interests converging towards the success of the venture. During his life Daguerre received some of the most prestigious honours awarded in France such as knight and officer of the Légion d’Honneur, the latter in June 1839, together with a lifetime pension for the invention of the daguerreotype, besides several posthumous tributes: a street baptised with his name in Paris in 1867; a monument in the town where he was born, inaugurated in Cormeilles-en-Parisis in 1883; another monument in the village of Bry-sur-Marne, where he purchased an estate in late 1839 and was buried in a permanent mausoleum in 1897. On the other hand, he was also the target of various forms of discredit with hardly benevolent cartoons and comments about him as an inventor, in the press of the period and reproduced by a portion of the photographic literature that dealt with the history of the daguerreotype as an invention that would have eclipsed the pioneer work of Nicéphore Niépce. In 1955, Alison and Helmut Gernsheim, a married couple, published Daguerre’s only biography in book form, and new perspectives on the history of inventions are being debated by contemporary historiography. However, the legacy of this undecipherable and mysterious man, as his own contemporaries pointed out, remains a controversial and fascinating subject.
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One of the rare portraits of Daguerre, originally obtained with a daguerreotype. Its authorship is attributed by some to the inventor himself (selfportrait) and by others to Pierre Ambroise Richebourg, one of his “students”. The photoengraving image with a reproduction of the daguerreotype, signed by Richebourg, was printed in 1855.
On the 27th September 1835, journalist and writer Arsène Houssaye revealed to the small number of readers of the Journal des Artistes, that Daguerre had discovered a way to make permanent “any sort of view, portrait or landscape” produced with the camera obscura. He concluded that “physical science probably never presented a marvel comparable to this”.5 However, this fact would not become a reality until Daguerre found in sea salt a means to fix the image obtained on the metal plate inside the camera obscura revealed by mercury vapour. In 1838, when the OH
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expedition began to be planned, nothing else had been published about his experiments. Until then, the images obtained by Daguerre were known by a very limited number of people, and the procedure only by the inventor and his partner (see Chronology of the Invention and Dissemination of the Daguerreotype, 1816-1842).
The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
The invention Daguerre finally baptised with his own name was disclosed to a much wider audience by the Gazette de France on the 6th January 1839. The newspaper boasted the honourable condition of succeeding the first French periodical (the Gazette, founded in 1631), and in that article anticipated a piece of information that
The city of Paris, with its administrative subdivisions, streets and establishments, in 1840.
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would be formally communicated to the French Academy of Sciences on the following day. “Daguerre’s discovery” was described by the newspaper as “a revolution in the arts of drawing”, a phrase that would eventually become legendary for the cultural phenomenon represented by the appearance of photography, a word that was not even part of everyday vocabulary. The article concluded its forecast rightly extolling the usefulness of the procedure for travel. For an amount of money considered “derisory” travellers would be able to bring in their luggage the most beautiful images of monuments and scenery found all over the world. Draughtsmen and painters would not disappear, for in many cases they could not be replaced, but the results obtained with the invention would prove how far pencils and brushes were from reality.6 With the “revolution” announced by the Gazette de France, and later celebrated by the Academy of Sciences, the picture radically changed. Throughout the year 1839 the daguerreotype, its constraints and its promises, was constantly present in newspapers and debates in Paris and in other cities. A survey conducted by the researcher PaulLouis Roubert reports two hundred and seventeen articles on photography and related topics, only in the Parisian press, between January and November 1839.7 The press speculated on the novelty, still ignored in the eyes of the majority, raised doubts and imagined possibilities. After learning more about it, it began to explain its procedures and account for the first trials, until the advertisements for lovers of novelties also occupied its pages. As one contemporary stated, “they all fight for those instruments that everybody wants to try, and all Paris is seized by the daguerreotype fever”.8. In January 1840, 68
an unprecedented Album du daguerreotype réproduit, orné de vues de Paris, en épreuve de luxe avec texte (“Daguerreotype Album Reproduced, Illustrated with Views from Paris, on a Luxury Print with Text”) appeared in a Parisian shop without a publisher’s name.9 Months later, the lithographer and cartoonist Charles Philipon, one of the most active and combative editors of the French press, published Paris et ses environs reproduits par le daguerréotype (“Paris and its Surroundings Reproduced by the Daguerreotype), a collection of carefully edited texts and lithographs signed by a group of visual artists.10 Since the publication of the Encyclopédie (1762-1772) by Diderot and d’Alembert, the favourable circumstances dictated by “chance” linked the term invention to the field of “discovery” and the “collection of the treasures of nature”. The invention of the photomechanical image in the first half of the 19th century was circumscribed within this explanatory, long-lasting and recurrent scheme. Looking at the natural sciences, scientists such as Alexander von Humboldt and others of his time visualised photography as not exactly a human creation but rather as a discovery because “the images have the character of the inimitably natural, that only nature itself could have fixed”.11 This discursive operation, recurrent in common sense and in part of the literature on photography, obscured all the adaptations, modifications, trials and daily efforts, as well as the methods to conceive and the contingencies of innovation present in the history of multiple inventions of photographic processes.12 The announcement of the “discovery” of the daguerreotype not only projected the name of the inventor into the literary world
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but also the whole new and diversified photographic vocabulary. Although the creation of the word daguerreotype is considered atypical by some authors13, resorting to the name of the scientist to denominate his discoveries was, and still is, a recurring practice in different fields of science, consecrated internationally as a form of recognition of authorship and legitimation of priorities. The natural sciences were full of this sort of example and, in this sense, Daguerre’s choice of his family name to baptise the photographic
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process, which he was ready to make available to the public, expressed his desire to be close to science.14 These practices nevertheless depend on various forms of collaboration, negotiation, communication and cultural exchanges between men of science and the inventions of the time. Dedicated to his own experiments with images obtained through the action of light, astronomer John Herschel was stimulated by Daguerre’s invention following its announcement in January 1839. The secrets
Daguerreotype of Paris made by Daguerre. The image was obtained from a high vantage point near the Pont-Neuf, c. 1839. In the foreground, the equestrian statue of Henry IV by the River Seine, with the other bridges in the background. The Louvre (on the left) and the French Institute (on the right) appear inverted, as the images were obtained with the daguerreotype camera before the improvement introduced by Daguerre to solve this problem.
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The partnership between Niépce and Daguerre, illustrating an idealised version of the history of the invention of the daguerreotype, 1853. The Musée de Familles defined itself as a newspaper dedicated to “evening readings”.
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of the daguerreotype had not been disclosed yet, but when trying to unravel them and, at the same time, make feasible a photographic process on paper, Herschel employed hyposulphite to fix the images obtained with the camera obscura. The experiments of the English scientist and the solution found were later disseminated in the English and French academic worlds, and were used by
Daguerre himself in replacement of sea salt, already in 1839.15 Herschel travelled to Paris in May and, after contemplating the images obtained by Daguerre, was delighted with the mirrored surface and promises to ease and speed the photographic process, still kept secret. The positive impression caused by the daguerreotype, even among the English, would contribute to placing the French inventors in the forefront of public recognition of their paternity over the invention of photography. However, the use of Daguerre’s name to baptise his “discovery” was not a solution only motivated by the approximation with the scientific field. It was also a matter negotiated with considerable commitment by the inventor who whould thus enshrine his name and prevalence over the daguerreotype. The partnership with Nicéphore Niépce, military engineer and man of inventions, who had been working since 1816 on the fixation of photomechanical images, was at the source of this solution.16 Niépce was averse to the idea of sharing his experiences, kept secret even after managing to obtain permanent images with the photomechanical process using the camera obscura in the 1820s. A view from the window of his house made around 1826-1827 is still preserved.17 Charles Chevalier, manufacturer of optical instruments, confided Niépce’s experiences to Daguerre and went on to show him, in 1827, the ideas gathered in his text Notice sur l’Héliographie. Two years later, both signed a detailed partnership agreement.18 Niépce’s manuscript contained all the procedures and materials required for the invention and optimisation of heliography, acknowledged as the first process for the fixation of the images obtained with sunlight using
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the camera obscura. The partnership between the inventor, familiar with the engraving and reproduction techniques, and a painter and set designer, aware of the enchanting images that could be obtained through lighting effects, would give rise ten years later to the appearance of the daguerreotype.19 Daguerre subsequently proposed replacing the word heliography with another word that would best designate the solutions they shared. However, it was only following Niépce’s demise in 1833 that he managed to renegotiate the terms of the old contract with Isidore, son and heir of his business partner. Between 1835 and 1837 Daguerre succeeded in establishing that the invention would carry his name. The choice of the word daguerreotype was an essential matter for him, and was thus secured well before the existence of the process itself became public. The efforts to obtain permanent photomechanical images, therefore, occurred much before the photographic process became known following the announcement of the invention of the daguerreotype in 1839. This long-time aspiration began to be highlighted by those who witnessed the emergence of Daguerre’s discovery, together with the discussions regarding the priority of a photographic process. Both a theatre person and inventor, Daguerre was fully aware of the advantages, individual and collective, that the introduction and dissemination of photomechanical images would entail for social life in its multiple aspects. Thus, the words, instruments and metal plates marking the beginnings of daguerreotype would also translate into a narrative regarding the nature of the photographic image underlying Daguerre’s invention, and much more longlasting than the invention itself:
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As with all technologies [...], the image we had of photography corresponded to very specific social and political programmes. Far from being politically neutral, it was part and parcel of an ideology, a system of thought that favoured a particular social order.20
The Hôtel de Ville in Paris, seat of the municipality, on the right bank of the River Seine, 1840. The Le Magasin Pittoresque newspaper illustrates with this image the story about the restoration and expansion of the building erected in the 16th century.
The leaflet Daguerre sent to the printer at the end of 1838 presented the daguerreotype, not as an improved camera obscura, i.e., “an instrument that serves to draw nature, but as a physical and chemical procedure that enables it to reproduce itself ”.21 In this sense, when announcing the invention, Daguerre explained, with very clear conceptualisation, the mechanical character of a “discovery susceptible to all applications”.22 Though not widely publicised, this text already formulated clearly the multiplicity of applications, simple implementation and compensations that an 71
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Daguerreotype demonstrations: the Louvre and the Pont Royal, photographed by Daguerre from the other bank of the River Seine, in 1839. The image has a note on the back about its origin: “First trial made by Daguerre before his colleagues in the Academy of Fine Arts (Société de Beaux-Arts), on the 2nd October 1839, at the Quai d’Orsay Palace. [...] It is said that this experience and this trial were altered by passing it from hand to hand, and that Daguerre has begun again a second one which he has donated to the Academy; and this is the one we have in our archives [...].”
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invention without prerequisites promised to offer. The same conception would be present in the debates and communications of the Academy of Sciences and the countless articles published by the press of the period on the appearance of photography. The historian François Brunet analysed the early days of the daguerreotype, already extensively debated by the historiography of the medium, following a new perspective. According to the author, the invention of the daguerreotype inaugurated a new era in the history of images, precisely because at its heart it included the birth of an idea, both logical and political.23 Focussing on the genealogy of this idea, the author analysed the process of considering photography as the invention of an accurate and natural image (“an art without artistry”) and, for this very reason, accessible to everyone (“an art available to all”).24 Convinced that the statements on photography are historically conditioned, the author defended the argument according to which the use of the word discovery instead of the word invention, starting with Daguerre himself, already showed in and of itself how much the realisation of an “art without artistry” seemed to make feasible the aspiration of an “art available to all”. 25 Designed by nature itself, according to Brunet photography would have presented itself to the 19th century “as the technical and discursive form of a logical and political utopia: the abolition of the artist’s privilege in an image mode governed by its non-artistic origin, therefore accessible to everyone”. These reflections by Brunet, who died just as this book was being completed, were fundamental for the understanding of the OH experience. Two events in the year 1839 were decisive to grant the daguerreotype the logical,
The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
“Giroux-Daguerre” model camera to practice daguerreotypy. 1839. This primitive photographic apparatus basically descended from the camera obscura, and incorporated more advanced lenses in its structure, together with an internal device to install the metal plate sensitised by iodine vapour before its exposure to the action of sunlight.
Box for exposing the metal plate to mercury vapour, without contact with the light, after being polished, sensitised by iodine vapour and exposed to the action of sunlight in order to “print” the image. 1839. Mercury boxes, as well as iodine boxes, were part of the essential equipment for the chemical processing of the images obtained with the daguerreotype.
legal and social dimensions that characterised the public birth of the idea of photography in the 1800s, and which since then have marked all modern culture. Far from just being a conventional piece of information to celebrate the “discovery of photography”, and already 73
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Louis-Philippe, “King of the French”, with the 1830 Constitutional Charter, one of the symbols of the July Monarchy.
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aware of the recognition of the multiple inventions of photographic processes, this year would represent the turning point in a certain rationale regarding the technical process, its public and universal character, as well as its social and symbolic scope. The first event was the drafting and passage of the so-called “Daguerre Law”, between July and August 1839, according to a proposal made by François Arago. Forwarded to Count Duchatel, Minister of the Interior of France, it was submitted to the Chamber of Deputies after being analysed by a commission with the scientist and parliamentarian as rapporteur. This law
created a “national reward”, an unusual solution in French and international legislation, after the State had purchased the rights to the invention of the daguerreotype by paying a lifetime pension (not a prize) to Daguerre (6,000 francs) and to Isidore Niépce (4,000 francs), even though the invention itself would not be for State use.26 The “Daguerre Law”, adopted by a large majority (237 favourable votes and 3 votes against) in the Chamber of Deputies, was sanctioned by King Louis-Philippe on the 7th August 1839. A scholar and political man, “Arago prepared his speech with a view to making the daguerreotype a universal and positivist innovation in a consensual alliance of scientific institutions and political wills”.27 The scientist’s arguments had kept an eye on the past and another on the future: to prove the French precedence over the results obtained by William Fox Talbot in England, whose experiences began to be debated by the scientific world and were publicised by the press in various countries, Arago went back in the chronology of the invention of the daguerreotype up to the experiments initiated by Nicéphore Niépce long before Talbot. Aiming to favour its knowledge, he likewise anticipated many of the useful applications of an invention that France would liberally endow to the whole world. The adoption of the “Daguerre Law” and the reasons given by Arago to promote a life pension for the two French inventors were intertwined with the defence of the homeland and its civilising ideals: The daguerreotype does not involve any manipulation that is not available to everyone [emphasis added]. It does not require any knowledge of drawing; it does not require any special manual skill. By
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François Arago (1786-1853) A physicist, mathematician and astronomer trained in the Polytechnic School, following the example of many others of his generation, François Arago left behind the victories and defeats of the Napoleonic campaigns for a successful public career as director of the Paris Observatory and republican parliamentarian. In 1839, Arago was perpetual secretary of the French Science Academy, combining the functions of leadership and organisation of the prestigious entity founded in 1666, with a seat in the Chamber of Deputies, in addition to being a member of many other scientific societies and civil entities, such as the Freemasonry.29 Arago’s republican and Saint-Simonian convictions in his institutional actions made this internationally respected savant one of the greatest enthusiasts of his time in the dissemination of scientific knowledge. Since 1813, he had even lectured on astronomy and other subjects for non-specialised audiences, and was therefore praised as a “preacher and vulgariser of science” in the Musée des Familles, a newspaper dedicated to these readers.30 The opening to the public of the Science Academy sessions, as well as the publication of the minutes of its meetings together with the publication of the respective abstracts in newspapers and magazines of great circulation, were all decisions taken by its secretary (the Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des sciences were published in 1835). According to Anne McCauley: The daguerreotype, which also promised to mechanise the manufacture of images, lower its cost and provide the general public more accurate information, represented a step in the direction of the egalitarian and just society that Arago longed for.31 Portrait of François Arago (painting by Charles Steuben, 1832): homage to the astronomer at the Library of the Paris Observatory, as part of a scientific event held at the Longitudes’ Office (Bureau des longitudes) in 2006.
conforming, point by point, with certain very few, simple indications, there is no one who will not be as successful as M. Daguerre himself. [...] This discovery was adopted by France from the very first, and she is proud to be able to bequeath it to the whole world. 28
Because of his enthusiastic argument in favour of the dissemination of the daguerreotype and his intense parliamentary
The scientist was the elder of four brothers, among them the draughtsman and writer Jacques Arago. After accompanying the circumnavigation journey commanded by Freycinet between 1817 and 1820 the writer popularised his experiences with Voyage autour du monde; souvenirs d’un aveugle (1839-1840) and Comment on dîne partout (1842). The former included explanatory notes from his scientist brother and saw successive reeditions. François Arago was also linked to the Longitudes’ Office (Bureau des Longitudes) of the French Ministry of Marine, where he was in charge of the methods and instruments to ensure the precision and effectiveness of the naval expeditions, before becoming Minister of War and Minister of Marine and Colonies in 1848.32 He was not only well aware of the economic and military weight of the art of sailing, but also had a good understanding of its symbolism and popular appeal.
activity in the process of acquiring the rights for the invention from the French state rather than a patent restricting its use, Arago will 75
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go down in history as a resourceful nationalist who transformed an idea, shared by Daguerre with other inventors of the era, into a genuine (and primarily French) creation. Studies that seek to combine the trajectory of the scientist and parliamentarian with the philosophical and political convictions of the public figure aiming for the education of the masses, the promotion of industrial progress and the defence of the representative and egalitarian State, also incorporated other issues to this perspective: Ultimately, Arago proposed to reward a man [Daguerre] for services rendered to the nation whom he presented as a disinterested scientist who sacrificed his time and money to a superior cause. The idea that the State should replace free enterprise to promote invention was part of the Republican programme and was inspired by the writings of Saint Simonians and other English Utilitarians.33
The influence of Saint-Simon’s ideas in France, very dear to scientists, inventors and manufacturers of the time, played an important role in the debates in relation to the daguerreotype: the exaltation of the industry’s utility, the defence of entrepreneurship and the condemnation of the patent system and privileges, shifted the direction of modern industrial society to the men of science and inventions that would create the “common good”. Nevertheless, the “Daguerre Law” was still an apparently contradictory solution in this intellectual horizon that combined Saint-Simonism, liberalism and republicanism, if the restrictions imposed by a patent were to be avoided. State intervention also seemed contrary to the banner of 76
The French Institute, in a detail of the map of Paris containing the main establishments in the city, 1840.
free enterprise, so widespread in England.34 Meanwhile, the French very ingeniously mixed interventionism at commercial and industrial levels with the political and cultural liberalism of republican values.35 After the “Daguerre Law” was adopted, another fundamental event for the dissemination of the idea of an art “without art”, “available to all”, occurred on the 19th August 1839. The secrets involved in the invention and practice of the daguerreotype were finally presented at a joint meeting of the Academies of Science and Fine Arts in the French Institute. A London newspaper, with the suggestive title Globe and Traveller, was the first to describe the event that finally revealed the secrets of the daguerreotype to the English on the 23rd August 1839.36 Although Daguerre was present at the meeting, it was Arago who gave the explanations about the materials and technical procedures of an invention surrounded by great curiosity. He was one of the few people familiar
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with the details of the process since he had been sought by Daguerre and, above all, was the great intellectual mentor of the solution found for its dissemination. The session, very theatrical, secured an origin, a place and a date of birth for photography, an idea constructed by the convergence of many factors throughout that year.37 The meeting at the French Institute (Institut de France), the public present at the Quai de Conti, and the immediate transcription of Arago’s words in the French and international press owe much to the strength of the convictions expressed by the deputy
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and academic. On the other hand, reducing the scope of his initiative to a remarkable political plot to fabricate the precedence of Frenchmen in photography would be to underplay the great impact that the news about the invention of a photographic process had on the expansion of the audience of scientific discourse.38 The unprecedented publicity given to the invention of the daguerreotype was important for the implicit recognition of the universal dimension granted to “Daguerre’s discovery” and the “gift to all humankind”, as a significant part of the press tirelessly repeated. The taste for the matters stimulating
The French Institute in the 19th century, facing the River Seine in Paris, drawn from the Pont des Arts.
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Daguerre’s manual on the history and description of daguerrotype and diorama procedures, printed in the first fortnight of September 1839.
thought marks the sociability of the era, together with the “spirit of conquest, prisoner of old frontiers, that throws itself upon the boundless field of knowledge”.39 From that day photography could, at least in theory, be practiced by all, in the infinite applications imaginable. Daguerre personally took care of two basic matters for this to occur: he granted a licence for the manufacture of the daguerreotype apparatus under his supervision, and prepared a handbook describing the procedure, printed under strict control and distributed shortly after the meeting held at the French Institute. As stated, at the time of revealing the secrets of the daguerreotype, on 19th August 1839, the whole structure for the marketing of the invention had already been assembled.40 78
Although this sort of planning was not unheard of, carrying it out under the pressure of so much publicity was undoubtedly a new fact in the history of 19th century inventions. For all these reasons, 19th August 1839 became much more than a conventional date for the history of photography, it also represented the creation of a realm of memory for the events celebrated on that day. The Gernsheims, with their thorough research of all the documentation linked to the daguerreotype in France, have long since offered evidence of this symbolic construction.41 Mechanical inventions were talked about everywhere. The Exhibition of French Industry Products, held between May and July 1839 in Paris, exhibited the best machines of the time to a considerable audience, emphasising the new uses of steam energy. With 3,281 exhibitors, 2,305 of which were awarded gold, silver and bronze medals and honourable mentions, the 16,500 square metre surface area of the Champs-Elysées was visited by all sorts of people, who never tired of returning on several occasions. This public included a whole spectrum of people from Louis-Philippe and the Royal Family to small and large entrepreneurs all over France: manufacturers, tradesmen, shipowners, engineers, naturalists, as well as foreign visitors and journalists. All were interested in knowing, exhibiting or acquiring agricultural and industrial machinery, optical and nautical instruments, printing materials and engraving techniques, not to mention “natural history objects”, “terrestrial and planetary globes” and so many more items through which “industry provides a service to science”.42 Although Daguerre was the most celebrated inventor of the time, the exhibition catalogue and report did not mention his name, while
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Drawing illustrating a new model of equipment for the daguerreotype according to “the instructions” of Daguerre, 1841. Buron, the optical engineer and manufacturer of optical and mathematical instruments in Paris, signs the explanatory brochure on the improvement aiming to make viable the use of the daguerreotype to obtain portraits, a novelty presented to the public with the seal of the now famous inventor.
Alphonse Giroux, a luxury goods merchant, was one of the exhibitors who received an honourable mention for the clock he exhibited.43 He was Daguerre’s brother-in-law and was then negotiating a partnership with the inventor to sell the daguerreotype camera in exclusivity.44 According to Le Breton on the 5th June 1839, Captain Lucas was also present at the exhibition, and the contacts usually made on such occasions seem to have helped him to complete the preparations for his own project, already underway.45 In June, Daguerre, Isidore Niépce and Giroux, established at Coq-Saint-Honoré
Street in Paris, signed a contract for the manufacture and sale of the daguerreotype apparatuses certified by the inventor.46 The Susse brothers, owners of an art foundry, were not mentioned in the contract, although they would participate in the negotiations for manufacturing of the equipment and printing of the instructions. These cameras incorporated the optical improvements introduced in the lenses and diaphragm under Daguerre’s guidance, and could be delivered shortly after the presentation of the secrets of the procedure at the Academy of Sciences. In July 1839, six apparatuses were commissioned by a 79
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The public image of the inventor: the lithographic portrait of Daguerre, creator of the diorama, made by Grevedon in 1837. The print illustrates the second edition, “revised and augmented”, of the daguerreotype manual published by Daguerre in September 1839.
Berlin dealer, and the models were already in his hands by 6th September.47 The appliances marketed by Giroux, and manufactured by the optician Molteni, showed Daguerre’s licence and signature in a visible place, but this did not prevent other renowned Parisian opticians and cabinetmakers from beginning to manufacture similar models with even better lenses later, although without the sophistication of Cuban mahogany, noble metals and, of course, the signature of the famous inventor.48 Giroux’s advertisement claiming the authenticity of the models he sold may also be construed as evidence that the manufacture and marketing of daguerreotype devices by other establishments could not be prevented. By now, the commander of the OH 80
was already working to purchase a camera to carry on board the expedition, as will be seen in the next chapter. The “instruction manual” to disseminate the practice of the daguerreotype and the construction of dioramas was launched the day after the meeting at the Academy of Sciences. The printed material, published by official order, was entitled Historique et description des procédés du daguerreotype et du diorama par Daguerre (“History and Description of the Daguerreotype and Diorama by Daguerre”) and contained a historical description of the two inventions, in addition to words by Minister Duchatel and scientists Gay-Lussac and Arago, with whom the issue of the life pension and State acquisition of the secrets of the daguerreotype had been negotiated. Naturally, the “Daguerre Law” was also transcribed in the publication. In graphic terms, it is a simple 79-page and 6-plate brochure printed by Giroux, but it contained all the necessary explanations and illustrations to manufacture the equipment and implement the process, as well as a historical account of heliography with notes added by Daguerre to Nicéphore Niépce’s text, demonstrating the improvements introduced in the invention. Like other 19th century publications, it was accompanied by a “brief and relevant” biographical statement about the author: “painter”, “inventor of the diorama”, “officer of the Légion d’Honneur”, “member of various Academies”, etc.49 By mid-September, a new print run of the publication, now released by the Susse Frères house, was available in the “leading booksellers, optical device manufacturers and paper and print dealers” in Paris.50 In just over a year, Daguerre’s manual reached an impressive eleven print-runs
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in French alone over several editions, not including unofficial ones.51 In less than six months approximately nine thousand copies of the work were sold, and in scarcely eighteen months it saw thirty-two editions, seven adaptations and eight translations.52 The translators, like the daguerreotype adherents, had diverse occupations. In Spain, for example, the edition printed in Barcelona, also in 1839, was translated by a “surgeon, full member and correspondent of the Montpellier medical circle, and correspondent member of the medical and surgical society of the said city”. Launched in so many languages, in such a short time period, and with such a large print run, the handbook’s success was also an expression of the invention’s success. Except for Isidore, who was unhappy with the remarks about his father’s role in Daguerre’s explanation.53 In 1841, upset with the terms and outcome of the partnership with the now famous inventor, he published a brochure entitled Historique de la découverte improprement nommée daguerréotype (“History of the Discovery Incorrectly Named Daguerreotype”, Paris: Astier, 1841), focussing on the word daguerreotype, which appeared as an usurpation of Nicephore Niépce’s invention, and, evidently, the glory that was his due. The print run by the Susse Frères house cost two francs, had an image of the Panthéon on the cover and a “notice from the editors”: the establishment also sold daguerreotype devices “manufactured according to Daguerre’s instructions”, whose optical part had been entrusted to the Chevalier workshop, “engineer-optician who guaranteed them, leaving no doubt about their perfect execution”.54 In turn, to convince customers, the manufacturers and printers
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also informed that the interested party could see some (daguerreotype) “trials” using the equipment.55 In October, the printers issued what would become a “second edition of the handbook”, now “revised and augmented by the author”. In fact, the publication was not technically different from the previous one, although the following print-run, effectively increased by 10 pages, presented a significant novelty: it was “decorated” with a portrait of the inventor (a lithograph by Pierre Grevedon, produced in 1837).56 In spite of all this technical artifacts, the detailed explanations and the promotion of the figure of Daguerre, the early days of the invention of an art “available to all” were still plagued with uncertainties. It was necessary to “see the thing”. It was necessary to admire it with one’s own eyes and, if possible, to obtain the initial training with its creator in person in order to be able to practise it. Daguerre, always reserved, did not speak at the famous session of 19th August, but some days later made the first public demonstration of the process at the headquarters of the Society for the Improvement of National Industry (in French, Sociétè d’encouragement
Daguerreotype camera marketed under the Daguerre warranty, 1839. The metallic seal on the equipment contained the item number, the inventor’s signature and the following words: “No apparatus is guaranteed unless it bears Mr. Daguerre’s signature and Mr. Giroux’s seal. Daguerreotype manufactured under the direction of its author in Paris. Alphonse Giroux & Co, 7 Cocq Saint Honoré Street. [signed] Daguerre”.
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The main steps of the photographic process in daguerreotypy. The image created in the Design Department of the Politecnico di Milano (University of Milan) indicates: I. Clipping the corners and bending the edges of the plate [copper with a silver-plated surface]. II. Polishing [with nitric acid] III. Sensitization [with iodine vapour]. IV. Exposure [to light, in a camera]. V. Development [with mercury vapour]. VI. Fixing [with sodium thiosulfate]. VII. Gilding [with gold chloride, to increase image contrast, brilliance and permanence]. VIII. Sealing, casing and other display options.
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pour l’industrie nationale). Founded in 1801, and still working today, the Society was created to promote and defend the commercial and industrial interests of France. The venue of the demonstration was not therefore a random choice. Considered “useful to the public” since 1824, the Society was led by an administrative board organised into thematic committees linked with different economic and technological activities. A pioneer of entrepreneurial culture, the Society awarded annual prizes, medals and honourable certificates to those who made a significant contribution to the “progress of France”, and served as a source of inspiration for other similar associations, such as the Society for Assistance to the National Industry (Sociedade Auxiliadora da Indústria Nacional) created in Rio de Janeiro in 1827. The birth of the Society for the Improvement of National
Industry was also linked to the setting up of the first exhibitions of the French industry begun in 1798 which counted with the participation of members of the Society in their conception and organisation, as well as allocation of awards. Daguerre’s presentation at the Society for the Improvement of National Industry, on the 28th August 1839, resulted in a description of the invention, with detailed drawings of the daguerreotype camera and other necessary equipment to process the image, and was published on the 4th of September edition of the society’s bulletin.57 Historian Derek Wood believes that Captain Lucas and Chaplain Louis Comte received the initial instructions for the daguerreotype before boarding the OH.58 For all those interested in the novelty, the ease previously advertised with such optimism now began to face the real difficulties of the process. According to the article published in L’Artiste on the 25th August 1839, some people in the press were hurt by the lack of practical instruction, as for example the writer Jules Janin.59 On the 1st December, Daguerre made a presentation of the process for the newspaper editors, and in agreement with Minister Duchâtel, immediately programmed a series of public demonstrations of the invention in order to circumvent the problem. The first took place on the 7th September 1839 at the Palais d’Orsay, a recently completed building to house the French State administration. Daguerre’s demonstration was before an audience of a hundred and twenty people, an English newspaper estimated.60 The other two were held shortly after, on the 11th and 14th September61 and, according to the press, among those present were “editors from all the newspapers in Paris”.62
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During those hectic days of September 1839, scientists, journalists, opticians, engravers, lithographers, merchants and seafarers were the first to experiment with the daguerreotype. However, learning and executing the process was not as “easy” and “natural” as anticipated by Daguerre, Arago and the other enthusiasts of the invention. The daguerreotypists of the past and all those who still practice this photographic process, as a hobby or for professional reasons, know how ingenious and unpredictable these operations are. Direct learning was therefore the desirable method for those who wished to practice the invention, a matter complex and, at the same time, strategic for the dissemination of the daguerreotype. At the beginning of 1838, while still attempting to find an advantageous and safe way to market the invention, Daguerre wrote to Isidore about the difficulties in its implementation: I am persuaded that many people will never be able to obtain a good result, considering the detailed care that must be taken in all the operations [...]; as for the people from the interior of the country unable to travel to Paris, it is impossible for them to learn, as even the most detailed description is insufficient. It is necessary to see the operation.63
The inventor personally taught some people how to use the daguerreotype, among them the naval officer and archaeologist Christian Tuxen Falbe. The Dane arrived in Paris in 1838 after a mission in Tunisia and stayed in the city until early 1840. In his correspondence with Prince Christian VIII of Denmark, Falbe narrated his visits to Daguerre’s studio and a series of
The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
contacts with the inventor, initiated also in late 1838, where he had the chance to become familiar with the daguerreotype even before the world heard about the invention. In July 1839, he ordered his own camera from Giroux, like so many others. Falbe was also present at the Academy of Sciences in the 19th August session, and at the course given by Daguerre at the Society for the Improvement of National Industry on the 28th August, and also at the public demonstration of the procedure in early September at the Quai d’Orsay. When, in the following month, he wrote a letter mentioning his enthusiasm for the novelty, he had already produced twenty-four daguerreotypes.64 On the 22nd September 1839 Le Figaro included an article dealing with the teaching of the subject, with the suggestive title “Les professeurs en daguerreotype” (“Professors of Daguerreotype”).65 Some learned fast and there is no reason to assume that it would have been different for those travelling on board the OH. Voyages represented one of the major promises for “Daguerre’s discovery”. They were also one of the main reasons for the continuous improvement of the procedure and its incorporation into naval expeditions. Confirming predictions made by Daguerre and all the other daguerreotype enthusiasts, the Paris newspapers reported that “the daguerreotype
Le Courrier Belge newspaper, 19th August 1839 edition.
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will soon travel around the world”.66 The French Navy prepared its officers to handle the instrument in expeditions to other continents. In Brussels, the news was communicated by Jean-Baptiste Marcellin Jobard, in Le Courrier Belge on the 15th September 1839: The daguerreotype will shortly travel all over the world; Admiral Duperré, Minister of the French Marine, has just ordered to embark a daguerreotype on the Melouine brig; the ship will depart again to the west coast of Africa in order to complete its nautical description. Mr. E. Bouët, captain of the ship, is currently following Mr. Daguerre’s experiments. It will be very interesting for this art to test the effects produced by the burning sun of the tropical countries on the metal plates; as for the duration of the operation, it should be greatly beneficial and enable the multiplication of picturesque sketches. 67
In mid-1839, amid the discussions about obtaining a patent for the daguerreotype, Jobard met with the inventor and, on this same occasion, with Captain Lucas. The matter was complex for any invention, but even more so in this case, considering the financial compensation to be settled before revealing the secrets of the procedure. Since the announcement of the “discovery” Daguerre had become a much sought-after figure for meetings, orders and business. His old studio, located close to the Place du Chateau d’Eau (current Place de la Republique), was partially damaged by the fire that had destroyed the diorama on the 8th March 1839, and these meetings began to be held at the inventor’s residence on the Boulevard Saint Martin.68 Jobard learned about the projected expedition 84
Portrait and homage to Jobard, in a publication on the patents of the invention, from 1897.
on one of the occasions when he visited Daguerre at the request of Isidore Niépce and Baron Du Potet de Sennevoy. The latter was a student of the so-called “animal magnetism” and other occult sciences, topics of common interest in the lives of these men.69 On the other hand, apart from lithographer, journalist and editor, Jobard was also deeply knowledgeable in the intellectual property issues on the agenda and was invited to the meeting for that reason.70 He was expected to convince the inventor of the opportunity and best way to obtain a patent in England that would ensure Daguerre and Isidore Nièpce protection from Talbot’s claims, together with an economic compensation for the use of the daguerreotype in the world’s largest economy,
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Jean-Baptiste Ambroise Marcellin Jobard (1792-1861) A multifaceted character, Jobard was born in France and became a Belgian citizen.71 In Brussels he worked as lithographer, founding his own establishment in the late 1820s, becoming the most important publisher of lithographic prints in the city (albums, leaflets, portraits, maps, manuals, etc.). In 1828 he received a gold medal for having perfected graphic processes awarded by the Society for the Improvement of National Industry in Paris. With the revolution promoted by the independence of Belgium in 1830 he went bankrupt and closed his lithography workshop, beginning shortly after the journalistic activity that led him to found Le Courrier Belge in 1837. From an early age he was a propagandist of the ideas of Saint-Simon, and through the press he tried to catalyse social transformations, defending the education of the masses and industrial progress.72 Proximity with Daguerre and Isidore Niépce, and his pioneer activity with the first images with the daguerreotype in Brussels (a view of the Place des Barricades, on the 16th September 1839 and, already in the following month, a portrait of a “sleeping” woman73) encouraged Jobard to create the Belgian Daguerreotype Society (Société belge du daguérreotype) with the idea of acquiring more devices and bringing closer to his establishment other daguerreotypists interested in offering this type of image to a clientele that already consumed lithographic prints.74 Jobard likewise participated in several national and international exhibitions, and in 1841 took over the direction of the Museum of Industry in the Belgian capital. Among his activities and proposals, he was involved with the regulation of intellectual property and wrote dozens of papers on the subject. He himself obtained close to seventy-five patents in fields as diverse as lighting, acoustics, food, heating and transport, among others. Jobard died in Brussels in 1861. His first name has sometimes been mentioned as Marcellin, and at other times as Jean-Baptiste, which he himself incorporated to his signature. This multifaceted inventor, man of images and “visionary with humanitarian ambitions”, who also embraced spiritism and ended his days deprived of reason, has only more recently become known, by the works of Marie-Christine Claes.75
which occurred a few months later.76 The arguments used by Daguerre and Jobard were reproduced by the latter in a long article in Le Courrier Belge on 25th September, and reflects the opposing rationales: “The French government”, Daguerre tells us, “would be sorry to see me obtain a patent abroad, because it wishes to make my discovery a gift to Europe. And furthermore, it would take a month to obtain an English patent, which would be refused knowing that the procedure will be published in twenty days. And besides, if I had wanted money from foreigners I would have accepted the splendid offers that were
made to me; but I am a Frenchman, and my country comes first”: so, these are the ideas we had to fight. [...] We made it clear that, 1) France was buying his discovery for the French, and if he could draw twenty million from abroad, France would applaud his happiness and have such a high regard of its financial potential as of his scientific abilities; 2) that France, always lavish in its generosity and politeness towards foreigners, had enough experience to know that nobody would take into account her gift; that England would not lower its wine tariff a penny; that Austria would be no less inquisitive with French travellers; and that Russia 85
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through Paris as commissioner sent by the Minister of Interior and Foreign Affairs of the Belgian government to study the Exhibition of Products of the French Industry (Exposition des produits de l’industrie française). These meetings, in addition to having served to convince Daguerre about the protection of the invention in England and to appoint an agent to take care of the matter, also enabled other partnerships both for Jobard and for Lucas:
Views and monuments of Paris in the early 19th century, printed in the album of souvenirs published as early as the mid-century. In this image: the tower of Saint-Jacques and all the movement in Rivoli Street. The print, combining the trace of the artist and the photomechanical image, is signed by the illustrator A. Rouargue. Soon after, the images of Paris collected in another album by the same engraver and editor would bear the title Collection de vues de Paris prises au daguerreotype (Collection of views of Paris taken with the daguerreotype).
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would not persecute less those teachers to whom she owes much money, since last year she expelled a teacher from Cazan who demanded one hundred thousand roubles of arrears payments in court; 3) that the patent law it strictly observed in England, and that no consideration whatsoever would distract the officials charged with the implementation of this law, the importance of which is stronger there than anywhere else in the world; 4), that his patent would be immediately issued to him in the space of a month, since his procedure was not known in England at the time of the request.77
The meetings in Daguerre’s new studio occurred in July 1839, but were only described by Jobard two months later in a series of articles in which he narrated his passage
Captain Lucas supported, but interrupted our plea [that Daguerre accept the idea of a patent], inquiring if he could not carry a daguerreotype on his journey around the world, and we left together, admiring the exceptional character of a man who struggles against fortune with as much perseverance and courage as others in pursuing it.78
Lucas and Jobard agreed that Le Courrier Belge would be the main vehicle for publicising the OH voyage in Belgium. After initiating the voyage, the letters from the novices and passengers would be regularly transcribed in this and other newspapers. Reports on the expedition, however, began to be published by Le Courrier Belge as early as July. The information about Captain Lucas in Daguerre’s studio, on the other hand, was inserted by Jobard at random in the articles published in September where the editor discussed the Paris exhibition, and primarily the dissemination of the daguerreotype that he himself was beginning to experiment with in the Belgian capital: When we saw them [the daguerreotypes] in Daguerre’s studio, at the same time as
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The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
The Saint Jacques tower in Paris, photographed by Joseph-Philibert Girault de Prangey, in the mid19th century. One of the first daguerreotypists to use the invention in “photographic journeys”, Girault de Prangey learned the process in 1841, and from then produced hundreds of images of the architecture, monuments and diverse landscapes in France, Italy, Greece, Palestine, Egypt, Syria and Turkey, among other regions.
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Captain Lucas, who had just registered to take one of these instruments on his voyage around the world, those images received the light obliquely and were on a desk facing the dark part of the apartment.79
These observations and memories reveal that Captain Lucas had registered in July to secure the order of two daguerreotype devices certified by Daguerre. Other applications to purchase these devices were being made on the same occasion, such as the six cameras already mentioned ordered by the dealer Louis Sachse, which he received in Germany on the 6th September 1839.80 Jobard experimented with his on the 16th September, stating in Le Courrier Belge that it had been dispatched in Paris by Isidore Niépce four days before.81 As regards the history of the OH, in addition to the contacts and affinities between Daguerre, Jobard and Lucas, all this information is important because it indicates the possibility that the OH could have carried on board more than one apparatus.82 On the other hand, it is also quite plausible that the inventor’s initiatives regarding the concession, dissemination, learning, marketing and promotion of the daguerreotype could have been followed since then by Lucas while the captain tried to solve the other issues regarding the feasibility and success of his enterprise. Adding on to the early news about the voyage of the OH to the readers of Le Courrier Belge, Jobard reported on the acquisition of the equipment and, at the same time, already anticipated the glories that Captain Lucas would draw to himself with the inclusion of photography in the expedition: 88
Now that Captain Lucas has incorporated a daguerreotype to his circumnavigation journey, it can be said that they will be the first travellers to report incontrovertible and non-romanticised visions of the monuments of India and from the country of the Arabian Nights. 83
The OH was now ready to weigh anchor in Paimboeuf and would carry the coveted device, drawing to its men a type of priority and consecration much desired by contemporaries. The day after the disclosure of the secrets of the daguerreotype in Paris, Jobard summed up in his newspaper the way how Daguerre had managed to fixate the images produced with the camera obscura, following the example of what other journalists did in the French capital and later in other parts of the world84: This process consists of spreading a layer of iodine on a copper plate evenly with vapour. This first operation produces an image that nevertheless only appears by means of a second operation that consists of exposing the plate to the action of mercury vapour; in this way it is possible to obtain lights, shadows and halftones.85
Each of the Jobard articles on the Exhibition of French Industry Products transcribed in his report for the pages of Le Courrier Belge in September analysed a machine, a process and an invention. Industrial exhibitions and the creation of a museum dedicated to industry in the country, thus occupied a good deal of his attention when he made his first images with the daguerreotype in Brussels. His contacts with Daguerre had borne fruits that now began to multiply.
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On 6th September 1839 Jobard commented on the inventor’s decision to send two “photographic drawings” to Leopold I, in Belgium. As suggested by Jobard, the daguerreotypes would be auctioned in favour of the Salon des Beaux-Arts in Brussels, as the King of France did for the Louvre Museum.86 The presentation in the Belgian capital was a success and the visitors crowded to admire the novelty. A week later, L’Ami de l’Ordre indicated that the “daguerreotypes are already in the shops and form a small charming apparatus that may be purchased for 250 francs”.87 Jobard’s article on this matter, entitled “Tableaux de Daguerre” (“Pictures by Daguerre”), mentioned the commissioning of a daguerreotype apparatus by Captain Lucas, and also transcribed the inventor’s message with explanations on the best way to observe the images obtained with the equipment: I am delighted to learn that the king’s secretary sent two proofs of my process to the Brussels exhibition. It will probably be noted that they must be placed in a certain way in order to see them conveniently. In fact, the strength of these drawings is in the plate polish, and it is necessary that this polish reflect black objects in order to produce all its effect. Daguerre.88
Considering Jobard’s accounts and Daguerre’s direct accompaniment of the circulation and receptivity of the invention, it is quite probable that, after learning about Commander Lucas’ plans for the expedition, he became very interested in the incorporation of the daguerreotype to the enterprise. Otherwise the captain would not be frequenting his studio. At the end of 1838, when he released
The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
Meeting between Jobard and Captain Lucas in Daguerre’s workshop in July 1839. Notice published in Le Courrier Belge on the 13th September 1839.
the brochure announcing the invention, Daguerre had emphasised: “the impression of nature will be reproduced much more rapidly in countries where the light is more intense than in Paris, such as Spain, Italy, Africa, etc. etc.”.89 In January 1839, Le Moniteur Universel also published an article entitled “Découverte de M. Daguerre” (“Mr. Daguerre’s Discovery”), which speculated on the practical results of the invention in other latitudes. The reporter considered it probable that the African sun would provide instantaneous images of “nature in action and live”, aware that until then Daguerre had only made his experiments in Paris, and that even in very favourable conditions had only obtained good results with a still life.90 After August 1839, when the equipment, manipulations and chemical preparations necessary for the daguerreotype became available to all, the expectations surrounding the invention and its infinite applications had become even greater. The year was not yet over, and newspapers, societies and editors were already discussing the immense future reserved for 89
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photography, imagining new ventures with the invention. The newsletter of the Society for the Improvement of National Industry then announced an award for those who perfected the procedure. With the collaboration of an optician, Baron Séguier presented a proposal along these lines and offered a new model of equipment, lighter and more compact, for the practice of the daguerreotype in voyages and excursions.91 The debates on “Daguerre’s discovery” and its “improvements” in the ambit of the Society indicate that the dissemination of the process was of great importance for national interests and international transactions of dynamic sectors of the French economy. The French optician Noel-Marie Paymal Lerebours then conceived a collection of engravings from various parts of the globe (France, Italy, Germany, Switzerland, England, Russia, Sweden, Egypt, and so on). The images obtained with the daguerreotype would be printed and later grouped and marketed in portfolios. The undertaking involved the training and commissioning of daguerreotypists, manufacture and preparation of equipment and other photographic material, as well as a careful return to France of the plates obtained in the “photographic mission”. Part of the one thousand two hundred engraving plates gathered by Lerebours were daguerreotypes, and integrated the albums collected with the title Excursions daguerriénnes; vues et monuments plus remarquables du globe (Paris, 1840-1843).92 On 19th October 1839, the painter Horace Vernet embarked in Marseille in the company of his nephew Frédéric Goupil-Fesquet for an expedition to the East to carry out the project there. Hired by Lerebours, they carried a daguerreotype camera in their 90
luggage together with Daguerre’s instructions to use it in their travels. After crossing Syria to reach Egypt, they used the camera in Alexandria, where Fesquet demonstrated the novelty to a sultan on 7th November 1839, obtaining in two minutes one of the first daguerreotype images outside Europe.93 From there they continued to Cairo and met a Swiss-born Canadian citizen, Joly de Lotbinière, travelling with another device and an identical project before him: to photograph the archaeological treasures, and more specifically the pyramids of Egypt. Staying in the same hotel, the daguerreotypists discussed the difficulties and knowledge to develop plates and manipulate the process, obtaining photographic images of one of the most well-known and admired monuments in the world at a time of great appeal for everything related to the East.94 Also an eventual daguerreotypist, Lerebours remarked the following about the presentation of his album: What services would the daguerreotype not be able to render, even if it did nothing other than spread the knowledge of the monuments and unique or almost unknown objects of art enclosed in the offices of collectors and scholars?95
The symbolic rewards for the inventor and the social acknowledgement of the usefulness of his inventions would be of various sorts. The creation and dictionarisation of the words daguerreotype, daguerreotypy and daguerreotypist, in several languages, not only served to establish the meaning attributed to the words derived from Daguerre’s name, but also added popularity and recognition to the figure of the inventor vis a vis a much wider audience than that dedicated to photographic
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practice. Even so, the word daguerreotype continued to be misspelled for quite some time.96 The incorporation of the word into other languages seemed almost as complex as the assimilation of the procedures demanded by the invention. In the United States, where this process became even more popular than in France itself, this assimilation took place very fast.97 On the 7th December 1839, the New York Observer offered detailed explanations on the formation and correct pronunciation of daguerreotype, legitimising the hard to pronounce choice with the information that “the name of the process was given by the sages of Paris”.98 On the same occasion Edgar Allan Poe wrote the article “The daguerreotype” and commented: This word is properly spelt ‘daguerréotype’, and pronounced as if written ‘dagairraioteep’. The inventor’s name is Daguerre, but the French usage requires an accent on the second e, in the formation of the compound term.99
This word that created difficulties for those who had tried to pronounce it for the first time, also inspired censorship by the English, and scathing criticism from the French themselves, for the exaggerated glorification of Daguerre that left the role of Niépce and his experiments in the background.100 Scientists and journalists did not hide their limitations in relation to what seemed the usurpation of the work of an inventor behind that choice, and there were even some on the other side of the English Channel who said that “England would never grant that name to the art”.101 The tremendous success of an “art without art”, made “available to all” and therefore, to anyone who wanted to practice
The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
it in the “reproduction” of the visible world without the need of pencils, brushes or imagination, gave rise to many controversies. Le Chiavari, on 10th September 1839, stated it was now dedicated to the “two new political parties” of the time: the “daguerreophiles” and the “daguerreophobes”.102 The invention and dissemination of the daguerreotype was analysed by Paul-Louis Roubert, when investigating the public birth of the idea of photography in 1839 and its assimilation by art critics in the debates conducted in the press of the period: Excluded from the territory of art by the genealogy of mechanics, and not confronted with the imitation theory because it was considered without a future, the daguerreotype was the object of an almost complete silence from art critics. This absence is all the more blatant in that nobody in 1839 claimed this status, which in addition would have provoked strong disapproval. In this way, by default, the daguerrian image runs the risk of being nothing more than a curiosity. For a real debate to emerge around it, it was necessary for a modification, caused by it, to arise in the balance regulating the relationships between the artist, the critic and the public.103
The words and ideas that defined the apparatus, the process, the object and the image inspired by Daguerre’s name, did not take long to cross the South Atlantic, first on the pages of newspapers and soon after in the demonstrations of the daguerreotype conducted by the OH travellers.
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Chapter 2 1. “Judgement rendered by the Brest Maritime Court, that sentenced capital punishment for the men named Marsaud, second captain, and Raymond, sailor, aboard the merchant ship Alexandre, both convicted for the murder of the captain [Bouet, called Dubois], the lieutenant, the boatswain and four sailors, in order to seize the ship. The unheard-of suffering imposed on those unfortunate men before precipitating them to the sea; the conduct of the defendants after exercising their terrible cruelty; their appearance before the Tribunal and the defences they have put forward before their judges; commutation of the sentence in favour of Raymond, dismissal of the appeal by Marsaud, principal defendant” [translation from the original in French]. Paris: Imprimerie Chassaignon, s. d. In: Bibliographie de l’histoire de la justice française (1789-2004). Available at http://www.criminocorpus.cnrs.fr/. 2. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1955, p. 114. 3. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, p. 3. 4. Michel Frizot. “Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre”. In: Frizot et al., 1989, p. 32. 5. Arsène Houssaye, “Diorama; la vallée de Goldau”, Journal des Artistes, 27 september 1835, pp. 202-204; Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, p. 73; Roubert, 2006, p. 167. 6. Henri Gaucheraud. “Beaux-Arts; Nouvelle découverte”. Gazette de France, 6 janvier 1839. Apud Roubert, 2006, p. 167. 7. Roubert, 2006, 167-169. The articles are of a diverse nature and include vulgarisation materials, scientific texts, official speeches, advertisements and various debates, written by identified or anonymous authors. 8. Tissandier, 1882, p. 59. 9. Beaumont Newhall. “Bibliography of Daguerre’s instruction manual”. In: Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 196-197.
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10. Philipon, 1840. 11. Letter from A. Humboldt, 7th February 1839. Apud Reynaud, 1989, p. 31. 12. Foucault, 1987; Liliane Hilaire-Pérez. “Pratiques inventives, cheminements innovants, crédits et légitimations”. In: Hilaire-Pérez and Garçon, 2003, pp. 9-38. 13. Brunet, 2000, p. 53. 14. Brunet, 2000, pp. 74-79. 15. Hunt, 1841. On the confrontation between the daguerreotype and the talbotype, see Rouillé, 1982, p. 45. 16. See, at the end of this book, Chronology of the Invention of the Daguerreotype, 1816-1842. 17. Potonniée, 1925, pp.102-106. Frizot et al., 1989, p. 15. 18. Chevalier, 1862, p. 19-56. The author, son of Charles Chevalier, states that his father felt offended by the word “indiscretion”, used by Arago in the Chamber of Deputies to explain the way Daguerre had approached Niépce. 19. The descriptions and images of the main stages of the experiments conducted by Niépce and Daguerre are available at http://www.niepce.com/pages/inv1.html. 20. Mccauley, 1997, pp. 8-9. 21. Louis J. M. Daguerre. “Daguerréotype”. Paris, 1838. George Eastman Museum. Reproduced by Reynaud, 1989, p. 22 e Roubert, 2006, p. 21. 22. Idem. 23. Brunet, 2000. The author’s analysis is based on rigorous historical research on the discursive creation of this idea, starting with the history of the daguerreotype in France and its introduction to the United States. Daguerre’s biography by Gernsheim and Gernsheim (1968) accounts for much of the information about the inventor. 24. Brunet, 2000, p. 21. Daguerre did not leave for posterity an archive with the letters he received from Niépce, nor personal notes on the experiments he performed. Cf. Frizot, Michel. Louis-
Jacques-Mandé Daguerre. In: Frizot et al., 1989, p. 28. 25. François Brunet reproduced extracts of letters and documents belonging to the correspondence between Niépce, Daguerre and other contemporaries that formed part of the collection organised by Kravetz, T. P. (ed.). Dokumenty po istorii izobretenija fotografii. Leningrad: Akademia Nauk sssr (ussr Academy of Sciences), 1949. 26. The French legislation for the protection of intellectual property of the “authors of useful discoveries” had been instituted by the revolutionary government in 1791. Cf. Dalloz, 1847, p. 528. Gernsheim and Gernsheim (1968, p. 98) stated that the “Daguerre Law” was “unprecedented”, which is best explained in Mccauley, 1997, p. 19 and following. 27. Roubert, 2001, p. 132. 28. François Arago. “Rapport à la Chambre des députés”. 3 juillet 1839. Apud ROUILLÉ, 1989, pp. 40 and 42. The annals of the French Academy of Science and the bulletin of the Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale quote the words of this celebrated speech in their account of the session of the 19th August 1839. 29. Faucher, 1986. The author defines François Arago as one of the “celebrities of French Freemasonry”. 30. Charles Robin. “Les cours publics dans un fauteuil: M. François Arago”. Musée des Familles. Paris, 1847-1848, v. 5, pp. 217-222. 31. Mccauley, 1997, p. 35. 32. Frachon and Lefebvre, 2006, pp. 7-21. 33. Mccauley, 1997, p. 21. 34. The text accompanying Théodore Maurisset’s cartoon of the “daguerreotypemania” (see the image in Conclusion) ironised, for example, in relation to the fact that the instrument’s invention “was declared necessary for everybody, and it was [also] decided that it would be paid for by all”. Apud Bajac and Planchon-DeFont-Réaulx, 2003, p. 162.
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35. Brunet, 2000, p. 82-84. 36. [Anonymous], “The daguerreotype”, Globe and Traveller, 23 August 1839. Available at http://www.daguerreotypearchive.org/ 37. Brunet, 2000, p. 38. 38. Idem, pp. 52 and 57-60. 39. Jardin and Tudesq, 1973, v. 6, p. 88. 40. Newhall, 1976, p. 21. 41. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1955. 42. France. Exposition des produits de l’industrie française [...], 1839, esp. v. 2, p. 268-276 and v.3, pp. 102-170 and 433-482. 43. Ramires, 2014, p. 42. Unfortunately, no copies of the newspaper were found in the institutions consulted. 44. France. Catalogue officiel des produits de l’industrie française [...], 1839 and France. Exposition des produits [...] rapport du jury central, 1839. 45. The exhibition of an apparatus for public knowledge before disclosing the secrets of the daguerreotype is not stated in the exhibition reports consulted nor referred to by historiography, although it is mentioned at http://www.arthurchandler. com/expositions-of-the-july-monarchy. 46. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp.189191. The authors reproduce the terms of this contract and others signed by Daguerre. 47. Potonniée, 1925, p. 195; Jean-Louis Bigourdan. “1839: les ‘vues de Paris’ et l’introduction du daguerréotype en Europe”. In: Reynaud, 1989, p. 33. 48. Chevalier, 1862, p. 54; Bajac and Planchon-De-Font-Reaulx, 2003, esp. p. 162. 49. Daguerre, 1839; Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp.106-107. 50. Beaumont Newhall. “Bibliography of Daguerre’s instruction manual”. In: Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 198-205. The North American author relates and comments on the editions of Daguerre’s manual and thanks Pierre G. Harmant, archivist of the French Photography Society (Société Française de Photographie), for
The Daguerreotype and the Invention of ‘An Art Available to All’
establishing the date of the first printing of the work. 51. There are adaptations of the manual made by other authors and evidence of print-runs made by the Giroux house not registered by the Bibliographie de France. Cf. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 204205; Bajac and Planchon-De-Font-Réaulx, 2003, p. 146. 52. Beaumont Newhall. “Bibliography of Daguerre’s instruction manual”. In: Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 198-205. 53. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 107-108. 54. Daguerre, 1839. This edition was consulted at the Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, in 2001. 55. Idem. 56. Beaumont Newhall. “Bibliography of Daguerre’s instruction manual”. In: Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, p. 199; Schwilden, [2007], p. 1. 57. [Anonyme], “Description du procédé de M. Daguerre, et de la manière d’en faire usage”. Bulletin de la Sociètè d’Encouragement, vol. 38, 4 September 1839, p. 341-349. Wood (1996) and other historians attribute the date of the 4th September 1839 to Daguerre’s first demonstration at the Sein headquarters, but the said bulletin clearly indicates (p. 378) that “Daguerre took the floor” to demonstrate his own process in the session of the 28th August 1839. 58. Wood, 1996, p. 114. It was not possible to discover, in this research, if they were both present at that meeting. 59. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, p. 102; Roubert, 2006, p. 49. 60. The London Journal of Arts and Science, vol. XV, 1840, p. 120-123 (available at https://babel.hathitrust.org, quoted by Gernsheim and Gernsheim 1968, p. 104. The Palais d’Orsay, completely burned down by the Paris Commune in 1871, would later give way to the old train
station, where the Musée d’Orsay is currently located. 61. Roubert, 2006, p. 49. 62. [Jean-Baptiste Jobard], “Expérience du daguerreotype”, Le Courrier Belge, 9 september 1839, p. 3. 63. L. J. M. Daguerre. Letter dated 28th April 1838. In: Kravetz, T. (ed.). Dokumenty po istorii izobretenija fotografii. Leningrad: Akademija Nauk SSSR, 1949, p. 460. Apud Brunet, 2000, p. 49. 64. Ida Haugsted. “Un Danois fait ses premiers daguerréotypes à Paris”. In: Reynaud, 1989, pp. 37-41. 65. Apud Roubert, 2006, p. 169. 66. [Anonyme], “Le daguerréotype va courrir le monde”, Le National, 13 septembre 1839; [Anonyme], “Le daguerréotype va courrir le monde avant peu”, Le Moniteur Universel, 13 septembre 1839. 67. OH-Doc 15.09.1839. Wood (1995, revised edition) remarked briefly on the relationship between Jobard and Lucas. In 2007, Marie-Christine Claes gave me a copy of her PhD thesis (Claes, 2006) together with some articles from Le Courrier Belge. The others were consulted at the Royal Library of Belgium (Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique) in 2008. I thank the investigator for this fundamental collaboration. 68. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 90-91 and 94. The researcher Jacques Darcy-Roquencourt identified the places and reproduced the images obtained by Daguerre in the region. Cf. http://www. niepce-daguerre.com/boulevard_du_Temple_de_dag.html. 69. A new edition of the book on the subject was in preparation according to a reference found at the BnF: Du Potet De Sennevoy, Jules. Cours de magnétisme en sept leçons ; 2e édition, augmentée du Rapport sur les expériences magnétiques faites par la Commission de l’Académie royale de médecine en 1831. Paris: Roret, 1840. 70. As, for example, the work by Jobard,
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Jean-Baptiste. “De la propriété de la pensée et de la contrefaçon considérée comme droit d’aubaine et de détraction”, extrait du Recueil de la Société Polytechnique, Versailles: Marlin, 1837 (In-8°, p. 63). 71. Siret, 1888-1889, p. 493. 72. Claes, 2008, p. 22; Claes, 2011, p. 74. 73. [Jean-Baptiste Jobard], “Héliographie”, Le Courrier Belge, 19 octobre 1839, p. 3. 74. [Jean-Baptiste Jobard], “Société belge du daguerréotype”, Le Courrier Belge, 12 september 1839, p. 2. 75. Claes, 1996; 1998 and 2011; Joseph et al, 1997. Information also available at https:// fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marcellin_Jobard. 76. Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 143-144. 77. OH - 25.09.1839. 78. OH-Doc 25.09.1839. 79. OH - Doc 13.09.1839. 80. Jean-Louis Bigourdan. “1839: les ‘vues de Paris’ et l’introduction du daguerréotype en Europe”. In: Reynaud, 1989, p. 33. 81. [Jean-Baptiste Jobard], “Société du Daguerreotype à Bruxelles”, Le Courrier Belge, 12 september, 1839, p. 2. 82. The issue will be commented further on, in Chapter 5. 83. OH-Doc 15.09.1839. 84. Roubert, 2006, p. 168. The author indicates the articles published on the 20th August 1839 in the Gazette de France, Journal des Debáts, L’Echo Français, La Presse, Le Commerce, Le Constitucionnel, Le Courrier Français and Le Temps newspapers. 85. [Jean-Baptiste Jobard], “Paris, 19 août”, Le Courrier Belge, 20 août 1839, p. 2. 86. [Jean-Baptiste Jobard], “Nouvelles diverses”, Le Courrier Belge, 6 September 1839. The two daguerreotypes were only loaned for the exhibition. 87. L’Ami de l’Ordre, 14 September 1839 and 21 September 1839. Apud Claes and Joseph, 1996, p. 2. 88. OH - Doc 13.09.1839. 89. Reynaud, 1989, p. 22 and Roubert, 2006, p. 21.
94
90. [Anonyme], “Découverte de M. Daguerre”, Le Moniteur Universel, 14 janvier 1839. 91. Bulletin de la Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale. Paris: Imprimerie de Mme. Huzard, 1839, v. 38, pp. 477-483. 92. Lerebours, 1842-1843. 93. Goupil-Fesquet, 1843, p. 33; Le Guern, 2001, pp. 61-64. Claire Bustarret, “Le voyage d’Égypte”, In: Frizot (dir.), 1995, p. 76; Hannavy, 2008, p. 476; pp. 546 and 1034. 94. Marbot, 1992, pp. 13-21; Le Guern, 2001, pp. 61-64. The daguerreotypes of the expedition would not survive and part of the images are known through the said engravings. 95. Lerebours, 1842, “Avis de l’éditeur”, s/p. 96. Newhall, 1976, p. 33. 97. The early days of the daguerreotype in the United States have already been extensively investigated by American historiography (Taft, 1964, reedition of the 1938 publication; Newhall, 1976, among others). See also Brunet, 2000. 98. Newhall, 1976, p. 33 99. Edgar Allan Poe, “The Daguerreotype”, Alexander’s Weekly Messenger, Philadelfia (USA), 15th January 1840. Apud Trachenberg, 1980, p. 37. See also Newhall, 1976, p. 138. The author clarifies to the reader that instead of the original and complex form of the word he has preferred to use the friendly abbreviation “dag’type”. 100. The Pierre Larousse encyclopedia, first published in 1866, kept the question alive, considering the election of the name by Daguerre very ingenious. Cf. Grand dictionnaire universel du xixe siècle [...], 1866-1876, v. 6, p. 13. 101. Lowry and Lowry, 1998, p. 213. 102. Reynaud, 1989, p. 121. 103. Roubert, 2006, p. 78. The subject, considered in numerous texts and debates since the 19th century, is indicated in the Bibliography.
The sunrise in Brittany coast, by Ferdinand Perrot. Painter and lithographer, Perrot was born in Paimboeuf and was the student of Théodore Gudin, painter of the French Marine who received dozens of commissions for the Versailles Museum, created by LouisPhilippe to celebrate “the glories of France”. The maritime culture acquired since he was in the cradle and the visuality of those references at a time dominated by the fascination of naval voyages and scenes are impregnated in Perrot’s work. His paintings do not only represent France, but also other places he visited on his travels (England, Italy, Russia) and others he created only with his imagination, such as the scene of the Duguay-Trouin fleet entering the port of Rio de Janeiro”, in 1711.
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The expedition of the OH began to be prepared in June 1838, when Captain Lucas relinquished the command of the merchant ship Jeune Lise, and settled in Paris at the Hotel Pérou, “newly decorated and furnished” according to the Almanach Bottin.1 The following year he himself announced “information on ships” in the “private insurers” section of the “commercial and professionals” advertising vehicle in the French capital.2 The dream was old and the choice uncertain. After all, as he would later remark, the Jeune Lise was “the most agreeable command in Rochefort, [had] the best shipowners and the most advantageous emoluments of the place, and even of all the other ports in France”.3 For more than a year he would command a series of arrangements on the ground for the realisation of a maritime adventure that, above all, should not resemble a typical adventure, unpredictable and risky. The captain imagined it as a “floating school”, establishing a symbolic relation with
the celebrated “instruction voyages” of the previous century, and the circulation of knowledge and techniques well beyond the borders of the European continent. The term “floating school” was new and his views advanced for the period, a fact that the captain made a point of highlighting, aiming at the lack of qualified personnel in the French merchant navy. With the use of this term he also sought to emphasise the pedagogical mission of a project aimed at training young people from all over France, especially those who lived in the interior of the country and only knew the “walls of their schools”. The experience of a voyage around the world, offering these young people the hands-on and hands-off knowledge essential to ocean navigation and other undertakings, would introduce them to the markets that opened to French trade. When Lucas initiated the arrangements to make the project feasible, the departure of the expedition had been scheduled 97
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for early 1839. In April of that year Le Moniteur Universel even announced it for the following month4, but various postponements were necessary and the departure date was consequently changed. The voyage itself would last much longer than its preparation: travelling around the world with the means available at the time would take about two and a half years. The singularity of the initiative, therefore, did not reside in the route followed or duration of the journey, but in the mission carried out by those who embarked on this idea. A strategic mission, according to the testimony of Captain Lucas when summing up the inspiration for his project in the brochure Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe (batiment-école) (“Expedition of the Hydrographe (school-ship)”): Struck by the inadequacy of the means used to date to increase our maritime relations and give our navy the preponderance it must inevitably acquire one day over all the maritime powers, convinced of the need to put an end to the deep ignorance of the rich capitalists and manufacturers residing inland about everything regarding the navy and commercial statistics in the most remote countries, we have conceived the idea of this floating school in which everything learnt in our best university institutions will be taught on a trip around the world.5
The starting point of the initiative was thus a broad diagnosis of the weakness of French foreign trade in the face of immense possibilities not yet fully utilised. From this point on the conception of the project was muddled with the patriotic defence of national interests. The confidence 98
and optimism stamped on the Sunday pages of Le Moniteur Industriel on 10th March 1839, and transcribed by Captain Lucas in the OH propaganda brochure, mirrored the fruitful combination of national interests with the benefits each could derive from the experience: To disseminate within France the knowledge of the navy and the taste for maritime expeditions in order to attract men and capital; to destroy the annoying middlemen that separate the French manufacturer from the foreign consumer; to study, in the smallest details, the commercial relations France can establish in every part of the globe the expedition will visit; to increase our navy and maritime relations in considerable progression every year; to form well-trained sailors, honest and skilful merchants; to ensure commercial advantage and undoubted security; to provide a new career for youths in the cities, giving them the opportunity to make the most of their time, that precious capital, at a hazardous age; such is the eminently national goal that Mr Lucas set on himself.6
Beneficial for the “aggrandisement” of France, the results promised to be especially advantageous for young Frenchmen and their families. The financial compensations of the undertaking would, in any case, be limited to some. The initiative was private in nature and carried the added weight of the bankers acting in the Paris Stock Exchange as brokers for sea travel, construction works and diverse colonial ventures. As soon as the project was launched, more detailed information on the expedition could be obtained through the maritime brokers
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Two-mast brig used in the French merchant fleet navigating with favourable wind. Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
in several cities and the banker Jean-Jacques Grosrenaud in the French capital.7 On the other hand, it was desirable and necessary that the expedition count with the support of the French government to enable its “extraordinary mission”. Obtaining this support, complex in any circumstance, proved to be even more complicated in the July Monarchy, given the political instability and constant changing of ministers under Louis-Philippe’s reign.8 As everything seemed to indicate, the expedition had to deal with a series of government measures. Commissions and projects that incorporated new practices and knowledge to the French Navy were being encouraged, anticipating changes that, as of the 1850s, would be consolidated with the
Artillery piece. The Le Magasin Pittoresque newspaper (Paris, 1840) explains to readers that the image of the short barrel cannon “is a bit old, but serves to give an idea”.
development of steamships.9 The most important official support would be the allocation of a ship, together with conventional armament and its complements; this support however could also be translated into recommendation letters from ministers to the navy commanders, aid provided by the French representations abroad and the exemption from maritime taxes, among other specific measures. Consequently, the floating school had to rely on the direct intervention of the French Minister of the Marine and Colonies, the most important instance to trigger the necessary additional support for the trip. At the beginning of July 1838, Lucas forwarded the plan of the expedition to Minister Rosamel, and two weeks later received the following reply: 99
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The Paris Stock Exchange and Neuve St.-Eustache Street (Captain Lucas’s address), on a map showing the streets and establishments of the city, 1840.
I read this report with great interest; it provided me with proof that, solely concerned with the growth needed in our business relations, you are keen to develop the taste for navigation among young people who possess capital which would be important to dedicate to the navy but almost always receives another destination. The objective that you propose is truly worthy of praise; it bears witness to the elevated vision behind it, and deserves full approval.10 100
The minister’s reply specifically promised to send letters of recommendation to the commanders of naval divisions and French consuls of the ports included in the route of the expedition. Thus, the support of the Minister of Foreign Affairs was important througout the voyage. Count Mathieu Molé was added to as the President of the Council of Ministers (between September 1836 and March 1839). He wrote to Rosamel stating the reason why he recommended Captain Lucas at “all levels” as “the most honourable and distinguished
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blood of the commercial navy”.11 This decisive recommendation was soon divulged by Lucas, adding that Count Molé “expressed himself in the same terms as to the purpose and usefulness of the undertaking, promising to support him in all matters under the responsibility of his ministry”.12 Material support, however, was hard to come by... Meanwhile, Lucas polished his reputation with other important recommendations, since the project negotiations prompted requests for information about him to the French authorities and institutions. Created in 1795, the Maritime Registries had implemented a registration, inspection and verification system of the service of merchant seamen, fishermen and stockpile workers. In addition to guaranteeing some sort of social security (hospitals and pensions) introduced at the turn of the 17th century by Minister Colbert, this structure also represented a manner of State control over the activities of seamen who were not part of the War Navy.13 In a very straightforward response, the personnel director of the Maritime Registry and Navigation Police indicated the address of Captain Lucas (17, Neuve St.-Eustache Street) and banker Grosrenaud (17, Vendôme Street), close to the Paris Stock Exchange, to the interested parties.14 In a detailed reply, the commissioner of the Bordeaux Maritime Registry (Inscription Maritime de Bordeaux), where the captain’s naval career was registered, sent Minister Rosamel highly complimentary information about the “officer of great distinction and philanthropist who would honour the Royal Corps (Corps Royal)”.15 It was not long before other authorities also had their say on the initiative, narrowing the network of commitments linking individual projects, commercial or scientific
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interests and institutional support on behalf of France. Lucas requested the Minister of Public Instruction that the professor hired by the floating school be authorised, at the end of the journey, to grant official certificates to the students so that they could take the higher exams. Count de Salvandy, who held the post between April 1837 and March 1839, while acknowledging the usefulness of the enterprise, recommended hiring two other professors (sciences and philosophy) to submit the request to the Council of Ministers.16 Salvandy was also president of the Paris Geographical Society (Société de géographie de Paris), the first society of personalities in the political, scientific and military world dedicated to geography and cartography, inspiring many others that emerged during the 19th century in several parts of the world. Created in 1821, and proclaimed of public utility in 1827, it was also the first scientific entity requested to support the OH expedition: Messrs. Lucas and Vendel Heyl write to the Society requesting instructions related to a voyage around the world they intend to undertake for the instruction of young men destined to the merchant navy and commerce.17
The acceptance of the expedition by the Ministers of the Marine, Foreign Affairs and Public Instruction was reiterated on the 16th March 1839 by the Minister of Public Works, Agriculture and Commerce. Martin du Nord, whose portfolio was responsible for setting up the Exhibition of National Industry Products, ready to be inaugurated in the heart of Paris, seemed to be in a hurry.23 He sent a communication to the 101
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Louis-Antoine Vendel-Heyl (1791-1854) The first professor associated to the OH was born in Paris in 1791, the son of French parents descended from a German Catholic family that had migrated for religious reasons.18 Vendel–Heyl entered the Royal Charlemagne College (Collège royal Charlemagne) in 1818 as teaching assistant. That same year he became Professor of Rhetoric at the Orléans Royal College (Collège royal d’Orléans), and two years later entered the Saint-Louis Royal College (Collège royal St-Louis), where he taught literature, philosophy and rhetoric for almost twenty years.19 These ancient colleges had cultivated the teaching tradition of Jesuits and Benedictines for centuries, but after the Revolution were transformed into secular institutions under state control, and prepared their students for the higher schools. Vendel-Heyl’s passage through the University of Paris, mentioned by the OH advertising, seems to have taken place as interim assistant, but we have not been able to confirm this. In 1834, Vendel-Heyl, Charles Fourrier and other liberals and socialists gave lectures to the workers of Paris at the Universal Society of Civilisation (Société universelle de civilisation), also published in the Journal des cours et conférences… à l’École philosophique de la Société de civilisation, (1833-1835).20 The professor, who was about to embark on the OH, requested his retirement from the Saint Louis College on 12th March 1839 on the grounds of “ill-health”.21 The scholar who cultivated the classics and Greek philosophy now shared Captain Lucas’ will to travel the world on a floating school and his Saint-Simonian perspective of the social order based on science, merit and the end of privileges. When he left the OH in Valparaiso to try life away from France, VendelHeyl transplanted the scholarship and ideas he carried with him to Chilean teaching institutions. In 1842 he was among the first professors at the newly created University of Chile, in the city of Santiago.22
departmental mayors, together with Captain Lucas’ brochure about the OH journey in an annex, so that families could “consult it more rapidly”.24 The correspondence also continued to its destination with the recommendation that these mayors widely publicise the initiative: The Department of Commerce is equally interested in an undertaking whose outcome should be the dissemination all over France, and among all social classes, of the 102
taste for and knowledge of the merchant navy and its possibilities, making it easy and attractive to begin a career that currently demands a painful apprenticeship [emphasis added].25
The brochure Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe (batiment-école) (“Expedition of the Hydrographe (school ship)”) presented in eight pages all the details of the project, as well as the letters of recommendation from the ministers. For obvious reasons, it did not include any reference to the “painful apprenticeship” of a naval career. The intention was, after all, to attract interest for the profession and not to frighten away young men with such an uninspiring image. A few months had elapsed, and Lucas continued collecting letters of support for the floating school; however, the practical means to conduct it (ship, instruments and weapons) did not arrive. While he waited, the Duque de Dalmatie, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Council between May 1839 and March 1840, exempted the floating school from payment of the shipping fees usually charged to merchant vessels.26 This decision was ultimately a fundamental governmental contribution, as it to fixed the idea that it was an official expedition. The first information about the OH in the press at the time, according to sources consulted, circulated in the La Presse advertisement section on 30th September 1838. The Paris paper, founded in 1836, had a significant circulation (12,000 copies in 1838), and was sold at a popular price thanks to the massive introduction of advertisements in the pages of the newspapers of the period.27 The notice began, suggestively, with the phrase
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First news about the expedition around the world projected by Captain Lucas, published in the La Presse newspaper, on 30th September 1838. One year later, the OH departed from the port of Paimboeuf, heading towards the River Loire, to reach the Atlantic.
“under the auspices of the government and commanded by long-distance Captain Agustin Lucas”. Further on, La Presse informed interested parties that they should obtain travel instructions from three bankers and brokers in Paris, Bordeaux and Le Havre by the end of November at the latest.28 The following month the news reached the pages of Le Moniteur Industriel, a much more important vehicle for the arrangements under way. The “plan submitted to the government” and its favourable reception by the ministers of state were the first pieces of information on the OH shared by the newspaper on 8th October 1838.29 Le Moniteur Industriel was born in Paris in 1789, in an environment troubled by the Revolution, but unlike other periodicals of the period, it had reached great stability and projection during the 19th century as a kind of daily for government matters (the so-called “official part”) and showcase for the
divulgation of the “unofficial” part. Published by a Universal Society of Public Interest (Société universelle d’intérêt public), the newspaper was dedicated to matters as diverse as “agriculture, commerce, industry, public works, technology of the arts and crafts, the sciences, legislation and other public concessions” in articles that were often reproduced or commented on in other periodicals. In August 1839, Le Courrier Belge explained that: “Le Moniteur Industriel will be favoured with the communications of Captain Lucas, and we will reproduce them”. 30 Launched in March 1839, the brochure Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe (batiment-école) (“Expedition of the Hydrographe (school ship)”), included the best advertisement for the project that could be made in this context: “voyage around the world under the auspices of the government [emphasis added], for the instruction of young
The proximity of the departure of the OH, announced in the Nantes newspapers, throughout the month of August 1839. The Lloyd Nantais, “commercial and maritime sheet”, accompanied for two years, with advertisements, news and transcriptions of letters, the progress of the expedition.
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The front page of the eightpage brochure advertising the OH published by Captain Lucas, in March 1839. Expedition of the Hydrographe ship (school ship). Voyage around the world, under the auspices of the government, for the instruction of young people in general, and particularly for those destined for the merchant navy or commerce.
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people in general, and particularly those destined for the merchant navy or commerce”.31 With the preparations for the trip already more advanced, Le Moniteur Industriel then began the publication of a series of articles on an initiative “worthy of appreciation by the government”. The newspaper carried an extensive analysis of the needs and benefits of the project, not only for those who registered and their families, but for the merchant navy and France in general. The OH advertisement brochure and the letters of recommendation from the French ministers were also fully transcribed by the daily on the 7th, 10th and 28th March 1839. The mission that Le Moniteur Industriel attributed to itself, in the same spirit as the instruction journey of Captain Lucas, opened the series: To fertilise with the invigorating warmth of advertising the precious germs of the conceptions inspired by disinterested ambition to be useful. Such is, in our opinion, one of the most beautiful mandates of the press [...] Also, we who belong to the navy, who, without being highly placed, eagerly seek nothing but the opportunity to be useful to it, we believe, by developing here the plan of the projected voyage around the world, to fulfil a duty of conscience.32
With the support and recognition from Le Moniteur Industriel, the prestige of the initiative was definitely confirmed and from then on, its apparent governmental nature would be strengthened by all the other newspapers. The Lloyd Nantais, a “commercial and maritime paper” that accompanied the journey’s progress, always began its notices and news of the OH with the phrase,
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“under the auspices of the government”.33 The periodicals also explained to their readers that the OH, a school ship that did not “traffic” or transport goods, would be free to modify its course according to circumstances, choosing the best occasion to move from one point to another thus avoiding unhealthy ports and undesirable pirates, navigation being conducted “with all due prudence” by an experienced commander as was Captain Lucas.34 According to the initial plan presented in this brochure, the voyage would start from the port of Rochefort, the main stockpile of the French Navy, on a ship named Hydrographe, with an estimated capacity of 500 tx (internal tonnage). It was anticipated that the floating school would have between 100 and 120 young men as “voluntary apprentices”, and on that occasion among those registered there were “forty students of the most prominent French families”, eighteen of whom were from Paris and a higher number from Dijon and Lyon, “the only cities where the expedition is well known”.35 From then on, the information related to the project was being constantly changed due to the difficulties met at each phase of the preparations preceding the journey. Officers, teachers and apprentices were divided into four sections: maritime, responsible for displaying maps and armament in the ports; commercial, to collect all that could be of interest for commerce and industry; historical, to observe the customs and uses of the peoples; scientific, dedicated to natural history and other sciences. The leader of the expedition, knowing the importance of his obligations, chose as professors and officers only men known to him 105
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The bow (front) of a sailing ship, explained by the “Picturesque Vocabulary of the Marine”, in Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840). “Part of the ship opposite to the rear, from the bow to the main mast. The bow is the sailor’s usual lounge; officers hardly go there, except to give orders and monitor their execution. It is at the front that the anchors are placed, suspended externally from two buttresses or davits that protrude on either side of the bowsprit. It is also at the front that the kitchen is located”.
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The stern (rear part) of a sailing ship, explained by the “Picturesque Marine Vocabulary”, in Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840). “Part of the ship between the main mast and the rudder. The stern of the warships is used to lodge the crew and to preserve, under the surveillance of an officer, certain campaign supplies. The powders and weapons have a place reserved for them there. The extreme aft, with windows overlooking the sea, is occupied by the rooms of the senior officers [...]. On merchant ships the stern contains only one or two chambers, distributed inside it in small cells so that passengers and officers on board may rest. The rear forecastle is the general headquarter in state-owned ships and, on merchant ships, the promenade where the officers and passengers constantly cross each other and meet”.
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The itinerary planned for the journey in the OH advertisement brochure mentioned the “main points the expedition will visit”, distributed according to the most important ports of the globe. After leaving France, the expedition would pass through Lisbon and Cadiz, before continuing its course to the Madeira, Canary, Cape Verde and Goree islands, wellknown stopovers for those intending to cross the Atlantic Ocean. On reaching Brazil it would visit the ports of “Pernambuco” (Recife), “Bahia” (Salvador) and Rio de Janeiro before leaving for Montevideo and, in the River Plate region, also pass through Buenos Aires, and contour Cape Horn, in the Southern tip of the American continent, reaching the ports of Chile (Valdivia, Concepcion and Valparaiso). The remainder of the itinerary, with other stopovers on the west coast of South and
personally and who met the double condition of talent and character, such as Mr. E. Soulier de Sauve, professor of chemistry, physics, mathematics, and Mr. Vendel, member of the University, and professor of French, Greek and German, etc. etc.36
English, Spanish and drawing would also be part of the teaching programme of the floating school (music and religion were not yet included in the expedition’s plans). The future merchant navy officers should be able to know and choose the appropriate materials for building ships regardless of their tonnage, and care for the rigging, canopy and armament, in order to estimate during the journey the opportunities for trade in any part of the world, and thus modify the course, mooring and cargo of the ship.37 The brochure also presented, with convincing arguments although without further
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North America, would contemplate crossing the “Great Ocean” (Pacific), heading towards “New Holland” (Australia), as well as the Indian Ocean, passing through the Philippines, China, India, the Persian Gulf and Red Sea, before sailing along the East coast of Africa and circumventing the Cape of Good Hope in the Southern tip of the African continent. From there, the expedition would cross the South Atlantic with a single stop at the island of St. Helena, a strategic point for the immense distance to be travelled up to the Amazon. The voyage would finally continue towards the ports of the east coast of United States (Charleston, New York, Boston), passing through Guyana, Antilles, Cuba and the Gulf of Mexico. Back in Europe, the OH would make stops at English and Dutch ports before arriving at its final destination, planned for Le Havre in France.
details, the cost of the trip, a fundamental matter in order to join the project: As for the price of the pension, set at 2,500 francs per year, with paid teachers, it is necessary to observe that this value is not even proportionally half of a common crossing from France to the Antilles or to the East Indies: in fact, the first fare costs 5 to 600 francs [sic], and lasts close to a month; the other, with a duration of close to four months, costs between 1,800 and 2,000 francs, raising the price of a one year journey to 6,000 francs. 38
As soon as the publicity for the expedition began to be distributed, Lucas himself drafted, as he made it clear, another document containing further details on the conditions for each student’s participation together with the obligations of each of the parties, 107
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including the possible disagreements and indemnifications applicable. The “admission status” to the OH was thus registered with notary publics Bertinot and Roquebert from Paris on 2nd April 183939, and, twenty days later, printed with minor modifications under the title Conditions d’admission sur le batiment-école, destiné a faire le tour du monde sous le comandement du Capitaine Lucas (“Conditions for Admission to the School Ship, Destined to Travel Around the World Under the Command of Captain Lucas”).40 This document contains the same “announcements” about the support provided to the project by the French authorities and the clarification that the Minister of Commerce had sent a circular to all the prefectures of the kingdom to “particularly recommend the enterprise”. The indication for young people to arrive at the port of departure, still uncertain, would be communicated by private letters and notices in the press fifteen days before the departure of the expedition. The increased circulation of newspapers and the expansion of the postal services now favoured and simplified travel. And the manner of payment of each student had to be established with greater precision considering that the expedition would take at least two years. Families would pay, by the 31st May 1839, half of the five thousand francs anticipated as the total cost of the voyage, an amount that would be used in the preparation of the vessel. The rest would be deposited in a consignment box, and this value would remain in the care of notary public Bertinot, who would also issue a document. One year later, he would discount one thousand two hundred and fifty francs [1,250 fr] in favour of Lucas and, by the 31st December 1841 or earlier, depending on the return date, would 108
hand the last quarter of the payment to the captain; if the expedition lasted over two years, the excess time would be covered by a proportional surcharge. During the journey the student could decide for himself what to buy, and his expenses would be taken note of in the presence of an officer designated by Captain Lucas. On his return to Europe, the family would pay the sum advanced.41 All these adjustments, however, did not prevent the numerous misunderstandings that arose between the parties when the first problems that would lead to the end of the expedition began to appear. The conditions for participation in the OH, in its printed version, already modified the form of payment of the voyage, establishing now that the initial amount of twothousand, fivehundred francs would only be made available to Captain Lucas after the commissioner of the Maritime Registry had officially enrolled the student in the State enrolment when boarding, or verified his absence when reviewing the ship’s final preparation.42 If he did not board, i.e., if the student did not join the garrison of the ship because of a personal or family decision, half of the fee would be handed to the captain by way of compensation, “according to use for maritime tickets”. In the event of desertion during the journey, “the total amount of the fee will belong to the captain”.43 The changes seemed to respond to the need for more guarantees for both parties. In addition to regulating these payments, the document established that eventual disputes would be settled in the private sphere and that any sums owed, as in cases of desertion, would be paid to Lucas. At the time, however, nobody was thinking of litigation or defections. This would only occur later.
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The initial brochure and acceptance conditions for the OH were also distributed in Belgium, where Captain Lucas sent an emissary who could handle local support for the project. The connection with the country was established through Jean Buysschaert, Belgian consul in Rouen (France), someone about whom there is not much information in the press or diplomatic documents of the period. After the 1830 revolution Belgium experienced the first decade of its existence as an independent country. Among the priorities at the time was the organisation of a State ensuring to future generations national unity and memory of a common past that enhanced the identity of Belgians in a territory secularly divided by Flemish and French areas of influence. Patriotism was therefore an important mobilising force both for the birth and survival of Belgium.44 The founders of the nation believe very strongly in the role of language to transform a formal state into an organic nation, as well as in the arts, symbols and commemorative rituals, which are also excellent ways to teach love for the homeland.45
As the political capital in the process of building the nation-state, Brussels became a financial and economic centre where large landowners, bankers and merchants supported governmental organisation, the expansion of Belgian industry and internationalisation of its commerce. Commanding the country in tune with “a small group formed by a score of individuals with total control over this financial empire”, the king of the Belgians himself was one of the major shareholders of the General Belgian Society (Société génerale de Belgique), a private bank converted into a state-owned
bank with guarantees and loans offered by bankers from the Rothschild family.46 The kinship network built many centuries before by the European dynasties was immense, and Leopold I’s history was marked by connections all over Europe: Prince of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, in present-day Germany, he fought alongside the Russians
The expedition of the OH and its rules: brochure with “conditions for admission to the schoolship destined to a voyage around the world, commanded by Captain Lucas”, April 1839.
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conquest shared by the Belgians and the diplomacy of other European states, notably France and England: A product of Anglo-French collaboration, liberalism, nationalism and the bourgeoisie, the constitutional or parliamentarian monarchy, almost a republic with a hereditary president, without major ambitions, thrived and made great progress through industrialisation; no state could have been more ‘nineteenth century’ than the new Belgian state.48
Portrait of Leopold I with his family (his second wife Louise d’Orléans and three children), in a “fashionable” and “good taste” newspaper, 1850. The Journal de demoiselles, aimed at Belgian young girls and families in general, describes the royal Family portrait as an “image of popular royalty, which gives an example of the civic and private virtues”.
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against the Napoleonic troops and married an heir to the English throne, becoming a widower very early. He then married the daughter of Louis-Philippe of France and, in 1830, nearly became King of Greece. The following year he accepted the invitation of the Belgian National Congress on behalf of the European diplomacy to be monarch of the newly created State, minus part of the Netherlands.47 The independence of Belgium and its proclaimed “perpetual neutrality” were a
The project of an expedition around the world to train apprentices in the merchant navy of France and Belgium therefore had all that was needed to be warmly welcomed by the new government. The construction of railways in the country, the remodelling of its capital, the expansion of a still incipient merchant navy fleet and the conquest of overseas markets, brought the plans to build and strengthen the Belgian state closer to the interests of the other European colonial powers. On the 22nd May 1839, after learning about the expedition, the Belgian consul in Rouen wrote to Barthélemy-Théodore de Theux, Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs of Belgium, presenting the idea, and with it, professor Soulier de Sauve: Let me tell you about an enterprise conceived by one of the most honest men of the merchant navy, Captain Lucas, whose aim is to establish a hands-on school of commerce and navy, realised by a voyage around the world. This is a new and grand idea. It has been favourably received in France, and the French government has encouraged it in the most formal way.49
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Eugène Soulier (de Sauve) (?-1850) The OH professor and legal representative of commander Lucas in Belgium was born, possibly, in Sauve, in the South of France. “E. Soulier” introduced himself as a secondary school and university professor, member of scientific and literary societies, as well as author of astronomy and geography handbooks adopted by the Royal Council of Public Instruction (Conseil royal de l’instruction publique), in France. This approval was important because it was an organ to guide, supervise and monitor educational activities, installed between 1820 and 1845, to replace the old Royal University Council (Conseil royal de l’Université). The books he published in 1839, the list of passengers of the expedition and the registry of authorities of the National Library of France, suggest that he decided to incorporate his place of birth to his name so as to be called “Soulier de Sauve”. This addition apparently occurred on occasion of his engagement by the OH expedition. The passport he brought with him was issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministère des affaires étrangères) in Paris, and his travel visa in Nantes, together with “Mme. Soulier de Sauve”.50 The two left the expedition in Rio de Janeiro, where the French teacher who reached the capital of the empire along with so many novelties was hired, as early as April 1840, as professor in the Military School. In Brazilian textbooks his name will appear written as Antônio Eugênio Fernando Soulier de Sauve.
The support of the French government, as pointed out by the consul, had so far only been a promise. But the confusion about the governmental nature of the undertaking was still present. The Belgian minister, recently informed about the project, had written: “this expedition entrusted to Captain Lucas has been encouraged in a very particular manner by the French government” [emphasis added].51 In another letter, the Board of Directors of the Antwerp Navigation School regretted not being able to “contribute in any way to the pension to be paid to the French government” [emphasis added].52 In Belgium, the “encouragement” for the initiative would come about
through other means. The legal representative of the expedition before the country’s authorities, recognised by notary publics in Brussels from the outset, was professor Soulier de Sauve who, in turn, appointed notary public Joseph Bouvier as his legal representative to receive payments from the Belgian students engaged by the OH.53 This document would be contested later, when the professor decided to abandon the expedition in Rio de Janeiro. On 5th July 1839, Soulier de Sauve was received by King Leopold I and on the same day he received a letter confirming the agreement of the Belgian government regarding the participation of the students from the
Title page of the book published by the astronomer E. Soulier (de Sauve), professor of the OH, 1839.
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navigation schools in the country, and that they would also pay for the expenses. Charles Emonce and Jean François Verelst were chosen. The Managing Board of the Royal Navigation School of Antwerp (École Royale de Navigation d’Anvers), the most important in Belgian territory, highlighted their qualities to Count de Theux, Prime Minister, who also acted as Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs.54 The school, created prior to the formation of the Belgian state, institutionalised the training for the merchant navy in the Netherlands, but was unable to cover the high costs for this participation. The day after the meeting, newspapers in Brussels, Antwerp and other cities were already reporting the encounter of Leopold I and the professor “commissioned by the French government [emphasis added] on a scientific expedition around the world”.55 As Head of the Scientific and Maritime Section of the OH, Soulier de Sauve would take care of all matters related to the voyage of the Hydrographe, as the expedition continued to be called by the Belgians. Two days after the meeting he replied to the minister complimenting him on the government’s decision to enrol students from the “royal schools of commerce” on the journey, at the higher cost of 2,900 francs per year. He took the opportunity to request, “in the interest of young Belgians”, that the minister please grant “recommendation letters for all Belgian consular agents in the foreign ports that will be visited by the expedition, as indicated in our itinerary”.56 At the beginning of August the minister’s office sent a circular on the matter to the consular and diplomatic services.57 Negotiations to “recommend the expedition to the government” thus began to gain great momentum after the press reported 112
Soulier de Sauve’s meeting with the king, exaggeratedly stressing that “the French government has provided full support to Captain Lucas’ project”.58 The day after the meeting, L’Independent, sparing no praise for that “noble conception”, gave various details on the project, stating that “never has an expedition as useful for young people been seen before”.59 Le Courrier Belge, after ensuring “all the means to be the first to publish the news of the expedition”60, fulfilled the objective to awaken interest in the subject with convincing information and images about [...] a 300 tonne, vast and comfortably prepared vessel, [that] will depart from Rochefort to visit all the main points of the globe.61 But time was running out, and the month of June threatened to come to an end without Captain Lucas having received a ship from the French Navy. For Leopold I and the other Belgian authorities, what was written in the advertising brochure was still true. On the 29th July, when the monarch wrote to the minister ordering him to appoint the two students from the navigation schools who would travel “at the expense of the State”, Leopold I still referred to the “Hydrographe vessel currently being prepared in Rochefort”.62 In the meantime, the sailing ship already had another name and was being equipped in Nantes. These details did not seem to make much difference now. Enthusiasm and trust in the project were guaranteed. With effective participation in administrative decisions of all sorts, Leopold I was very keen to draw recognition and visibility to the new Belgian state. The expansion and modernisation of its merchant fleet, training good officers and sailors, and the conquest of new markets they could take away from the Dutch for Belgian trade, were the other priorities at the time.
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View of the city of Antwerp, Flemish region of Belgium, taken from its port, c. 1844.
In late July Soulier de Sauve sent the Belgian minister details regarding the students’ uniform, the cost of the voyage and the new place of departure, while explaining that the ship would have another name: The commander of the expedition, Mr. Lucas, also asks me to report to you, Minister, that our vessel is finally called Oriental instead of Hydrographe as before.63
So everything seemed to be all right and in line with the plans presented, as if the project already counted with a ship
from the beginning, or as if the changes in the advertisement of the floating school were just a matter of words. The idea was not to share the difficulties that were now beginning to appear... On 27th July 1839, a year after Captain Lucas’ correspondence with Minister Rosamel, his successor in the Navy reported to him that although he recognised “the undoubtable usefulness of the expedition”, he regretted not being able to supply the vessel with chronometer, cannons and gunpowder. Admiral Duperré completed the bad news by communicating that he too would not be able to grant 113
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protection you may need during the voyage you will undertake”.64 By this time, Lucas was already immersed in a series of public and private arrangements to enable the expedition, in spite of not knowing if he could count on the resources requested from the navy. The now less favourable atmosphere in the ministry had not gone unnoticed. In Paris, Le Moniteur Industriel chose the occasion to criticise the French government, praising the support given by the Belgian government in covering its young students’ expenses: Captain Lucas’ expedition, although still much applauded in various ministries, did not receive any real encouragement, while the Belgian government placed four students at its own expense in this great floating school.65
The bows of a merchant brig, with the anchor and hawsers. Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
Plan of a three-mast sailing ship, with the line that divides the larboard (left side) and starboard (right side) of the vessel, considering the bow as the front. Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
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the Oriental, a trade ship, the right to carry the flag reserved for the French naval ships. Still, he promised to “invite the governors and our overseas establishments, the French consuls abroad and commanders of our naval stations, to provide you with the documents at their disposal, and any the aid and
The mood was different in Brussels. Since the newspapers had reported Soulier de Sauve’s meeting with the king and the favourable reception of the expedition “by the governments of France and Belgium”, requests for boarding the OH at the expense of the Belgian government began to arrive to offices all over the country. The purpose was one: “be useful to the homeland and His Majesty”.66 Few, however, would be contemplated in this funding restricted to students of the navigation schools. Anyway, in early August an artillery lieutenant of the Military School in the Belgian capital was appointed to the expedition by its director.67 On the same occasion, a professor at the Central School of Commerce and Industry in Brussels reported to the minister his departure for Nantes, together with the decision to embark on “the Hydrographe” to teach mathematics.68 The voyage of the
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OH was discussed by the Belgian Ministry of the Interior and Foreign Affairs in a lengthy correspondence throughout the month of August when the minister wrote to the governor of Antwerp about the instructions to be given to those chosen by the government.69 Meanwhile, in France support came from agencies such as the Lyon Chamber of Commerce which, soon after the initial reports on the expedition, appointed an observer to follow it with the objective of studying the commercial relations the city could establish with the different parts of the globe.70 From the month of March, the Society for the Improvement of National Industry also began to discuss its support to the project. The idea was presented to the entity by Antoine Delacoux de Marivault, a rich landowner, member of its governing board and author of some publications on French agriculture and international trade.71 He suggested that the various Society committees should formulate travel instructions defining the matters that would be observed, with a commitment to offer rewards to those participants of the expedition who produced the “most interesting” and “most useful” documents for commercial relations and progress of French industry.72 Shortly after, he informed the board that the captain had already set the date of departure (“for the month of June”) and counted on carrying on board instructions that met the Society’s objectives.73 The entity’s support featured prominently in Le Moniteur Industriel74, highlighting the convergence of the objectives of the publishers and the Society, in view of the fruitful economic relations that could be established by expeditions around the world if understood as commercial missions. JeanBaptiste Huzard, veterinarian, and the son of
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one of the founders of the entity, read the report by the members charged with analysing support for Captain Lucas’ expedition at the session of 31st July 1839:
“New habits” of the Belgian capital in the illustrated press: promenades along the boulevards of Brussels, c. 1840.
The commission, considering the great usefulness of the research that will be undertaken, proposes that the Society be responsible for acknowledging, by distributing medals and other awards, the zeal shown: 1) To collect documents on the new outlets that our trade can expect among the maritime nations and on the industrial, economic and agricultural processes that may be successfully borrowed from them; 2) To introduce in France either economic plants or new breeds or species of domestic animals, at least as useful as those our country already has. The Commission furthermore proposes that, in order to be entitled to the awards 115
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established, all types of documents be forwarded to the Society through Captain Lucas, assisted by the professors and other people participating in the expedition, whom he considers convenient to include (approved).75
The recommendations made by the Society for the Improvement of National Industry besides representing a commercial wager on the success of the venture, also publicly demonstrated the entity’s confidence in the mission’s command, and therefore weighed as a very important institutional seal. The French Academy of Sciences, an organisation that formulated guidelines on what to observe and collect in the great missions of the French Navy, could represent an even more prestigious seal of approval. For this reason, François Arago received from the astronomer Soulier de Sauve, as official representative of the expedition, a letter sent on 5th August 1839 requesting support from the institution and its secretary for the voyage of the OH: If the Academy deems it appropriate to add some information to the valuable instructions you have written for the La Bonite, we will be very happy to receive them and will do our utmost to deserve and fulfil the Academy’s expectations.76
The expected departure date of the OH (and again postponed) was presented in this letter as being between the “first and fifth days of September, this year”. The floating school should first obtain from the Academy some indication of the points to be visited, with the promise that the professors would, insofar as possible, take heed of their recommendations.77 François Arago himself 116
had elaborated the travel instructions for the circumnavigation of the La Bonite corvette, commanded by Vice-Admiral Nicolas Vaillant, that would serve as an inspiration for the OH.78 The scientist, naturally, closely followed the interest in the subject, as well as the publication of Souvenirs d’un aveugle; voyage autour du monde (Paris, 1839), by his brother Jacques Arago, already reported in the newspapers. On the other hand, François Arago was also very busy at the time with the adoption of the “Daguerre Law” and the presentation of the secrets of the daguerreotype at the French Institute. Both issues were interconnected in different ways. In the month of July, while the negotiations with Daguerre, the Academy of Sciences and the Belgian government were still under way, two shipowners form Nantes decided to join the project. How and why J. Despecher and A. Bonnefin ceded one of their merchant vessels to Captain Lucas’ circumnavigation journey is another nebulous matter in the history of the OH, as this cession was initially granted through a simple chartering document.79 Despecher’s own son, a young 18-year-old who well might have participated in the floating school, embarked in early August on another voyage to the Antilles.80 Nevertheless, the convergence of interests in the preparation of officers for the merchant navy and the guarantees offered by the captain may have convinced the two shipowners, despite the apparent risks entailed. A power of attorney given by commander Lucas, signed on 4th September in Nantes, and later deposited together with the same notary public Bertinot in Paris, transferred to Despecher and Bonnefin the power to receive and give quittance to any sum relative to the fees paid by the students.81 This document, sent
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by the shipowners to the Belgian authorities when they claimed those sums, represented a security for both of them, in addition to the usual ship insurance in case of loss.82 The plan to begin the journey in the Rochefort port, where Lucas had old ties, now had to be abandoned. By early August the OH would have to initiate its circumnavigation voyage from the same place where Bougainville departed on his mythical expedition. The port of Nantes, where the Oriental was registered, was also the place where the shipowners concentrated their business.
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The Oriental arrived at Paimboeuf with a crew of twenty men in June 1839.83 It had returned from a second voyage to the Reunion island, then called “Bourbon”, now a French overseas department in the Indian Ocean. In late July, when Lucas obtained the ship, Le National de l’Ouest and other periodicals in Nantes complimented the shipowners’ initiative, and this was later reproduced in the Paris and Belgian press.84 The brothers J. and A. Despecher, maritime insurers in the Loire region, began to act as shipowners, equipping and chartering commercial vessels after 1816,
View of the port of Nantes, taken from the Quai de la Fosse, in the mid-19th century.
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Certificate of the Oriental as a French merchant ship issued by the French Ministry of Finance on 14th September 1839. The name of the shipowners (J. Despecher and A. Bonnefin) and the port where the ship was registered (Nantes) are highlighted.
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when they also began to have a prominent performance in the Nantes Chamber of Commerce (Chambre de Commerce de Nantes).85 Created by shipowners, bankers, industrialists and other local merchants in 1802, the association functioned in the new building of the Stock-Exchange Palace, a secular institution in the history of the city, intimately linked with its maritime trade. In 1838, the two shipowners partnered with Alexandre Bonnefin, a merchant from Saint-Malo, and in 1839-1840 the society already possessed a
considerable fleet: the Solidor (185 tx), the Heloise (286 tx), the Saint-Louis (293 tx), the Sophie (161 tx) and the Oriental.86 The Oriental was a sailing ship, built in 1835, with three masts, two decks and two quarterdecks at each end, employed by its owners to transport goods and passengers. The expression “three masts” is a generic name used for the large sailing ships of the period, which strictly speaking could have up to seven masts.87 With a capacity of 304 to 370 barrels, the Oriental measured about 34 metres long by 9 metres wide. The draft, i.e., the depth necessary to float freely, measured about 3.50 metres (unloaded) and 4.70 metres (loaded).88 Like other similar ships, it counted with comfortable accommodation for the captain, and smaller cabins for the crew and passengers.89 Shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin, after ceding their beautiful sailing ship for the OH expedition, published a notice in Le National de l’Ouest expecting that the Nantes Chamber of Commerce would reach a decision similar to that of Lyon and also support the project.90 If the French government had not given the desired assistance, other support could be added to Captain Lucas’ project, and the shipowners’ pressure represented a further contribution in that direction. The young men who were to make the journey were warned by the newspapers that they should present themselves in Nantes, “at the latest”, on 20th August.91 The most recent guidelines on the voyage were printed and disseminated in a document entitled Instruction pour les familles qui ont des parentes a bord du navire-école l’Oriental-Hydrographe (“Instructions for Families with Relatives on Board the Oriental-Hydrographe School Ship”) thus formally introducing the double
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name of the expedition.92 Meanwhile, the schedule was already engaged and dated: “the vessel will hoist sails in Paimboeuf, in the low Loire, close to Nantes, on 31st August 1839. Students must show up at least five or six days before said date in the port of Nantes”.93 Fitting out the OH (the so-called armament), scheduled to happen during the month of August, was only carried out in September, already under the pressure of the students and their families in view of the delay of the journey.94 At the time, the maritime vocabulary defined this stage by the activities involved in the physical and human preparation of the vessel prior to departure, such as the definition of the staff (officers under the orders of the commander), crew trimming (crew in general), installation of equipment and provisions, and the realisation of a set of manoeuvres to weigh anchor and leave the mooring. The rigging was one of the last stages in the preparation of the trip. Strictly speaking, this meant furnishing the ship with its sails, ropes and pulleys, arranging the rigging properly to ensure that it sailed safely. Only three years old, the Oriental was practically a new ship, “beautiful, agile and well-equipped”, in the words of the young Emonce95 and, in this sense, fit for the mission it would have to perform. In Belle-Île, two days after the trip began, another Belgian wrote: “Let us add to this, to complete the physiognomy of the Oriental, that it surpasses all the other ships in speed in such a way that it moves in a superior way”.96 However, fitting out a ship for a voyage around the world was no simple task, and in the first half of the 19th century this meant also equipping it with the new instruments available and the war armament necessary for its protection to defend it
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from the pirates and corsairs crossing the oceans. The OH was equipped with ten 8” cannons (not the 12” cannons mentioned in the brochure),97 and the crew also had short barrel guns and swords for personal use. Because of these features, and the renown of an official expedition, it was treated in several ports as a “corvette”, a medium sized ship with approximately twenty cannons, widely used by the war navy together with carracks, brigs and frigates.98 The OH carried a marine chronometer on board, a precision apparatus to estimate longitude introduced in ocean navigation in the 18th
Navigation agreement of the Oriental, issued by the Navigation Police of the French Ministry of the Marine in 1837. A type of “passport” required for any ship, valid for the voyage of the Oriental between Bordeaux and Nantes, on occasion of its purchase by the shipowners Despecher et Bonnefin. Decorated with various naval motifs and printed with the name of King Louis-Philippe, the document had to ensure State control over the merchant fleet and visually represent the importance attributed to the symbols of power by the state bureaucracy.
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
The last recommendations before the voyage: “instruction for families with relatives on board the Oriental-Hydrographe school ship”, in August 1839.
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century. This instrument was able to determine maritime routes no longer by the position of the sun but by means of a system of springs and pendulums that worked accurately twenty-four hours a day despite rocking motions and high temperatures.99 It was essential for circumnavigation journeys and other naval missions to have this instrument despite its high cost. Although commercial navigation had not yet responded to the appearance of these inventions, it contributed to lower costs through the expansion of its fleets and business.100 Another novelty to equip the OH in an innovative way was the so-called “caboose for distilling” (“cuisine distillatoire”), a cooking apparatus conceived by two inventors from Nantes recently introduced to ocean navigation. Forty years after the La Pérouse expedition, the optimisation of vessels, improvements in ports, and novelties in the supply of ships helped to, not only improve sanitary conditions during a long trip, but also treatment of feared diseases on board, mainly when the time of stay at sea was very long. For circumnavigation, this was a matter of life or death. Peyre and Rocher’s invention, introduced in the 1830s, was capable of cooking food while at the same time distilling seawater to supply the crew with potable water using steam power.101 The solution, whose utility was evident for the comfort and health of those on board, also freed cargo space for the transport of goods instead of drinking water. Only four French Navy vessels were equipped with the novelty in 1839 when it was incorporated to the OH.102 The vessel was also equipped with a physiognotype, a mechanical device to reproduce physiognomic features and their three-dimensional representation. As one of
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the novices remarked, already relying on the use of the instrument, it was designed to “obtain models of all the shapes of heads of the different races of men we will visit”.103 The device was incorporated to the expedition along with two French students who joined the OH. Originally from Boulogne-sur-Mer, in Brittany, Frédéric Sauvage (25 years) and Joseph Sauvage (24 years), according to the equipment records in the Nantes Maritime Register, were, respectively, son and nephew of Pierre-Louis-Frédéric Sauvage the inventor. The mechanical engineer and his family had been connected to shipbuilding for many generations and in 1832 he became known for creating a system applying a propeller for propulsion of ships, a fundamental resource in the use of steam power as driving force for navigation.104 While negotiating in Paris the acquisition of this system by the French Navy,
Navy warship, anchored, carrying the French flag. Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
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Engineer Pierre-LouisFrédéric Sauvage, surrounded by his inventions, c. 1853. The image of the inventor was included in the Panthéon des Illustrations Françaises au XIX siècle (Paris, 1869-1873) collection, directed by the photographer and editor Victor Frond. The characters contemplated in the 17 volumes of the publication are presented with a portrait, a biography and an autograph.
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Sauvage patented the physiognotype (1834), an instrument with a flexible cover with hundreds of needles that, once placed on the face, accurately reproduced human features thanks to the pressure exerted, thus allowing its modelling in plaster.105 The novelty would be successful on its arrival in Brazil. To complete, the OH also carried on board the most celebrated invention of the time: the daguerreotype camera and its complements. Lucas’ contact with Daguerre and
Jobard, during the months of July and August 1839, enabled the incorporation of the daguerreotype and the procedures necessary to employ it during the voyage of the floating school. On the other hand, the delayed negotiations with the French government regarding the pension offered to Daguerre and Isidore Niépce also appear to have influenced the postponement of the departure. In any case, the plans for the expedition likewise depended on a ship capable of accomplishing Captain Lucas’ project. Therefore, besides taking care of the equipment to be carried on board, he also went to Nantes to negotiate with shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin the cession of the Oriental for the trip. It was only then that the selection of the crew and the outfit of the ship could in fact begin, something which in turn demanded time and organisation. In early August, when everyone was awaiting the revelation of the secrets of the daguerreotype in Paris, Lucas was already back in town, according to the news reported by Le Moniteur Industriel.106 Apart from the application, procurement and reception of the device, it was necessary to know the process better, so the captain remained longer in the city in order to be able to demonstrate it in the ports visited by the expedition. Ultimately, the invention was presented at the Academy of Sciences on the 19th August, although it was only explained by Daguerre himself on the 28th of the same month, and later demonstrated by the inventor on the 7th, 11th and 14th September. The correspondence between inventors, scientists and French authorities during 1839 is very illustrative of the controversies and impasses involved in the allocation of a life pension to Daguerre and Isidore Niépce, a well-known element in the history of the
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daguerreotype.107 This correspondence shows that presenting the process to the public, that is, the operations and materials indispensable to obtain an image with the daguerreotype, was delayed until a solution could be found regarding the form of acknowledgement and marketing of an invention that, in a certain way, would automatically be available to all as soon as those aspects became known. Reports on the meetings between Daguerre and Jobard, in which Lucas was also present, suggest that the delay in these negotiations also impacted on the postponement of the OH’s departure. Living in Paris during the months that witnessed the huge publicity of the invention, knowing Daguerre personally and learning to employ his own daguerreotype equipment, the prospect of being the first to carry it on board in a circumnavigation trip seemed a very seductive idea. In July, Captain Lucas had signed up to carry an apparatus manufactured by Giroux on board the OH, but by September daguerreotype devices and other paraphernalia could be purchased directly at a “shipping optician”. Antoine Bianchi’s establishment indicated in the Instruction pour les familles qui ont des parentes a bord du navire-école l’OrientalHydrographe (“Instruction for Families with Relatives on Board the Oriental-Hydrographe School Ship”) brochure108, had begun to sell these devices from the beginning of September. The secrets of the invention were revealed at the Academy of Sciences meeting on 19th August, and the brochure released by Daguerre shortly after presented the necessary drawings and explanations about the equipment, with the modifications he would introduce to traditional models of the camara obscura. Since then, the exclusivity granted to Giroux to sell the daguerreotype apparatus
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Announcement of the complete daguerreotype equipment sold by Maison Bianchi, belonging to the family of opticians established in Paris and Toulouse, on 25th September 1839.
Daguerreotype camera by the Susse brothers manufacturers, established in Paris, 1839.
with Daguerre’s signature became a mere sign of distinction.109 A merchant without much knowledge on the subject, Giroux entered the business thanks to his kinship and proximity to the inventor. But he was not an optician, and before that success, only sold “bibelots, paintings, fans, wooden objects and prints”. The opticians who manufactured and sold in123
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Antoine Bianchi An optical engineer of Italian origin, Bianchi founded his establishment in 1816, dedicating himself to the manufacture and sale of optical precision instruments for academic and military institutions, public bodies and scientific societies, as well as devices and novelties that were successful among amateurs. Like other opticians of his period, he participated in several industrial fairs in addition to marketing the instruments manufactured in his own establishment, and others, in two stores managed together with his sons, one in Tolouse (73, la Pomme Street) and another in Paris (11, Coq Saint Honoré Street). In this last address he had Alphonse Giroux’s establishment as his neighbour, and it was usual for them to share suppliers and customers. The Toulouse newspapers of the 1830s regularly published Bianchi House (Maison Bianchi) advertisements, which were rather seductive for the growing clientele of “recreational optics” (binoculars, magic lanterns and glasses in general).110 From 10th September 1839 the establishment accepted orders to purchase daguerreotype equipment. On 15th September his son Antoine Bianchi organised the first public experiment with Daguerre’s invention in Toulouse, exhibiting on the same day the “admirable perfection” of these “pictures”. Four days later, he already considered the latest results obtained to be even better. The Journal politique et littéraire de Toulouse et de la Haute-Garonne, on 25th September, carried another article on the experiments, which already amounted to thirteen. In the same issue, the daily printed an advertisement from the Bianchi Family offering to deliver complete daguerreotype equipment, in Toulouse or Paris, for 350 francs, with lessons offered free-of-charge, as well as the image (“tableau”) made by the buyer of the device, when he had learned to use it. This advertisement was reproduced several times in the pages of the newspaper in the following months, together with the information that Bianchi senior had perfected the equipment to prevent the images from coming out inverted.111 In July of the following year Maison Bianchi’s announcement offered daguerreotype portraits, thanks to the quality of the lenses used in its devices. On the 27th February 1840, his son Barthélemy-Urbain took a panoramic view of the Capitol, in Toulouse. This daguerreotype is now preserved by the George Eastman Museum (United States).112
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struments in Paris, with renowned establishments in the French capital and other cities were Bianchi, Susse, Chevalier, Lerebours, Huette, Molteni and others, from whom any OH traveller could purchase a similar device, just before leaving France.113 Captain Lucas’ interest in the daguerreotype and its incorporation into the ensemble of instruments to be carried on board the OH may be regarded as a logical consequence, and to a certain extent consistent with all the intellectual effervescence brought about by the numerous articles on the subject that were being published by the French press. The logical, political and commercial bases of the invention, its democratic aspirations and universal promises were the same that had inspired the world view of the liberal, daring and enterprising long-distance captain. If Lucas did not receive the practical instructions to practice with the daguerreotype in the presentation of the process at the Society for the Improvement of National Industry headquarters or in the public demonstrations made by Daguerre, this may have occurred in private sessions, with the inventor himself or through this network of contacts and common negotiations. Daguerre personally taught the practical procedures to some people such as the Danish officer Christian Falbe, already mentioned in the previous chapter, as well as Andreas Ritter von Ettingshausen, professor of physics and mathematics at the University of Vienna, who was in Paris in August 1839 and, at the beginning of the following year, already made daguerreotypes with a solar microscope.114 Shortly after the invention of the daguerreotype became public, the copper plates used to obtain images were sold, not only in Paris, but also in the port of Nantes,
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according to reports in Le National de l’Ouest on 14th September 1839.115 The devices were also being manufactured, marketed and their use explained by those who had just learned the process, without Daguerre being able to control, as he had imagined, the scope of the market and speed of its dissemination. The speed and efficiency of the forms of advertising, demonstration and marketing of the daguerreotype had therefore ensured the necessary conditions for the incorporation of the equipment in the OH expedition, as well as the learning of the photomechanical process by those who intended to use it during the trip by reading Daguerre’s instruction manual and some previous lessons. The unprecedented nature of the daguerreotype and the technical limitations of its results did not prevent the members of the OH from learning to practice it before the journey started or after it had begun. However, Captain Lucas, Chaplain Louis Comte and the select audience of their early demonstrations during the voyage would soon face the practical difficulties of an art subject to the uncertainties of chance and the whims of the weather. A few days before departure, the Ministry of the Marine still responded to requests for information about the commander and the expedition. But the confusion among those concerned now seemed to create some discomfort among the authorities. The Maritime Registry and Navigation Police of the ministry had to make it clear that the ship prepared in Nantes, where Captain Lucas would follow at the beginning of September, was no longer the Hydrographe but the Oriental, a “trade vessel”.116 The insistence to carry out the project at all costs was a demonstration of the determined spirit of the captain, already expressed in his writings. In
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a letter, a Belgian student wrote that Lucas and all the others were “delighted with the honourable mission”.117 On the other hand, this attitude also contributed to covering up the setbacks and ambiguities of the enterprise. For all this, the lack of clarity regarding the (un)official nature of the OH ended up being more important for the expedition than the government resources actually destined to the project.
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Chapter 3 1. Almanach du Commerce de Paris, de la France et des Pays étrangers par S. Bottin. Paris: Bureau de l’Almanach du Commerce, 1838, s/p. 2. Almanach du Commerce de Paris, de la France et des Pays étrangers par S. Bottin. Paris: Bureau de l’Almanach du Commerce, 1839, p. 686. 3. OH - Doc 31.07.1842. 4. OH - Doc 26.04.1839. 5. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 6. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 7. Lucas, 1839, p. 31 and OH - Doc 30.09.1838. 8. In late 1838, a coalition government was formed in the midst of various conflicts between King Louis-Philippe and parliamentary forces opposed to the excessive interference of the monarch in government affairs. At the end of January 1839, the ministry presided by Count Molé during the 1837-1839 period was dissolved, and the king created a new ministerial group under the presidency of Maréchal Soult between the 12th May 1839 and the 1st March 1840, in an attempt to control the political situation. The journey of the OH took place in this rather troubled political and administrative framework. 9. Sylviane Llinares. “Innovation et mutation technique: la marine de guerre française (1750-1850). In: Hilaire-Pérez and Garçon, 2003, pp. 331-342. 10. OH - Doc 28.07.1838. 11. OH - Doc 31.07.1842. Lucas emphasised this support in the document where he explains his behaviour in the OH wreckage. 12. OH - Doc 00.03.1839, OH - Doc 28.07.1838 and OH - Doc 31.07.1842. 13. The references on the subject are in OH - Doc 10.03.1839. 14. OH - Doc 24.01.1839. 15. Cited by Carré, 1970, p. 18. The historian refers to three such letters, one of
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them sent by the Minister of Marine to the Minister of Public Works on the 26th February 1839. 16. OH - Doc 07.03.1839 (a). 17. “Séance du 19 avril, 1839 ”. Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris. Deuxième série, t. XI, Paris, chez ArthusBertrand, 1839, p. 255. 18. Barros Arana, 1855. The author mistakenly indicates 1796 as the date of birth. 19. Vendel-Heyl, 1818-1819; Fierville, 1894 (the archives of the French colleges were found at the AN-Fr and are the main source of the cited work). 20. Beecher, 1986, p. 485 and http://www. inrp.fr/ (Banque de données du Institut National de Recherche Pédagogique, (consulted in 2008). 21. Fierville, 1894. 22. Barros Arana, 1874; Estefane, 2005, esp. p. 98. 23. France. Exposition des produits de l’industrie française en 1839 [...], 1839, v.1, p.36. Available at http://cnum.cnam.fr/ 24. OH - Doc 16.03.1839. 25. OH - Doc 16.03.1839. 26. Carré, 1970, p. 18. 27. Gueniffey, 2000, p. 1502; Charle, 2004, p. 44. The competitor Le Siècle reached a circulation of more than 33,000 copies in 1840. 28. OH - Doc 30.09.1838. 29. OH - Doc 08.10.1838. 30. OH - Doc 20.08.1839. 31. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 32. OH - Doc 28.03.1839. 33. OH - Doc 04.08.1839. Idem, on the following dates: 12.08.1839; 16.08.1839; 20.08.1839; 27.08.1839; 30.08.1839. 34. OH - Doc 18.08.1839. 35. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 36. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 37. OH - Doc 10.3.1839. Article signed “J. F.” 38. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 39. OH - Doc 02.04.1839. 40. OH - Doc 22.04.1839.
41. OH - Doc 22.04.1839. See the model receipt in Sources Consulted: Conditions for Admission to the Oriental-Hydrographe, Written by the Commander (1839). 42. OH - Doc 22.04.1839. 43. OH - Doc 22.04.1839. 44. Bertrand, 1906, esp. cap. 2. 45. Witte, 2005, p. 165. 46. Witte, 2005, p. 133. 47. Gueniffey, 2000. 48. Golo Mann. “El desarrollo político de Europa y de América de 1815 a 1871”. In: Mann and Heuss, 1985, p. 485. 49. OH - Doc 22.05.1839. 50. OH – Doc 00.00.1839. 51. OH - Doc 17.06.1839. 52. OH - Doc 24.06.1839. 53. Notary public Antoine Joseph Bouvier, legal representative of Soulier de Sauve, was appointed before notary public Matagne from Brussels. OH - Doc 30.07.1839. 54. OH – Doc 24.06.1839; OH – Doc 5.7.1839; OH – Doc 20.07.1839. In his article Carré (1970) wrote Enonce [sic], although the official Belgian documents, that were also consulted by the historian, confirm that Emonce is the correct spelling. 55. OH - Doc 6.7.1839 (a) and OH - Doc 6.7.1839 (b). 56. OH - Doc 07.07.1839. 57. OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (d). 58. OH - Doc 11.7.1839 (a). 59. OH - Doc 11.7.1839 (a). 60. OH - Doc 20.08.1839. 61. OH - Doc 11.7.1839 (a). 62. OH - Doc 29.07.1839. 63. OH - Doc 30.7.1839. 64. OH - Doc 27.07.1839. 65. OH - Doc 08.08.1839. 66. OH - Doc 09.07.1839 (among other similar documents). 67. OH - Doc 13.08.1839. 68. OH - Doc 03.08.1839. 69. OH - Doc 02.08.1839. 70. OH - Doc 00.03.1839.
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71. See, for example, Antoine Delacoux de Marivault. Précis de l’histoire générale de l’agriculture (Paris, Huzard, 1837) ; Question de sucres (Paris : Lange-Lévy, 1841), among other works, available in the BnF collection. 72. OH - Doc 13.03.1839. 73. OH - Doc 26.03.1839. 74. OH - Doc 17.03.1839 and OH - Doc 08.08.1839. 75. OH - Doc 31.07.1839. 76. OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (a). 77. OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (b). 78. The atlas of the expedition, published by the Ministry of the Marine under the heading Vaillant, Auguste-Nicolas. Voyage autour du monde exécuté pendant les années 1836 et 1837 sur la corvette “la Bonite ”(Paris, 1841-1852), is available at https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/ bpt6k6536329m.texteImage. 79. According to Carré, there was no “acte notarié” but a “charte-partie” between Lucas (“capitaine et affréteur”) and Despecher and Bonnefin (“fréteurs et armateurs”). Cf. Carré, 1970, p. 24. 80. Idem, p. 25. According to the author this fact would indicate that the shipowner did not trust the enterprise. 81. OH - Doc 04.09.1839. This document has not been located in the survey but is referred to by the shipowners in their correspondence with the Belgian authorities (OH - Doc 29.01.1840). The same document was authenticated and annexed in another correspondence (OH - Doc 18.05.1840) dated 30th September 1839, that is, five days after Lucas’ departure. This proxy is not mentioned by Lucas in his correspondence with the French authorities (OH - Doc 31.07.1842). 82. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (c) and OH - Doc 18.05.1840. 83. OH - Doc 17.06.1839. 84. OH - Doc 18.08.1839 and OH - Doc 20.08.1839.
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85. Chronologie des minutes de François Xavier Louis Malapert, notaire à Saint-Servan de l’an IX à 1826. Available at http://marins-et-notaires.pagespersoorange.fr/Html/MALAPERT_F.X.L.html. 86. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré. 87. Duron, 2000, p. 190. 88. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 89. Carré, 1970, p. 24, note 1. 90. OH - Doc 18.08.1839 (transcript of OH - Doc 14.08.1839). 91. OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (c). 92. OH - Doc 00.08.1839. 93. Idem. 94. OH - Doc 06.09.1839 and OH - Doc 24.9.1839 (b). 95. OH - Doc 24.9.1839 (b). Emonce refers here to the existence of 10 cannons. 96. OH - Doc 6.10.1839. 97. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840; Cf. Carré, 1970, p. 24. 98. Esparteiro, 2001, p. 47 and pp. 171-172. The definitions also correspond to the “Vocabulaire pittoresque de la Marine”, Le Magasin Pittoresque, 1840, esp. p. 327. 99. Taillemite, 1987, pp. 25; 62. 100. Jean Meyer. “Preface”. In: Chapuis, 1999, p. 10. 101. SHD-Marine. [Anonyme], “Distillation de l’eau de mer”, Annales maritimes et coloniales, Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1841, Partie non officielle, v. 25, t. 1, pp. 649-652. The two inventors won a silver medal at the 1844 Exhibition of French Industry Products. Cf. France. Exposition des produits de l’industrie française..., 1844, v. 2, pp. 939-940. 102. Peyre and Rocher, 1843, pp. 1-16; Carré, 1970, p. 24. 103. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. 104. Gaston Tissandier. “Frédéric Sauvage, à propos de l’inauguration de sa statue à Boulogne-sur-Mer”, La Nature, n. 440, 5 nov. 1881, p. 355. Available at http://cnum.cnam.fr/CGI/fpage.
cgi?4KY28.17/359/100/432/0/0. 105. Musée de Familles, nº XVIII, janvier 1835, p. 144. Apud RAMIRES, 2014, p. 20. 106. OH - Doc 18.08.1839 : “Pendant que nous écrivions un nouvel article, le 8 de ce mois, sur cette importante expédition, le capitaine Lucas se mettait en route de Nantes pour Paris”. 107. Cf. Tissandier, 1882 ; Potonniée, 1925; Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1955; 1968; Goldberg, 1981; Frizot et al., 1989; Rouillé, 1989, among others. 108. OH - Doc 00.08.1839. Footnote 7, states: “on trouvera ces instruments chez M. Bianchi, opticien de l’expédition, rue du Coq Saint-Honoré, 11”. 109. Cf. Auler, 1989. In his book the photography collector and scholar reproduced a camera model identical to Giroux’s manufactured by Bianchi, with the only difference that it did not have Daguerre’s seal (item 15, no page number). He also considers the possibility that they both had the same cabinet-maker. 110. Journal politique et littéraire de Toulouse et de la Haute-Garonne, 23 décembre 1832. See also Bordes, 2016. 111. Journal politique et littéraire de Toulouse et de la Haute-Garonne, 15, 19 et 25 septembre 1839 ; 9, 17 et 24 octobre 1839. 112. Available at https://collections.eastman.org/search/bianchi. 113. Cf. France. Almanach du Commerce de Paris, de la France et des Pays étrangers par S. Bottin. Paris : Bureau de l’Almanach du Commerce, 1838, esp. p. 246. 114. Schaaf, 1997, p. 39. The image may be seen at http://thescienceimage.blogspot.com/2013/10/andreas-ritter-vonettingshausen.html. 115. OH - Doc 14.9.1839. 116. OH - Doc 21.08.1839. 117. OH - Doc 24.09.1839.
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Voyages and imaginaries in the logbook of sketches and memoirs of an English sailor, 1835.
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4
Early News and Bad Omens
The young men enrolled in the expedition began to arrive in Nantes in August 1839. Many came from regions in the interior of France or Belgium and, as any visitor unaccustomed to the coast, soon became aware of a characteristic of the place: the city was expressed in each detail of its physiognomy and the daily life of its inhabitants, an identity closely linked with the sea and maritime business. The picturesque name of the sites and the extension of the various quays (Duguay-Trouin, Turenne, la Fosse, des Constructions, d’Aiguillon, among others); the Stock Exchange Palace and shipbuilders’ homes, warehouses and shipyards; the uninterrupted movement of ships, people and goods arriving and leaving; all finally converged to create this identity. The Guide de l’étranger a Nantes, whose first edition is from 1840, recommended: Seeing how a ship is launched is one of the most curious spectacles. The foreigner
must carefully inform himself if one will be put in the water during his stay in Nantes. Vessels are only launched when there is enough water volume or high tide, i.e., one or two days after a full moon or new moon.1
The port of Nantes grew enormously during the 18th century with the slave trade, a business until then considered quite “honourable”. Between the mid-17th and mid 19th centuries the French carried out more than four thousand maritime journeys linked to trafficking of enslaved Africans, many organised by the shipowners from Nantes. The first and largest slave trading port in France counted 1,714 expeditions of the sort during that period. The city thus became one of the symbols of slave trade, retaining this sad mark long after this kind of business had already become infamous and illegal.2 The role of Nantes in the history 129
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The city of Nantes, between past and future: daily life, symbols of progress and historical monuments, c. 1844-1846. Felix Benoist left an extensive iconography of the western region of France, from which we highlight the many maritime landscapes published by the engraver and publisher Henri Désiré Charpentier, also established in Nantes. This image depicts, on three levels, the everyday life of the port-city: the steamer that already sails under the new bridge of la Rotonde, built between 1838 and 1841 and, in the background, tradition represented by the castle of the Dukes of Brittany and Saint Paul / Saint-Pierre’s cathedral. A draughtsman and lithographer, the artist was known as “Benoist d’Angers”, after his mother’s birthplace, and later as “Benoist de Nantes”, where he lived until the end of his life.
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Early News and Bad Omens
of slave trade (and vice-versa) has recently been revised:
(i.e. about 5% to 6% of the European Atlantic slave trade).3
When it first prepares a slave trade voyage in the 17th century, Nantes is already one and a half centuries behind Portugal. And, when it abandons trafficking around 1830, it does so well before other ports [...]. Nantes therefore does not owe its primacy to the duration of its participation, but to its density, with the organisation of 43% of the French slave trade expeditions
Triangular trade between Europe, Africa and the Americas generated immense fortunes for the Nantes shipowners and merchants involved in the imprisonment and trafficking of Africans, the provision of slave labour for the overseas plantations, the flow of agricultural products from the French colonies such as sugar, cocoa and tobacco, as well as the supply of manufactured products
The central region of Nantes, represented in the “Picturesque France� collection, c. 1835. Highlighted, squares, monuments and the new boulevards projected for the city.
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from France to these regions. These activities continued to generate immense wealth for the city, in a more or less manifest way, even after the interdiction of slave trade from the coast of Africa to England (1807) and its broad and formal prohibition by the European powers gathered in the Vienna Congress (1815). The French abolished slavery in 1794, but it was reinstated by Napoleon in 1802, and once again restricted by some fragmentary measures during the Restoration and the July Monarchy, until it was definitely extinguished both in France and in its colonies in 1848.4 However, traffic was only “clandestine” in the port of Nantes for those who “did not want to see”: It is practically impossible to be blind: the ships are known, their owners, consignees, captains, crews, suppliers and insurers - in short, all the city knows almost all the professionals whose choice has been to specialise (never entirely) in this ‘unusual market’.5
The City Council, controlled by shipowners, local landowners and merchants, tried to cleanse and beautify the city as business thrived. The central part of Nantes was thus the object of various urbanistic and real-estate investments, with the construction of private mansions, well-paved docks and, already in the 18th century, imposing public buildings such as the Graslin Theatre, one of the most beautiful in the country, and the Stock Exchange Palace, still a “symbol of the successful union of the city with water”.6 Feydeau island, where these shipowners and businessmen built their beautiful houses, blended the neoclassical taste of the new constructions with decorative sculptures of 132
sinister appeal, depicting the enslaved Africans that generated so much wealth. Known as the “Venice of the West”, in 1839 Nantes was thriving on both margins of the Loire, but it was also the city facing the Atlantic Ocean now beginning to see part of its port activities (naval constructions, foundries, rope factories, etc.) gradually move closer to the mouth of the river. The port of Nantes had grown with the following characteristic: located almost sixty kilometres away from the Atlantic coast, it was still a river port. For this reason, for long years the main concern of the local merchants was the navigation conditions of the river and estuary. The Loire, in addition to connecting the interior of France with the Atlantic and crossing the city, ended in a large estuary whose navigability was fundamental to the port complex that interconnected Nantes, Paimboeuf and Saint-Nazaire: With the increase in tonnage, the construction of three mast ships leaving on long course voyages sometimes requires two tides to cross the estuary. It is true that from the beginning of the 18th century Paimboeuf replaced the ancient city at the back of the estuary. The transhipment of goods is expensive, takes time and the small boats that go up the Loire have less capacity than the large ships. The Quatre-Amarres bay of Paimboeuf was the first to accommodate all the ships returning loaded with the most exotic goods. It was this wealth, considered infinite, that had to be preserved, despite the setbacks and precautions.7
The enrolment of young men was expensive and the preparation of the OH was
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View of the port of Paimboeuf, in the estuary of the River Loire (France), in the mid-19th century.
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The “Druid dolmen” visited by the OH students in Saint Nazaire, before departure. The megalith monument, a remnant from the Celtic period, is composed by a large horizontal piece on two other vertical ones and is currently known as the Trois Pierres Dolmen.
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delayed, so the beginning of the voyage was now awaited with great anxiety. Some students arriving in Brittany stayed in Nantes at the house of shipowner Bonnefin, in the Place de la Monnaie in Nantes, while others decided to wait for departure already at Paimboeuf, where the preparation and rigging of the ship, postponed until September, were actually taking place. Having to cover the expenses for several weeks of food and lodging in Nantes or Paimboeuf hotels gave rise to the first complaints about the organisation of the OH addressed to the Belgian Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs.8 The delay was also related by students in their correspondence with their families, but the matter ended up being relegated when a terrible event took place on the 11th September 1839 and deeply shook Captain Lucas, the teachers and all the apprentices of the expedition: the young seventeen year old Frenchman Charles Masson, originally from Beaune and enrolled as a student of the OH, committed suicide in a Paimboeuf
hotel together with a young twenty-yearold seamstress employed in the city. The affair occupied the Le National de l’Ouest, L’ Indépendent, Le Courrier Belge and other newspapers that, in general terms, attributed the double suicide to the despair of the enamoured couple, faced with the separation imposed by a long journey around the world.9 After the preparations of the OH had been completed, the departure of the expedition was preceded by a solemn mass in Paimboeuf, attended by almost all the participants. The young novice Barthélemy Peltier, even after registering as crew, simply did not turn up to embark. This defection was the first of many others. In any case, the mood was now cheerful and festive. An “admirable spectacle”, according to the Belgians, in a letter published by Le Courrier Belge, without revealing the name of its author: The coldest heart and my own, open to religious emotions, could not help being profoundly impressed. [...] When all those young sons of families raised their voices and hands towards the sky it was impossible not to feel deeply moved. So, when the service ended, we all felt joy in our hearts, but also, at least I believe, some tears in our eyes, of which our stoicism was ashamed; and we almost wanted to embrace each other like good and true brethren.10
The OH weighed anchor from Paimboeuf on 24th September, reaching the mouth of the Loire and finally initiating its circumnavigation journey on 25th September 1839, after a short passage through
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Saint-Nazaire. Like almost everything in the history of the expedition, the date of the beginning of the voyage is a bit confusing, as it depends on the starting point taken as reference. The young Emonce, a reliable witness in his reports, commented in a letter dated on the 24th: “this morning, at 2 o’clock, we left the bay of Paimboeuf ”.11 The same date was later mentioned by the reference work Anthologie de la Marine Belge.12 Another traveller, however, would write two days after departure: We only left Paimboeuf on 25th September. Until then the winds had been so unfavourable that we could not leave the Loire. It was from Saint-Nazaire, where we were to see the druid dolmen, that we actually started our journey.13
The Le Lloyd Nantais maritime bulletin, dated 24th and 25th September, already states, “Paimboeuf, [ship] Oriental, out of harbour and adrift”, adding that, on the 26th, with “North Wind, small breeze”, the ship “sailed to sea”.14 Other newspapers, such as Le National de l’Ouest also mention the beginning of the trip on the 26th and some texts even later dates.15 The port records of Lisbon and other stops of the expedition left the information on the port of origin and date of departure blank.16 What we conclude when reading these sources is that the OH weighed anchor from Paimboeuf in the early morning of the 24th, passing through Saint-Nazaire before leaving the Loire port complex and, late on the 25th, reached the Atlantic to finally initiate its long-awaited circumnavigation voyage.17 The winds were now favourable... Like other ships of the French merchant navy, the OH was a plain and elegant
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sailing ship, with only a few decorative elements on the balustrades, with a classical figurehead sculpted in wood and the structure lined with planks. For some historians these ships had a cold and severe, “half-mourning”, appearance, and their elegance was poised in the sails and rigging masts.18 For others, they “represented the most evolved and prestigious expression in the history of sailing”.19 The impression caused by the ship among the crew and passengers of the expedition was, however, quite positive and one of the participants expressed his confidence on board in a letter sent to his aunt: A ship, and especially a ship like ours, is as solid as a very well-built house. A gust of wind may pass over it without causing it much harm. [...] But we are happier: by lowering or hoisting our sails at will, with the ship placed stern to bow, from bow to stern, ship side, front or three quarters, this ease of movement even avoids the appearance of danger... Therefore, rest completely assured. We are as safe from misfortune in our floating house as you, dear aunt, in your motionless house in Brussels.20
News of the voyage began to build up an increasing repository of letters sent by students, passengers and Captain Lucas himself to families, shipowners and French and Belgian authorities via vessels the OH came across in its ports of call. The daily notices recording everyday life on board served as raw material for this correspondence, only issued from time to time. Letters and diaries thus formed part of the routine of any literate traveller, composing an “invisible circuit” of dissemination of 135
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Life on board, according to the experience and imagination of the English artist Augustus Earle, c. 1836. The painter was in South America during the 1820s and 1830s, the later on board the Beagle, as official artist of the expedition in which Charles Darwin was travelling. In Montevideo, in 1832, Earle left the ship and returned to England. The painting was exhibited at the Royal Academy of Arts in London in 1837. The young Belgian Charles Emonce bore witness to life aboard the OH expedition: “We have the tween-deck as our study room. It has three panels that are always open. When it rains, we are all wet in our place, as well as the effects in our chests because of the water that then runs off. It is cluttered with trunks and hammocks, and so on... we cannot take a step without hitting each other. There are dirty tables, students singing, smoking and drinking, some playing cards, others arguing, screaming, and so on… I will let you judge now if it is possible to do anything in a study like this. To write our diaries we have to choose the time after meals, when everybody is on deck. I had to write the last letter I sent you under the moonlight”. (OH - Doc 02.01.1840)
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reports that, in the first half of the 19th century, also reached the press:21 Each student of the navy is required to copy the logbook and make marine observations. But, in general, it is mandatory for every student to write a daily diary on what he sees and what he does. He can have it corrected by his teachers.22
The stops of the OH were known and the letters circulated from one continent to the other, reaching their recipients after a few weeks or months. A significant part of this correspondence was published by the French and Belgian press, interested in sharing the impressions of the OH
travellers and meeting the general curiosity about the expedition. In turn, families had the chance of sending their children information about home and personal recommendations in similar manner.23 They were to address their letters to the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of France or Belgium so that the correspondence could reach the consular services of the ports of call.24 With this type of communication, on land and sea, travellers of the first half of the 19th century used other vessels and travellers in transit in the opposite direction so that the report and memory of their expeditions could reach the desired destination. And vice-versa. In this regard, the Prince de Joinville, then a young navigator,
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recorded: “I am only writing this diary as a duty of conscience as I am dying of boredom, and forget the main thing, the letters from France!”25 And immediately added: “it is very sad that letters take so long to arrive, and I have to learn everything through the newspapers”.26 The writing and reading of letters, diaries and newspapers were forms of communication and sociability of great importance in the history of the OH because, besides creating the immense network of contacts that made the undertaking feasible, ensuring publicity and adherence to the project, they also inaugurated, in a reduced time period, the exchange of information on several aspects of this experience at a local and global scale.27 Newspapers were not only one of the first mass consumer goods, but also, thanks to their increasing print runs, the vehicle of all sorts of novelties and events such as the invention of the daguerreotype or shipwrecks, well ahead of personal correspondence. They also brought news related to life in local communities, their travels and business. Despite a modest circulation, close to two-hundred provincial newspapers were published in France in 1832, and this figure doubled in a little more than a decade.28 The July Monarchy partly owed its existence to the struggle for the freedom of the press, but after coming to power, Louis-Philippe maintained severe censorship of the press.29 Official matters and diplomatic conflicts, commercial controversies and aristocratic bonds, naval expeditions and scientific discoveries, as well as historical romances and celebrated biographies were welcome topics.30 For those
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unhappy with the regime, the alternative to political persecution was taking refuge in social criticism and the chronicle of customs in a humoristic or satirical tone. Daily, weekly or monthly periodicals thus promoted the creation of a “public space” and, at the same time, an unprecedented exchange of journalistic material between countries and cities. For this reason, many reports on the OH, communicated since before the departure of the expedition until its wreckage, circulated through the transcription, translation and reproduction of those articles in various newspapers which, in this way, reached a wider circulation than is usually imagined for the period. The agreement with the Moniteur Industriel of Paris, the newspaper that gave the initial support to the OH, in October 1838, was publicly announced shortly before the departure, and immediately repeated in the same terms by the Courrier Belge of Brussels.31 These agreements were amplified by the other newspapers accompanying the expedition, and formed part of a conscious effort to publicise the mission: Captain Lucas, who knows how much we love the navy and up to what point we are interested in his beautiful enterprise, has set us the task of conveying the news with the conscientious punctuality that he knows characterises us. We have promptly accepted. Need we add that we have established that in principle this service will be totally free of charge? The owner and director of Moniteur Industriel is a family man in the full meaning of the term; and if, as he hopes, he receives nothing but good news, he will never delay the communication a single 137
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OH crew roll and on-board roll in its voyage around the world, 1839-1840. The document, saved from the shipwreck, indicates the name and physical features of the crew members, their place of enrolment in the maritime service, their functions on board and the pay stipulated during the voyage.
day. He has likewise promised Captain Lucas that he will make an extraordinary publication for the Oriental whenever necessary. This is a commitment from the heart and that concerns our honour at the same time.32
The students expressed great enthusiasm at the beginning of the journey and, beyond the optimistic expectations, made 138
Passengers embarked on the OH and on-board roll for their voyage around the world, 1839-1840.
assumptions that might seem exaggerated about the OH. The ship, bearing the tricolour flag, would be seen and treated like a corvette or any other French Navy warship, and exempted from the “unwelcome visit by customs officers who in every port advance like evil beasts on the ship...”33 Opinions about Captain Lucas, “gentle and strict at the same time”, “friendly with everybody”34 were also the best possible:
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Captain Lucas, who also teaches in the navy, is an extremely distinguished man. It is rare to gather at once so much modesty and so much knowledge of all kinds, of which his head is well furnished. He immediately inspired each one of us with the sincerest affection and absolute respect. He is assisted by officers of equally recognised merit.35
The OH left Paimboeuf with 78 people on board, still an incomplete number of crew and passengers that, only when stopping in Belle-Île, would reach the total number of 86 travellers who, in fact, initiated the expedition. This count includes the ship’s captain and staff (6); the French apprentices (40), without including one who committed suicide and another who, even after registering as crew, did not turn up to board; the sailors and cabin boys (11), the Belgians, the professors, and other travellers registered as passengers, among them professor Soulier de Sauve’s wife and a “domestic” (21); finally, Captain Lucas’ sister and wife, together with his two daughters (4).36 The figures would vary along the voyage, due to landings, desertions, the death of a young man and various replacements in the crew.37 Between the departure in Paimboeuf, and the arrival in Valparaiso, the OH, in addition to the French and Belgian crew and passengers, included an English physician, two Spanish sailors, a Portuguese boatswain, a young Javanese, a Uruguayan and a Brazilian passengers, as well as a North American reverend who, by the way, was never even registered by the consular authorities in the on board list. The total number of participants, the spelling of their names and their function
on board are complex pieces of information in the OH documentation.38 The sources considered and the count taken as a reference, whether on the day of departure or in the ports of call, present conflicting data in many respects. Among these sources we have the indications of the travellers themselves, reports published in the newspapers, port or consular records and, mainly, the documentation gathered by the Nantes Maritime Registry, taken here as the main reference. The local authorities were responsible for issuing the ship’s ownership and nationality records (“act of francisation”), and “outfitting and laid-up roll” (“rôle de d’armement et désarmement”), with the
Knowledge, haughtiness and elegance in the representation of the “marine officers”, title of the print, c. 1840. A sailor (first, at left) and two officers discuss drawings and plans in front of what seems to be a shipyard. They wear the new models of the French Navy uniform at the time of Louis-Philippe, popularised by these colourful prints.
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corresponding crew and also, therefore, the most reliable information on the travellers who were aboard the OH (see transcript at the end of this book). Shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin, for example, declared to Le National de l’Ouest in August that the “number of students was set at 70, of whom 50 had already enrolled”.39 In Brussels, on the eve of departure, L’Indépendant estimated that 60 students, of whom “15 or 16 [were] Belgians”, participated in the expedition.40 Two days after the voyage began, one of the passengers counted 76 persons on board,41 whereas Emonce mentions 77, possibly because he did not included the “domestic”
The merchant navy and its sailors in action: the transportation of a Parisian publisher’s “fragile” and “sensitive to water” material on the port quays, in the mid-19th century.
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in his count. In another correspondence, transcribed by Le Courrier Belge, it was said that there were “80 persons on board, of whom 52 were students”.42 In the port of Lisbon, as early as October, the archives of French diplomacy (Archives de Postes) stated that the OH had “57 men, among whom 44 were voluntary novices and 29 passengers, including 3 women and 2 children” 43 on its list, that is, a total of 86 persons. Some months later, in Paris, Le Moniteur Industriel would inform the families that all 300 (!) young men on board were well, according to news brought by La Bonne-Louise in February 1840.44 These last figures, besides being imprecise, are purposefully inflated to impress readers. The historian Adrien Carré reckoned that Captain Lucas’ great difficulty in starting the journey was related to the expedition’s staff choice: the OH officers simply had no great navigational experience. To make matters worse, they also had to deal with professors and students from prosperous families with imposing surnames, when even the admirals for the Brest Navy School faced insubordination from their apprentices.45 The Chief Officer, Martial Daudé, was only 28 years old and was incorporated to the expedition on the eve of departure and registered in the crew role on 11th September 1839. He had been navigating for thirteen years but had received his long-distance brevet in 1835. For one of the Belgians, however, the officer had “that old sailor experience we know in part through the Captain Marryat novels”.46 The first, second and third lieutenants’ profiles were not very different, except for the fact that Jean-François Briel, born in Belle-Île and also 28 years old, was married to Louise-Augustine Lucas, the
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captain’s sister.47 The chief physician of the expedition was doctor Gilles Thomas, presented by the OH announcement as “one of the most illustrious practitioners in Paris (7, Cadet Street), member of various scientific and literary societies”.48 One student described the physician as “a sage of great distinction”, who also taught anatomy, hygiene and the “history of the human races”.49 In addition to the staff, the crew of the OH was composed of the usual seamen on this sort of voyages and the young people registered as “voluntary novices” at the Nantes Maritime Registry. The ship’s crew counted with three boatswains, one carpenter, one sailmaker, two cooks, as well as sailors and cabin-boys, responsible for the heaviest duties on board: the cleaning and the kitchen. The young Emonce remarked that “two children, one aged nine and the other eleven”50 were OH cabin-boys, an observation that, although a little imprecise, does not fail to indicate his sensitivity to the issue. On dry land, restrictions on child labour were beginning to appear.51 At sea, however, the employment of children was still routine in the merchant navy of any country. The newspapers of the time echoed the increasingly frequent complaints about the precarious condition of seamen, especially in commercial navigation. A letter sent from Chiloe on 1st May 1840, was blunt: A horde of slaves is what commercial seamen are, [for] though so much is said about the emancipation of the Negroes of Bourbon and French West Indies (Antilles), no voice has been raised for the emancipation of sailors.52
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The young people of the “first families” of France and Belgium, however, formed the vast majority of the crew of novices and were aged from fourteen to twenty-six (see the List of Participants and On Board Roll of the Oriental-Hydrographe at the end of this book). Most of them boasted aristocratic surnames and titles of nobility (counts, barons, marquises). The enterprise, designed to increase France and Belgium’s relations with the world of “maritime speculation”,53 was intended for the children of large landowners, industrialists and merchants who wished to enter the merchant navy, as a guarantee of a promising career or an alternative to the lack of opportunities in the countryside, but also as a refuge from the “bad influence” of cities: We offer parents to give their children a solid and varied education, moving them away from the pitfalls that the influence of bad examples bring to the sedentary youth of cities. [...] One thing still worth noting is that among the forty young people that we count on our ship, only seven are from the coast, and maintaining the proportion over one hundred and twenty, we would have one hundred [young people] from the interior. Without this opportunity, how many years would it take us to attract a hundred young people from the interior to the sea?54
The conditions for joining the OH established that the floating school was intended for young people over the age of twelve but specified that they needed a permit from their parents or guardians to travel. The youths also had to be physically fit and carry a certificate of vaccination and a certificate of “good conduct”, conferred by the municipal 141
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The planetary system drawn and explained by Soulier de Sauve in his “elementary atlas”, 1839.
authority [the mayor of their commune].55 A considerable number of the French novices came from the interior, and their families were convinced by the OH propaganda that during the trip they would be spared the manoeuvring activities during the day or night shifts so that they could follow the courses given by the professors.56 Their nobility titles and aristocratic manners did not go unnoticed among the crew and passengers: The French also have several youths recommended because of their names and excellent demeanour. Among them we have the marquis de Montesquieu, d’Argentré, counts de Fussey, de Briges, de Faudoas, de Valory, d’Arcel and many others, whose names I forget because of the seasickness that is now tormenting me.57
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In contrast, the Belgians, according to their own assessment, were noted for their “good manners” and “everyone’s esteem”, so that “Belgium was worthily represented”.58 Soulier de Sauve had assured King Leopold I and his ministers that the only difference for the Belgians during the trip would be the provision of “national meat” to which they were accustomed.59 They had all been registered as passengers, but the composition of the group and position on board was rather heterogeneous. Jean Moreau, professor of descriptive geometry at the Central School of Commerce and Industry (École centrale du commerce et de l’industrie), in Brussels, would teach mathematics.60 A good command of the subject was a requirement for young people to register in the OH, and this seems to have been one of the reasons for their enthusiasm for the floating school, since no one would be admitted without knowing “arithmetic and the basic elements of geometry”, with exams taken even before boarding.61 The young Dufour and Michel were already midshipmen in the Belgian Navy and participated as apprentices,62 while Emonce and Verelst, students of the Antwerp School of Navigation, were novices like the French, but registered as passengers. Finally, the Belgian Navy lieutenants De Moor (artillery), Hynderyck63 (cavalry) and Schobrouck (infantry) embarked to accompany the expedition as observers, the first also in charge of teaching artillery to the students.64 Among the Belgians, Baron Popelaire de Terloo, a rich dealer and collector of antiques, accompanied by his “domestic” was also on board.65 Also part of the group of passengers, three French landowners (Benoist, Champeaux de la Boulaye, Champion de Villeneuve), and a young
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man from Java, a Dutch possession (Pierre Louis), completed the group of passengers together with the already mentioned women and children.66 The professors, although mostly French, were not navy career men and were therefore registered in the ship’s documents as passengers. Vendel-Heyl, who had followed the plans of the expedition from the beginning, was responsible for teaching French and ancient languages (Greek, Latin, German) in addition to literature and history. His son Emile, enrolled as a volunteer novice, worked as assistant, as “repeater” of these subjects.67 The chief physician Gilles Thomas, member of the staff, or according to other sources, Georges Want, an Englishman, assistant physician registered as a passenger, was in charge of teaching the English language, besides carrying out his medical functions. Soulier de Sauve, considered the “expedition scientist”, taught physics, chemistry, botany and geology68, while, according to one of the travellers, he had apparently organised “an ingenious observation system”.69 The textbook and atlas he published in Paris in 1839, just before his commitment to the OH, were on board, and surely also used in class.70 Father Louis Comte, registered as an OH passenger on 17th September,71 provided the expedition the typical spiritual functions of a navy chaplain. These included, in addition to the celebration of religious services, assisting the seriously ill in their agony and attesting to any deaths on board as well as to the inventory of the personal effects of the deceased.72 On the other hand, he also taught music, Spanish, religion and drawing.73 According to his students, the idea was that a great work illustrated with
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all their experience would be produced on their return to France.74 The daguerreotype presentations for the Queen of Portugal and the Emperor of Brazil would show during the trip that Comte had also embarked on the OH with other duties. Captain Lucas was, of course, responsible for the navy course and hands-on training of navigation manoeuvres, including the “procedures he himself had invented”75, such as the emergency rudder that made him known in the naval milieu. According to one of the young Belgians, “he adds so much clarity, precision and interest in these demonstrations that a good-willed ignoramus would soon acquire real knowledge on the subject”.76 As commander, Lucas showed a particular appreciation of “the art of forming men”, a Rousseaunian conception already expressed in his book, presented in the form of questions and answers77,
“Costumes during LouisPhilippe’s reign, 1839”: illustration for a History of France inspired by the July Monarchy, 1839.
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as well as the whole conception of the OH project. Another letter remarked that, faced with strong and treacherous winds, he “ordered ployment and deployment of the sails with a cold blood that contrasted singularly with our fears”.78 Wearing uniform was an integral part of the formation and conduct of men at sea. After the journey began, the French and Belgian students had to wear uniforms which, as promised, should not cost more than twohundred francs, including the sword.79 The need to renew or add new items of clothing would depend entirely on “the will and fortune of the parents”, as Saulier de Sauve explained.80 Since the Restoration, blue had gradually become the predominant colour in the French Navy again.81 In the 1830s, Louis-Philippe established new regulations for the uniform of officers, sailors and apprentices.82 The newspapers of the period soon illustrated the “sober” and “elegant” style that prevailed in the navy, an ever-present topic in the memory of the seafarers of all times: On the stern deck, as in the students’ posts, one lives with the sea. The clothing we wear should allow us to fight with it. Naturally, every now and then there is a parade. With this blue-and-gold uniform with red details, topped by a hat, we salute the sovereigns visiting on board with our swords. However, when they leave, we return to the everyday uniform.83
The clothing of the OH students, however, was designed by Captain Lucas, not to look like Navy attire in all its details, but rather as the uniform of the Polytechnic School of Paris. France had initiated the institutionalisation of engineering education 144
in the 17th century, and the school had been transformed, after its reorganisation in 1805, into an environment of military training and scientific excellence of international renown. The institution became famous for its rigorous admission process, its strict internal discipline and the difficulty of the courses given by scientists such as François Arago, Gay-Lussac, Ampère and others. The appeal of a uniform with all these references was therefore a good advertisement for the expedition, and its symbolism could not be disregarded by those who longed to grant the students the same prestige as the institution which served as model for them. No detail could be overlooked: in addition to the blue, red and white shirts, trousers, vests and hats, the list also included “overcoats, jackets and trousers manufactured with the same quality fabric, and according to the model established at the home port or in Paris”, as well as “a blue fabric jacket with a straight collar, and anchors embroidered in gold on the collar and sleeves, and buttons with the inscription: School-ship.84 The items each student would take on board, detailed in the Conditions d’admission sur le bâtiment-école” (“Conditions for Admission to the School Ship”) brochure, were modified and supplemented, on the eve of departure, by the Instruction pour les familles qui ont des parentes a bord du navireécole l’Oriental-Hydrographe (“Instruction for Families with Relatives on Board the School Ship Oriental-Hydrographe”) brochure. The replacement of the term “schoolship”, already used in the Navy, by “floating-school”, introduced by Captain Lucas and whose use he wished to consolidate in the naval milieu, associating it to his name and his project, was a subtle but significant
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modification. The additions indicated in the brochure basically referred to “a sextant and maps of the routes of the globe”.85 The gala gown of the OH officers and students would preferably be worn on land; on these occasions the young men could carry the sword “always accompanied by their professors and officers”.86 As usual for all seafarers, comfort seemed more important than all the equipment of a showy suit: The everyday uniform is a sort of enveloping jacket [...] trimmed with golden
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buttons, and a collar embroidered with a golden anchor. This anchor, no doubt, is the emblem of the tranquillity that is required of us. The sword and the dagger are at the side; the trousers are wide, and everything is blue. The gala uniform is an outfit in which the embroidery, buttons, cuffs, swords and hat are identical to those worn by the students of the Polytechnic School. Although the latter is bright and magnificent, I assure you that we prefer the former, whose simplicity is full of charm, and natural.87
The spacious cabin of a merchant ship, although the newspaper clarified that “not all the cabins are disposed like this”. Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
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The question of comfort on board, much appreciated in the planning and advertising of the OH, was also observed in the accommodation offered to the crew and passengers: Captain Lucas and his wife, along with their daughters, and also Chaplain Comte, artillery commander De Moor, Professors Moreau, Vendel-Heyl and his son, Soulier de Sauve and his wife, were all comfortably settled in “well-lit, pretty” cabins on the stern deck. The lower deck cabins, more modest, received other passengers and students. Most young people, however, slept on nets scattered on the floor, and were free to eat and study at a large table that “could easily accommodate fifty people”.88 Before the voyage began, the “conditions for admission” to the OH had established: On sea, as on land, students will have access to fresh bread at will, two courses with tea or coffee for lunch, a soup and two courses for supper, half a bottle of wine with each meal; at least one of the two courses in each meal shall have fresh food. If, during the voyage, wine is not available, it shall be replaced by some good quality healthy liquor.89
Throughout the voyage, the students were pleased to find that the wines, of the best quality, came from Bordeaux and the fresh provisions of all sorts included twelve sheep, twelve pigs and two-hundred chickens.90 The issue did not only involve the travellers’ palate, but a much more important question: health on board. In April 1840, after crossing the Strait of Magellan, Lucas wrote a letter to shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin, published in the Lloyd Nantais and the National de l’Ouest, in which he was 146
very pleased with the “admirable functioning of Peyre and Rocher’s cooking apparatus for distilling”, as it had been able to provide abundant fresh water, even used for the passengers’ ablutions.91 The OH feeding practices and sanitary measures, as well as the presence on board of medical surgeons, ensured the health of the ship and the expedition. For Carré, a physician with a career in the French Navy who had studied the subject, food, water supply, first aid and mandatory vaccination were very positive aspects in the organisation of the trip, compared to other expeditions of the period.92 In an “exploration and discovery voyage”, as the OH wanted to be, a good library could be as important as food supplies and medicine, nautical charts and navigation instruments. Travellers of the period refer to reading as an essential activity for life on board, as well as for the missions they performed.93 Darwin, for example, claiming he was squeezed between books while sleeping on the Beagle, devoted a substantial portion of his reading to Humboldt’s work, which formed part of the library of any such journey.94 The study books of the OH students were purchased from the Nantes booksellers prior to departure, following the professors’ directions and travel instructions.95 Some were especially dedicated to the training of navy students, highlighting the attention paid by the publishers to this market sector.96 When the ship was wrecked in Valparaiso, months later, books and other belongings on board were saved. These were put up for sale when many members of the expedition returned to Europe, so that it is possible to have an idea of what they read and studied from the advertisements published in El Mercurio between the 17th and 20th July 1840:
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For sale: as a consequence of the Oriental shipwreck, a collection of French, English and Italian books on literature, science and history, as well as some instruments, English colour pencils, vocal and instrumental music, a violin and other items.97
A list of books, presented in an announcement at the end of August, reveals the scope and diversity of the lot.98 The titles on sale begin with “natural history”, with the sixty-eight volumes of the complete works by Count de Buffon (Georges-Louis Leclerc), followed by works by Lacépède and Cuvier.99 All this amply illustrated, with an emphasis on the two last authors and their studies on fish and crustaceans. Written throughout the second half of the 18th century, the Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière, avec la description du Cabinet du Roy, Buffon’s main work, had been published in several editions and various countries, with versions for young people. Among the books on “history”, “literature”, “travel”, “politics” and “studies”, plus dozens of books on the history of France and Belgium, Iriarte’s fables and other classics (Chateaubriand, Tasso, Montaigne), travel letters from the East, political economy treaties, guides, atlases and maps of different regions (France, British Isles, Italy), dictionaries, vocabularies and grammars in several languages (French, Italian, German, English), the Universo Pittoresco, a newspaper from Lisbon, in its Brazilian, German, Russian and Turkish editions, and even a “consul’s manual”.100 Finally, in addition to the study books, there were pleasant reading books to counter the boredom of the long maritime journey, with a collection of “Italian novels”.101 The testimony is by a student:
Drawings and annotations portray the importance of reading in the daily life of travellers, 19th century. The English Reverend Thomas Streatfeild gathered in his “Sketchbook of shipboard scenes” a vast iconography of life at sea, with scenes of seasickness, work and leisure, among other subjects. As reported by the National Maritime Museum (England), “none of the drawings include any suggestion of a port or coastline, or any other indication of where the ship was sailing from or to”. The crossing was often more remarkable than the arrival at any destination.
When we have some extra time, we spend it on the pleasures of the library or the charming exercise of chanting in chorus. As for gambling, it is strictly forbidden, and this prescription would not be violated with impunity, for the captain is good and loved by all, but he has the goodness of the gospel, that is, bound to a calm and strong severity.102
The advertisement for El Mercurio is also enlightening about the material used in the music and drawing lessons: pieces by Rossini, singing manuals, scores for violin and other instruments, landscape studies, special English papers and a dozen prints.103 Finally, a set of “assorted objects” completed the announcement: “Chinese lacquer snuff box”, “hunter’s backpack”, “soup seasoning packets”, “perfumes and other dressing table 147
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this composition was a choice consistent with the principles espoused in the project. They went against the legal restrictions imposed on French Navy warships, where the female presence was considered unacceptable and disruptive.107 The presence on board of several men with children, commendable for their moral character and knowledge as professors, sufficiently attests that the wisest measures were taken so that this floating school will bring us one day a nursery of young subjects upon whom the homeland can build strong hopes for the progress of science and the prosperity of trade.108
Map of small, protected Belle-Île, facing the immensity and dangers of the Atlantic Ocean, 16th century.
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objects”, new and used clothes, as well as a “clear camera to take vistas without knowing how to draw”104 With all this on board, the instruction voyage of the floating school promised to be an experience of “exploration and discovery”, in every way. The route was extensive, the stay at sea long, and the first planned stopover, the port of Lisbon. However, before leaving the coast of France, the OH still made a quick stop at Belle-Île (now called Belle-Île-en-mer) on the Brittany coast.105 Only Captain Lucas left the ship on arriving at his homeland country to bring on board his wife Elisabeth Bellais and their two daughters, his brother-in-law and novice Prosper Bellais, and his sister Louise Lucas, married to the third-lieutenant JeanFrançois Briel, also born on the island.106 Although the boarding of so many relatives and the presence of five women and children gave a seemingly unusual nature to the OH,
A family environment was part of the conception of the floating school, as well as the guarantee offered to parents who embarked their children on this idea. This argument was reiterated by all the forms of propaganda of the OH.109 Each student would always be accompanied “at the table, in his studies and on his walks”110 by a professor considered as a kind of guardian of morality for young men at an “age of crisis”, especially those who grew up in cities, “which was often pernicious”.111 For the Navy, Lucas would also associate his role as commander with the figure of a father: All the young men who are part of this expedition were entrusted to me by their parents, not as a ship captain who was to embark them as novices or pilot apprentices, but as a father in whose hands they had deposited all their authority without restriction. This trust was handed to me by contract, by letters and thousands of written or verbal recommendations.112
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Illustration of the cleaning tasks aboard a ship, performed with rhythm and discipline, c. 1840.
In Belle-Île, though the students were not allowed to get off the ship, they were already on board in uniform, and Captain Lucas showed his floating school to his countrymen as he had dreamed. But the island had another more important matter in the script followed by the expedition and in Captain Lucas’ plans: d. Pedro I, former Emperor of Brazil and, briefly, Pedro IV, King of Portugal, had also been there in 1832, before removing from power his brother Miguel, supported by the absolutists who controlled the kingdom. D. Pedro came from England, accompanied by liberal forces that supported him and, after gathering strength in Belle-Île, parted for the Azores and
from there to Portugal, with a large fleet. Disembarking in Porto and then in Lisbon, he recovered the throne he had abdicated in favour of his daughter and which had been “usurped” by his brother. In 1839, dona Maria II, Queen of Portugal, was already free from the tutelage of her uncle and first husband. She therefore had very strong reasons of State and personal inclinations to offer a warm welcome to the commander of the OH and his floating ship. Before leaving Belle-Île, Lucas took the opportunity to send the first news of the trip to Nantes. A letter to the shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin was published in the Lloyd Nantais, on 2nd October 1839: 149
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Everybody on board is well, except for seasickness, but the courage and energy of these youths triumph over this indisposition.113
The students also wrote to their families, already eager for news, showing even a certain good humour about the nausea that punished the “freshwater sailors” or “firsttime sailors”, as they saw themselves, so badly. Nitric acid, incredible as it may seem today, was used to alleviate it. But the worst was, in fact, to come. After leaving the island, in the already stormy waters of the Bay of Biscay (Gulf of Gascogne, in French), the seasickness transformed “the stern of the ship into a sort of battlefield”. To complete this, two sharks, and then a whale, followed the ship, and “surely impatient because nothing happened with their voracity, they finally abandoned us”.114 Fanciful images also illustrated the letters: Seasickness torments us terribly. The stern deck features the most original picture. Some are writhing like serpents, others lie on the boards like fish surrendering their souls. Others mock these wet chickens, as they say, but their turn will come.115
The “seasickness”, however, could also be a kind of necessary evil, because it had the power to ensure calm on board during a long voyage116, since “discipline was indispensable to keep those men in the restricted space of ships”.117 The traditional struggle for survival in a daily routine marked by the confinement of life at sea proved the value of discipline and hierarchy in maritime culture. The difficulties encountered by Fernão de Magalhães’ expedition on the first circumnavigation 150
voyage were known: small rations per person, constant humidity, rotting food, lack of hygiene, diseases such as scurvy, and the most unpleasant of all evils: water which deteriorated rapidly and tasted horrible. This type of difficulty and the isolation experienced on board led seafarers to consume high doses of alcohol. The consequences, with altercations and conflicts between sailors and officers, did not take long to appear.118 At first, the routine aboard the OH followed the usual pattern: “at half-past five in the morning we hear the bugle call. So we dress. After that, we hear the drums for tea. It is again with the sound of the drum that we are called for lunch at 10 am, and for dinner at 5 pm. At 9 pm they call for us to leave: it is time to go to bed”.119 Emonce, already trained at the Antwerp Navy School summed it up: “we are commanded by the pipe and the drum”.120 This tradition in the naval milieu became an allegory of life on board when the students began to disobey the officers’ orders, and failed to carry out cleaning activities and other “minor” tasks. Already accustomed to the rules, hierarchy and discipline of the naval environment, the Belgian attributed the disorder that was beginning to be installed in the OH to the “amateur” students.121 Since departure the youths had faced seasickness as they best could but, after initiating the Atlantic crossing towards South America, they also began to experience boredom and fighting, with some duels on board. Insubordination and indiscipline were not tolerated on board war ships and could be punished with prison, demotion and even the death penalty.122 The students of the expedition did not suffer this sort of punishment, but commander Lucas’ difficulty to proceed with the trip after reaching the southern
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Commerce Square (former Terreiro do Paço), facing the River Tagus, in the very heart of Lisbon, 1840. In the foreground, the marble steps of the Colunas Quay, point of arrival for illustrious travellers; in the background, Saint George’s Castle.
Panoramic view of the centre of Lisbon (Baixa Pombalina), from the hills of the city; in the background, Saint George’s Castle, 1842.
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hemisphere was largely due to the various consequences of this lack of discipline. The long-distance captain in command of a merchant navy ship had clearly defined duties, long established by tradition and by legislation.123 These included, as was manifest in the OH advertising, to care “for the necessary regulations to maintain good order and discipline on board”.124 On the other hand, the brochure of the expedition made only one reference to the penalty that could be applied by the commander if any student went ashore without his permission.125 Captain Lucas’ style of command, flexible and liberal with the novices, would later be severely condemned in the naval milieu. The idea that everyone should have “the same rights, the same table, and the same respect”126 was by no means part of the maritime culture of his time. To complete the picture, the differences that characterised the French and Belgian societies were also manifest on board, giving rise to prejudices and conflicts among the members of a crew of such heterogeneous social and regional origin. Problems worsened when the officers ordered less “noble” tasks that the students simply refused to perform, with the commander’s consent: Mr. Lucas also says that we are not on board to wash the deck and perform the dirty tasks, but to learn to manoeuvre and command. Because, at the beginning, the officers ordered us to carry water, something I, for my part, refused to do.127
The OH reached the port of Lisbon, the first stop anticipated in the expedition’s plans, at three o’clock in the afternoon of 7th October 1839.128 Destroyed by the 1755 earthquake, Lisbon was rebuilt from 152
Portrait of dona Maria II, c. 1835. Newly crowned, the young queen of Portugal is wearing the Portuguese Orders of Christ, Avis and Santiago da Espada.
rubble by the Marquis of Pombal, the powerful Minister of War and Foreign Business who, on behalf of King D. Jose I, had commanded the gigantic operation of “burying the dead, caring for the living, and reconstructing the city”, a synthesis of the material, human and symbolic dimension of this whole process. The so-called Baixa Pombalina, especially the Terreiro do Paço and the arcades of the huge architectural complex facing the Tagus river, were now the perfect setting for the parade of the young men who arrived in Lisbon brought by the OH. The choices between past and future, tradition and progress, defined the physiognomy of the Portuguese capital: in 1839, the Town
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Hall was looking for a way to choose the best option for the pavement of the square in front of the building, where the old Pelourinho, a column destined to punish criminals, was also located. Contrary to the adoption of the modern paving developed by the Scottish engineer John McAdam, the city council decided to choose the “Portuguese system” which later became one of the symbols of Lisbon.129 In Portugal, the OH received the treatment reserved for the French navy ships, being exempted from the payment of customs duties by the local authorities and
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other charges by the French Chancellery itself. This distinction was not only a financial matter, but also an acknowledgement with all the symbolism of official missions, a fact communicated by the captain in his correspondence with the shipowners.130 Soon, the French ambassador in Lisbon received from the commander the “ministerial dispatches” recommending the expedition, and handed Lucas his letters of recommendation for the French consular officers on the Madeira and Cape Verde archipelagos, confident that there he would “receive a warm welcome”, as the Minister of Foreign Affairs
Palácio das Necessidades, in Lisbon, where Lucas and Comte demonstrated the daguerreotype for the Queen of Portugal, in October 1839.
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had requested.131 Baron Jacques-Edouard Burignot de Varennes was a career diplomat and owed his nobility title to his proximity to Louis-Philippe and the functions conferred on him by the monarch. In 1837, he personally took care of the marriage of his eldest son with a German princess, as “special envoy and plenipotentiary minister” of France, in Mecklembourg-Schwerin, and then took the same position in Lisbon, where he remained until 1848.132 Burignot de Varennes, after the first contact with the OH expedition, reported to the minister of the portfolio, the Duke of Dalmatie (Marshal Soult), that “the captain and the teachers on board had presented him with a series of commercial questions to which he had answered in detailed fashion”. 133 For the members of the OH, everything seemed to be going very well... The students were then able to descend and walk around the Portuguese capital, visiting monuments and theatres that resulted in a “phantasmagoria of images, mirages and landscapes” that charmed the imagination of many.134 Wearing uniforms, carrying their swords, they went to dances on other ships and paraded in groups through the streets of Lisbon. The impression made on the young people themselves and among those who attended the parade could not have been better. The event was commented in letters and newspapers. Some, even before arriving in Portugal, were already hoping to see the queen, famous for her beauty and youth, now married to a nephew of Leopold I of Belgium: Perhaps I’ll see the beautiful queen of this place, Dona Maria, this sixteen-year-old queen, widowed and already remarried, 154
and carrying the cruel burden of the duties of the throne, at an age when pleasure and flirting are usually the only concerns of a young woman.135
One night, wearing the gala uniform, the OH students went to see a spectacle in the San Carlos theatre and there had a chance to catch a glimpse of D. Maria II: “we greeted her as a group with lively salutations [and] the pretty queen responded very graciously to our greetings”.136 However, she was also interested in the novelties brought by the OH travellers on board, like Dom Fernando, the “artist king” who cultivated a great appreciation for the arts.137 The nature of the expedition, reported by the newspapers circulating in Europe, probably had already been communicated to the couple by letters sent from Belgium.138 Ambassador Burignot de Varennes was responsible for the meeting between the royal couple and the commander and chaplain of the OH: Knowing there was a daguerreotype on board this ship, the king and the queen expressed their desire to attend an experiment. I did my duty and conducted M. Lucas and Father Comte, chaplain of the expedition to Their Majesties, at the Palácio das Necessidades. Their Majesties followed M. Comte’s operations with great patience and interest; unfortunately, the demonstration was not totally successful. The trials continued on the following days at M. Famin’s residence, where the officers of the Naval Stations had gone, as well as many Portuguese, eager to see the wonders promised by this new procedure; however, the results were none the more satisfactory.139
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It was necessary to rehearse, and more than that, to rehearse countless times, in good atmospheric conditions, to achieve a satisfactory result with the invention. Furthermore, the process demanded the use of equipment and materials that, as a whole, could weigh up to 50 kg140 and needed to be handled with precision, starting with the daguerreotype camera, the careful polishing of the copper plates, and continuing with the manipulation of the wooden devices and chemical preparations used in the image processing. Daguerre had anticipated the difficulties in the execution of the process in a letter sent to Isidore Niépce, on 28th April 1838: I am convinced that many people could never succeed due to all the care that needs to be given to all the operations [...] as for the people from the interior who cannot travel to Paris, it is impossible for them to learn, because the most detailed description is not enough – you have to see it to operate it.141
In the early years of the invention, the “difficulties of the daguerreotype” were commented on by many, and Jean-Baptiste Jobard transcribed other opinions of Daguerre’s on the subject. The inventor apparently said that, even after seeing how the process worked, it was necessary to combine special skills over a long period of training before obtaining a good collection of views with the daguerreotype.142 The testimony of the French ambassador in Lisbon clarifies who was responsible for handling the operations with the daguerreotype. In Montevideo, Comte would claim that he had learned the process from Daguerre himself,
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so he probably did not have much time to do it. Trials conducted in the house of the Franco-Italian chancellor, César Famin, with a larger and more diverse audience, certainly favoured the OH chaplain’s mastery of the technique for the upcoming experiences along the way. A former official of the French consulate in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (Reino das Duas Cecílias), Famin was also the author of illustrated works that responded to the public’s curiosity about “exotic customs”, such as the catalogue of the Musée royal de Naples, peintures, bronzes et statues érotiques du cabinet secret avec leurs explications (Paris, 1836), and the volume Colombie et Guyanes (Paris, 1838) belonging to the L’univers; histoire et description de tous les peuples collection published together with a text by Ferdinand Denis in Brazil. The host must have been very interested to learn how to use the daguerreotype, as voyages and images were also part of his personal universe. Oddly enough, the Lisbon newspapers did not publicise these demonstrations, something that may be attributed to the relative failure of the experiments, since the images did not reach satisfactory results, according to Burignot de Varennes. Another possibility is that the ambassador himself did not favour the greater dissemination of the experiments conducted in Lisbon because the expedition was already beginning to cause discomfort among French authorities. In Brussels, Le Courrier Belge published an account of these demonstrations, with a very different assessment: Letter written in the port of Lisbon, 10th October 1839. [...] Before saying goodbye, I cannot forget a curious circumstance: M. Lucas, 155
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importer of a daguerreotype camera in Portugal, conducted a demonstration before the queen, and captured, before Dona Maria’s eyes, the profile of this wonderful Oasis de Cinthia [Greek moon goddess], that dominates Lisbon on the right of the Tagus. He honoured the queen with his experiment, who thanked him with Frenchlike grace and politeness. The Prince de Cobourg, her husband, and nephew of our king, is a very prestigious draughtsman and engraver. The daguerreotype was of great interest to him.143
The time available to practice with the daguerreotype prior to the OH’s departure had been short, and, at sea, trials with the equipment lacked the necessary conditions of stability, so the experience in Portuguese lands did not live up to the enthusiasm for the invention. On the other hand, in this report Lucas appears as the daguerreotypist who promoted the dissemination of the invention. The French ambassador, writing to the minister when the expedition had just left Lisbon, gave a rather negative account of the OH’s passage through the city.144 Besides censoring the enterprise as a whole, the difficulties he found on board seemed to him in many ways a “bad omen” of what was about to come: I am sorry to add, Marshal, that the expedition is far from offering all the guarantees desirable for success. On board there is no order, no planning, and, much less subordination. The young students who have just arrived are scattered throughout the city and have been involved in disorders that seem a bad omen for their future. It is feared that the honest and reasonable 156
people that form part of this expedition will soon get angry and leave at one of the next stopovers. I also find it hard to think this ship will be able to complete its circumnavigation voyage; and if Captain Lucas persists in this undertaking without bringing the ship to order, he will certainly leave behind him a very sad and scarcely honourable memory of the French flag.145
The expedition that after so much effort by its commander displayed the French flag on an “extraordinary mission around the world” was now considered unworthy of such a distinction.
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Chapter 4 1. Guide de l’étranger à Nantes [...], 1844, p. 104. 2. Wismes, 1983; Bois, 1977. The latter mentions the OH expedition, albeit with some misconceptions (see p. 325). 3. Cf. Page in Mémorial de l’abolition de l’esclavage, inaugurated in Nantes, at La Fosse pier, in 2012. “Hommage aux millions de victimes de la traite et de l’esclavage à travers le monde, hommage à ceux qui se dressèrent contre ce crime, hommage aux luttes d’hier et d’aujourd’hui, il est porteur d’un message universel de solidarité et de fraternité”. 4. Cornevin and Cornevin, 1990, p. 391396. The first “slave-trade expeditions” departed from Nantes in 1656 and 1657 and, even in a clandestine way, continued up to the middle of the 19th century. Cf. Krystel Gualdé. “Nantes and the transatlantic slave trade”, in Blume et al, 2018, pp. 80-88. 5. Daget, 1987, p. 69. 6. Marec, 2001, p. 75. 7. Idem, p. 81. 8. OH - Doc 06.09.1839. 9. OH - Doc 12.09.1839; OH - Doc 21.09.1839; OH - Doc 22.09.1839 . 10. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. The author, as may be inferred from the everyday information contained in the letter, is the Belgian traveller Popelaire de Terloo, but he will only be identified by the newspaper later (see Chapter 5). 11. OH - Doc 24.09.1839 (b). 12. Wezembeek, 1963, p. 352. 13. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 14. OH - Doc 24.09.1839; OH - Doc 25.09.1839; OH - Doc 28.09.1839. 15. OH – Doc 24.09.1840. Wood (1996) estimated the date of departure at the end of September (p. 114) and, further on, “on the 1st or 2nd October” (p. 115). 16. OH - Doc 07.10.1839. 17. Adrien Carré was born in Brest but
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lived a good part of his life in Nantes. Knowing the place and the conflicting sources well, the historian also took as a reference the 25th September for the start of the journey, as the Atlantic does not start in Paimboeuf but after SaintNazaire. 18. Jean Boudriot. “Vaisseaux et frégates sous la Restauration et la Monarquie de Juillet”. In: Marine et technique au XIXe siècle, [1988], p. 74. 19. Duron, 2000, p. 190. 20. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 21. The observations written during the journey are mentioned in the sources, but the diaries themselves were not reached in the survey. The assumption is that they had also been written in the letters that reached the newspapers. 22. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. 23. “Voici l’adresse de M. Bonnefin qui se chargera d’expédier vos lettres si vous voulez m’en écrire en les lui envoyant d’avance et francs de port”. OH - Doc 24.09.1839. 24. OH - Doc 00.08.1839. Wood (1996, p. 115) indicates that the students’ parents had been advised to send the correspondence to Sydney, via England. 25. Joinville, 2006, p. 73. 26. Joinville, 2006, p. 78. 27. Wolgensinger, 1989, esp. pp. 60-73. 28. Charle, 2004, p. 58. “En 1832, 235 journaux étaient publié dans 113 villes, contre plus du double en 1845 : 520, dont 245 politiques sont astreints au versement du cautionnement”. 29. Charle, 2004, pp. 37-70. 30. Witte, 2005, p. 173. The author comments that “la presse bruxelloise et les revues d’art sont les premières à attirer l’attention sur le caractère national de l’art”. 31. OH - Doc 18.08.1839 and OH - Doc 20.08.1839 (“Le Moniteur industriel sera favorisé des communications du capitaine Lucas, nous les reproduirons”)
32. OH - Doc 18.08.1839. 33. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. Article published by Le Courrier Belge, referring to a letter sent from Lisbon on 15.10.1839. 34. OH - Doc 24.09.1839 (b). 35. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 36. Captain Lucas’ daughters and Professor Soulier de Sauve’s wife were not individually present in the list of passengers but were considered here. 37. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. A transcript of the document is found at the end of this book and the information may be compared. 38. Carré, 1970. The historian refers to 70 “men on board” (p. 24), counting the 42 French students. He likewise mentions 13 Belgian travellers (p. 23) in the group of passengers, however the “domestic” Vridays, was probably of a different origin. 39. OH - Doc 14.08.1839 e OH – Doc 18.08.1839 40. OH - Doc 21.09.1839. 41. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 42. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. 43. OH - Doc 07.10.1839. 44. OH - Doc 11.02.1840. 45. Carré, 1970, pp. 25-26. 46. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. See reference to Captain Marryat in Chapter 1. 47. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 48. OH - Doc 22.04.1839. 49. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. 50. OH - Doc 24.09.1839. 51. In 1833, the British Factory Act banned the work of children under 9 years in English factories and a working day of over 9 hours for those between 9 and 13 years. Gassan, 1972, p. 297. 52. SHD-Marine. Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré, carton 4; Le Lloyd Nantais, 10th and 11th September 1840. 53. OH - Doc 00.03.1839 and OH - Doc 10.03.1839. 54. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 55. OH - Doc 02.04.1839.
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56. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 57. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. The Belgian Emonce also remarked that the OH was “full of barons, counts and marquises”. OH - Doc 29.09.1839 58. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. The L’Indépendant newspaper, on the 21st September (OH - Doc 21.09.1839), estimated that of the total 60 students on board, 15 or 16 would be Belgian. The same periodical, on the 24th October, refers to 80 persons on board, 12 of whom were Belgian (OH - Doc 24.10.1839). 59. OH - Doc 30.07.1839 . 60. Bergmans, 1899, pp. 245-246. 61. OH - Doc 02.04.1839. 62. OH - Doc 24.09.1839. 63. The spelling used by Wezembeek, 1963, p. 352, was adopted here. The name of the Belgian appears in the documents of the time written in various forms: as “Hynderick” in the crew list (OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840); as “Hendrickx” in the newspaper Le Courrier Belge, (OH - Doc 31.10.1840); as “Henderick” in a letter from Captain Lucas (OH - Doc 31.07.1842). 64. Wezembeek, 1963, p. 352. 65. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840; OH - Doc 24.9.1839; Wezembeek, 1963, p. 352; SHDMarine. Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré, carton 4. 66. Full names may be seen in Relação dos participantes e registros de bordo do Oriental-Hydrographe (1839-1840). 67. OH - Doc 24.9.1839, OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 68. OH - Doc 24.9.1839. 69. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 70. Soulier (de Sauve), 1839. Among other of Soulier de Sauve’s works at the FNB, a copy of this atlas (1841 edition) is part of the Thereza Christina collection that belonged to Emperor Pedro II. 71. OH - Doc 00.00.1839. 72. GAUDU, 1972; Bouche, 1987. 73. OH - Doc 24.9.1839 and OH - Doc
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06.10.1839. 74. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. 75. OH - Doc 24.9.1839. 76. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 77. Lucas, 1839. 78. OH - Doc 31.10.1839 (a). 79. OH - Doc 30.07.1839. 80. OH - Doc 30.07.1839. 81. Jullien, 1947, p. 23. Royal order on the 31st October 1819. 82. Jullien, 1946, p. 16. The author refers, in particular, to the “Ordonnance de 20 juillet 1837”. 83. Idem. 84. OH - Doc 22.04.1839. 85. OH - Doc 00.08.1839. 86. OH - Doc 14.08.1839 and OH – Doc 18.08.1839. 87. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 88. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 89. OH - Doc 02.04.1839 and OH - Doc 22.04.1839. 90. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. On the subject, see Darrieus and Quèguiner, 1997. 91. Peyre and Rocher, 1843, p. 11; OH - Doc 23.09.1840 e OH - Doc 24.09.1840. 92. Carré, 1970, p. 26. Cf. Christian Buchet. “Santé et expéditions géostratégiques au temps de la marine à voile”, In : Marine et technique au XIXe siècle, [1988], pp. 141-162. 93. Arago, 2006, p. 79. 94. Darwin, 2007. 95. OH - Doc 22.04.1839 and OH - Doc 07.07.1839. 96. The book by Etienne Bezout, Cours complet de mathématiques à l’usage des élèves de la Marine, avec notes de MM. Reynaud et de Russel (Paris : Bachelier, 1829), is included in the “instructions for the families”. OH - Doc 00.08.1839. 97. OH - Doc 17.07.1840. The announcement published in El Mercurio also appears on the 18th and 20th June 1840. 98. OH - Doc 25.08.1840. This announcement does not mention the wreckage of
the OH, but is the only group of books on sale at the same address as the two previous announcements, suggesting the same origin. 99. About the author, see https:// fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georges-Louis_ Leclerc_de_Buffon. 100. This type of publication must have been very useful to Captain Lucas, not only to learn about the duties of the consuls at each port, but also to challenge their abuses of authority, as will be seen in Chapter 6. 101. OH - Doc 22.04.1839 and OH - Doc 25.08.1840. 102. OH – Doc 07.11.1839. 103. OH - Doc 25.08.1840. 104. OH - Doc 25.08.1840. 105. Le Gallen, 1906, pp. 624-625. 106. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 107. Carré, 1970, p. 26. 108. OH - Doc 14.08.1839 and OH - Doc 18.08.1839. 109. OH - Doc 14.08.1839; OH - Doc 18.08.1839; OH - Doc 20.08.1839. The article published in Nantes, in the National de l’Ouest, on the 14th August, was reproduced four days later in Paris, in Le Moniteur Industriel, and two days after in Brussels in Le Courrier Belge. 110. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 111. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 112. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others. Letter from Lucas to Consul Cazotte (Valparaiso, 17th July 1840), pp. 321-322. 113. OH - Doc 02.10.1839. 114. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. 115. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 116. Carré, 1970, p. 26. 117. Taillemite, 1987, p. 24. 118. Pigafetta, 2011; Ramos, 2006. 119. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. 120. OH - Doc 24.09.1839. 121. Carré, 1970, p. 27. 122. Rodrigues, 1999, pp. 27-29. 123. Freitas, 1835, esp. pp. 120-123.
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124. OH - Doc 02.04.1839. 125. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 126. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 127. OH - Doc 24.09.1839. 128. OH - Doc 07.10.1839. O Diário do Governo, a Lisbon Newspaper also reports in OH - Doc 08.10.1839 the arrival of the ship. 129. Lisboa. Synopse dos principaes actos administractivos da Camara Municipal de Lisboa no anno de 1839. Lisboa. Câmara Municipal, 1839, p. 26. Available at http://hemerotecadigital.cmlisboa.pt/Periodicos/Sinopse/1839/1839_ master/Sinopse1839.pdf. 130. OH - Doc 20.10.1839 (a). The merchant navy captain was required to provide updated information on the ship and on the voyage underway to its owners. Cf. Freitas, 1835, pp. 120-123. 131. The OH did not manage to pass through Cape Verde, as will be discussed in the next chapter. 132. Robert and Cougny, 1889, v. 1, pp. 533-534. 133. OH - Doc 14.10.1839. 134. OH - Doc 31.10.1839 (a). 135. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 136. OH - Doc 31.10.1839 (a). 137. Libeaudière, 1900, pp. 200-201. 138. In his article (1970, p. 26) Carré mentions the demonstration of the physiognotype in Portugal (“La reine Maria reçoit en longue audience Augustin Lucas et l’abbé Comte et s’intéresse au ‘physiognotype’”), without making any reference to the daguerreotype in that demonstration, as in the whole voyage. The sources consulted by the historian do not bring this information, as evidenced when consulting his personal archive. SHD / Marine. Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré. 139. OH - Doc 14.10.1839. The French newspaper Le Breton, on the 29th October 1839, comments on the experience in the same terms. 140. Sixou, 2000, p. 67.
Early News and Bad Omens
141. Kravetz, T. (ed.). Dokumenty po istorii izobretenija fotografii. Leningrad: Akademija Nauk SSSR, 1949, p. 460. Apud Brunet, 2000, p. 49. 142. [Jean-Baptiste Jobard], “Difficulté du daguerréotype”, Le Courrier Belge, 24 août 1839, p. 2. The journalist concludes: “we realise that [the daguerreotype] is music for which not everybody will have the key”. 143. OH - Doc 31.10.1839 (a). The person who makes the comment is Baron Popelaire de Terloo. 144. Records on board the OH indicate that the ship left the port of Lisbon on the 12th October 1839 (OH - Doc 00.00.18391840) and Ambassador Burignot, in a letter dated on the 14th October 1839, refers to the expedition which “parted this morning” (OH - Doc 14.10.1839). 145. OH - Doc 14.10.1839.
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Navigation in the proximity of Tenerife Island in the Atlantic Ocean, in 1842. Drawing by Prince Adalbert of Prussia illustrating his travel diary, published in 1847.
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5
‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
In January 1839, Alexander von Humboldt was one of the first and most important personalities of his time to pronounce himself on the “discovery” of the daguerreotype. The German naturalist celebrated the informative role of the images that could be obtained with a traveller’s “auxiliary” instrument. In his works he defended an aesthetic vision of the travel experience based on the subject’s sensibility for collecting and expressing a whole set of impressions.1 The long expedition in which he unveiled a “new continent” for the scientific world, between 1799 and 1804, had encouraged Humboldt to dwell on the landscapes he saw. For him, the route from the Iberian Peninsula to South America, passing through the Canary Islands, did not offer anything deserving the traveller’s attention: “it is a less dangerous navigation than crossing the great lakes in Switzerland can sometimes be”.2 Captain Lucas might have thought the same, but the
youths crossing the Atlantic for the first time “imagined an exciting time ahead. In the first place, they needed to balance their longing to return home with a “Humboldtian” enthusiasm for an expedition that would be inscribed in maritime annals as “the first experience of a hydrographic school in which the students have as their object of perpetual study the great book of the universe, and with which we will have the glory of being the first in our nation to face the dangers and hazards of such a voyage”.3 Convinced of their status as “apprentice naturalists”, the young men looked forward to experiencing the explorations anticipated in their plan of studies. They took with them the “traveller’s auxiliary instrument” together with the usual equipment: As for natural history, we have with us all that is necessary to make beautiful collections: dredges, nets, harpoons, cutters, 161
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The harbour of Funchal, represented by Benjamin Mary during his passage through the island of Madeira, 1834. The first Belgian ambassador sent to the Brazilian Empire, a distinguished watercolourist, recorded dozens of images of the voyage and of the time spent in the country, between 1834 and 1838.
bags, tongs, brandy, injection instruments, etc. In a word, nothing has been forgotten and each in turn expects to gather great collections.4
The instructions of the Paris Ethnology Society, founded in 1839, would guide the study of languages, ceremonies, clothing, eating habits and the “physiological characteristics of the human races” that might be observed for the benefit of commercial navigation.5 The wind regimes, maritime currents and the depth of the waters indicated by the available cartography, guided the itinerary 162
and navigability of the OH, but the route might be altered due to circumstantial reasons. The risk of contamination in a “dirty port” was recurrent, and prudence in such cases was a mandatory rule. Or, as one of the travellers wrote, “the major principle at sea is to choose well the time to visit this or that latitude”.6 For this reason, the OH did not make the planned stopovers in Cadiz, on the Spanish coast, nor in Cape Verde, an archipelago in the North Atlantic, because they were experiencing an epidemic of yellow fever. The movement of the world’s ports, with “entries and exits” of the vessels crossing
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
the seas, was registered in Lloyd’s List, one of the oldest newspapers in the world and, in the 1839-1840 period, the main means of communication for international maritime traffic.7 All the OH stopovers are listed on its pages. The arrival at the port of Funchal on the 23rd October 1839 was communicated by newspapers such as A Flor do Oceano, a name that borrowed a Madeiran expression to extol the beauty of the island.8 The Chronica completed the information with a brief and illustrative reference to the nature of the expedition: A pretty French galley with war corvette privileges has just entered our port (on the 23rd). It carries on board a large number of midshipmen who are going to travel around the world with their professors, and advance in navigation and other sciences, practicing them hands on.9
The island halfway to Africa, which in the 14th century the Portuguese considered very fertile, with abundant water and “good to populate”, soon also attracted the greed of French, English, Dutch and Algerian navigators. With the fortification and settlement of the place, Funchal bay became a routine stopover for those who wanted to explore the African coast or cross the Atlantic. A kind of natural amphitheatre, surrounded by beautiful mountains, the port of Funchal welcomed almost all the navigators on circumnavigation voyages. James Cook, for example, gathered a large amount of material for English institutions.10 Captain Charles Wilkes, a month before the arrival of the OH, made barometric measurements at its highest point, later sent to the Portuguese government.11 A noteworthy coincidence, the Erebus and the Terror were anchored in
Funchal when the OH arrived in Madeira. The two English ships continued towards Antarctica without the daguerreotype requested by the Royal Society for the mission, denied by the French.12 In Nantes, shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin passed on to the Lloyd Nantais the information sent by Captain Lucas before leaving Madeira: he was very pleased with the young men, everyone was having a good time, without the seasickness they had before, and were now only dedicated to their studies.13 In Brussels, Le Courrier Belge began to publish a series of letters on the OH voyage through the southern hemisphere. The passenger who sent letters from Portugal, still unnamed, was Baron Popelaire de Terloo.14 He would only be identified by the newspaper later, and the journalist limited himself to add that he was “one of the best observers of the school ship [who], at the same time provides useful teachings for our commerce, curious details of customs, remarkable anthropological observations and political news all equally relevant to France”.15 A careful and detailed writer and amateur collector, Terloo wrote most of the letters about the expedition along the way. He embarked on the OH with the prospect of becoming Belgium’s representative at one of the ports visited. He specifically planned to observe “Belgian commerce and consular organization”, and at a certain point Le Courrier Belge lamented that he had not been appointed consul.16 When he arrived at “delightful” and “picturesque” Madeira, Terloo spared no praise for that true “earthly paradise” with “excellent weather”, as the two hundred Englishmen who took “refuge” there were well aware of. A paradise where nature, “smiling, exuberant and 163
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Africa, in an illustration for the “voyages of a student to the five parts of the world”, 1835.
vigorous”, had been helped by man ever since the Portuguese had had the “happy idea” of acclimating not only sugar cane on the island, but all “the most beautiful plants from the four corners of the world”.17 With so many attributes, Madeira became a highly valued port landscape for the visual culture of the 1800s. In 1836, Funchal was presented to the Brazilians in a diorama, 164
the scenographic spectacle with light effects invented by Daguerre, which was now a success in Rio de Janeiro.18 Madeira also offered the OH travellers its famous island wine and, above all, its charming hospitality: “at all times there were parties, soirées, dinners, tours on horseback, etc.”.19 These rides, with very steep paths, wild bulls and frightened horses were very exciting for the novices
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
during the three days spent on the island. This story is by one of the young men: It was there that a student almost fell victim to the fury of a bull, and the horse from which he had just descended fell down a cliff several hundred feet deep. The horse’s owner was dragged along with the animal and by a miracle he managed to save himself by clinging to the undergrowth. The students collected some money to compensate him for his loss and fright.20
The OH reached the Canary Islands, Spanish territory, on 28th October, and remained in the archipelago for only two nights.21 In Tenerife the El Conservador reported, in the same terms as the Madeiran newspapers, the arrival of a “French frigate” which “under the protection of her government was destined to travel around the globe”.22 The visitors soon noticed that the landscape was quite different there: everything seemed “dry, arid and black”.23 Some novices dared to climb the Teide, even at an inappropriate and risky time of year, when “the price of the horses was exorbitant” and the path full of accidents, with “sharp stones that soon shattered the soles of our shoes”. They did not reach the peak of the volcano, and had to examine it from a distance. With no mules for their return journey, they slept the two nights “under the stars”, romanticised one of the youths.24 In Santa Cruz de Tenerife, a ball was offered for the travellers and, as in the other stopovers of the voyage, Terloo devoted a significant part of his observations to female figures and sociability of the place: Some ladies stood out for their beauty and kindness; most spoke English, Italian
or French. We played music, we sang, we danced. One might think we were in Paris: the same furniture, the same clothing; perhaps a bit more relaxed.25
The novelties launched in Paris, the universal measure of the “degree of civilisation” for any latitude, also frequented the pages of El Atlante, the first local newspaper. On 28th February 1839 it reproduced the first article on Daguerre’s invention published in the Parisian press.26 The newspaper, however, was short-lived and was no longer in circulation when the expedition reached the archipelago.27 Some travellers conducted trials with the daguerreotype in Tenerife, so that the Spanish island knew the invention even before the metropolis.28 Engraver Ramón Alabern y Casas would carry out the first public demonstration of the process in Barcelona, with equipment sold to the Academy of Natural Sciences and Arts (Academia de Ciencias Naturales y Artes) on 10th November 1839. This presentation, in a festive environment with flags and a music band, was announced in the newspapers and attended by a remarkable audience, even though the weather was cloudy and windy.29 The heat and luminosity of the tropics would help the daguerreotypists of the OH. After Tenerife, the OH remained a few more days in the Canary archipelago, anchored in the island of La Palma.30 Avoiding the passage through Cape Verde, the ship headed straight for Goree, off the Senegal coast, where it stayed between the 9th and 14th November 1839.31 France’s domains in the region were established in the 17th century, and the city of Saint-Louis became the seat of its first colony in Africa (the city of Dakar, founded in 1857, would become the 165
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capital only in the 20th century).32 The island offered safe anchorage in Dakar Bay. It was very close to the mainland and the harbour, where once there had been an intense traffic of vessels with enslaved Africans, now housed a garrison of sixty men and two brigs of the French Navy.33 The gold, rubber, coffee, sugar and spices that enriched the shipowners and merchants passed through it.34 Terloo was delighted with the abundance of birds, insects, parrots and monkeys that made “a thousand grimaces and played funny jokes”.35 But what was most surprising to travellers in Africa was summarised by another young man: “it is a unique spectacle to see an entirely black population”.36 Confrontation with slavery would immediately follow. A group of twelve to fifteen students and passengers, attracted by the “bright sun”, the “magnificent baobabs”, the “warm colours” and that “black population” decided to tour the mainland.37 There they offered “matches, sweets and other objects” to the king of Dakar, described as “a civilised man who speaks the French and Spanish tongues reasonably”.38 The group had been advised to keep together and “never count on the hospitality of Africans”. But Terloo himself, though mature and experienced, broke the rule: I almost was victim of my dreamy inclinations: wandering through a palm grove with my servant we were lost for two long days and began to have serious worries, since slave thieves are to be feared even more than the dangerous beasts that abound in this place.39
The letters to their families described the care that had to be taken in a place where any European knew what to fear and a novice 166
was almost killed: “in Senegal everybody slept in the open while three students took turns on the night watch”.40 That is why, after six hours without news from Charles Jacquot, the group already feared for the fate of the young Belgian: “what joy we felt when we saw him again, after exchanging a few shots to signal our position!”. 41 The son of “one of the most intelligent industrialists”42 in the country, Jacquot embarked on the OH as “sales representative”. He had the experience of a previous journey to South America, and received compliments from Captain Lucas for his practical knowledge of manoeuvring services.43 In addition to several stuffed animals, the stopover in Goree provided many lessons and good memories44: the OH travellers practised with the daguerreotype along the African coast. During those early days of the invention, having an equipment and other paraphernalia without the necessary practice, usually resulted in frustration. Before the new demonstrations on the other side of the Atlantic and back in France, it was necessary to ensure the desired performance. A letter published in Le Breton in Nantes recounts the lessons learned: After our ill-fated trial with the daguerreotype in Lisbon in the presence of their Portuguese majesties, we completed our training. Now we are admirably successful and therefore do not spend a day without daguerreotyping. When we return to France you will be delighted with the marvellous plates we will show that will place before your eyes the real views – not falsified or embellished with a lying pencil – of the countries we are travelling through. Together with our daguerreotype, you know we have a physiognotype, and we will thus
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
continue sometimes daguerreotyping and other times physiognotyping everything that is most typical in the world.45
The author of the letter, apparently French, is not identified by the newspaper, but it is clear that he was already familiar with the daguerreotype. Perhaps he was Captain Lucas, or Chaplain Louis Comte, or Professor Soulier de Sauve, or passenger Victor Champeaux de la Boulaye.46 The copies of Le Breton, considered a “ministerial newspaper” for being aligned with the July Monarchy,47 are very rare and no other reports of the expedition have been found in the copies available, which makes this identification difficult. In any case, the excerpt reveals that some were experimenting with the daguerreotype from their passage through Portugal, as well as using a narrative full of words introduced by the physiognotype and the daguerreotype, the inventions of the time. If this account is not fanciful, as is evidenced in other information sent home, the trials with the photographic process had been taking place since the stopovers prior to Madeira and the Canary Islands. About to cross the Atlantic, Captain Lucas once again wrote to shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin: his “news from the sea” was published in the Lloyd Nantais, informing that “everyone behaved well on board [and] he was still pleased with his students”. Additionally he pointed out that “everywhere, the Oriental was treated as a warship”.48 With a scenario divided between sky and water, day after day, the crossing of the Atlantic was judged by some of the youths as “long, monotonous and without any extraordinary encounter”.49 But this disappointment contrasts with Terloo’s happiness on meeting an English ship:
We visited the Hope London, that welcomed us in a delightful manner. There were many beautiful ladies there. We were invited to dinner and on the following day we returned to these travellers all the kindness received; after so many pleasantries, after cheering, we parted, the Hope sailing toward Sydney and the Hydrographe toward Pernambuco.50
The stopovers of OH before crossing the Atlantic: Lisbon, Madeira, Canary Islands and Senegal. Detail of the map for the “voyages of a student to the five parts of the world”, 1835.
The travellers agreed on one point at least: the “superior speed” of the OH helped it overtake all the other ships it encountered across the Atlantic.51 When the expedition reached the Equator, the novices received the traditional “line baptism” and “each was wet to the bone”.52 The rite of passage to the southern hemisphere used to force the travellers of the period to perform burlesque scenes 167
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and pay tribute if they did not want to bathe in sea water.53 An amusing tradition for some and a grotesque spree for others, common among the 16th century Portuguese, this “ceremony” also functioned as an initiation ritual for the young men who would command the merchant navy on the great adventure of crossing the oceans. The festive atmosphere ended when some of the “troublesome” novices started to quarrel with the officers, compromising the discipline and continuity of the expedition. These problems had been anticipated some time before, when a student realised that, “parents in distress, despairing of having any other means of recovery, made them [their children] undertake the voyage as their last attempt at improving their behaviour”.54 The passage through South America would prove the most pessimistic forecasts right. Since his arrival on the continent, Terloo’s impressions of Brazil were divided between two extremes, largely complementary and recurrent. On the one hand, the fascination for a place where “so many beauties could be gathered” and “half of Europe would precipitate itself here if it had the slightest idea of the wealth of this earthly paradise”.55 On the other hand, the shock when faced with the “spectacle that vividly strikes the European who arrives in Brazil”.56 Slavery made an impression on the foreigner, and Terloo’s observations, in keeping with the racist ideas of the time, were still fairly cynical. The growing opposition to the slave trade was on the agenda, and he also saw the issue in this light.57 In Africa he wrote briefly on the matter, limiting himself to certain peculiarities of Goree and the signs of “inferiority” and “laziness” of Africans.58 Signs that further grounded his critical judgement on the “moral and physical dumbing-down” of blacks by a system 168
that seemed to him to be full of “moral and economic disadvantages”. The words were addressed to a friend, but they reached all the readers of Le Courrier Belge. They warned that, “your philanthropic ideas against slavery, so alive and understandable in Europe, would quickly fade away and end up being nothing but nonsense in America”.59 It is estimated that Brazil received close to 4.8 million enslaved Africans until 1850, the largest contingent in the Americas.60 The moral bankruptcy of the slavery system, “an issue already settled for me”, was the subject of several passages in Terloo’s correspondence. Between pseudo-philanthropic ideas and Gobineau’s theories on the inequality of whites and blacks, the young baron concluded that “the love for work and respect for property” were far more rewarding when “taught” to Africans.61 Britain’s recognition of Brazilian independence in 1822 was conditioned to Brazil putting an end to slavery. This was formalised four years later by an Anglo-Brazilian Treaty. In 1831, the first Brazilian law banning slave trade was formally adopted, but it is estimated that Rio de Janeiro received more than ninety Portuguese slave ships in a single year (1837).62 England then passed laws that effectively resulted in the seizure of Portuguese (Palmerston Bill, 1839) and Brazilian (Aberdeen Bill, 1845) ships that “did the trafficking”.63 Even so, close to 700 thousand enslaved Africans entered Brazil illegally between 1831 and 1849. The last seizure of a slave ship after the formal prohibition in 1850 was registered in 1856.64 These dates, laws and figures are just specific references regarding an issue with much broader human dimensions. Here they only serve to understand that a merchant ship expedition from the port of Nantes could not
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
be unaware of the intense slave trade that crossed the Atlantic at the time, as well as the social and economic issues involved. Terloo, ironic and perceptive as ever, did not fail to provoke the English, challenging the common idea that whenever possible they should free the illegally enslaved Africans: Although England works politically to destroy slavery in order to ruin the United States, which cannot do without it, as well as arm itself against the ships conducting this trade, if an English ship captures a slave ship no one would imagine it will head to the coast of Guinea to deliver its cargo. The English are not being more inappropriate than the courts of justice when capturing a defendant. They simply go to Brazil where they not only sell the supplies and the ship, but everything contained in it, including the blacks. But in praise of the English it must be said that they honestly share the produce with the Brazilian government and sell the blacks only for a period of fifteen years, considering that this fifteen-year period is necessary to introduce them to the charms of civilisation.65
France’s recognition of the independence of Brazil had different characteristics, and the relations between the two countries were strengthened by ties of kinship between the French nobility and the Brazilian imperial family, something which seemed beneficial for Louis-Philippe’s reign.66 In the 1830s, however, territorial issues in the region of Guyana put a strain on relations between Brazilians and the French.67 The limits set by the Utrecht Treaty in 1713 were disregarded, and local conflicts created a very dangerous
“state of hostility” for any Frenchman living in Brazil at the time. In September 1839, the Brazilian ambassador in Paris was summoned to discuss the matter with the Duke of Dalmatie, president of the Council of Ministers. In Rio de Janeiro feelings were running high, and some newspapers even preached the boycott of goods coming from France. Faced with this threat, the French colony pressed its representatives to solve the issue in a conciliatory manner with the Brazilian government. Between the end of 1839 and the middle of 1840, the correspondence on the passage of the OH through the continent was fraught with all these problems. Brazil was experiencing a period of great instability. With the abdication of Emperor Pedro I (1831) and a minor as heir to the throne, the regents took turns in power as rebellions erupted from north to south, threatening the empire’s unity. For a traveller arriving in the country at that moment, the dismemberment of the Brazilian territory seemed inevitable. That is what Terloo imagined: “this vast empire of Brazil cannot exist for long without being dismembered”. The problem, of course, did not compromise the business opportunities that opened up for “the fortune of all maritime powers of Europe”.68 With the independence processes, several European diplomatic and consular representatives were sent to South America, and a complex network of negotiations, power practices and manners of sociability was created around these figures.69 Baron Achille Rouen headed the French Legation, based in Rio de Janeiro, as “extraordinary envoy and plenipotentiary minister” of France in Brazil. Theodore Taunay was responsible for the chancellery, a kind of “chief of staff” for the diplomatic representation.70 169
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Harbour of the town of Recife, in Pernambuco, in the mid-19th century.
170
When Leopold I’s support for the expedition was granted in Brussels in August 1839, a new Belgian ambassador was sent to Brazil. Edouard de Jaegher had to negotiate trade and diplomatic agreements, as well as the “sugar issue” which, as was the case in France, seriously impacted on the Belgian economy.71 A matter of intense debate, the “struggle between two sugars”72 led to divided opinions in the French parliament, associations and newspapers. It placed sugar beet, produced by the farmers in the metropolis,
and sugar cane, coming from the colonies, on opposite sides. The matter received the attention promised by Lucas to the Society for the Improvement of National Industry in correspondence sent from Montevideo to councillor Marivault.73 The article “The Question of Sugar: Brazil and Captain Lucas” was published in Le Moniteur industriel on 10th May 1840. The newspaper was in line with those advocating lower rates for sugar cane imported from the Caribbean and other regions in order to encourage both the French industry
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
and maritime trade. The fees in force were considered “a prohibition in disguise”.74 Lucas entered this debate as a merchant navy captain, pointing out the need to reduce the cost of freight for French goods brought to Brazil, something which could be accomplished by loading sugar cane on the return trip.75 In 1839, sugar was the main product unloaded by a significant part of the 2,724 ships that arrived in Nantes.76 The arguments leading to a confrontation between shipowners and farmers made the OH voyage and its commander’s opinions relevant to the propaganda used by one of the sides of this “struggle”.77 Lucas’ correspondence with the Society was representative of the interaction between the merchant navy, colonial expansion and the technical knowledge that emerged in the political arena, translating in practical terms the usefulness of the new “commercial geography” for the capitalist economy.78 One of the main concerns of the entity, and the reason why it had given its support to the expedition, was finding objective answers to the question: “What are the means to increase maritime trade relations?79 A specialist in the field admitted that, “despite the growing importance of trade between France and Brazil, the French merchant navy had not benefited from this progress”.80 Lucas’ diagnosis was critical and comprehensive. He contemplated competition from the English, the falsification of products identified as French, the need for good commercial agents in the local markets, the absence of precise information on sales, among other topics. The forecast, however, was marked by his optimism: France is in a privileged position to benefit from trade relations with this em-
pire. Religious beliefs are the same; our fashions, our clothing, our customs, our uses are copied with remarkable anxiety; our novelty articles and fads are eagerly consumed there.81
The first stopover of the OH in the “vast and admirable” Empire of Brazil was the port of Recife, in the province of Pernambuco, where the expedition stayed from the 30th November to 4th December 1839.82 Letters soon followed their destination, emphasising the “health, the joy and, especially, the desire to make the trip beneficial for the spirits and studies”.83 As in other ports visited, Captain Lucas wrote to the shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin as soon as he arrived, indicating that “everyone was doing well”.84 The ministerial dispatches that accompanied the OH, addressed to the head of the Legation, were presented by the skipper to the French representative in Recife.85 Alphonse Barrère had been in the country since the middle of 1839 and had a taste for the title and liturgy of the post of chancellor. In his gaudy uniform he paid a visit to the president of the province as soon as he took office, hoping that the gesture would be reciprocated, something that did not occur. To his superiors he wrote condemning the breach of the diplomatic code by the Brazilian, which occurred only to “show no submission”.86 The newcomers aboard the OH soon found other problems that made the lives of the French even more difficult in the place. As Terloo noted, “the French consul and the president of the province do not even meet; murders are frightening, and we have disembarked on this land with many precautions”.87 The first landings of the crew and passengers of the OH took place as soon as 171
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the ship arrived in Recife, and were duly detailed by Consul Barrère in the ship’s records.88 Abroad, the French merchant navy was subject to the authority of the Consul General, assisted by local consuls, deputy consuls or consular agents, who, under the leadership of the Legation, also acted as interpreters for the captains with the local authorities. A kind of “maritime police”, the consuls of the July Monarchy were seen in the opinion of the French representative in Valparaiso as “little tyrants”.89 The work of these officials established by the Napoleonic Code of Commerce (1807) was regulated by the July Monarchy through very detailed “royal ordinances” aiming for the international expansion of French maritime trade.90 This legislation also provided for the obligations of the merchant navy captains in each port: to submit to the French consul documentation of the ship, the crew and the events on board (desertions, deaths, ships sighted, etc.); to report errors and omissions in geographical charts; to deliver a report of events between the last port visited and the present stopover, etc. The consuls, therefore, assisted merchant navy commanders and at the same time supervised crew discipline and ship sanitary conditions, playing a key role for State control over such expansion.91 Permission to land and repatriation of any member of the crew, that is, formal severance from the crew and return to France in a merchant or war ship, depended on the consul’s authorisation, causing much friction with the commanders. With so much authority, these “little tyrants” exerted power and arbitrated the conflicts in the expedition, and so played a very important role in the history of its passage through South America. 172
The OH crew had been undergoing changes since the first stopovers: a Galician boatswain embarked in Lisbon to reinforce the crew, and a French sailor, who had deserted from a North-American brig, embarked in Santa Cruz de Tenerife. However, he was not aboard for long, as he once again deserted when the OH arrived in Recife. His case, declared by Captain Lucas only in Rio de Janeiro, was the first of many.92 In Pernambuco, Chief Officer Martial Daude likewise abandoned his post, and only “due to illness” was registered.93 His leaving was undobtedly very problematic. The commander would have to find another to join the staff of the expedition, which was not easy in that setting. Two students (Corbin and Count de Faudoas), authorised by Consul Barrère, and two other French passengers also took advantage of the stopover and gave up the voyage. Alexandre Benoist, 42, and Victor Champeaux de La Boulaye, one year younger, were landowners in France. The latter, “gracious poet and indefatigable traveller” according to the profile drawn by one of his descendants, travelled the world cultivating “flattering and pleasant friendships”.94 On the eve of departure, the travelling poet would have made an agreement with Captain Lucas, and it is imagined that an account of the trip or some similar activity could have served as a basis for this agreement.95 Finally, a young man “had to be disembarked”, as the consul wrote, “to prevent an inevitable duel between him and the ship’s lieutenant, who challenged him”.96 Auguste Cardin had survived a shipwreck in the Maldives, but could not stand the indiscipline that prevailed on the OH. The expedition had not yet left Pernambuco, and consul Barrèrre was already
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
writing about the problems of the expedition to Baron Rouen in Rio de Janeiro: Captain Lucas’s undertaking may have undoubtedly been able to offer some advantages to our navy, but it is to be feared, by reason of the circumstances that have arisen, that he will not meet the expectations of the Minister of the Marine. The most complete anarchy reigns aboard the Oriental. Duels have taken place between officers and students. By imposing rules on the captain, the latter undermined the discipline necessary for the success of the expedition. Yesterday, in a cafe in Pernambuco, the lieutenant slapped one of the students and challenged him to a duel. I controlled the situation, the consequences of which could only have been fatal in a country where duelling is forbidden.97
A duel, as a way of repairing an infamy or defending honour, was an increasingly rare solution, condemned in many places. In France, after the Revolution, it came to be seen as an old-fashioned and reprehensible form of combat, typical of the Ancien Régime. On the other hand, the elegant ritual, exhibited by newspapers, novels and paintings, made the art of duelling still a very distinctive and popular practice.98 For this very reason, it found its best definition in French literature: “when one of two men must disappear, one must be an imbecile to leave the decision to chance”, wrote Balzac, in Le père Goriot (1835).99 On the OH, boredom had given way to duels and riots that now compromised the continuation of the journey. Baron Rouen received reports from the French representatives in Pernambuco and Bahia about the duels and defections in the OH, but soon
would see for himself the even more unpleasant incidents that occurred in Rio de Janeiro. When Lucas wrote to the Minister of the Marine after the shipwreck of the OH complaining about the conduct of the French consuls, he specifically mentioned the cases in Recife and Valparaiso.100 Terloo tried to keep spirits high in order to carry on with the voyage, in spite of the problems on board, to which insect bites were now added. His perception of what lay ahead can be read between the lines: Health, joy, and especially the desire to lead the voyage to benefit the spirit and studies reign all the time. However, some intend to return to their country when they reach the port of Rio de Janeiro, towards which we depart in a few hours.101
The second port visited on the Brazilian coast was Salvador, where the OH stayed for a week, between the 8th and 16th December 1839.102 Before entering the Bay of All Saints, the expedition recorded the only death on the voyage (7th December). The event led to insecurity and the desire to return home among the young people: “this is the hope at all times, but unfortunately nothing can be guaranteed...”.103 On his death, the young Belgian Pierre Louis received from Comte the customary funerary honours: “our chaplain, in pontifical habit, granted him all the consolation of his pious ministry”.104 The Correio Mercantil, the main newspaper in Salvador, recorded the arrival of the OH with “some passengers and several soldiers” who, after visiting the ports of Brazil, would follow “to Montevideo, for explorations”.105 The birthday of the future emperor (2nd December), now fourteen years old, was the subject of all the newspapers and 173
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Panorama of the city of Salvador, in two parts, in the Universo Pittoresco, “Instructive and recreational newspaper” from Lisbon, 1843.
the observations of the French consul, also a newcomer to Salvador.106 The celebrations of the day, repeated for nearly fifty years, had a double symbolic dimension: the construction of the monarch’s public figure and, at the same time, his identification with the strengthening of the imperial state itself.107 To mark the occasion, a modern lighthouse with masonry facilities and a new lighting system with a much larger visual range, imported from England, was inaugurated in the capital of Bahia, close to the fort of Santo Antônio da Barra, where it still stands today. For one of the OH students, the prevailing 174
atmosphere in Recife and Salvador could be summarised as follows: “these two seaports look very lively, and all this suggests that trade relations are closely monitored”.108 Capital of the colony until 1763, Salvador was unlike the provincial capitals, and its port was still the most important in the country. The newspapers announced an entertainment that also reached the city during those days: the cosmorama, already known in some capitals such as Rio de Janeiro and Montevideo.109 The word and the entertainment, popularised since the beginning of the 19th century, referred to the spectacle
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produced by the observation of scenes and landscapes, with light effects, through an optical device. This kind of attraction competed in Europe with the success of panoramas (scenographic rotundas), dioramas and other devices for “public entertainment” by means of visual effects, portable or not. A demonstration of the daguerreotype in Salvador, where many foreigners lived, would surely have attracted the attention of this type of spectator.110 Although there are no references on the matter in the local press or in the letters from the expedition published in European newspapers, the Uruguayan
Teodoro Vilardebó made a comment that indicates the possibility that the equipment could have been used in the Bahian capital. Acquainted with the OH travellers, he noted that “Montevideo, after Bahia and Rio de Janeiro, was one of the three points in South America that provided the daguerreotype with beautiful and interesting views to copy”.111 In Salvador, as on other occasions, the exercises with the device must have been restricted to the OH daguerreotypists, as Vilardebó’s remark does not clarify if they were successful or not. A public demonstration of the invention would have appeared in 175
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View of Salvador, “city of Bahia”, on the album of an English traveller along the Brazilian coast, between April and September 1840. William Henry Swinton made several observations on the back of each image about the places visited and episodes of naval history linked to England.
the Correio Mercantil and this may have been reserved for Rio de Janeiro. What can be observed, starting in Salvador, is the even more active role of newspapers in the history of the OH. After all, the young and militant press of the continent “influenced and was influenced by voices, speeches and unspoken gestures, as in a twoway street, in a complex web of circulation, reception and retransmission of contents that went beyond the printed page”.112 The importance attributed to these newspapers in the dissemination of ideas, knowledge and machinery brought from Europe by the OH is based on the perception that the world of 176
print with its practices and innovations, and the maritime universe, in which articles and illustrations sought inspiration and clientele, built imaginaries at international scale. As with the other inventions disembarked in Salvador, the Correio Mercantil communicated the existence of a “new way to complement sculpture” when, on 13th December, it publicised the physiognotype brought by the OH: The captain of the Oriental corvette on its way in its instruction voyage around the world in order to obtain all that may be of interest to the sciences, commerce and industry of France brings with it an artist
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
to stamp the likeness of the most remote and lesser known peoples, with the aim of enriching French museums. This artist, who before his departure from Paris made a bust [sic] of the entire Royal Family using this particular method, warns the inhabitants of this city that he will take advantage of his stay in this port to model the persons who might wish to have their perfect effigy. The operation is carried out within 2 to 3 minutes and anyone who wishes to do so can go to Mr. Sauvage aboard the said corvette, which will stay a short time [in Salvador].113
Editorial projects, political ambitions and universal abstractions (“trade”, “industry”, “family” etc.), synthesised by headings and subheadings on the front page of these newspapers, are indicative of the long-standing aspirations of the Latin American elites to make sure that the “lettered city” complied with its civilising mission, “as a protective ring of power and guarantor of its orders”.114 In this sense, the local press narratives about an expedition that was being conducted “for the benefit of science, trade and industry” associated the introduction of the physiognotype and the daguerreotype in South America as figurations of power in the public space (the monarch, the court, the city, the museum, etc.). These inventions materialised the idea that the representations of the social world, even if singularised in the effigy of the king, or precisely because of that, were available to all. Thus, the literary and visual cultures encouraged the construction of meanings for these spaces and, at the same time, the education of the gaze of spectators and practitioners of such devices, convinced of their scientific and liberal spirit. The demonstrations
The Hercule ship of the French Navy and other vessels anchored in the bay of Rio de Janeiro, in an image by Durand-Brager, 1838. The Prince de Joinville travelled on the ship and, when passing through Rio de Janeiro, met the future Emperor of Brazil and his sisters. The artist and author of this image was another member of the crew. Draughtsman, painter, lithographer and later daguerreotypist, Durand-Brager belongs to the generation of artists who moved among the different visual technologies of the 1830-1840 period. He was also a “seafarer” and travelled as a French Navy officer through Europe, Africa, the East and America, places represented in his marine landscapes. In 1840, he took part in the expedition commanded by the Prince de Joinville in charge of carrying the mortal remains of Napoleon to France. The naval battles and maritime scenes exhibited in the Fine Arts Salon in Paris since 1840 represent a significant part of this work.
with the daguerreotype brought by the OH helped shape that “protective ring”. The new French consul in Salvador was Maxime Raybaud, a military officer by training and an experienced public servant.115 In his first statement at the post, he sent a detailed report on the “deficiencies” of the OH.116 Correspondence followed on 21st December 1839, arriving at the Quai d’Orsay two months later, and within a week was already at the Ministry of the Marine. Mindful 177
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that Captain Lucas was presenting “a letter attesting to Your Excellency’s interest in the expedition which he undertook”, the consul started and ended his letter with compliments to the commander: Captain Lucas, who seems to me an extremely commendable officer, may not have the necessary energy to complete successfully such an important undertaking, which he was not afraid to take on. The ship’s internal maintenance, so necessary for health, is as lacking as discipline, and, to add to his concerns, he has brought with him his wife, sister and a very young daughter, and even allowed one of the professors to also bring his wife with him. Perhaps he believed that his decision would be a guarantee of greater surveillance and security for the families of his young passengers.117
The long account was, moreover, filled with all the problems of the trip: duels when crossing the Atlantic, defections in Recife, a death on arrival in Salvador and, above all, the captain’s lack of command. Raybaud criticised Lucas for failing to punish and report Daude to the consulate, before leaving Pernambuco. The Chief Officer, before disembarking, had “slapped and violently attacked” lieutenant Durassier, forcing the latter to abandon his post in Salvador, really “due to illness”. Lucas’s tolerance exposed one of the main “deficiencies” of the OH: the expedition’s crew was not sufficient and was at the mercy of indiscipline. The captain, said the consul, would be “forced to find a good number of sailors (foreigners, no doubt) in Rio or in Montevideo, before rounding Cape Horn”. Raybaud likewise alerted the minister 178
that several novices wished to abandon the expedition, but he had “fortunately” been able to persuade them to proceed to Rio de Janeiro. Although “splendidly treated on board”, the youths were furious to discover that they had been “unknowingly” taken as “voluntary novices”. They were registered with the OH crew, at a payment of 10 francs per month, to perform tasks they simply did not want to carry out: Many complained bitterly to me, and I am pleased to have been able to make them understand that such a provision was benefitial to them, since this sailing time would be computed in their favour if they wished to embrace the maritime career.118
Reverend Daniel Kidder, already mentioned above, embarked in Salvador and continued with the OH to the capital of the Empire. Like the others, he was eager to see the lighthouse on Rasa Island, a landmark of the proximity of Rio de Janeiro for any traveller. He expected the ship to cross the bar and enter the bay in daylight. Around noon, on the 23rd December 1839, one of the students reported: “we have already seen the Sugar Loaf mountain at the entrance of the port of Rio and after that, all the spyglasses were directed there”.119 With the Laje and Santa Cruz fortresses at each side, this narrow passage was a concern for the reverend, as winds and maritime currents could thrust the ship against the rocks. Kidder described the situation: The moment was one of great excitement and danger. Our situation was perceived at the forts, which promptly fired guns and burned white and blue lights, in order to show us their position. [...]
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A more sublime scene can hardly be imagined. The rolling thunder of the cannon was echoed back by the surrounding mountain peaks, and the brilliant glare of the artificial flames appeared all the more intense in the midst of unusual darkness. Happily for the vessel and all on board, the wind cooled in time, and we were borne gallantly up to the
warship anchorage, where, at nine o’clock, we were lying moored to not less than seventy fathoms of chain.120
The danger, once surmounted, turned out to be an added charm to the vision of the city and its natural frame. A mythical port, Rio de Janeiro reminded the French of “the
Plan of the city of Rio de Janeiro, with an account of the public places, c. 1840. The Largo do Paço, facing the “Praia do Peixe” and “Praia do Manoel” [sic] beaches (see F).
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feats of Duguay-Trouin”, as the Prince of Joinville once wrote.121 When Louis de Bougainville passed through the new headquarters of the colony, he managed with great skill to be received by the viceroy, as the Portuguese metropolis did not want intruders in the “most precious jewel” of the Crown.122 The situation had changed a lot since the opening of the Brazilian ports to friendly nations in 1808. Where Cook, Byron and others had not been allowed to disembark, the OH would now be received for five weeks, the longest stopover of the trip, among other reasons “because there were so many changes to be made on the ship”.123 The strict surveillance of the past had given way to a port frequented by all flags, where the ships formed a kind of “floating community”, subject to fiscal and health rules, but also codes of conduct and courtesy gestures between the crews.124 The balls and games offered by the Prince de Joinville on l’Hercule, characteristic of the sociability in the naval milieu, included, by way of example, visits to his quarters by “appreciators of engravings”.125 An extensive iconographic tradition projected the bay of Rio de Janeiro among the most beautiful in the world. Boats and constructions of all sorts composed landscapes outlined “from life”, later interpreted in European studios by the fanciful imagination of engravers and lithographers. The fidelity and perfection of the photomechanical record, as the enthusiasts of the daguerreotype announced, would soon create other visions of the city. Terloo, fascinated by a scenery “so celebrated by tourists”126, would also be impressed by the “Frenchification” of the Brazilian capital: “one is really surprised to find all the comforts and luxuries of the most refined civilisation gathered there”.127 180
The OH anchored in Rio de Janeiro when it was already night, according to the testimony of some travellers.128 The Jornal do Commercio and Lloyd List reported on 24th December “the entries and exits of the port”.129 The Chancellor of the Legation, in turn, recorded the arrival of the OH in the on board documents only three days later, probably when some members of the expedition left the ship to stay in the city. Commander Lucas had come with the mission of expanding trade relations between France and Brazil, and imagined he would be received by the future emperor to present the daguerreotype and other novelties that could favour relations between the two countries. As soon as he arrived, he wrote to the shipowners in Nantes and began making contacts to achieve these objectives.130 Before, however, it was necessary to take care of the ship and reinforce the crew. After boarding two Spanish sailors in Salvador, and a new cook and another sailor in Rio de Janeiro, he also agreed to allow Manoel de Oliveira Arruda, described by Baron Rouen as belonging to “one of the richest and most recommendable families in Brazil” to join the OH.131 Landings and defections were, however, much more numerous. Professor Soulier de Sauve decided to leave the expedition in the Brazilian capital, because he had “the hope of obtaining a chair in the Military School”.132 Novices Baudrillart, Briges, Fussey, Lestrange, Montesquiou-Fezensac, Normand, Sauvage (Frédéric) also abandoned the journey and disembarked in Rio de Janeiro with the authorisation of Chancellor Theodore Taunay.133 Those who stayed could visit the city in small boats that reached the Pharoux Quay, returning to the ship before nightfall.134 The dangers of the city were as
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
well-known as its natural beauties. Slavery on the streets offered a sight at the very least embarrassing to any European passing through. Facing the nakedness of the newly arrived Africans at the Valongo wharf, generally malnourished and mistreated, was shocking. It was still worse to observe the public display of corporal punishments imposed on those who had committed some crime. In turn, escaped slaves hid in miserable alleys or forests of Rio de Janeiro.135 The violence of the slavery system exposed those who ventured out for a walk in the outskirts of the city centre to assaults and other mishaps. To complete the picture, contagious diseases, common in any port city, were even more frightening in the largest slave port of the Americas.136 On the whole, the travellers of the OH did not suffer those evils. On the contrary, one of the Belgian students remarked that in Rio de Janeiro, “everyone had received the kindest welcome”.137 The expedition bringing a physician who offered his services to the inhabitants immediately attracted the sympathy of those most in need. Since the Canary Islands, doctor Thomas had been conducting cataract surgeries and became “the object of a true idolatry on the part of the inhabitants”.138 Since the 18th century the technique of crystalline extraction had offered a new prospect for the people who had not seen for years and, although it still met with resistance in the medical milieu, it saw a great expansion in the 19th century.139 The more the surgeon practiced the new technique, the better the results obtained. Thus, doctor Thomas continued to offer consultations and operate “eye diseases” until he reached Valparaiso. He was also a homeopathy practitioner, a medical field surrounded by controversy in the medical world, and he helped to promote it
in South America. As envisaged, the “undisputed usefulness of the expedition” should encompass various branches of knowledge and transform the OH voyage into a memorable undertaking. In Brussels, Le Courrier Belge reported that 6,000 French people lived in Rio de Janeiro, a figure calculated by a student that was twice that estimated by Baron Rouen.140 For a young Belgian it did not seem exaggerated to say that most of the inhabitants spoke French or that, leaving aside the presence of black people, it was possible to imagine oneself in a European city.141 If, in this aspect, the Brazilian capital sounded familiar and receptive, on the other hand, the distrust that foreigners aroused among a good part of the inhabitants was clear. Accustomed to the most exquisite sociability, Terloo complained
Characters of the port area before the Imperial Palace in Rio de Janeiro during the first half of the 19th century. In front of the colonial fountain, sailors and soldiers rest “after dinner”, while domestic slaves work for their masters, selling food and drink to travellers.
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Commercio, on 17th January 1840, in the “scientific news” section. Days before, the newspaper had published articles which may have also crossed the seas with the travellers of the OH: an article by Jobard on “photographic portraits” and a text on the physiognomic experiments of Lavater and the art of highlighting the features of an individual with the physiognotrace and the physiognotype.144 The words chosen by the writer expressed well the expectation regarding a novelty already announced by the newspaper itself the previous year.145 Using words recently incorporated into common usage, he briefly summarised the origin, date, place, authorship, process, duration, results and impact of this experience from the perspective of contemporaries: The colonial fountain in the Largo do Paço, in the centre of Rio de Janeiro. Daguerreotype attributed to Louis Comte, 1840.
about this atmosphere, as if the traveller were “an adventurer, a fugitive from the galleys”. Similarly, he condemned female ignorance (“they know nothing of geography”) and the low conversation of the male groups (“theatre, horses, dogs, dancers, that is all they discuss”).142 It was only when he took a walk on the other side of the bay, in Praia Grande (now Niterói city), that he did obtain positive demonstrations from his hosts: “in the interior, there is full and complete hospitality, the traveller is lodged and spoiled, even among the poorest who never want to receive the least retribution or sign of recognition”.143 In mid-January, with “good weather and calm sea”, a “photographic trial” with the daguerreotype “finally” crossed to “this side” of the Atlantic, reported the Jornal do 182
A photographic trial took place this morning at the Pharoux Inn, which is all the more interesting because it is the first time the new wonder has appeared to the eyes of Brazilians. Abbot Combes conducted the experience: he is one of the travellers aboard the French corvette l’Orientale who brought with him Daguerre’s ingenious instrument, because of the ease with which one is able to obtain the representation of objects of which one wishes to preserve the image. You have to see it with your own eyes in order to have an idea of the speed and outcome of the operation. In less than nine minutes, the fountain of the Largo do Paço, the Praça do Peixe [sic], the São Bento monastery, and all the other surrounding objects were reproduced with such fidelity, precision and detail that it was clear that the thing had been made by the very hands of nature, and almost
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without the intervention of the artist. It is useless to further highlight the importance of this discovery which we have already discussed for our readers; the simple description of the facts says more than any additional words.146
The Jornal do Commercio article had long been an “archaeological finding” for those who, still in the 19th century, dealt with the arrival of the daguerreotype to the continent without other references on the subject.147 For this very reason, the journalist’s description ultimately fixed the newspaper’s misconceptions in most of the subsequent reports on the event. The expression “Abbot Combes”, besides misspelling the name of the foreigner, something common even in a newspaper belonging to a Frenchman, deserves another explanation. The OH “abbot” was a simple chaplain of a merchant ship and not a prelate in an abbey. The literal translation of the word abée by “abbot” was usual at the time and in French meant a “secular priest”.148 The expression “this morning”, in turn, seemed to indicate that the demonstration had taken place on the same day and reported in the evening edition. Readers at the time were accustomed to this type of temporal mismatch that subsequently generated further confusion, that is, between the date of the demonstration and that of its disclosure. The Jornal do Commercio was a morning paper, having acquired a mechanical press in 1836 (“the first to cross the Equator”) and, since then, instead of the ten hours of work demanded by the old manual press, began to be printed in only two hours. With this, Jules Villeneuve’s typography was able to print two more publications (L’Echo Français and the Museo Universal illustrated newspaper) during
the day. The articles written the previous day (or even before) reached the reader of the Jornal do Commercio at six in the morning.149 Finally, the references to the result of the “photographic trial” seemed to indicate three daguerreotypes, as many believed.150 The sentence, in fact, is not clear, and the interpretation of three views of the city on three different
Jornal do Commercio, 17th January 1840. The “Scientific News. Photography” section included an account of the first public demonstration of the daguerreotype in the city of Rio de Janeiro.
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Don Manoel Beach and the Pharoux Quay, in front of the hotel of the same name, a building that offered a panoramic view of the area, 1840. The image by Adolphe d’Hastrel is part of the Marines et Ports de Mer series, published by Imprimerie Lemercier.
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daguerreotype plates is questionable.151 These inaccuracies, while deserving clarification, are less important than the experience itself and, with it, the understanding of the interest in involving the press writers in the dissemination and debates generated by the arrival of the daguerreotype in Brazil. Unfortunately, the journalist did not inform who else attended the demonstration, and the newspaper itself did not indicate who was responsible for the article (anonymity was common at the time). Other forms of anonymity and authorship were also to be seen in the “duels” among newspapers. Fifteen days after the OH left Rio de Janeiro,
the Jornal do Commercio published a long article by Hercule Florence on the polygraphy, an invention he had “given birth to in Brazil”, and the “discovery of photography”: And since I was never aware until August 1839 that they conducted these and better experiences in Europe, perhaps it would not be reckless to say that I also invented photography, whose name was not new to me when I first saw it on the pages in Rio de Janeiro, but the truth is that I did not go ahead with my experiments and that for this reason I do not want to attribute to
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myself a discovery that someone else might be more entitled to.152
Comte’s demonstrations reached the self-appointed “inventor in exile” through the Jornal do Commercio or its writer, in the same way as his experiences gained publicity in the pages of the periodical. Ten days after Florence’s comments, the Jornal do Commercio also printed the anonymous article “Caution with the daguerreotype” to warn its readers of the care needed to be taken with the “treacherous” device.153 Foreigners passing through or settled in Rio de Janeiro certainly attended Comte’s demonstration at the Pharoux Hotel. The property was owned by a Bonapartist who arrived in Rio de Janeiro in 1816, with ties of friendship in the region of Paimboeuf.154 The four-storey building, located next to the Imperial Palace, offered the now more experienced daguerreotypists of the OH a high vantage point, just as the inventor had chosen in Paris.155 The public demonstration conducted by Daguerre on 7th September 1839 took place on a balcony of the Palais d’Orsay and all the processing of the image required an hour and a half of work. The inventor ensured that in the event of an outing, it would be enough to take the camera, since the plates could be sensitised four hours before, and the development with mercury vapours could be performed after the excursion.156 Comte positioned his equipment in the balconies of the Pharoux Hotel, obtaining a panoramic view of Rio de Janeiro. Thus he managed to register the Largo do Paço fountain, the Candelaria Market and the beach called Praia do Peixe, reaching the São Bento monastery at the other end of the city center. The description of the experience illuminates practical aspects for the preparation, obtention and processing of the first daguerrean plates in Rio de Janeiro.
In another part of the city, the routine studies of D. Pedro at the São Cristóvão Palace included sciences, literature, the arts and other subjects indicated for the education of the future emperor. The figure of the enlightened monarch, as reported and constructed in widely-read newspapers, was further consolidated by visitors to Brazil during his reign. A recurrent impression in the accounts of these travellers, Terloo commented: “the young emperor studies and sacrifices himself [...]; he has a very Austrian head, inherited from his mother”.157 In 1839, D. Pedro began to study the “practical sciences” and, while he did not travel himself, he welcomed with pleasure artists, writers and other foreigners who wished to visit him in his residences.158 The Jornal do Commercio published an advertisement the day after the
The Candelaria Market and the beach called “Praia do Peixe”, with the Saint Benedict monastery in the background, seen from the Pharoux Hotel in Rio de Janeiro. Daguerreotype attributed to Louis Comte, 1840.
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Chaplain Louis Comte on the OH passenger roll on its voyage around the world, 1839-1840.
Louis Comte (1798-1867) The professor, chaplain and daguerreotypist of the OH was born in Nantes on 1st June 1798. Son of Rosalie Bossy and Charles Comte, his family lived on the old la Fosse Street, close to the dock and port businesses to which he was connected for a good part of his life.159 According to the city’s Municipal Archive, his father was a senior official in the Bonapartist administration and owned property in the Burgundy region. Like other young people from relatively wealthy families, Comte entered the “great seminary” in the city of Autun (France), where he was ordained priest. Built in the 17th century, the seminary building had been left in ruins after the 1789 revolution, but little by little the place regained its prestige and once again housed the religious institution. In the French Navy chaplains were not very numerous during the July Monarchy and performed religious service in an independent and amateur way as secular priests, without much cooperation from others, and still less of bishops.160 The priest in charge of providing spiritual and intellectual assistance during the voyage of the OH was registered as a passenger in the Nantes Maritime Registry. The notes in the on-board roll inform us, in the absence of a portrait left by the traces of a draughtsman or lithographer, that he was “one meter and sixty centimetres and had chestnut hair”, and was a “proprietor“ in Grande-Verrière close to Autun. Between 1806 and 1821, a period that corresponds approximately to Comte’s stay with the seminary, the city counted with nearly 10,000 inhabitants and with a little more in 1839. When he left the OH expedition to stay in the city, Comte announced in the Montevideo newspapers that he had learned to use the daguerreotype with Daguerre himself, after what others did during the weeks following the revelation of the secrets of the invention. Presuming that what he said in his advertisement was true, this information strengthens the assumption that Daguerre may have collaborated more directly in the training of the daguerreotypists or in the planning of the demonstrations of his invention by the OH expedition. The life of this daguerreotypist priest, whose name was mistakenly misspelled when he arrived in South America, sometimes written as “Combes”, others as “Compte”, leading to this equivocation in a significant part of the literature, is still very scarcely known.161 Louis Comte’s origin, training and business in France and Uruguay, as well as his insertion in the networks built by the French and Hispanic-Americans in Montevideo and his ties with Freemasonry, before and after the OH, are gaps in his biography open to new research.
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Louis Comte’s signature, in a letter sent to the French consul in Montevideo in 1846.
article on Comte’s daguerreotypes reporting that Frédéric Sauvage “had the honour of presenting the physiognotype” to the Emperor and his sisters in the São Cristóvão Palace.162 Portraits of the nobility, on white or Chinese paper, on fabric or any other material, have always represented a good business for painters, engravers, lithographers and artisans. With young Sauvage it would be no different. Installed in the Europa Hotel, he moulded “with elegance and mathematical accuracy” the busts of the Imperial Family using the system invented by his father.163 Since arriving in Rio, Sauvage had been publishing announcements as the “inventor of the new instrument [...] and one of the wise men employed in the didactic and scientific expedition of the Oriental school ship, in charge of offering the French museums the “types” of all the peoples visited by the expedition”.164 After offering his services “to people who wish to have a perfect likeness of their face, whether full-face, profile, bust or medal”165 and visiting the São Cristóvão Palace, Sauvage’s advertisements already referred to the portraitist as “very well known in this capital”.166 He was looking for an artist to help him, and informed the public that the imperial busts could be seen at the hotel until the scheduled date of departure of the
OH. Hosting so many artists, these establishments also functioned as improvised galleries or studios. The Hotel da Marinha, for example, at the time had a portraitist and painting teacher who taught to draw “by means of an admirable machine”.167 All sorts of portraits, and now also physiognotypes, of the emperor attracted the interest of a growing clientele. Frédéric Sauvage thus decided to let his cousin Joseph continue alone with the expedition in order to explore the business in Brazil.168 Doctor Thomas also wanted to teach his technique to the Brazilians, and published advertisements until he found a local physician to “continue the work started as he saw fit, since he is in the best circumstances to do so”.169 If it is true that the images obtained with the daguerreotype “served as ambassadors of the new technique”,170 the outcome of the demonstrations of Lucas and Comte at the Largo do Paço fulfilled this role with the future emperor of Brazil. The two did not
Illustrative image of the physiognotype, printed in the Musée des Familles newspaper in 1835.
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months later for her younger brothers in Rio de Janeiro, represented other “conquests”. They promoted the French invention made “available to all”, as well as its incorporation into a much older “civilising process” cultivated by the institute of patronage: H.M. and Imperial Highnesses were very pleased with the experiments, whose progress deserved their full attention and whose products H.M. the Emperor deigned to accept.174
Study of the future Emperor Pedro II and his sisters, Francisca and Januária, at the Boa Vista Palace, c. 1834. The three attended the demonstrations of the daguerreotype equipment brought by Captain Lucas and Chaplain Louis Comte into the palace, located in the Saint Christopher neighbourhood (Rio de Janeiro).
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take long to pay a visit to the São Cristóvão Palace to demonstrate “the apparatus of Daguerre” to D. Pedro and Princesses Leopoldina and Francisca. Comte, “in charge of handling the instrument”, was the one who had the “honour of explaining all the process in the presence of the august spectators”.171 Although Terloo does not clarify if he was there following the demonstration of the physiognotype or the daguerreotype, he considered the palace admirably well located and its architecture one of the most elegant: “seen at sunset, it seems more like a dream than a reality!”.172 The marriage of Princess Francisca with one of Louis-Philippe’s sons was another frequent topic at the time: “What a conquest for France!”.173 The presentations of the daguerreotype for Maria II in Lisbon, and three
Besides the king of France, Daguerre had offered daguerreotypes to other crowned heads of Europe: Ludwig I of Bavaria, Ferdinand I of Austria, Nicholas I of Russia, William III of Prussia. In the copies which he offered the inventor wrote: “Proof intended to note the discovery of the Daguerreotype, offered to ...., by his humble and obedient servant, Daguerre”.175 Once they reached their destination packed in cases and frames that enriched offices, libraries and academies, these images were exhibited to scientists, artists, writers and journalists who tried to describe the novelty to reach a wider audience.176 Travelling in the OH, the “ambassadors” of Daguerre’s invention followed the same protocol. Among the daguerreotypes presented to D. Pedro II, the Jornal do Commercio journalist reported a “view of the facade of the palace taken from one of the tower windows, and soon in equal time, the general perspective one enjoys from the balcony with all its minute details and variations”.177 In other words, the palace from which the Tijuca forest and the urban core in its “minute details and variations” offered a new panoramic view of the city seen as “a panorama of the Empire”. With the demonstration of
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The Paço da Boa Vista (Saint Christopher Palace), residence of the future Emperor of Brazil and his sisters, in January 1840. The drawing in sepia is by Benjamin Mary, the Belgian ambassador in Brazil (1834-1838) and depicts the place where the visitors had a high prospect of the Tijuca mountains, on the south side of the Palace. The caption “tower inhabited by my brother in Saint Christopher, Rio de Janeiro” was handwritten later by Princess Francisca in her album of memories.
the daguerreotype in Rio de Janeiro, the symbolic identification of Brazil with the images of its capital also began to be constructed by the photomechanical process.178 Shortly thereafter, São Cristóvão Palace would possess a chemistry laboratory as well organised as its mineralogy cabinet, the library and the picture gallery. The accounting books of the Imperial House in February 1840 state the resources for the acquisition of equipment and materials.179 In March D. Pedro bought his own daguerreotype equipment for 250 thousand réis, from the shop of optical instruments and diverse products of the Italian Felicio Luraghi.180 He had already received early notions of chemistry from the
Portuguese Alexandre Vandelli, his “professor of botany and natural science principles”181 and the “instructive lessons” in “Daguerre’s incomparable instrument” would come from those who knew how to handle it, such as Soulier de Sauve.182 That was the beginning of D. Pedro II’s reputation as the first Brazilian to experiment with photography, later linked to the public image of the monarch and national memory.183 The account of the last visit of the members of the expedition to São Cristóvão Palace reminded readers that the Jornal do Commercio had already taken care of “Daguerre’s very important discovery”.184 The double edition, for the 20th and 21st January, 189
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One can predict that the collection of views that the Orientale [sic] will bring from its journey around the world, among all the results of this patriotic expedition, will dispute a particular degree of interest in Europe; and it is necessary to consider abbot Comte’s brilliant application in the diverse stops of the voyage, with the magnificent sites of the Empire of Brazil in the first place, as a new reward for the inventor of the machine.187
The OH left the Brazilian capital in the last week of January 1840.188 An article entitled “voyages” then defended what seemed to be another consequence of the passage of the expedition for “cultivated society” in the 1800s: Portrait of Emperor d. Pedro II, a daguerreotype executed in Rio de Janeiro c. 1850. In the background, the posing apparatus used to support the head and ensure the immobility of the person portrayed.
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was more comprehensive and detailed than the others, also featuring François Arago’s celebrated speech in the Chamber of Deputies, previously reproduced in the bulletins of the Paris Academy of Sciences and the Society for the Improvement of National Industry and in Daguerre’s own manual, as well as in several newspapers.185 The ideas about the invention expressed by Arago circulated as much as the equipment, images and news associated with the daguerreotype. The Diário do Rio de Janeiro, O Despertador and other periodicals in Rio de Janeiro also brought articles about the invention. The Jornal do Commercio, however, did more than that. Its editors and writers helped to make the “extraordinary mission” of the OH viable, acting as a link between the enterprise, its members and the ideas of the “civilising continent”186 that marked the spread of photography in South America:
If our youth wished to make the most of the advantages they could reap from voyages, they could not have a better school than that of travelling abroad. In this way, they would shape their customs, strip themselves of countless prejudices, learn to know the different manners of thinking of men, studying the human heart in the great book of the world where they would regard virtues and vices under aspects other than those of their native country.189
The journey, understood as an irreplaceable experience in the individual’s education and character, also highlighted the otherness and strangeness resulting from the confrontation of the foreigner passing through the city. When the OH weighed anchor, the Diário do Rio de Janeiro published complaints from the population about the students of the expedition, “sailors of the lowest class”, and the disturbances they had
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been causing in the city streets. The authorities needed to be “vigilant”, stated the article, since “foreigners with no manners or education, a true disgrace for foreigners in Brazil, tread on our land as if it were a conquered country, acting like brutal conquerors towards its people”.190 Taunts with a “chicotinho” (small whip), mockery and insults to a poor clerk almost resulted in armed conflict, prompting a complaint from the residents to the head of the police and the newspapers. For the novice Charles Emonce, the voyage of the OH until then could be compared to “a real hell”. Emonce wrote to his father, moaning: since boarding “everyone did as they pleased”; one professor “had only given three lessons” (Soulier de Sauve), and drawing (Comte) had been the only well taught subject. Studies were also hampered by inadequate facilities and “amateur” novices who travelled comfortably in cabins only “out of curiosity and not for the instruction”. The description of the duels, desertions and all kinds of indiscipline now reached the authorities in Belgium.191 The young man’s father forwarded the letter to the governor of Antwerp, who in turn forwarded it to the Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs in Brussels.192 But Emonce’s complaints, even about his financial difficulties, did not prevail. The minister, “informed by other sources”, argued that the problems of the OH were being solved since the stopover in Pernambuco. The alleged lack of comfort on board, “far from being justified”, also led to the young man being censored for unforeseen expenses: I therefore think that M. Emonce can be reassured about the fate of his son who
seems to have greatly exaggerated the inconveniences of which he complains. [...] He must be urged to learn to endure the life of a sailor, not to want all comforts and to avoid expenses that are not absolutely necessary. In this last regard, I believe I must again express my dissatisfaction.193
The repercussions of the problems in Brazil on the families and authorities in France were much more problematic. The defection in Rio de Janeiro of five novices with aristocratic family names (Bazin, Chanut, Plantin de Villeperdrix, Ricard and Valori) were very troublesome for the French Legation, especially for a chancellor who remembered the responsibilities of the position: “repression of sailor’s crimes has been a constant preoccupation for me, especially during the generally long absence of warships”.194 Taunay conducted a true hunt for the deserters of the OH in residences and lodgings of the city accompanied by the head of the police. The absence of Count Edmond de Ricard, 19, was recorded only shortly before the ship’s departure for Montevideo: “deserted in Rio de Janeiro [...] captured and taken back to France for military service (signed Th. Taunay)”.195 The episode was disastrous for the concept of the expedition and its commander. The novice’s father was Count EtiennePierre Ricard, general and member of the House of Peers, a distinguished and honorary assembly close to the King of France, with ancestral roots in French history. As soon as the count heard of the events in Rio de Janeiro, informed by Captain Lucas himself, he immediately wrote to Baron Rouen. The reputation of the young men was tarnished and, with it, the family names they carried. Ricard criticised the expedition harshly: 191
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You are surely not unaware, Sir, that a deplorable disorder reigned aboard the Oriental; that the captain had hitherto prevented a mutiny by force of concessions, to the point that the first and second lieutenants, seeing their authority compromised at all moments, have resigned.196
A slave ship captain, “the most voracious and daring species of corsair”, according to Ricard’s opinion, took advantage of the despair of the young men and offered the group the possibility of returning to France. The proposal was accepted, wrote the father, “not so much on a whim of youth [emphasised in the original], but to avoid the inconveniences and even the danger of remaining on a ship where
“Notice to Be Inserted in a Rio de Janeiro Newspaper”: In the month of December 1839 a school ship named l’Oriental, with 54 young men on board who had embarked to travel around the world, anchored in Rio de Janeiro. While the crew was on shore, a stranger appointed only as captain of a slave ship, probably informed of the reasons why the students wished to leave l’Oriental, offered to lend them money and provide them with the means to escape. Five of these young men without any experience accepted the offer, and the foreigner made them sign obligations exceeding three or four times the amount actually delivered. He then hid them in the countryside until l’Oriental set sail again. The families of the five students diverted from the journey in this way, believe that they must protest against the manoeuvres by means of which usurers have extorted false obligations from minors, since it is their dependents who are at stake. They state that they intend to refuse the payment if they are charged, and that they are also taking steps to identify the perpetrators of a plot that could have cost their sons’ lives, that has compromised their future and is obviously liable to criminal prosecution. [signed] Count Ricard Paris, 19th May 1840.197
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discipline no longer existed”.198 The young men remained hidden until the departure of the OH, and when they returned to Rio de Janeiro came the surprise: denounced by Captain Lucas to the French Legation, since they all had been registered in the Nantes Maritime Registry as OH novices, they were captured by Chancellor Taunay and repatriated on the Artemise, a warship coming from the Pacific.199 Furious at the “usurer who by his evil actions had determined the desertion of his son”, Ricard asked Baron Rouen for action, not without a certain degree of intimidation. He demanded that a letter should be published in the Rio de Janeiro newspapers to protest against “an infamous traffic [that] had exposed the life of five inexperienced young men”, as well as challenging the debt they had contracted. The message naturally served as a manner of reparation of the image of the families. The problems with the young people began to contaminate the correspondence between the Legation in Rio de Janeiro, the naval commanders who crossed the Atlantic and the ministries in Paris.200 On 31st January Baron Rouen wrote to the Duke of Dalmatie, Minister of Foreign Affairs, that although it had benefited from all the immunities granted to warships, the fate of the OH was rather uncertain: It is not yet possible to form a sufficiently justified idea of the results of this expedition, which has something incomplete in its organisation that Captain Lucas himself appreciates. Above all, the discipline on board leaves much to be desired and may jeopardise the continuation of the operation, unless the departure of several young men of a rebellious and turbulent nature makes it easier for the captain to
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exercise the authority which until now has not yet been conveniently respected.201
The bad news quickly reached the Ministry of the Marine and Baron Roussin received further reports of the expedition’s problems through the naval commanders. The minister’s annoyance increased, and he wrote directly to Baron Rouen: the families “sent him daily requests for information” and a young man’s uncle appealed for news of the deserter at the Legation in Rio de Janeiro.202 The pressure on the representatives of the French diplomacy came from all sides and the “police power” over the OH crew was yet another reason for the misunderstandings between captains, consular agents, senior navy officials and their respective ministers. Rear-Admiral Dupotet, commander of the South Atlantic Naval Station, and Jean-Marie Raymond Baradère, the first consul of France appointed to serve in Uruguay, for example, were two authorities with differing views on the subject.203 Dupotet refused to put the merchant sailors “in irons” on warships without
paying for their food. Upset, Baradère wrote in his dispatch that the true motive for Dupotet’s contestation was a “dispute of authority” over these sailors.204 The expedition was approaching the River Plate region, and the atmosphere, already tense with the blockade of the port of Buenos Aires, seemed even worse for the OH with all the problems on board. Across the Atlantic the press also began to publish the bad news:
Panorama of the central area of Rio de Janeiro, taken from the Ilha das Cobras by an anonymous daguerreotypist. The people were later drawn and added, when the panorama obtained with the photographic process was transposed to lithographic stone by the artists Eugène Ciceri and Philippe Benoist and multiple copies printed at one of the most famous image publishers in Paris.
We have direct reports from the OrientalHydrographe school ship from Nantes, and Captain Lucas, through the Industrie, which departed from Bahia on the 27th December and arrived at the [port of ] Le Havre. It appears that during their crossing some disorders occurred aboard the Oriental and that discord reigned among officers and students, and that on arrival in Pernambuco the second [captain] of the ship was disembarked together with seven of the most riotous students. These disorders originated in disputes that arose and whose violence and continuation could 193
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compromise the discipline so necessary in a crew like that of the Oriental. 205
Before leaving the Brazilian coast, the OH passed through the port of Santos, between late January and early February, for a ballasting operation (placing weight in the hold in order to give more stability to the ship).206 Terloo wrote that some students had stayed in the houses of residents to explore the mountains nearby.207 Delighted with the abundance of birds, the colourful butterflies and the exuberance of nature, the Belgian carried an impression of Brazil shared by other travellers, very important to the self-image of Brazilians since the Independence: The beauties of this magnificent Brazil we have just left [and] the most hyperbolic descriptions of Pernambuco, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and Santos will only give you a very dull idea of the wonders of this vast land of opportunity.208
The independence processes, the opening to foreign immigration and the expansion of markets in South America made the continent a “land of opportunity”, as Terloo would say, or a “new geostrategic field” for the European powers, as contemporary experts in international relations would say. England and France, “preferential nations”, sought to obtain privileges in “trade and friendship” treaties that would ensure the expansion of their interests in the region.209 The market forces that, in theory, moved history by obeying the “laws of nature”, isolated the government of Juan Manuel de Rosas, a personalist politician who ruled the Argentine Federation with an iron fist from 1835 to 1852. The defence of economic and political 194
liberalism, the condemnation of the monopoly of customs revenues in the port of Buenos Aires and a series of internal political struggles completed the picture.210 The alarming news from the South Atlantic, with hostilities suffered by the English and French in the province of Buenos Aires, as well as by vessels that could not sail safely in those waters, worried shipowners and naval commanders. The Justine, for example, was carrying a load of sugar when it broke down in Montevideo in January 1838. The merchant ship commanded by long-distance Captain François Lucas, the youngest brother of the commander of the OH, was headed towards the Pacific. Reports of this kind reached the ministry, the newspapers and the Annales Maritimes et Coloniales all the time. France responded to these difficulties with a “naval blockade”. At sea, the strategy was new and designed as a demonstration of strength to stifle the Argentine economy and intimidate the “dictator”, a term used to exhaustion by the press in another type of siege that occurred in this war. Researcher Adrien Carré pointed out that the newspapers in Nantes reported on the blockade of Rosas and his “atrocities” and deliberately omitted the problems aboard the OH.211 In March 1838 France began the intervention with a squadron in charge of seizing any ships and goods that attempted to enter or exit the port of Buenos Aires.212 The commander of the mission was RearAdmiral Leblanc, head of the Naval Station in Brazil. The port of Montevideo, in the young Oriental Republic of Uruguay, was to serve as a base for the operations of the French Navy, considered a “preferential nation” by a treaty of 1836 (ratified three years later).213 Anxious readers from various parts
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Panoramic “bird’s eye view” of Montevideo (upper part) and map of the town and harbour (lower part), c. 1807.
of Europe feared for the fate of their relatives and friends who had emigrated to the region. Terloo’s letters, transcribed in Le Courrier Belge, reported the atrocities committed in Argentina by the “bloodthirsty madman who governs that republic”.214 They depict a character extensively explored by the French press:
deal with now, the man who has resisted the blockade for two years, and, if he manages to maintain power internally, may still survive for years. This is a serious case for France, it is time for it to change its policy because its hesitation compromises the fate of the entire French population in Brazil and Montevideo.215
Buenos-Aires, this slave city despotically governed by dictator Rosas, an intermediate species between the tiger and the jackal, resists France and maintains its claims over Montevideo. [...] This is the man with whom France and Montevideo have to
The OH entered the estuary of the River Plate on 19th February 1840 and several letters were dispatched through the Maria Key, a ship headed for Antwerp.216 The French who had arrived in the port of Montevideo before had warned that it 195
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“urgently needed hydraulic repair work, because little by little it is clogging with the sand and mud deposited by the currents”.217 The works that started almost a decade before, with delays and interruptions, had not solved the problem, and the movement of vessels and merchandise was now much greater.218 For the youths already unhappy with the voyage, it was even worse to stay on board. Professor Moreau, who replaced Soulier de Sauve to teach sciences through an agreement with Captain Lucas, reported his arrival to his colleagues at the Central School of Trade and Industry in Brussels: Montevideo, 20th February 1840. I write in haste, my dear Louyet, it is seven thirty in the morning and at around eight they come to pick up the mail [...] We arrived in Montevideo yesterday, at around ten. Before the formalities were completed and we could go ashore it was already noon. I don’t know why I didn’t go ashore on one of the boats, like my comrades De Moor and Hynderick did. They had a lot of fun.219
As on other occasions, Lucas sent news to shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin, only discussing the problems in the South Atlantic, without mentioning any issues on board the OH: Our affairs are in the same state with Buenos Aires; Rosas is still increasing his army daily, and the hope of overthrowing him is no more advanced than six months ago. Nevertheless, it seems that Admiral Dupotet has aligned his gunboats to favour the French side’s approach to Buenos-Aires. The Division [French Naval Station] 196
continues to make arrests and there are few rebels in Buenos Aires.220
The captain also took the opportunity to dispatch on the Maria Key the long-awaited report on the “sugar issue”, apologising to the Society for the Improvement of National Industry for the delay in sending information and documents. In Paris, the correspondence was read in the entity with the justification that the captain “had to overcome many obstacles to organise his enterprise”.221 But he promised to publish all that was in the interest of the Society in a newspaper “especially hired for this purpose” (Le Moniteur Industriel). Other accounts would be sent later so that the Society could appreciate “the degree of usefulness” of the expedition.222 Although always busy with the amenities of the journey, Terloo also closely observed the businesses that might interest the Belgian capitalists. In Montevideo, he suggested that they should take into account the growing clientele on the continent: “we do not understand why our printers are not dedicated to Spanish books, and consequently, to the entire South American market”.223 On another occasion he visited the property of Samuel Fisher Lafone, saladero and consul of Belgium, describing the entire work process in the Pampas, the figure and personality of the gaucho, as well as the trade statistics of livestock in Argentina and Uruguay.224 For someone who planned to become consul, the critical assessment of the situation was also a good advertisement for the role that he intended to play as a commercial agent: How many fortunate opportunities for Belgium there would be in almost all the countries we have just visited, and where I found English, North American, French,
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Montevideo, in a map drawn and water-coloured by the Portuguese engineer José Cavallo, 1820. The manuscript with the detailed plan of the city of Montevideo, at the time part of the Cisplatin Province, included the names and addresses of the 853 inhabitants, as well as the location of churches, fortifications, rooms, gardens and the recently projected municipal market.
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Danish, Swedish and even Sicilian ships everywhere, but not a trace of our navy. So we do not know exactly what Belgium is in the New World, except for our consuls who are more numerous and idler than our own ships.225
The baron had the idea of venturing into the pampas and crossing the Andes Mountains to meet the expedition only in Valparaiso, a plan that the state of war and the impossibility of passing through Buenos Aires aborted.226 The stay in Montevideo coincided with the Carnival celebration and, in spite of the summer heat, seemed pleasant. The air was “pure and fresh” in a place where “poor people were not seen as often as in Europe”.227 Terloo described the street games, the dancing soirées and the extraordinary beauty and politeness of the Montevidean ladies, when discussing the “charming and welcoming” local society: “you would be surprised to see its elegant manners, distinguished good taste, and how the arts of leisure are successfully cultivated there”.228 The “Frenchified” habits of the Uruguayan capital, in fact, corresponded with the significant presence of French people living in the city: they were one quarter of the population and accounted for almost half of the migrants received by Uruguay between 1836 and 1842.229 The contact of crew and passengers of the OH with some of these French people, especially through the Masonry, may have been established even before the expedition’s passage. Lucas, as has been previously indicated, was a Freemason230 and Montevideo was a point of convergence for many Freemasons: “the European exile finds in lodges a refuge and a manner of insertion”.231 The introduction and reorganisation of the Masonic lodges 198
of French origin (“Les Enfants du Nouveau Monde”, “Les Amis de la Patrie”) and the institutionalisation of the Uruguayan Freemasonry indicated the strengthening of their activities in the country.232 Whether a Freemason or not, the fact is that Comte would receive the generosity of several compatriots. A Frenchman of republican ideas who arrived in Montevideo in 1830 was one of them. Arsène Isabelle embarked on a journey to South America driven by political persecution in France and the desire for adventure on the other side of the Atlantic. He came with no money, but when he returned to the city in 1837 he already had a network of contacts in the region. A multifaceted character (amateur naturalist, candle-maker, customs official, consular agent and, it is suspected, informant of the French government), Isabelle wrote a book about a journey through the continent between 1830 and 1834.233 Newspapers from Nantes disseminated these publications with attractive accounts specifically aimed at a diverse audience.234 A passport to the French scientific and intellectual world, the work brought the adventurous traveller closer to a renowned naturalist, since Alcide d’Orbigny also prepared the publication of the volumes about his own voyage for the Museum of Natural History in Paris.235 Isabelle became a member of the Paris Geographic Society and an important contact for any Frenchman who wanted to visit or do business in the River Plate region. When he returned to Montevideo as a consular agent for France,236 he took part of the first expedition to the Uruguayan territory organised by a “national” scientific institution. The Museum of Natural History, inspired by the Parisian model, would open to the public in July of the following year, and was supported with enthusiasm by the physician
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Teodoro Vilardebó.237 At a time when borders were being defined, lands disputed, epidemics fought, port works built and a civil war waged putting the stability of the Republic at risk, the institution was a sign of the place reserved for science in the priorities of the Uruguayan state and the nation-building project of the country’s cultivated elites. A graduate of the Paris School of Medicine, Vilardebó was hired in 1836 by the recently created Montevideo Hygiene Board to combat yellow fever. Back in his native country, he brought with him the influence of the new disciplines in nature study (biology, microscopy, chemistry, etc.), as well of the role of history and geography in the construction of nationality.238 In 1838, the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institute was created to write the “biography of the nation” and draw the “body of the country”.239 Together with Andrés Lamas, Bernardo Berro and others, Vilardebó founded the History and Geography Institute of Uruguay in 1843.240 The efforts to travel, speak other languages and exchange knowledge were part of a broad movement of circulation of political ideas and projects in all directions (and not only “from the centre to the periphery”), favouring reciprocal learning and the creation of embryonic intellectual networks.241 For a “scientific and literary man” like Vilardebó, Daguerre’s invention represented the prospect of incorporating an instrument for the study of nature and the construction of history. Familiar with the French language and culture, he awaited the arrival of the photographic process announced a year before as eagerly as the ship that now finally brought the invention to South America. News of Comte’s demonstration in Rio de Janeiro had reached the Uruguayan capital before the OH itself.
Newspaper editors built their networks and, given the situation in the region, the Jornal do Commercio counted with a “correspondent in Montevideo”.242 This flow of communications naturally functioned both ways. The article published in the Brazilian capital on 17th January was transcribed by El Nacional on 3rd February, that is, twenty days before Comte disembarked with the daguerreotype. The isolation of Argentina, in addition to excluding it from the OH’s course and consequently from the contact with the invention, deprived readers in Buenos Aires even of the knowledge of its existence: the Gaceta Mercantil published
Portrait of Mariquita Sánchez de Thompson y Mendeville, already familiarised with the daguerreotype camera, in 1854.
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an article on the daguerreotype only on 11th March 1840, when the accounts of the novelty presented in Brazil and Uruguay already circulated through the newspapers.243 The links with the French community and the expectations created by the newspapers facilitated the reception of the expedition by Uruguayan political leaders and intellectuals, as well as by Argentine exiles and other foreigners who lived in Montevideo. The presentation of the daguerreotype in the city was thus witnessed by social actors with very different characteristics as to their origin, education and gender. The accounts of this unprecedented and transforming experience, both individually and collectively, were recorded and shared in letters and articles in the press that granted visibility to the urban space as the place of emergence of what was modern. The diversity and wealth of these memoirs singularise the early contact with the daguerreotype in the city of Montevideo, a rather original aspect of the OH demonstrations throughout the journey. These narratives reveal the desire for modernity among those who saw themselves as capable of fostering it with the progress and civilisation of the homeland, a discursive construction where the idea of “an art without artistry”, “available to all” had very clear political implications. In this sense, they illuminate the multiple dimensions of the ideal of modernity in this context, be it as a tangible reality in the process of construction of the national states, or as a symbolic affirmation of a promising destiny.244 The first presentation was in the house of the French Consul André Cavaillon and his wife Josefina Areta (“Pepita”), one of those elegant and well-born Montevidean ladies described by Terloo. Present at the meeting, on an uncertain date between 24rd and 200
26th February, was a Porteña who wrote a few hours after the experience.245 The enthusiasm of a woman known for her “high intelligence” is expressed in a letter sent to her son: “yesterday we saw a wonder, the execution of the daguerreotype is an admirable thing”. Mariquita Sánchez was the widow of Martin Thompson, her Spanish cousin, a naval officer and former commander of the port of Buenos Aires, with whom she had participated in the campaign for the Argentine independence. After her second marriage to the French diplomat JeanBaptiste Washington de Mendeville, she now lived in Montevideo and freely attended the meetings in the city.246 The demonstration of the previous day was reported with remarkable wealth of technical details, which is surprising for those who had just come to know the invention. In a nutshell, Mariquita described the procedures, equipment and materials used by Comte as if she already had a notion of the process. It is true that the information about the daguerreotype was being reproduced in the French, English and Brazilian newspapers that reached Montevideo. The knowledge acquired by the observation was, however, impressive. As she described, “we didn’t move from beside the machine [...] we were delighted”.247 Mariquita also mentions, with some humour, a daguerreotype of Rio de Janeiro she saw at the time and the meaning that could be attributed to such a unique image: In a view do Janeiro [sic] on a plate reduced to the size of this paper, judge the reduction in scale, in it you can see little dots with a magnifying glass; you note that they are some shirts and stockings hanging on a line in the back of a house where they would hardly imagine they
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of this new visual experience prompted its approximation to “philosophical instruments”, an expression with which English friends would frame photography as one of the “instruments to measure the effects of the mechanical and physical forces of nature”.250 Revealing the insight of a woman familiar with the value of discipline in the maritime universe, she summed up the OH circumnavigation voyage: It is a romantic expedition of inconsequential young men, they carry professors and conduct studies. On board there have been a thousand fights, and some of them are staying along the way in the countries they pass through. A curious thing, this expedition...251
Historical and step-by-step guide of the invention bearing the name of Daguerre, translated and printed in Spain, already in 1839. The translation of the manual was carried out by the physician and surgeon Pedro Mata, full and corresponding member of the Montpellier Medical and Surgical Society.
would go down in history. What an object for meditation, my Juan!248
The “highly intelligent” Porteña was a woman who contrasted with the platitude of other female figures met by Terloo along the journey. In her observation, of Humboldtian spirit, of the meticulous result offered by the daguerreotype, she realised that “the ability to document unforeseen details and capture the different planes of the visible is a novelty in photography”.249 The disturbing dimension
The other observer who was with Mariquita “without moving” from beside the machine, was the Argentine Florencio Varela. He was a scholar, a lawyer, a journalist and a politician, and is considered by some authors “one of the most brilliant characters of the River Plate culture of the period”. 252 A friend of Mariquita’s son Juan Thompson, Varela also wrote to the young man about that demonstration: “I spent the day examining and looking at the daguerreotype”.253 Faced with “Daguerre’s astonishing invention”, he was delighted with an “art without artistry” destined to “fix the images of the camera obscura and copy nature with an inconceivable perfection, with no agent but light”.254 Exiled in Montevideo, editor of the El Correo de la Plata newspaper and an active participant in the political and cultural life of the continent, Varela would also participate in other demonstrations of the daguerreotype in the city. The Plaza de la Constitución, in the heart of Montevideo, was in a festive mood 201
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Lithograph of Montevideo Cathedral, after a daguerreotype originally attributed to Louis Comte, and later to Florencio Varela, 1840. The image produced with the daguerreotype was transposed to lithographic stone, printed and inserted as a single print in the El Talismán newspaper of the Uruguayan capital on 8th November 1840.
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on the morning of 29th February. At the event were present the presidents and members of the Chamber of Deputies, Senate and Court of Justice, as well as diplomatic, military, ecclesiastical and civilian figures, together with members of the expedition and common people. Vilardebó and Varela participated in the handling of the camera and processing of the image inside the Cabildo building.255 The two received hands-on lessons that Comte would later offer to other residents. The conviction that there was a
clientele willing to learn to use the daguerreotype precisely with the person who had brought the novelty to Montevideo influenced Comte’s decision to leave the OH and stay in the city. According to Tomás de Iriarte, an Argentine military man and chronicler exiled in Uruguay, practicing the process seemed “complicated”, but Comte’s lessons resulted, with surprising speed and accuracy, in a memorable daguerreotype of the front facade of the Cathedral. The image fixed alongside his textual description would be
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‘An Admirable and Curious Thing’: The Daguerreotype Crosses the South Atlantic
repeated by other photographers, even Varela himself, following this first experience: In four minutes the most minute objects of the facade were printed on the plate, and the white colour of the walls of the peristyle was the one that stood out the most, since it is the one that absorbs less solar rays. The floor of the square, the small tracks left by the people who passed and the carriages were evident. The French war frigate, two leagues away, was finely outlined.256
The curiosity surrounding the daguerreotype and the interest in learning the process were so great that, at the request of Santiago Vázquez, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Comte demonstrated the use of the equipment again during the afternoon that same day. The experience took place in the house of the minister himself, and it was he who operated the equipment with which he obtained a view of the Cabildo, presented to Vilardebó.257 The physician and naturalist, now also an early daguerreotypist, attended and participated in the demonstrations as a prominent presence in the receptions offered to the travellers.258 The reports on the subject published by Varela and Vilardebó a few days later bore witness to the operation and results of the invention, but also to an understanding of its history, conception and promises. Varela’s article in El Correo de la Plata on 4th March 1840 was methodical in its aim to describe the daguerreotype “with simple elements that make even those who never saw this or any other similar system operate understand it without major difficulties”.259 He had in his hands, as he stated, “French newspapers”, the “wonderful report by Mr. Arago to the Chamber of Deputies” and the “brochure that accompanied the instrument”.260
The image of the travelling artist, in a portrait by Adolphe d’Hastrel, carrying one of his albums of drawings, c. 1841. Aide-de-champ of the commander of the French fleet, Adolphe d’Hastrel was in charge of the management of the Martin García island, a strategic place for the naval blockade. Located at the entrance of the estuary, protected by its geographical position and with a broad variety of insects, plants and soils, the island was explored by the first scientific expedition organised by the Uruguayan government in 1837.
Freemason symbol in the fountain of Constitution Square, known as Plaza Matriz, in Montevideo. 2019. Contemporary photograph taken for this book.
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Daguerre’s manual, brought by the expedition, translated by Varela and transcribed in the article, was supplemented by the “testimony of our own senses, as we had the chance of being able to observe [the daguerreotypes] with liberal thoroughness”.261 Two days later Vilardebó published his extensive article on the “various experiments with the daguerreotype carried out in the city”.262 Before describing all the operations of the process in El Nacional, he identified for the reader the role of the OH in the strategy for the cultural and commercial promotion of the invention on a global scale:
published months later in Le Courrier Belge are dated on 2nd March. The stopover in the city was terminated without any records of the definite landing of the OH chaplain. On the other hand, it is possible that the passage of the expedition and Comte’s decision to remain in the Uruguayan capital are mentioned in other documents.264 The boarding of Guilhaume Cocq, Chief Officer who replaced Daude, as well as the boatswain and more than four sailors ceded by the Alacry, for example, were recorded by Baradère.265 Two weeks after the departure El Nacional published an advertisement of the daguerreotypist chaplain:
Paris, London, Vienna, Saint Petersburg, Berlin, Brussels, Madrid, Lisbon, in a word, all the cities of some importance in Europe have seen with enthusiasm the surprising results of an instrument that so much honours human understanding; everywhere the name of Daguerre has been met with applause. The periodical press, that powerful vehicle of civilisation, brought the news of such a precious invention to the New World, and the cultivated people anxiously wished to have an opportunity to be able to admire for themselves one of the most beautiful creations of genius. Some curious individuals and others with a more speculative spirit understand that the new optical instrument has been commissioned in Europe, so that public anxiety will soon be satisfied.263
Finding myself continually sick on board, I had to give up the expedition around the world conducted by the Orientale, on which I performed the double function of chaplain and professor, and accept with the greatest satisfaction the precious advantages the beautiful weather in Montevideo offers to health.266
Photography, another “powerful instrument of civilisation”, travelled around the world. The OH left the Uruguayan port on the 29th February, according to Consul Baradère’s entry in the ship’s on-board roll, but the “letters from Montevideo” written by Terloo and 204
The announcement was intended to act as a justification for the decision taken, but may also be read as a good advertisement for the lessons he planned to teach in Montevideo. Comte may have also been concerned about undoing the poor impression caused by the students of the expedition. A few days before, El Nacional, containing the article by Vilardebó, reproduced a letter from the Belgian baron stating that he believed it was his duty to defend the OH youths. In an emphatic defence, Terloo repudiated the “absurd rumours” that among the students there were “banished, vicious or idle people”. At this point, the testimony that “order” in the voyage had not been altered and that if a student created problems he would be left on shore sounded entirely false.267
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Chapter 5 1. Reynaud, 1989, pp. 31-32; Flores, 2016. The figure of the traveller-narrator and the character of fundamental experience that the journey acquired in Romanticism are further elaborated by Süssekind, 1990, p. 48. 2. Humboldt, 1980, p. 37. The phrase, in the French edition of Humboldt and Bonpland’s voyage, is found in Voyage de Humboldt et Bonpland, relation historique. Paris, Schoell, 1814, t. I, p. 63. 3. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 4. OH - Doc 07.11.1839. Letter sent from Lisbon, by an author not identified by the newspaper. 5. “Instruction générale adressée aux voyageurs”. In: Société Ethnologique, t. 1, 1841, pp. VI-XV. 6. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 7. OH - Doc 11.11.1839. The Lloyd Nantais, published in Nantes, adopted the nickname of the founder of the English newspaper because of its approach to naval affairs. See other references in Specific Sources on the Oriental-Hydrographe. 8. OH - Doc 23 a 25.10.1839, OH - Doc 31.10.1839. The Madeira port authorities did not make any entries in the OH logbook. 9. OH - Doc 23 on 25.10.1839. 10. Frame and Walker, 2018. 11. [Anonyme], “Expedição exploradora”, A Flor do Oceano, 16th January 1840, p. 8. 12. Expedição ao Polo Antártico”, A Chronica, 23rd to 25th October 1839, p. 1. On the matter already commented in Chapter 1, see also Schaaf, 1992, esp. pp. 79-80. 13. OH - Doc 25.11.1839 (a). 14. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a) The author refers to his “domestic”, and the letter was written in Goree on the 9th November, and in Pernambuco on the 3rd December 1839. 15. OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b). 16. OH - Doc 06.10.1839 and OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b).
17. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 18. SANTOS, 1942, p. 45. 19. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 20. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 21. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 22. OH - Doc 29.10.1839 (b). 23. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 24. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 25. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 26. Henri Gaucheraud, “Beaux Arts; nouvelle découverte”, Gazette de France, 6th January 1839. 27. Cadenas, 1999, p.11. The newspapers are available in the Las Palmas de Gran Canaria University at https://jable.ulpgc. es/atlante. 28. OH - Doc 28.12.1839 (b). The trials with the apparatus in Tenerife are a logical deduction based on a later comment that the group had been “daguerreotyping” since Lisbon. Apud Ramires, 2014, pp. 18-19. 29. Sougez, 1994, pp. 212-220. 30. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. The information is mentioned in this letter and does appear in the ship’s on-board roll (OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840). 31. The notes in the on-board roll (OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840) record the stay in Goree between the 10th and 13th November, but Terloo comments: “on the 9th November we set anchor in the port of Goree [...]; on th 14th November we departed from Goree”. Cf. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 32. Between 1804 and 1817 Goree was under English control when it was returned to France with the imposition of restrictions on slave trading. See https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HistoryofSenegal. 33. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 34. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 35. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 36. OH-Doc 11.04.1840. 37. OH - Doc 11.04.1840 and OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 38. OH - Doc 11.04.1840.
39. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). Following the reference to the servant Vridays, this must be Baron Popelaire de Terloo. 40. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 41. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 42. OH - Doc 20.08.1839. 43. OH - Doc 31.10.1839. 44. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 45. OH - Doc 28.12.1839 (b). The letter, published by the newspaper without mentioning the author, was partially transcribed by Ramires, 2014, p. 19. 46. Lucas, Comte and Soulier de Sauve surely practiced with the daguerreotype, but the ornamental language suggests Boulaye or Terloo. 47. Libeaudière, 1900, p. 202. 48. OH - Doc 26.12.1839. 49. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 50. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 51. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 52. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 53. Bandeira, 2006, p. 37. 54. OH - Doc 06.10.1839. 55. OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b) Published throughout the months of June and July 1840 (12/6; 14/06; 16/06; 20/06; 28/06; 04/07), contains information on several subjects regarding Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay. 56. OH – Doc 14.06.1840. 57. OH - Doc 14.06.1840. 58. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 59. OH - Doc 14.06.1840. 60. Luiz Felipe de Alencastro. “África, números do tráfico Atlântico”, In: Schwarcz and Gomes, 2018, pp. 57-63; Herbert Klein. “Demografia da escravidão”, In: Schwarcz and Gomes, 2018, pp. 185-194. 61. OH - Doc 14.06.1840. 62. Carlos Eduardo M. Araújo. “Fim do tráfico”, In: Schwarcz and Gomes, 2018, pp. 230-236. 63. Slave trade avoided the control and seizure of the human cargo navigating with a national flag. Cf. Calogeras, 1925, p. 240.
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64. Carlos Eduardo M. Araújo. “Fim do tráfico”, In: Schwarcz and Gomes, 2018, p. 236. 65. OH - Doc 14.06.1840. 66. Potelet, 1994, p. 38. 67. Calogeras, 1925, pp. 236-237. 68. OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b). 69. Calvo, 1885. 70. Almanach royal et national pour l’an 1839. Paris: A. Guyot et Scribe, 1839, p. 33 (“Ambassadeurs et ministres français résidents près les puissants étrangères”); p. 114 (“Consuls de France dans les villes et Ports des nations étrangères”). 71. Le Courrier Belge, 18.07.1839, p. 1; Le Belge, 28.7.1839, p. 2; AD-Be - Correspondance commerciale. Dossier 2046 I, Brésil 1832-1843. 72. Libeaudière, 1900, pp. 201-203. 73. OH - Doc 20.05.1840 and others. 74. OH - Doc 10.05.1840. 75. OH - Doc 10.05.1840. 76. Libeaudière, 1900, p. 210. 77. A law, passed in 1843, established equal taxation. Cf. Jardin and Tudesq, 1973, v. 7, p. 230. 78. Dictionnaire universel théorique et pratique du commerce et de la navigation, 1859, v. 1, esp. p. V-VI. 79. OH - Doc 20.05.1840 and others. 80. Say, 1839, p. 200. 81. OH - Doc 20.05.1840 and others. 82. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840. The annotations by Consul Alphonse Barrère differ from some letters, possibly already written after the trvellers had been installed in the city. 83. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a) and OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 84. OH - Doc 24.01.1840. 85. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 86. AD-Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Pernambouc), v. 4 (18381844). Lettres de Barrère au ministre des Affaires Étrangères, 9 juin 1839 et 15 novembre 1839. 87. OH - Doc 29.01.1840.
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88. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840. Carré, 1970, p. 27. 89. AD-Fr – Personnel, 1er serie, carton 826. “Rapport (...) par Henri-Nicolas Cazotte, 20 octobre 1847”. 90. “Ordonnance du Roi sur les fonctions des Consuls dans leurs rapports avec la marine commerciale, 29 octobre 1833”. In: France. Bulletin des lois du Royaume de France (...), 2ème partie, 1834, p. 481 e segs. The function of the deputy consuls and consular agents were regulated on the same month. 91. Contamine, 1970. 92. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840, also referred by Carré, 1970, p. 27. 93. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840. See, also, the Oriental-Hydrographe’s (1839-1840) List of participants and logbook. 94. Adrien Carré, Correspondance avec Julien Champeaux de La Boulaye (1970). SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré. The researcher raised the possibility of Boulaye being connected with Comte, because both came from the same region. 95. Letessier, 1962, p. 492. 96. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840. The consul refers to novice Auguste Paul Emile Cardin. 97. OH - Doc 02.12.1839. 98. Baldick, 1965, p. 77-95. 99. Apud Figueiredo, 2007, p. 21. 100. OH - Doc 12.11.1841. 101. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 102. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 103. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 104. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. The expression “pontifical” refers to a mantle uses in certain religious ceremonies. 105. OH - Doc 10.12.1839. 106. Jornal do Commercio, Rio de Janeiro, 28th December 1839 (transcribing the Correio Mercantil, from Salvador). 107. Schwarcz, 1999, esp. pp. 254-255. 108. OH – Doc 11.04.1840. 109. Correio Mercantil, Salvador, 11 de
dezembro de 1839. Gomes, 1980, p. 37; Silva, 2006, p. 36 and following pages.; Clara von Sanden. “Una nueva tecnologia, un nuevo negocio, un nuevo arte [...]”. In: Broquetas et al, 2012, pp. 27-29. 110. The Swiss painter Abraham-Louis Buvelot lived in Salvador before beginning to practice with the daguerreotype in Rio de Janeiro. Kossoy, 2002, p. 93. 111. OH - Doc 06.03.1840. The information mentioned by various historians to contest the idea that the Rio de Janeiro daguerreotypes would be the first in South America is clearer when contextualised. 112. Morel and Barros, 2003, p. 103. 113. OH - Doc 13.12.1839. 114. Rama, 1985, p. 43. 115. AD-Fr – Personnel, 1er serie, carton 3407 – “Jean-Marie François Maxime Raybaud”. 116. OH - Doc 21.12.1839. 117. OH - Doc 21.12.1839. 118. OH - Doc 21.12.1839. 119. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 120. Kidder, 1845, p. 347. 121. Joinville, 2006, p. 20 122. Taunay, s/d, pp. 431-453; Figueiredo et al, 2005, p. 49 and following pages. 123. OH - Doc 16.06.1840 124. Figueiredo et al, 2005, pp. 65-72. 125. Joinville, 2006, p. 82. 126. OH - Doc 16.06.1840. 127. OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b). 128. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 129. OH - Doc 25, 26 and 27.12.1839 and OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (b). 130. OH - Doc 13.03.1840. 131. OH - Doc 31.01.1840 Baron Rouen’s reference, indicating when Manoel de Oliveira Arruda embarked, is therefore previous to the date recorded in Montevideo (OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840). 132. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 133. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 134. OH - Doc 02.01.1840. 135. Jornal do Commercio, 12th January
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1840. On the subject, see Karasch, 2000, esp. p. 412. 136. A summary of the issue and its developments in the city today, can be found in Turazzi, 2016, pp. 54-75. 137. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 138. OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a). 139. Cloquet and Bérard, 1841, pp. 69-100. 140. AD-Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale, Rio de Janeiro, tome 7 (1838-1842), Lettre de Rouen a Guizot, 30 mars 1842. 141. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 142. OH - Doc 16.06.1840. 143. OH - Doc 16.06.1840. 144. [Jean-Baptiste] Jobard, “Retratos fotográficos”, Jornal do Commercio, 10th January 1840 (article transcribed from Le Courrier Belge); [Anonymous]. “Uma experiência fisionômica”. Jornal do Commercio, 16th January 1840. On these devices, see FREUND, 1976 (“Los precursores de la fotografia”) and Ramires, 2014. 145. Jornal do Commercio, 1st May 1839, already mentioned in Chapter 1. 146. OH - Doc 17.01.1840. 147. Machado de Assis. “Crônica da semana: Ao acaso”, Diário do Rio de Janeiro, 7th August 1864. His text will be commented in the Conclusion. 148. Luiz, 1827. The Jornal do Commercio corrected the name of the daguerreotypist’s father in the following article (OH Doc 20 and 21.01.1840). 149. The editor communicated, in the Jornal do Commercio dated 7th May 1836 (p.1) that “the Newspaper, that until now with 2 printing presses took 10 hours to print, is ready after 2 hours of work and shall be distributed throughout the whole city and suburbs at 6 a.m.”. In 1909, the Jornal do Commercio began to have an afternoon edition. See also http://www. fgv.br/cpdoc/acervo/dicionarios/verbetetematico/jornal-do-comercio. 150. Machado de Assis. “Crônica da se-
mana: Ao acaso”, Diário do Rio de Janeiro, 7th August 1864, followed by Ferrez, 1953, p. 7, and many other authors based on his work, among others Turazzi, 1995; 2010; 2016. 151. Kossoy, 2019. 152. Hercule Florence. “Polygraphia. Descoberta Brazileira”. Jornal do Commercio, 10th February 1840, p. 2. 153. [Anonymous]. “Cautela com o daguerreótipo”. Jornal do Commercio, 20th February 1840, p. 1. See Turazzi, 1995, pp. 98-101. 154. Belchior and Poyares, 1987, pp. 62-63; MImp. Coleção Geyer. Eneas Martins. “Franceses no Rio de Janeiro”. Manuscript. 155. On Daguerre and his daguerreotypes, see Bajac and Planchon-De-FontRéaulx, 2003, pp. 138-163. 156. The London Journal of Arts and Science, vol. XV, 1840, pp. 120-123; Gernsheim, 1968, p. 104. 157. OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b). 158. Taunay, 1925, v. 152, p. 891; Schwarcz, 1999, pp. 207-245. 159. amn, Registres des mariages section Égalité et Fosse, acte de mariage de Charle Comte et Marie Rsaly Bossy, 20 août 1796; amn, Registres des naissances section Halles et Jean Jacques, acte de naissance de Louis Comte, 1 juin 1798. 160. Bouche, 1987, p. 257. 161. The information about the life of Comte in Montevideo after leaving the OH, is indicated in the Conclusion. 162. OH - Doc 18.01.1840. 163. Ferreira, 1977, 164, p. 214. 164. OH - Doc 28.12.1839. 165. OH - Doc 28.12.1839. 166. OH - Doc 18.01.1840. 167. OH - Doc 10.01.1840. 168. Frédéric Sauvage’s announcements were published until the end of the year in the Jornal do Commercio (14, 16, 18, 20, 24 and 28 December 1840). 169. OH - Doc 28.12.1839; OH - Doc
17.01.1840; OH - Doc 20 and 21.01.1840. 170. Reynaud, 1989, p. 29. 171. OH - Doc 20 and 21.01.1840. 172. OH - Doc 16.06.1840. This book was being edited when a fire devasted the building and collections of the National Museum in the old São Cristóvão Palace. 173. OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b). 174. OH - Doc 20 and 21.01.1840. 175. Gernsheim, 1976, p. 108. 176. On the daguerreotypes for Ludwig of Bavaria, see Reynaud, 1989, p. 33. 177. OH - Doc 20 and 21.01.1840. 178. Neves and Turazzi, 2006. 179. AN (Br). Arquivo da Casa Real e Imperial – Mordomia-mor, 1840, cx 11, pac 1, doc 10, 19, 32. 180. The Jornal do Commercio and the Diário do Rio de Janeiro report Luraghi’s activities. The purchase is recorded in the accounting books of the Imperial House, quoted by Guilerme Auler [pseud. of Ricardo Martim], in “Dom Pedro II e a fotografia (I)”. Tribuna de Petrópolis, 1st April 1956. 181. Marques and Filgueiras, 2009, p. 2495. 182. [Anonymous]. “Mme de Storr e seu concerto”. Jornal do Commercio, 10th August 1840, p. 3. The “social” article mentions the lessons given by Soulier de Sauve. 183. Vasquez, 1985. 184. OH - Doc 20 and 21.01.1840. 185. OH - Doc 20 and 21.01.1840. The article will be transcribed in O Recreio, in Lisbon, in September that same year. When it gave the news of the shipwreck of the OH, months later, the Jornal do Commercio referred to that “French galley” as the “school ship the readers will recall”. OH – Doc 14.08.1840. 186. The expression belongs to Victor Hugo, in a letter to his friend Charles Ribeyrolles. Apud Turazzi, 1995, p. 93. 187. OH - Doc 20 and 21.01.1840. On the “conservative metamorphosis” of the founder of the Jornal do Commercio and other French liberal thinkers who
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supported the monarchic government of Pedro II, see Morel, 2002. 188. Chancellor Taunay bore witness to the exit on the 24th January 1840 (OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840) and the Jornal do Commercio the departure from port on the 27th January 1840 (OH - Doc 27.01.1840). 189. Anonymous. “Variedades. Viagens”. Jornal do Commercio, Friday, 31st January 1840, p. 1. 190. Diário do Rio de Janeiro, 27th January 1840. 191. OH - Doc 02.01.1840; OH - Doc 21.04.1840. 192. OH - Doc 21.04.1840. 193. OH - Doc 29.04.1840. 194. AD – Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale, Rio de Janeiro, 17931901. Lettre de Taunay au ministre, 20 décembre 1865. 195. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1890. 196. OH - Doc 19.05.1840. 197. OH - Doc 19.05.1840. 198. OH - Doc 19.05.1840. 199. Carré, 1970, p. 28. 200. OH - Doc 31.01.1840. 201. OH - Doc 31.01.1840. 202. OH - Doc 29.05.1840. 203. Jean-Marie Baradère was appointed Consul General in 1830, and negotiated the recognition of Independence and the trade treaty between the two countries. AD-Fr. Personnel, 1er. série, Carton 28, “Jean-Marie Raymond Baradère”. 204. AD-Fr, Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Montevideo), v. 4 (18391842), lettre du consul Baradère au ministre des Affaires Etrangères, 27th April 1840. 205. OH – Doc 15.02.1840 (a) and OH – Doc 15.02.1840 (b). 206. OH – Doc 26.05.1840. 207. OH - Doc 16.06.1840. 208. OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b). See Turazzi, 1995, esp. “Brasil: o ser e o vir a ser”, pp. 93-163; Ana Maria Mauad, “Imagem e
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autoimagem do Segundo Reinado”, In: Alencastro, 1997, pp. 181-231. 209. France. Collections complète des lois (...), 1841. Buchet, 2006; Marshall, 2009, pp. 261-264. 210. NAHUM, 2017, pp. 86-91. 211. Carré, 1970, p. 28. 212. CADN. Archives de poste (Montevideo), Serie A, Navigation, 1838-1842. 213. OH – Doc 20.05.1840 and others. 214. OH – Doc 12.06.1840 (b). 215. OH - Doc 20.06.1840. 216. OH - Doc 26.05.1840; OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. The records of the OH passage through Montevideo are indicated by Consul Baradère on the 20th and 29th February, although the ship only left the city in early March. 217. Isabelle, 2006, p. 43; Schiaffino, 1940, p. 49 ; Petit, 2014, p. 16, pp. 319-337. 218. Saldanha and Zuniga, 2010, esp. p. 92. 219. OH - Doc 26.05.1840. 220. OH - Doc 30.05.1840 (a). 221. OH - Doc 20.05.1840 and others. 222. OH - Doc 20.05.1840 and others. 223. OH – Doc 20.06.1840. 224. OH - Doc 28.06.1840. 225. OH – Doc 12.06.1840 (b). 226. OH – Doc 04.07.1840. 227. OH - Doc 04.07.1840. 228. OH - Doc 28.06.1840 and OH - Doc 03.11.1840. This last letter, published in the Le Courrier Belge only at the end of the year, was written on the 30th June 1840, that is, long after the shipwreck, when Terloo planned his return to Europe. 229. Rama, 1972, p. 51. 230. Crouzet, 1998, p. 57 and 255. 231. Dévrig Molés. “O crisol maçônico euro-argentino”. In: Ridenti et al, 2006, p. 66. 232. Roa, 2016, pp. 52-58. 233. Isabelle, 1835. 234. Isabelle, 2006, p. XXVII; Petit, 2016, pp. 319-337. 235. The correspondence of Orbigny, born close to Nantes, can be found in
http://correspondancefamiliale.ehess.fr/ index.php?7437. 236. Varese, 2007, p. 29, note 10; Petit, 2016, pp. 335-337. The consul in Montevideo mentioned in “Consuls de France dans les villes et Ports des nations étrangères” was Roger Aimé. Cf. France. Almanach royal et national pour l’an 1839, p. 115 e Almanach royal et national pour l’an 1840, p. 114. 237. On the institution, see https://www. mnhn.gub.uy/. 238. Schiaffino, 1940, p. 89. According to the author, Vilardebó spoke Portuguese, French, English, Italian and German in addition to Spanish. Petit, 2016, pp. 319-337. 239. Turazzi, 2009. 240. Schiaffino, 1940, p. 49. 241. Devés-Valdés, 2007. 242. Jornal do Commercio, 27th January 1840, p. 3. 243. The Uruguayan newspapers of the period are listed in Zinny, 1883. 244. On these “avant gards” and the subject of modernity in Latin America, see Sanders, 2014. 245. OH - Doc 25.02.1840. Mariquita’s letter is also mentioned by historiography with the date 27th February 1840. 246. Clara von Sanden. “A new technology, a new business, a new art...”. In: Broquetas et al, 2012, p. 24. Latin American authors refer to Mariquita as the “first feminist” in Argentina. 247. OH - Doc 25.02.1840. 248. OH - Doc 25.02.1840. The punctuation of the manuscript was corrected to facilitate its understanding. 249. Broquetas et al, 2012, p. 25. 250. Turazzi, 1995, p. 48. 251. OH - Doc 25.02.1840 252. Ferrari and Alexander, 1998, p. 82; Gómez, 1986, p.32 253. OH - Doc 27.02.1840. 254. OH - Doc 27.02.1840. 255. OH - Doc 06.03.1840 (a).
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256. OH - Doc 29.02.1840. 257. Varese, 2013, p. 25. 258. Varese, 2007, p. 29. 259. OH - Doc 04.03.1840. 260. OH - Doc 04.03.1840. 261. OH - Doc 04.03.1840. In relation to the editions of the manual, see Beaumont Newhall’s survey, in Gernsheim and Gernsheim, 1968, pp. 198-205. Wood imagines that a copy of the bulletin of the Society for the Improvement of National Industry, dated 4th September 1839, with drawings and detailed information on the process may have existed in OH (Wood, 1996, p. 114). 262. OH - Doc 06.03.1840 (a). The Argentine Andrés Lamas and Miguel Cané, the latter brother-in-law of Varela, wrote in El National and remarked on the matter in the editions of the 26th and 29th February. Apud Gómez, 1986. p. 35. 263. OH - Doc 06.03.1840 (a). 264. The research at the Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes focussed, in relation to Uruguay, on the following CADN series and subseries. Archives de Postes (Montevideo): Affaires maritimes (1814-1848); Correspondance au Ministère de la Marine et des Colonies (1840-1858); Navigation 1838-1842) and Dossier d’immatriculés (Louis Comte). It was not possible to consult the subseries Correspondance avec le ministère de Paris (1832-1840); Correspondance officielle et particulière (1841-1847;1847-1856); Correspondance avec les autorités uruguayennes (1839-1841; 1841-1843; 1847-1851) ; Correspondance avec les autorités et les particuliers (1837-1842) and Correspondance avec les autorités françaises, Stations navales (1840-1876). These series perhaps include further information on the passage of the OH through Montevideo and Louis Comte’s activities in the city. 265. See, at the end of this book, List of Participants and On-Board Roll of the Oriental-Hydrographe (1839-1840).
266. OH-Doc 17. 03.1840. 267. OH-Doc 06.03.1840 (b).
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The port of Valparaiso, taken from fort Santo Antonio, in 1833. Detail from the watercolour album of the English artist William Smyth.
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6
The Wreck of the Expedition: Versions and Suspicions
The crossing from the Atlantic to the Pacific was a memorable route for Captain Lucas. After all, he owed Cape Horn the recognition he had acquired in the naval milieu when passing by in 1834, with the Le Trophée et Mathilde brig. He had done a good part of the route with a jury-rudder (“gouvernail de fortune”), the improvised and inventive solution that allowed him to reach his destination safely.1 The port of Valparaiso, in turn, brought him family memories. Lucas and his wife Elisabeth had their second daughter in this city, just before their return to France in 1835, after more than two years apart from the rest of the family.2 Since then, the movement of European and North American vessels along the coast of Chile was showing a significant growth. Navigation statistics kept at the French consulate in Valparaiso listed seventy-seven ships with the country’s flag passing through the port in 1839,3 twenty-one
of which transported goods and settlers coming from France towards Oceania, and thirty-two others in the opposite direction.4 Long before, the French were already venturing along the coast of Chile, so sought after by hardwood and ore smugglers, always strongly fought by the Spanish Navy. In the 18th century, however, cartographers, botanists and other explorers also came in expeditions that began to receive the consent of Spain.5 In the early 19th century, seafarers such as Captain Gabriel Lafond de Lurcy were on the continent willing to employ their services in the struggle for the independence of the Spanish colonies. Rear Admiral Rosamel, in turn, headed to Chile to promote the recognition of its independence by France and earn the trust of the young Republic towards the July Monarchy. Between 1824 and 1825, he commanded the Naval Stations of Brazil and the Pacific and, as a manner of approximation, offered free passage in French 211
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The crossing from the Atlantic to the Pacific, through the Patagonia region, in a detail of the map of South America drawn by A-H. Dufour, 1838.
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Navy ships to the Chileans who wanted to study in his country.6 Botanist Claude Gay and other naturalists, at the same time, travelled in the opposite direction, attracted by the idea of setting up the first local institutions with a “national character”, such as the Natural History Museum of Chile, created in 1830.7 In the following years, Commander Du Petit-Thouars headed archaeological research in the Andean region and Commander Dumont d’Urville reached the glaciers in the Southern area through Chilean ports.8 Valparaiso was then a strategic port for the entire coastal area extending from southern Chile to promising California, with its growing wealth generated by gold mining. The French State bore part of the costs of its merchant navy in the waters of the South Atlantic, Pacific and the Indian Ocean.9 Commercial navigation under French flag, despite
employing a mixed crew much censored for its disorders on board, represented for the July Monarchy the “national interests” scattered throughout the different ports in the world. For this very reason, owners and captains of merchant navy ships exerted constant pressure on the naval commands and consular services in the Pacific region, in order to ensure the safety of business and crews, as well as missionaries and settlers heading for Oceania. Due to the conflicts in the River Plate, the port of Buenos Aires had been avoided and, without this stopover, the OH began crossing the Atlantic towards the Pacific before the end of March 1840.The passage through the Patagonian region by Fernão de Magalhães, John Byron, Louis de Bougainville and so many others had given the world impressive testimonies of the nature and inhabitants of the southern tip of the continent, populating the European imaginary with giant human figures and unusual geological formations. On the other hand, the turbulences experienced by the expedition itself, both at sea and on land, also stirred the traveller’s spirits. We really feared that after rounding Cape Horn we would encounter a sea even more dreadful than the one the Oriental had met when crossing the Bay of Biscay.10
Caught between anxiety and concern, Captain Lucas and his crew now faced one of the greatest challenges of circumnavigation. The difficulties of navigating those waters were known and represented an uncertainty for any traveller. Out of prudence, or other circumstances, the itinerary initially planned by the OH was once again modified:
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Perspective of Valparaiso taken by French travellers at the turn of the 18th century. Published in Nouveau voyage autour du monde; par monsieur Le Gentil (Paris, chez Flahaut, 1727).
Captain Lucas and his pilot chose not to circumvent Cape Horn, thus avoiding the currents and icebergs of the region. The other option was to go through the Strait of Magellan, a route consecrated by the first circumnavigation trip, although its waters were not as deep as would be desirable. Leaving the Strait of Magellan behind, the OH would still pass by the island of Chiloe and Talcahuano bay before arriving at Valparaiso. The Pacific was no longer the unknown and apparently calm sea that deceived the navigators of the past, and everybody knew that the “great ocean” had already swallowed hundreds of ships. Chile’s extensive coastline, with geographic features, maritime currents and very treacherous wind regimes became a kind of underwater cemetery for galleons,
frigates and corvettes of diverse origin. In the second half of the 19th century, the new steel and steam ships began to join the old wooden sailboats that were forgotten in its waters. In 1901 Francisco Vidal Gormaz listed all the cases of shipwreck that had occurred in Chile to date for which he found records. This impressive account begins with Fernão de Magalhães’ Spanish ship Santiago in 1520 and ends with the English boat Ross Shire in 1900. The historian reached the figure of three hundred and thirty-six wreckages, with the caveat that the data was not complete, as many ships had simply disappeared without leaving trace, as during the terrible earthquake in 1746. When economic development, commercial expansion and the growth of the 213
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Chilean fleet increased the circulation of ships in the Pacific’s waters, the number of shipwrecks also grew every year: in 1868 alone, there were forty-four; in 1876, they reached sixty. Statistics of all sorts, a novelty of the 19th century, turned maritime accidents into frightening figures. Faced with this picture, Vidal Gormaz drew a conclusion that could well be applied to Captain Lucas: The study of shipwrecks offers many lessons to the young sailor, making him reflect on the measures adopted by the captains and pilots who were forced to sustain various struggles with the elements and phenomena, also very varied, that arise during life at sea and give way to maritime accidents. Thus, the young sailor who is in a similar situation will remember the procedures used previously to inform his judgement, and act accordingly with the greatest discernment and correction to defend his ship and the lives and interests entrusted to him.11
The historian’s compilation, presenting in chronological order the circumstances of each shipwreck and its causes, natural or human, may likewise be read as a vast overview of Chilean history and its deep connection with maritime life. Between the 16th and 18th centuries many Spanish galleons and French, English or Dutch corsairs sank in the Chilean sea, unable to resist the adverse navigation conditions or enemy approaches setting the ship on fire. Until the middle of the 19th century, there were approximately ten cases registered annually. In 1823, however, weather conditions were particularly difficult in several coastal regions of Chile, with a political conjuncture 214
already quite troubled by the process of consolidation of the independence and the building of the republican order. The number of shipwrecks reached twenty-seven cases only that year, most of them in Valparaiso. One of the earliest scholars of the “improvements” that started soon after in the main Chilean port wrote: In fact, Valparaiso Bay does not offer a port. It is a fully open bay, exposed to almost all the winds which, during three months of the year, form storms of greater or lesser dimension, many exceptionally serious, which have brought disastrous consequences to the ships anchored there and the few works executed to protect the city.12
In July 1823, with the control of the country disputed by various factions and Chileans at the verge of civil war, Bernardo O’Higgins and his family left for exile through Valparaiso, a port still traumatised by the succession of shipwrecks that had occurred the previous month. Severe storms struck the city for three days in a row, destroying dozens of small vessels and at least twenty ships, including the Aguila, the first to be incorporated to the Chilean Navy. The institutional organisation of the young Republic involved investments in the creation of courts, schools, libraries, hospitals and, naturally, a national Navy, then commanded by the Scotsman Thomas Cochrane. In 1825, a small jetty was finally built in Valparaiso, making its port a little safer for ships to dock.13 Captain Lafond de Lurcy witnessed what might have been an experience of this kind in his collection of famous voyages and shipwrecks:
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I will not even try to describe the horror of such a situation. Imagine a frightful sea breaking against the sides of a ship on a dark night, torrents of rain pushed by the force of the wind mixing with the seawater to paralyse our movements; the creaking of the ship that is being torn apart, the fear of being struck by wreckage or carried away by a wave. Add to this the confused cries of the sailors, the terror and despair of all, and you will have a very faint idea of our shipwreck.14
Distinctive and memorable events, shipwrecks were systematically reported in the Annales maritimes et coloniales, as well as the salvages decorated by the French Navy.15 The experience summoned the men to be brave, to confront nature and, in case of survival, to acknowledge the benefit received. The hardships of a group of castaways who managed to save themselves on a desert island full of penguins close to Montevideo was also explored by Jacques Arago, when he wrote of the “exotic meals” he experienced during his many travels: Fifteen days after our sad shipwreck, we saw, with little emotion, some remains of our robust corvette floating on the adventurous waves, and almost rejoiced in our catastrophe. It is the irreparable misfortune that we best endure.16
The “irreparable misfortunes” experienced at sea were also prolonged on land. When they did not fall ill on duty or die in a shipwreck, the sailors now unsuitable for the activity wandered on the streets of port cities drunken, sick or as beggars.17 In a “nautical glossary” in 1848, Auguste Jal described the
The first volume of the collection of travels and famous shipwrecks published by Captain Lafond de Lurcy, 1843.
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necks a picture representing the scene of their shipwreck. Those who were too poor to pay for the work of a painter carried a stick wrapped in strips of cloth in their hands and piteously recounted the cause of their misfortune, something which was not necessary for those who carried the painting.18
Between fantasy and reality: scenes from a shipwreck from an English sailor’s logbook, 1835.
use these men made of the images of their own shipwreck: Shipwrecking – It is known that among the ancients, sailors who had been shipwrecked and reduced to misery by this misfortune begged for alms and carried around their
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The images and imaginary surrounding the shipwreck as a possible fate for any traveller, as one of the memorable misfortunes of seafarers or as a diffuse fear of the unpredictability of life and death, can be appreciated in the rich visuality on the subject. The same occurs with the abundant travel literature of the period, where “the narrator, not without some superiority, acts as a guide for readers that ultimately only travel around themselves or in their own rooms”.19 Throughout the 19th century, the collective perception of maritime life found a systematic source of inspiration in the visual and fictional representation of shipwrecks: furious waves, meteorological effects, crowded castaways and theatrical scenes conferred a romantic perspective to human dramas. The success of Le radeau de la Méduse, exhibited by painter and lithographer Théodore Géricault at the Fine Arts Salon in Paris in 1819, was emblematic.20 The painting became one of the most celebrated representations of the subject in the visual culture of the 1800s.21 In 1816, the new governor of Senegal and hundreds of Frenchmen travelling on La Méduse were shipwrecked off the African coast. One hundred and fifty sailors and settlers without access to the officer’s rescue boats improvised a raft and sailed at random. After two weeks of complete despair, including acts of cannibalism, the fifteen castaways capable of resisting were found by a ship. The story, told
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by two survivors, turned into a book the following year and, immortalised by Géricault, became one of the most famous maritime episodes of the 1800s.22 The OH travellers naturally shared these fears and images when they entered the expedition. The currents and winds that could be lethal when crossing the Strait of Magellan were not the only reasons for the restlessness of the OH officers and sailors, novices and passengers. The possibility of an armed conflict in the region made the passage through the winding ravine even more disturbing. Control of Patagonia and the communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific were an open military and diplomatic issue, directly involving Argentina and Chile, but also England and France, in their dispute for supremacy in the region. In March 1840, the OH was halfway through the crossing, in Port Famine (Puerto del Hambre, in its Chilean denomination) when it was surprised by another type of misfortune. The vessel spent eight days stranded on an unchartered sandbank.23 It is not necessary to be familiar with the naval jargon or understand ocean navigation to imagine the difficulties experienced by the expedition at that moment: a sailboat with the dimensions of the OH, “hitting the ground” in the middle of the Strait of Magellan. When he managed to get rid of the problem, Lucas wrote to the shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin, with a minute description of the “admirable functioning of the Peyre and Rocher cooking apparatus for distilling”.24 As usual, the letters sent by the captain, published in the Nantes press, only brought good news... In the coast of Chile, the OH made a short stopover at the island of Chiloe, between the 3rd and 6th May 1840. The place was heavily frequented by vessels that for long
The Wreck of the Expedition: Versions and Suspicions
centuries had been exploring whaling in the “great ocean”. Whalers with the French flag and a generally mixed crew competed with Spanish, North-American and other ships in the waters of the Pacific. Riots on board and the rebelliousness of sailors on land were bad examples and a source of permanent tension in the region.25 Before the end of the month, the expedition reached the bay of Talcahuano and its port, where it did not stop for very long either, leaving Concepcion for Valparaiso on 22nd May 1840.26 The novice Louis Lavernos, nicknamed “the great” (1.76 m tall) took advantage of the stopover to disembark, with the commander’s authorisation, returning to France with the passage offered by the Le George whaler heading to the port of Le Havre, in France.27 The OH reached Valparaiso bay on 26th May 1840, with 72 people, including crew and passengers. The balance was not very encouraging.28 Sixteen French students had abandoned the expedition, with or without the consent of the commander and consular authorities, and part of the staff and sailors had had to be replaced at previous stopovers.29 As soon as the group arrived at the city, two new landings further weakened the crew necessary to continue the journey. On 10th June, Lieutenant Cocq, Chief Officer who had boarded in Montevideo to replace Daudé, who in turn had disembarked in Recife, refused to continue and also asked to be replaced in the staff of the expedition.30 In addition to him, a boatswain and two other youths disembarked “on request”, as well as Professor Vendel Heyl and his son Emile, determined to remain in Chile.31 In Paris, Le Moniteur Industriel gave news of the expedition to the newspaper’s readers on the 10th May 1840, with Lucas’ 217
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Laid-up record of the OH, in the Nantes Maritime Registry, following the shipwreck on 23rd June 1840.
article on the issue of sugar and trade relations between France and Brazil.32 In Nantes, the Lloyd Nantais summarised his letter, sent from Montevideo, informing that “everything was going well on board the OH”.33 According to the captain, there was no turbulence on board, and prospects were more than promising. For the French and Belgian authorities, however, the picture was different. Commander Laplace, of the Artemise, now on its second circumnavigation voyage, noted “disorders aboard the OH” and communicated the fact to the Minister of Marine, suggesting that young men should be shipped back to France.34 Four deserters would finally arrive in Lorient port repatriated on his own 218
ship. Days later, the Alacrity commander also informed Baron Roussin that Rear Admiral Dupotet, head of the South Atlantic Naval Station, had ordered him to board five men as part of the OH crew, greatly weakened by the desertions that had occurred in Brazil.35 The Minister of Marine, in view of all the bad news, sent a letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs that same week. He doubted that the OH, despite these replacements, could continue the expedition with “any chance of success”.36 In turn, the Belgian authorities made even more gloomy forecasts. The ship’s entry into the port of Valparaiso was reported by El Mercurio, still today one of Chile’s most important newspapers.37 It had been in circulation in the city since 1827 and, in the past year, had dealt with the diorama fire and Daguerre’s “extraordinary discovery”, as well as acid etching on daguerreotype plates.38 A month before the arrival of the OH, the demonstration of the process by “abbot Combes” in Rio de Janeiro had also been reported by El Mercurio, based on the transcription of the article published in Jornal do Commercio on 17th January 1840.39 The presentation of the invention was therefore awaited with great curiosity, and in the following weeks the newspaper would also transcribe the Montevideo newspapers. The 1st June 1840 edition that dealt with the characteristics of the expedition met these expectations. The journalist commented that the “young people of the most prestigious families” of France and Belgium had a “rich library”, “instruments for physics” and equipment to take “the physiognomy of the human races and peoples visited”. In addition, it reported that they also had “a daguerreotype managed by abbot Comte (chaplain of the expedition) that provides
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them with the most remarkable views of the cities and places”.40 The name of the French priest was now spelled correctly. The problem was that he had stayed in Montevideo and the information was probably based on the material included in the newspaper that reached Valparaiso before the OH itself.41 This same edition of El Mercurio printed the first advertisement of “M. Sauvage”, “assistant artist” of the OH, and his “ingenious and useful discovery”, the physiognotype. In Valparaiso, the novelty was once again presented as an “invention” of the young man who brought it with him. As Frédéric Sauvage had stayed in Brazil, it was Joseph Sauvage who continued on the OH and, according to the announcement, brought with him another specimen of the instrument and was likewise able to use it. In Valparaiso, he also decided to leave the expedition, and his landing was formally attested by the French consul on 22nd June 1840.42 The advertisement of the physiognotype was repeated in El Mercurio until that date, on the eve of the departure of the OH. After that, it was no longer published, and the path followed by Joseph Sauvage is unknown. Therefore, the physiognotype must have remained with the young man as it was not among the instruments on board the ship at the time of its wreckage. The physician Gilles Thomas, in turn, as he had done in Brazil, published advertisements in El Mercurio, between the 6th and 17th June, on consultations about the “homeopathic method” that “combated successfully” “eye diseases” and other conditions.43 These consultations, always at different times for men, women and children, were given in the house of “Sr. Manuel Blanco”. A Spanish Navy officer, and later member
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of the Liberating Army, Manuel Blanco actively participated in the struggles for independence and the political disputes that followed, occupying the interim presidency of Chile (1826). He founded the first Masonic lodge in the country, created in 1825 and, after the war against the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation (1836-1839), settled in Valparaiso.44 He used to receive foreigners passing through the city as guests, a very common form of sociability at the time. It is possible that other OH travellers stayed at his residence. “Doctor Thomas” also published an announcement on 1st July, having already “established his home” at a new address, with the information that “consultations for the poor will be free of charge”.45 Although there is no record that they employed the daguerreotype in the period when the members of the expedition were in Valparaiso, it is likely that Captain Lucas intended to do so. The previous demonstrations and the curiosity surrounding the invention, unknown in Chile and already announced by El Mercurio, justify the assumption. On 6th June, the newspaper dealt with the subject again, because of the “visit to our port of the French corvette l’Oriental”.46 With the title “Estado Oriental del Uruguay”, El Mercurio reproduced the long article “Descripción del daguerreotipo” by Teodoro M. Vilardebó, published in Montevideo on the 6th March47, highlighting once again the extensive network of information and imaginary surrounding the daguerreotype and its inventor created by the press of the period. In Brussels, Le Courrier Belge began publishing the letters of Baron Popelaire de Terloo in June, and at the end of the year published the letters he sent from Valparaiso. Terloo then described the topography and 219
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vegetation of the Strait of Magellan and the hunting and fishing habits of the inhabitants of Patagonia, together with other information he collected from a Spaniard “abandoned on this wild land”.48 He also recounted how the OH travellers spent their time in Valparaíso, the excursion they made to Santiago and his general impression of the country: Despite having the most liberal constitution, power in Chile is quite absolute; this country seems to think this is very good. This conjunction of a great freedom and a little despotism probably accomplishes here what is sought in France without being able to achieve it.49
The OH left for Arica on the morning of the 23rd June 1840. The route completed so far had not yet reached the halfway mark, the most hazardous stretches of the voyage were yet to come and the staff of the expedition was now limited to a single experienced officer, that is, Captain Lucas himself. His lieutenants on board were Gadebois and Briel and, as teachers, only the Belgian professors Moreau and De Moor. In such a scenario, many would find it foolish to continue the journey, but this was not the case for the creator of an unprecedented and ambitious floating school travelling around the world. The OH left Valparaiso at noon with good weather and a calm sea, accompanied as usual by small boats that wanted to bid farewell to the travellers until they exited the port.50 Two hours later, two French captains at the table with Captain Lucas left the OH, considering that they were already too far from the port. This fact would be mentioned by the commander some time later, as evidence that, at the time of the accident, they 220
all considered themselves far removed from the shore and its dangerous rocks. Two other occasional passengers were the French and Belgian consuls in Valparaiso, who also dined with the members of the expedition.51 Terloo recalled that moment: We walked quietly on the upper deck, enjoying the delights of an extraordinary weather and a calm and magnificent sea. As our kind guests had not warned us that they would stay with us so late, we sent an express to Valparaiso to warn their families that we were keeping them for dinner.52
In such extraordinary sailing conditions, no one sensed what was to come. The circumstances of the unexpected shipwreck of the OH are described in the reports of several members of the expedition: the first, in order of importance is, naturally, Commander Lucas himself. He wrote three accounts: the first informing the event and his conduct to the Consul General of France, dated 24th June53; then he offered a more detailed explanation to the El Mercurio newspaper, published on the 27th June54; and two days later, he sent a brief letter to the owners of the ship.55 The text for the French consul makes reference to the site of the accident, indicating that it was “the tip closest to the lighthouse” of Valparaiso. The explanations intended for the readers of El Mercurio, who certainly knew the place very well, do not give any geographical indication. The editors, however, when presenting them in their newspaper, refer to Roca del Buey.56 The letter sent to Nantes also mentions the “pointe del Ruey [sic]”.57 The shipwreck occurred opposite the Playa Ancha lighthouse, at the entrance to the port of Valparaiso, close to a salient rock
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called Roca del Buey (or Cabeza del Buey).58 This rock, similar in shape to a bull’s head, became a rather sinister warning of the proximity of other submerged rocks in the vecinity of Punta de Valparaíso (today better known as Punta de los Angeles), as drawn on the maps reproduced here. This lighthouse
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was the first to be installed on Chilean territory, in 1837, and a year later the facility included the wooden construction seen by the OH travellers. Twenty years later, this structure would be replaced by the concrete tower that is now Chile’s historical heritage, and is located at another point of the Playa Ancha.59
The irregular and rocky coast of Playa Ancha, in Valparaiso, site of the OH shipwreck. Map of Valparaiso with reforms projected for the port of the city, c. 1850-1860.
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The old wooden lighthouse that existed in Punta de los Ă ngeles (then also called Punta del Buey), in Playa Ancha, at the entrance of the port of Valparaiso, c. 1840.
Knowledgeable about the region and the subject, Vidal Gormaz indicated, in 1901, many non-natural causes for the shipwrecks in Chile: deficiencies in the construction of ships, canopies in poor conditions, improper moorings for the cargo, noncompliance with the legislation, absence of supervision and lack of studies on maritime currents in the coast of Chile.60 And commented: Many will regard the content and the object of these notes of little interest, because they will not find in them narratives such as those read in the famous shipwrecks gathered in some French and English works which mainly sought to provide
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consolation or flatter the spirit; [or] the strong impressions, in contrast with the integrity and apparent calm of seafarers struggling with the elements, sometimes irresistible and indomitable. However, it is necessary to bear in mind that these notes are not intended for that purpose and that they relate to the shipwrecks and the causes that motivated them, whenever the evidence allows.61
In addition to the accounts left by Captain Lucas, the facts, the emotions and controversies of the shipwreck were also narrated by Popelaire de Terloo, a passenger with experience in business and observations
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around the world, by Champion de Villeneuve, a young aristocrat on his first maritime adventure, as well as by students and passengers that the newspapers chose to maintain anonymous when transcribing their letters. Even though he had not been on board, the Consul General of France in Chile also wrote about the whole matter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Paris,
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based on the testimonies collected. These narratives, in general, express the position and temperament of each castaway: an essentially technical and objective description in the captain’s version; memorable and detailed in the passengers’ pen; romantic and imaginative in the students’ naive version; cautious and bureaucratic, in the public servant’s text.
The remains of a shipwreck in the bay of Rio de Janeiro, in the imagination of a German illustrator, c. 1840-1850. Following the example of other prints of the period, the buildings of the city and the mountains in the background only correspond to an imaginative geography. Photography, greeted for its accuracy and fidelity, will encourage a deep transformation in the representations of the genre.
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The Circumstances of the OH Shipwreck, by Captain Lucas62 On the 23rd June, with a fresh south westerly breeze, I set sail from the port of Valparaiso. We were already two miles away from the coast when the wind subsided: the ship’s progress was thus reduced to that of the current that carried us to the west. A moment later I observed that the ship was no longer steering and that we were approaching the land. I immediately sent two boats to tow the ship, and as a slight north breeze had just risen, I thought it would still be possible to save the ship. I ordered to plumb the depth, but we did not reach the bottom; realising that according to the observations we were hardly approaching the land, I was sure that we would escape all the apparent dangers. Plumbing once again, we found we were in waters sixteen fathoms deep. All the dangers are on the lee side, the pilot told us, we are saved. He had barely spoken when the ship was hit. Having lost all hope of saving it, I manoeuvred to get closer to the beach before it sank. As I drove it there, I had the masts placed to serve as bridges and lighten the ship.
Captain Lucas only wrote to El Mercurio after the news of the shipwreck was published by the newspaper, on 25th June 1840. This article had referred to the “rumours that circulate” and invited the captain, or a student, to “explain” what had happened.63 Lucas then sent a long letter to the newspaper, contradicting what he claimed was “the general principle of keeping silent about his actions”, because he feared that this would provoke “public discussions and contestations that would not lead us anywhere”.64 In fact, the letter had to do more than explain the accident to the readers who by then had already seen and heard much about it. It had to respond to what he construed as an “interpellation” by the newspaper, although he stated he only wished to clear “his good name”. The captain was forced to justify his conduct 224
The El Mercurio newspaper of Valparaiso, on the 23rd June 1840, day of the shipwreck of the OH. Captain Lucas’s account describing his behaviour during the shipwreck would be published by the newspaper four days later.
to clear doubts and challenge the suspicions that were taking over the city about his competence, and, something much more serious, his honesty in the case.65 This is the tone of his answer, with a good deal of annoyance: As for the rumours which, according to the content of your article, are circulating about the causes of the shipwreck of the Oriental, Mr. Editor-in-Chief very well knows that there are individuals who manage and conduct the ships and the affairs of others better than their own. However, since they insist on knowing what has happened, and that you sirs have wished to interpret, I request you publish the following details [...].66
All his arguments demonstrate that, following the usual rules, he led the situation in agreement with the pilot and performed several manoeuvres to prevent the worst from happening: observing that the ship suddenly approached the land, he ordered the lowering of two small boats to steer it away from the treacherous rocks of Punta de los Ángeles (at Playa Ancha); considering that
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the ship would be destroyed if they set anchor, because it would be hitting the rocks, he predicted that they had better chances if they left it free to get as close to the beach as possible, even if it meant “jumping from rock to rock”; tipping the ship over the side towards the land, he concentrated the people on the opposite side67, cut the moorings and used the bowsprit as a bridge in order to make it easier to save the lives and property of those on board. For this reason, the anchors of the OH remained unused, in the davits, greatly surprising those who saw the ship tilted in front of the beach, without being anchored, during the days when it remained there until it disappeared for ever. After all, the inhabitants of Valparaiso had already seen many shipwrecks... The information sent by Captain Lucas to the shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin did not differ much from the description of the facts already addressed to the consul and the newspaper, although the letter began pathetically: “it is with sadness and regret that I announce the total loss of your beautiful ship the Oriental”.68 Once the most difficult news was given, the other news had a rather pleasant tone: no one was hurt; what could be saved was saved; everyone offered help in Valparaiso; the young people wanted to continue the journey; he was looking for another ship. To complete, Lucas reported: I only have time to announce that I am sending to Paris the two newspapers of the city with details of this deplorable accident, so that, by appearing in the newspapers in the capital, the families interested in everything regarding the Oriental feel more at ease in relation to the fate of their relatives.69
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Three-mast sailship forced to “dry navigation” (without sails) to resist the force of the winds. Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
A “damaged corvette”, in battle or due to any other circumstance, according to Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840). The caption of the famous illustrated newspaper romanticises the scene: “Our engraving represents a corvette destroyed in battle, in part of its masts, in almost all its sails and manoeuvres; it has ceased firing and pulled down its flag. Once so neat, so pretty, this ship seems to have lost its life. Defeated, in a state of dull submission, it waits for the victor’s decision”.
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Impressions on the OH Shipwreck, by Popelaire de Terloo70 It was half past two in the afternoon. I cannot forget this peculiar circumstance right then: Count d’Arcel asked the captain if the isolated rock visible at a certain distance was the same where he had practically been wrecked on a previous occasion. The captain then explained to the students in the maritime section how he had miraculously passed at a distance of twenty feet from that reef, carried by the currents. As soon as he finished this explanation the calm caught us, and as we looked at the reef we saw that we were heading to another point of the coast called Placantcha [sic], spiked with rocks against which the sea was breaking with even greater violence, because the currents stop there. We instantly understood the danger the ship was in. We were in calm seas, and it was impossible to use our sails. We started by putting two boats to sea to tow the ship. Until then, the liveliest joy and greatest assurance had prevailed on board. We thought of dinner, and nothing else. Meanwhile, the experienced sailors of our Oriental kept quiet but felt deeply uneasy. The captain tried to circumvent a tip of land in front of the ship; if he succeeded we would escape all danger and be safe from currents and reefs; but on the contrary, a strong tide pulled us to the reef that entertained us, and made us drift with incredible violence towards the coast. Each time the men in our boats hit the water with their oars our canoes retreated more than one fathom. It was already past three o’clock. The captain ordered to have the anchors and chains ready. We plumbed and did not find the bottom. By then, everybody was extremely concerned about the critical situation we were in. We approached the coast and plumbed again. First, we counted thirteen fathoms, after, eight; and the current carried us away with an ever more frightening speed. Suddenly, a painful exclamation escaped from every mouth as if we had a single voice: we are lost, we thought. We had touched the cliffs and a terrible shock knocked us and made all faces pale. We already had enough knowledge of the sea to understand that the ship was lost. This situation is not surprising to seafarers, more or less familiar with the emotions of danger; however, I assure you that the pain it made us feel is something impossible to express. The force of the shock somehow made us leap over the rocks, and we received a blow even more violent than the first, after which I do not know how we are still alive. [...] Indeed, the ship was still prey to such jolts that we could not remain standing and fell on top of each other. To make matters worse, the ship was increasingly tilted and, stricken by the currents, threatened to sink at any moment. We were a league away from Valparaiso, with no help. What a future! Our second boat could not get close to our ship; it was being sacrificed for us and we desperately realised that it was being lost on the rocks. Those who were there, however, were not discouraged and showed the greatest fearlessness; but their devotion was fruitless. They had a hard time saving themselves. At this moment, which I could call supreme, the captain called the maritime section and asked for five men willing to jump into the water and swim to rescue the boat. Ten came forward [...]. They rushed into the waves without thinking twice of the imminent danger that threatened them; without seeing, so to speak, the sharp currents in which they risked being torn apart. [...] Ah! My friend, I write for you after the danger; now I am calm... But then! What scenes! What impressions! They are indescribable!
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The admiration for the integrity of the commander of the OH in conducting the whole episode and the bravery of the crew was expressed by various travellers. A passenger, whose name is not mentioned by the newspapers in Brussels and Nantes, wrote on the very day of the 23rd June: “nothing in the words and physiognomy of Captain Lucas betrayed the slightest emotion”. And added: “he multiplied himself, gave orders with his usual presence of mind and recommended that all remain calm and silent”.71 Terloo’s opinion was no less complimentary: In this disaster M. Lucas showed everything that could be expected from an old sailor in matters of prudence and cold blood. We owe him having, in a certain sense, directed the loss of the ship in such a way that it came to touch the land without breaking... 72
The castaways of the OH, still shaken by the unexpected accident and the fortune of being alive, were also very complimentary about the courage of students and passengers. One who wrote on the 23rd was impressed by the attitude of a young Belgian who decided to “swim back three times on board and successively return to land, in order to fasten the ropes that were to serve to rescue the crew”.73 Captain Lucas, realising that the OH was lost, but now fallen and secure, then ordered the usual priorities: rescuing a sick person; then, women and children; last, all those who could not swim. Terloo remarked that the Belgian consul did not want to abandon his fellow countrymen at this critical moment and, despite much insistence, decided to remain on board. Sailors from the Avenir frigate (French) and the
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Calliope corvette (English), as well as smaller boats that were nearby, quickly came to the rescue of the shipwrecked.74 The approach, however, was difficult and risky, because of the cliffs and currents: The commander’s wife, sister and daughters, as well as the French consul were immediately saved. [...] Once the ladies and children had been put in a safe place, each one thought of saving himself, trying to salvage all possible belongings. Several plunged into the waters and reached the land, for the most part, without further accidents apart from some bruises. Others, calmer, thinking of those who could not swim, dedicated themselves with inexplicable courage to making them reach the land.75
Those who could not swim needed help to avoid drowning inside the ship itself. Some, already with “water over their head”, like Terloo himself, left the OH by means of the solution quickly arranged by Captain Lucas, using the bowsprit thrown towards the land. One of the shipwrecked men commented that he preferred “this improvised procedure to the boats sent by the English and French ships”.76 Others were even able to save themselves “dry”, although crossing over the rocks by this “bridge” also posed some risk. Those who did not escape from the water were worse off because their clothes were totally wet and the city was a few miles away. In any case, Champion de Villeneuve expressed his gratitude: To save our belongings, we remained the rest of the day with water up to our waist, but fortunately and despite being very cold, nobody fell ill. 77 227
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A week after the shipwreck, the salvage of the goods on board continued, since the OH still remained in one piece on the beach. The sea had kept relatively calm, and the “bridge” made it easier to enter and leave the ship to “save all that was possible”, including food, wine and other provisions.78 With one side of the ship more affected by the water than the other, Terloo viewed himself as one of those favoured by luck, at least in this sense: From the first day of the wreck, the lower deck and the hold were filled with water, so that the students occupying this part of the ship could not find any trace of their belongings. Those who were housed in the poop deck were luckier, although not completely, and since I belonged to that group I was able to recover my books and my wardrobe.79
However, many feared that the ship would break and that the goods still remaining inside would end up at the bottom of the sea.80 On the other hand, the castaways were not only afflicted by the damage caused by the water. There were other risks at the time, so that the governor of Valparaiso, Juan Melgarejo, sent aid that “could not be considered useless”, observed Villeneuve with some irony.81 The governor’s men began watch over all the belongings that were removed from the ship onto dry land.82 Terloo criticised the OH’s own crew for taking advantage of the misfortune of other travellers: All the passengers, moreover, behaved admirably; the men of the crew, however, did not deserve praise: they took advantage of our misfortune to appropriate themselves 228
– let us say, steal – everything they could plunder from our things.83
The reports of the wreck do not, however, include any information about the daguerreotype camera in particular. It is nevertheless known that, in addition to the OH crew records and on-board roll, Commander Lucas saved the instruments of the expedition and his own belongings. One of the students, praising Professor Moreau’s behaviour, wrote: He was the last to stay on board the ship to help brave Captain Lucas salvage the instruments by transferring them onto the English vessels that came to our aid, and he left on the last boat with the officer who had brought them.84
For the El Mercurio readers Lucas argued that only the ship was insured but that it did not belong to him. He said that the provisions, instruments and works of literature and sciences that formed part of his belongings would have entailed “a great loss” if they had sunk. But Lucas made a point of proclaiming that this loss would not be greater than “the annihilation of the idea I conceived of promoting the education of some young Frenchmen by visiting all the peoples of the world and fraternising with them”.85 So the OH ended its life at sea and the hull of the ship, as was the custom in the region, would be sold to the carpenters in Valparaiso. A few days later, however, the weather got worse and it sank for good. Villeneuve’s testimony reveals that many wanted to continue the voyage and that they met two or three times a day to discuss what to do, with two ships already in sight. On
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The expectations of the shipwrecked, according to young Champion de Villeneuve’s account86 The Oriental is lost. Its carcass still fights against the waves and currents; in a short time, with the slightest gust of wind, everything will have disappeared, and only the wreckage will announce on the beach the misfortune that occurred. [...] As for me, I spent a very restless night despite the calmness and philosophy with which I prepared myself; the afternoon drama shook me a bit and made me think about our future. What awaits us? The voyage has been suspended; how and in what way will we return to France? [...] I still do not know what will happen to us; perhaps, I have this sweet hope, we will continue the journey on a smaller ship; this is an idea we fully embrace. Once we have begun, we must complete our beautiful journey: we are already very advanced, we have all acquired the habits of the sea, everyone is full of enthusiasm, so we must try to charter or buy another ship with what is left of the expedition’s funds. It seems that with the help of the French consul this will be possible, something that will be decided in a few days. If this project fails, we will then solve our situation and each will return to Europe by himself or with the consuls’ aid. If the expedition continues, we will be back on track before a month has elapsed.
the other hand, the inhabitants of Valparaiso, from the outset intrigued by the reasons for the shipwreck, were now even more interested in the fate of the shipwrecked themselves. A young man comments that, after a stay of almost three weeks, they were the object of great curiosity from the inhabitants of the place. Recalling the emotions of the day, Villeneuve also highlighted the good humour among the members of the expedition: “before nightfall everyone, without exception, was on land, and by night, back in Valparaiso, we had already recovered our gaiety”.87 Thinking about the spectacle he had just witnessed, he summed up the spirit of the time in one phrase: “it seemed to us that a shipwreck was a beautiful thing, and well worth seeing”.88 What now remained were doubts and longings... Students and passengers relied on official support to continue the expedition
or return to Europe. The presence of the French and Belgian consuls at the OH shipwreck could have facilitated this support and gained Commander Lucas a more lenient judgement by the authorities, but it seems to have made the situation even more difficult for all. Hippolyte Serruys, a businessman from a Belgian family established in Chile, retired to Santiago soon after the accident. Albert Huet, “student consul” in Valparaiso, returned to France shortly after, with health problems.89 The person who in fact addressed the question of the OH with Captain Lucas, the students, and, naturally, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Paris was Henri Nicolas Cazotte.90 A career official, expert in the region, he had already served in Rio de Janeiro, Lima and, as consul in Valparaiso, had been in Chile already for some years. In 1836, he crossed the Atlantic on 229
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board La Bonite, taking part during a few weeks in the famous circumnavigation journey. In 1839, he was appointed Consul General of France in Santiago, practicing with conviction the idea he had of the position: to be a “little tyrant” of French diplomacy.91 The following year he decided to take care personally of the affairs of Valparaiso, considering its proximity with Santiago and the more “advisable” weather for his health.92 Cazotte sent an extensive correspondence on the whole issue of the OH to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which was then relayed to Admiral Duperré, Minister of the Navy, who fully approved the way in which he conducted the case.93 In order to continue with the circumnavigation journey, Captain Lucas also requested aid from Consul Cazotte, as well as from the French merchants in Valparaiso who might be interested in providing. In principle, he was willing to give up his own remuneration, offering the contracts of the expedition as a guarantee for payment, although he stated that the loss of various papers in the shipwreck did not allow him “the possibility of proving, in a concrete and fairly positive manner, that he effectively had sufficient assets in France”.94 Lucas evoked the “national and philanthropic spirit” of the enterprise to obtain this help, using an argument that had everything to be convincing: The sacrifices that we are all willing to make to continue and which, on my part, amount to more than 30,000 francs [...] classify this initiative today, if it had not previously been considered, among the few both national and philanthropic, funded with sacrifice and disappointments 230
The unfolding of the shipwreck, as seen by the Consul Henri-Nicolas Cazotte95 The wreck occurred at four o’clock in the afternoon. The sea, which generally breaks with the greatest violence in this place, was unexpectedly very beautiful at the time, and thus, it was possible to immediately put the passengers and crew ashore, without any accident. Warned of the sad event, we went immediately to the place accompanied by the Governor of Valparaiso, who hastened to facilitate all the means to initiate the ship’s rescue. The English Admiral Ross96 in turn sent all the boats of the La Calliope corvette anchored in the port. Most of the provisions, sails, anchors and other objects could be removed from the ship; but there is little hope of seizing the hull, which will be destroyed with the first northern breeze. The end of this expedition, which obtained the consent of France and the protection of Belgium, and which had begun under such auspicious vows, is all the more deplorable because the young men whom it ought to benefit are today cast away four thousand leagues from their homeland, without resources, most without any clothing besides what they wore at the time of the shipwreck, and some (those who swam to bring a rope to the shore to create a corridor) have no other clothes than those that have been loaned to them by fellow countrymen. I have made a point of coming to the rescue of all the shipwrecked people, many of whom are not even 18 years old. I placed them in various houses, allocating a piaster per day for their food and lodging, which is very little in this country where life is so expensive; and I have provided the most indispensable clothing for those who needed them.
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by those who perform them and are content, as compensation, with the glory of having founded them. In this regard, I have nothing more to wish for; the trust, the attachment and devotion I have the happiness to inspire in all my travellers without exception, after nine months of travel and a shipwreck, are sufficient proof of what we have done and what we can still do. [...] There would be an interest for the country to continue with it and, I insist on this point, only for the country [emphasis in the original].97
Cazotte was considering the difficulties in meeting the costs of maintaining the castaways in the city without compromising the Treasury’s resources, and on the same day he approved the proposal to continue with the voyage. At the time he showed some sympathy for Captain Lucas:
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The port of Valparaiso was thus doubly disastrous for him, yet this last expedition honours him: he conceived it and was devoted to it, at times on the adventurous side, but it deserved a totally different outcome.98
View of Valparaiso, in 1833. Watercolour album of the English artist William Smyth.
The consul’s support consisted, in fact, in resorting to the network of French merchants established in Valparaiso, “most of them my friends” for sums that seemed reasonable to him for financing the expedition. A few days later, however, these businessmen gave up the venture, showing a certain mistrust of the OH commander and his real interest in accomplishing it.99 Lucas then proposed that the French government should pay for the rest of the journey, offering as a guarantee new contracts, which would be recognised by the consul, signed by the students and later paid for by their families in France. Cazotte did not accept: 231
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according to him, he did not have the same autonomy as his Belgian colleague over official resources and, moreover, that the students were minors so that any sums advanced by the commander without their parents’ knowledge would be considered a “breach of trust”.100 While the conversations continued without any practical results, the young Appert and Oreille de Carrière sought Consul Huet and asked for repatriation on a merchant ship just about to leave for France. In fact, the consul himself left for Valparaiso on this ship.101 Lucas was furious when he learned that the request had been granted, and accused the French consul of “favouring the desertion of his students” and “annihilating an undertaking that had cost him the greatest sacrifices”.102 The OH commander was also familiar with the law: “I am bound to these gentlemen and their families in the case foreseen by article 296 of the Code of Commerce”.103 To add to this argument, he envisaged his authority as that of a “father”, and not in the position of a ship’s captain. In the end, he requested that his letter be communicated to the other young people so that they would not follow the example. The accusations were strong: Let me note, M. Consul General, that the youths were embarked as novices under my command, [and] you Sir, boarded them on the Bonne Clemence, without worrying if we had financial matters to settle together. Finally, I consider that the conveniences, considerations, procedures and regulations, as well as the interests of the expedition, were totally forgotten in the measure adopted in relation to the two minors.104 232
Outraged by the captain’s words and the public accusations that he would be preventing the continuation of the journey, Cazotte replied with sarcasm, using the power at his disposal. 105 If the commander was in a position to make sacrifices in order to proceed with the expedition and comfortably pay for students’ expenses in Valparaiso, he would immediately order the end of all the aid to the shipwrecked: Since you are announcing to me today that you no longer need help, for this is the natural interpretation of your letter, and as you maintain the same language you have been using since the first day of your misfortune, I declare that I will not resent withdrawing the mandate you were entrusted and gladly leave you the satisfaction of doing whatever you believe appropriate in the interests of the young people and their families. My mission is ended, and I invite the French consul in Valparaiso to discontinue the food pension that the OH passengers, professors, students and sailors receive.106
From that point on, the antagonism between Lucas and Cazotte in their perception of the authority they exerted on the novices and the role they played in such a situation made their positions irreconcilable. The consul reiterated his legal competence over the French, in spite of the “complete and absolute authority” that Lucas claimed for himself and the contracts signed by the parents.107 The young men had been registered as novices in the OH crew by the Nantes Maritime Registry, and the legislation was clear in this regard:
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The treacherous bay of Valparaiso on a map, according to the survey of a hydrographic engineer of the French Navy, 1838. The letter “R” on the dotted line around Punta de Valparaíso or Punta de los Ángeles, at Playa Ancha, indicates the existence of submerged rocks. This map was included by Claudio Gay in his Atlas de la historia física y política de Chile (Paris, 1854).
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Naval ordinances authorise consuls to provide for the repatriation of shipwrecked sailors and grant them a means of subsistence until the moment they are embarked. These expenses are the responsibility of the State only if the victims of the incident are totally destitute.108
To make matters worse, Cazotte did not consider those who wanted to abandon the expedition “deserters”, a decision that would further reduce the payments to which Lucas was entitled according to the Conditions d’admission sur le bâtiment-école (“Conditions for Admission to the School Ship”). The consul believed that by then the captain could only purchase or charter “a schooner or brig, on board of which it would be impossible to have the same amenities as in the Oriental”. Moreover, the professors who continued in the expedition were “of no use” for the instruction of the young men.109 He asked: The feeding conditions, the number of calls and the length of stay in the ports have also been changed, as the new brochure prepared by this captain attests. Would it be fair, then, to regard as deserters these men who declare that they do not wish to continue their journey in such different circumstances (of which I only enumerate a small part)? Would the families not object to an authority that closed its ears to such well-grounded complaints?110
Lucas, in turn, in a softer but still ironic tone, reminded the consul that the contents of his letter could not go against royal ordinances, since they guaranteed 234
those young men the State protection to which they were entitled. What he said between the lines was that Cazotte should do his job and help the shipwrecked, even with the continuation of the journey. In the midst of this crossfire a group wrote to the consul begging to return to France. Twelve youths (ten students, one passenger and one unidentified) explained the desperate situation they had been in since their daily stipend had been cut off leaving Captain Lucas in charge of the expenses. They also asked the consul to support the request to the families to pay for their return, as they could not afford the fare.111 The difficulty for the Belgians was even greater for they could not be repatriated by the French Navy warships, and they depended on the goodwill of the commanders of the merchant ships. The students’ withdrawal and the lack of funding for the rest of the trip put an end to the OH expedition. In August 1840, Cazotte announced to the minister that all those wishing to return to France would travel on board the ships Courrier de Manille and Bonne Clémence, the first bound for Le Havre and the second for Bordeaux. Finally, he also expressed the suspicions he nursed regarding Captain Lucas: I had some doubts about his good faith in such a circumstance, wondering if he really intended to continue the journey and if it was in his interest to continue it. [...] Captain Lucas, who accused me of overstepping my bounds for having consented to the repatriation of two young men who did not want to be part of the planned expedition, well knew how to send them back to the consulate when it was necessary to pay for their expenses in
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Valparaiso and decide how to make them return to France.112
In London, the “total shipwreck” of the “French ship travelling around the world”, with “saved passengers and crew”, was reported by Lloyd’s List on 29th September 1840.113 In Brussels, the affair was published on 2nd October 1840, appearing in the same week in the Nantes press and only in early November in Le Moniteur Universel in Paris.114 With all due respect to the families, readers, and Jobard’s commitment to Captain Lucas, the first article on the shipwreck in Le Courrier Belge contained the following note: We hasten to reassure the Belgian families, for whom the news of the wreck of the Hydrographe will be undoubtedly full of sorrow [...] Furthermore, in Belgium all that concerns the interesting expedition of the Hydrographe is read with lively enthusiasm by the families who have their relatives on board this ship.115
Le Courrier Belge then reproduced the letter of 23rd June and, throughout the month of October the Nantes and Brussels newspapers transcribed more letters from other travellers about the OH shipwreck. Captain Lucas’ correspondence to Despecher and Bonnefin did not arrive until late October, received “by way of England”, when several reports of the wreck were already known.116 At this point, the owners of the ship were also receiving many requests for news from the families, greatly distressed about the situation of their children.117 They then arranged to print a leaflet to be distributed in France and Belgium. The accident
was known, but the leaflet included what the parents really wanted to know: all were well and no one had suffered the slightest injury. There was another important piece of information sent by Captain Lucas: “we saved everything we could from the ship”.118 The journey was over, but the long process of deciding what each would have to receive or pay was just beginning. The expedition’s accounting became even more complicated: the reimbursements to be made had to be adjusted to the amounts actually deposited by the families; the advances given by the captain during the voyage had to be deducted from the remainder of the crew’s salaries; the assets obtained from the salvaged goods had to be accounted for in the general balance, and so on. In addition to the ship’s insurance, Despecher and Bonnefin had the power of attorney signed by Lucas on 4th September 1839, granting them the power to receive and release any payment related to the students.119 Now it was also necessary to discuss the division of the assets obtained in the event of the sale of the pieces of the ship, provisions and objects that could reduce the damage in an even way. Lucas, as
Announcement resulting from the shipwreck of the OH, published in El Mercurio on 17th and 18th July 1840.
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everybody believed, had suffered a moral rather than a financial loss.120 The shipowners could not complain either: the insurance of the Oriental covered the major loss and, despite the disputes in France and Belgium, the student’s payments would return to both. However, there were many claims to respond to... Since the end of January 1840, Despecher and Bonnefin had written to the Belgian government, using the power of attorney given by Captain Lucas, to collect the expenditures incurred with his students.121 At the same time, however, the country authorities had received the letter from Charles Emonce about the expenses in Nantes prior to departure, which had not been foreseen.122 The commander and the shipowners had to justify these amounts, considered “exorbitant” by the Belgian authorities, asserting the good behaviour of their students, initially placed under suspicion.123 Despecher and Bonnefin claimed these sums during long months.124 Although Soulier de Sauve had left a power of attorney in Brussels authorising notary public Bouvier to receive such payments, the shipowners did not recognise the document, arguing that the professor had abandoned the expedition in Rio de Janeiro.125 Aware of the shipwreck since receiving Captain Lucas’ letter, they sought to secure at least the payment for the first year of the voyage.126 The Belgian ministers, informed by Emonce on the whole question of indiscipline, were even more upset by the news of the end of the expedition. The expenses would now increase due to the repatriation costs that included professor Moreau in addition to the students.127 For more than a year, issues involving the legal nature, detailed accounting and controversial payment of these debts led to 236
Letter from the shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin to the Nantes Maritime Registry, testifying to the participation of Emonce and Verelst, the Belgian students of the OH, 13th October 1840.
an extensive discussion between the French shipowners and the Belgian government. In France, Despecher and Bonnefin likewise faced great difficulties. On 31st May 1840, they began to claim half the amount deposited by the families before the voyage, in agreement with the Conditions d’admission sur le bâtiment-école (“Conditions for Admission to the School Ship”), not yet settled.128 The contract they had signed was clear, but notary public Bertinot, in Paris, declined to issue the payment, stating that the families had made several complaints about the incidents on board the expedition. Since 15th February 1840,
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the National de l’Ouest and the Lloyd Nantais had already conveyed to the families the news published initially by the Journal du Havre about the duels, mutinies and first defections of the OH.129 The students’ parents were therefore opposed to the payment of the sums deposited. The matter ended up in court, and in August, still unaware of the shipwreck, the Court of Appeal in Paris rejected the arguments of Bertinot and the families’ lawyers, ordering that half the amount be handed to the shipowners, so that the sums would arrive to the hands of Captain Lucas. The judges considered that the captain could not be deprived of the “sums acquired in accordance with the statutes of the expedition and that, furthermore, were indispensable for the replenishment of the ship and the needs of the crew”.130 As the news and comments about the end of the expedition circulated, suspicions of a voluntary loss grew and the payments became more difficult. This kind of fraud was more common than the readers of famous journeys might think. The consuls therefore had an obligation to “know if the accident could be attributed or not to any crime, misdemeanour or other deception by the captain, or to any connivance intended to deceive the insurers”.131 Cazotte did not make a formal accusation against Captain Lucas because it was not easy to prove that his conduct had been criminal. Even so, the mere suspicion of dubious behaviour already caused irreparable damage to the commander’s reputation. Reasons would not have been lacking for a “provoked shipwreck” and, with it, the anticipated outcome of an expedition already doomed to failure: the indiscipline on board, the dismissal of teachers, the censorship of naval
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commanders, the distrust from the consular agents, the landing and defection of several students, the discontent of the families, the insurance that could be obtained with the loss of the ship... To add to the suspicions, everyone was aware that Lucas knew the place of the shipwreck well and, moreover, that it had occurred during the day, with fair weather and calm seas, near the beach, and that the travellers and goods on board had been saved with relative ease.132 From this standpoint, although many believed in a voluntary loss, one had to agree that Captain Lucas had conducted the OH and its shipwreck “with extraordinary skill”.133 However, the calm he demonstrated, reported in a complimentary manner by some and full of suspicion by others, contributed to further divide the interpretations on his behaviour and the characteristics of the event. In fact, the skipper truly mastered not only the specificities of the port of Valparaiso, but also all the
The collected “onboard”, “crew”, “outfit” and “laidup” records of the OH, in 1839-1840.
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manoeuvres of ocean navigation and other duties of a long-distance captain.134 Lucas exercised them deftly and safely at the helm of the OH until the end. In addition to the guidance that served to prevent an even greater disaster, by “steering the shipwreck” in those treacherous waters, he had shown cold blood and agility of mind at times of great tension. And like any commander, he was also the last to abandon his ship, watching over the rescue of those on board, including his wife and daughters, as well as most of the books, papers, instruments and provisions, according to the rules established in the naval milieu. The comment by a passenger who wrote on the day of the shipwreck made a point that few were now willing to consider: It is he, in this circumstance, who has most to truly regret, because the trip around the world, fulfilling all the conditions of his programme, would bring fame to his name and create a beautiful future for him. It seems, however, that not all is lost, and that he proposes to buy another ship and continue the expedition as if nothing had happened.135
Opinions would remain divided forever. But even Consul Cazotte, with all his distrust and reservations, considered the possibility that he could be judging the captain unfairly in the face of such an adverse situation: I could have completely changed my mind about the honesty and probity of M. Lucas, whom I have known for a long time, had I not been aware of the circumstances surrounding him, which 238
may have contributed to blinding him as to the real difficulties hindering his project, perhaps leading him to judge me unfairly.136
In 1906, Léandre Le Gallen wrote about the “customs, usages, navy, fishing, agriculture and biographies” of Belle-Île, stating his opinion on that Frenchman who few then recalled: “Augustin Lucas shared the fate of many superior spirits; he was misunderstood and died poor and ignored”. 137 In 1970, Adrien Carré published his text on the history, singular and obscure, of the expedition around the world conceived by this controversial captain. The article reinforced the suspicions about the captain: He belongs to the chauvinistic ‘left’ in vogue at the time, however he treats governments well... to cling better to intermediaries, admirals, consuls and others. His value and knowledge are indisputable. But he is obviously a ‘trickster’. To what extent was he sincere, at least at the beginning?138
The disapproval of Captain Lucas by the doctor and officer of the French Navy seems to have weighed on the historian’s opinion of the circumstances of the wreck. Carré condemned the commander’s liberal orientation, both in the organisation of the voyage and in his tolerance towards the young people and their lack of discipline on board. He even believed that the fate of the OH had already been decided by the Ministry of the Marine, because when the ship anchored in Valparaiso a letter also arrived in the city stating that the journey should be interrupted.139 As for the shipwreck, Carré
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Certificates issued by the French consuls in the ports of passage of the expedition, according to the OH on-board roll, 1839-1840.
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was suspicious of the absence of geographical precision or justification in the naval plan when he read Captain Lucas’s account, which made his explanations “worthless”. A map of Valparaiso, made by the Vênus frigate, under Du Petit-Thouars’ command in 1837-1838 (with corrections in 1872-1879) is reproduced in the historian’s article. The document states that in that location, “the tides are regular and do not cause any appreciable hazard”, 140 a fact about the Chilean port which was not applicable. Finally, further evidence seemed to confirm the suspicions about the OH’s commander. Long-distance Captain François Lucas was in the Pacific region commanding the merchant ship Justine at the same time as the expedition. According to the Nantes press, by November 1839 François had purchased land in New Zealand and part of the Lucas family in Belle-Île was migrating there.141 The Justine transported migrants, livestock, sugar, tobacco and other goods along the route between Australia (“New Holland”), New Zealand, Tahiti and the other islands of the French Polynesia in the Pacific, with the colonies established in the Mauritius and Réunion (“Bourbon”) islands in the Indian Ocean.142 Carré believed that “everyone knew that the two brothers would be together in the Pacific, and all correspondence and news would pass through Valparaiso”, where François arrived on 23rd September 1840.143 It thus seemed clear that both had made an agreement. The OH commander would give up circumnavigation and, once in Valparaiso, continue with his brother to Oceania. The coincidence of itineraries, the meeting in that port, and Augustin’s destination after the expedition ended, would indicate that the skipper had already planned, well 240
before the shipwreck, a personal outcome to the course of his journey quite different from that which he promised his students.144 In August 1840, there was nothing left to do in Valparaiso. Three months later, Le Courrier Belge and the Lloyd Nantais would publish in Brussels and Nantes that Captain Lucas had not been able to find a ship, and that the OH circumnavigation voyage was definitely over.145 Terloo summarised the situation as follows: It was impossible for us to find a ship here to continue our journey, despite the 120,000 francs left over from the expedition. Each of us, therefore, had to follow their own course. Most returned to France. Many left yesterday on the Courrier de Manille; others depart today on the Bonne Clemence. The Belgian officers will embark in a few days for England, and the students that our government put on board will return on the l’Industrie, which goes to Antwerp.146
Captain Lucas left Valparaiso only at the end of the year, when the ship commanded by his brother took him away from the city. The Justine departed towards New Zealand on 6th November 1840 after the outcome of the expedition and the fate of its business had been solved in the Chilean port. The two brothers headed for Oceania passing first through New Zealand and Australia and later reaching Tahiti, the main island in the Society Islands. Catholic and Protestant missionaries evangelising the natives and the migration of French and English settlers to the islands of Oceania were important strategies for the advancement of the two great powers in the region. The continent opened
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The Venus frigate, under the command of Du PetitThouars, arriving in Tahiti, in 1838. The image represents one of the demands of the French warship on its mission to Tahiti: to be received by Queen Pomaré with the flag of France and festive shots from the Moutou-Outa fortress as a sign of recognition of the indemnification related to the French settlers in the region.
for European scientific and economic exploration by 18th century circumnavigation was now experiencing a fierce dispute over the colonisation and possession of arable lands involving natives, Englishmen and Frenchmen. The situation was rather complicated when Lucas arrived in Papeete, the capital of Tahiti, in late 1841. Difficulties and projects in that part of the world forced the commander of the OH to defend himself against charges for his shipwreck. In 1836, two French missionaries, Fathers Laval and Caret, had been expelled from Tahiti by the Maori Queen Pomaré IV, influ-
enced by the English missionary Pritchard, soon afterwards appointed local consul.147 In 1841, New Zealand was converted into a “protectorate” of the British Empire, and conflicts increased throughout the region. Many Frenchmen were forced to return home because land purchase contracts for these settlers had been annulled. France was unwilling to accept the situation, and also created protectorates in the Marquises, Wallis, Futuna and Gambier islands.148 As soon as he arrived in Tahiti, Lucas found it difficult to take possession of the lands that he and other settlers were acquiring on the island. He 241
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then forwarded a “Petition from Frenchmen in Tahiti against their Consul” to the French Minister of the Marine, accusing the Consul of not supporting their claims. At the same time, he also sent a “Project for the Colonisation of Patagonia”, a measure he considered fundamental for the “national interests” in the Pacific.149 In addition to trading sugar, tobacco and other goods across the archipelago, the French were also involved in illegal businesses such as the sale of weapons and alcohol to the natives, something which worried the Navy and its commanders. Using the Matilde et Dolores ship, named after his daughters, Lucas conducted this and other business with Queen Pomaré. Therefore, when he accused the consul of treason he also claimed the post for himself, with the support of a significant part of the French settlers in the region.150 The reply arrived immediately, with a comprehensive report on the general situation of Tahiti sent by the aforementioned consul to the new head of the Oceania Naval Station, who had already arrived in the archipelago. Jacques Moerenhout was of Flemish origin and also carried out business there, but harshly criticised those who sold weapons and alcohol to the natives and advanced over their lands without their consent to sell. He accused Lucas of taking advantage of the situation to claim his position.151 In August 1842 the La Reine Blanche frigate arrived in Tahiti with the mission to regain control of the situation. Rear Admiral Du Petit-Thouars came to Oceania for the second time with the aim of creating new protectorates and obtaining the definite “reparation” from Queen Pomaré for the expulsion of the two missionaries and the “material loss” suffered by the French settlers. Coincidentally, the novice Lavernos was now on board La Reine Blanche, and 242
the problems witnessed in the OH came to the attention of Du Petit-Thouars’ as easily as the mistrust and censure of the other officers regarding Captain Lucas’ behaviour.152 The explanations of the wreck would have to be more convincing. The previous suspicions and the current charges compromised Lucas’ reputation as much as his plans for Tahiti. On 31st June 1842, Lucas sent Du Petit-Thouars a “memoir” with his defense, ultimately seeking the rear admiral’s approval for the post he claimed.153 The text refuted point by point all the “slander” with a rhetoric even more forceful than usual, supported by two dozen documents intended to prove the honesty of his conduct. He pointed out the sacrifices made in his career to carry out the expedition and the complimentary references he received from the Bordeaux Maritime Registry and other authorities, and also emphasised Count Molé’s approval and referral of the project and the subsequent recommendations by the other ministers. Lucas also rejected the claim that he might have had an interest in the shipwreck, as he only had the ship’s cargo, and the admission contract to the OH, which he himself had drafted, guaranteed the families the return of the sums of money deposited in Paris. The Captain further recalled that in attempting to continue the expedition, he had relinquished the sum he was entitled to; and he rebutted the charge that he had not returned to France to respond to his creditors, because the only career he might pursue there now rested on a reputation denigrated by “slanderers”. Later on, he explained all the accounts of the voyage and the amounts he had paid in salaries and other expenses, speculating that if he had intended to lose the ship he would not have done it where the French consular agents controlled
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any sums obtained from what was salvaged, but in New Zealand where his brother owned “considerable properties”.154 Finally, Lucas concluded the “memoir” with an argument which, although convincing, was also very risky. He mixed the trial of the merchant navy long-distance captain with the judgement of the French government itself: The repercussions that this undertaking had in France, the universal acceptance it received from all social classes, the interest and support that the government, in particular, had announced to its author, has made it national. These are the reasons that force me to request from one of the first sailors of France the rehabilitation to which I am so entitled, and that no one in the world would know how to contest or even oppose the slightest evidence, the least induction to the contrary, based on some semblance of a real emblem of common sense or reason [emphasised in the original]. [...] This would be to prejudge incorrectly and assume that the Government would be willing to grant protection to the first adventurer who requests it, and that in this case only a strange and deplorable fatality has frustrated its consideration and expectations.155
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pleasing the English, now “humiliating” the French flag, the rear admiral disembarked for the third time in the archipelago, now with reinforced troops. The queen was deposed and before the end of the year there was a French provisional government in Papeete. The French consul, one of Captain Lucas’ main antagonists on the island, was appointed head of the local government and was quick to expel the missionary Pritchard from Tahiti.157 France and England almost went to war again, but that is another story. The long-distance captain, former commander of the OH and now trader in Tahiti, remained in the region for some years, only returning to his homeland, where he had accumulated suspicions, charges and court cases, in 1848. The expeditions and shipwrecks in the turbulent and uncertain waters of the planet would not be the same in the second half of the 19th century, when the means of transportation and visual resources available were modified and greatly diversified. As travel and travellers changed, so did the images and imaginaries of spatial and temporal displacements around the world.158
In September 1842 Du Petit-Thouars obtained the submission of Queen Pomaré for the creation of a French protectorate in Tahiti, and in the same month he also replied to Captain Lucas, wondering about his criticism of the consuls and commanders who looked after the “sentiment of national honour”.156 On the following year, determined to “repair” a new offense by a ruler who “insisted” on 243
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Chapter 6 1. France. Annales maritimes et coloniales, Partie non officielle, Paris, Imprimerie Royal, 1835, t. 2, pp. 1012-1014. 2. “Leur première fille, Élizabeth Mathilde Lucas nait à Rochefort le 5 novembre 1832. Quand la petite Mathilde a 6 mois (mai 1833), Augustin et Zoé la confient aux soins des grands parents et partent ensemble courir le vaste monde, laissant la famille sans nouvelle pendant deux ans. Augustin reçoit des commandements et sa femme embarque avec lui. Il semble qu’il ait navigué pour des armateurs bordelais et un armement d’Ostende”. Cf. Brève histoire d’Augustin Lucas et de sa famille par Eugène Guellec (1906-1970). Available at http://chauvigne.info/index.php. 3. AD- Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Valparaiso), tome 2 (18391845). Lettre de Albert Huet au ministre des Affaires Étrangères, 12 mars 1840. 4. Carré, 1970, p. 29. The historian does not specify the source of these statistics, but it seems to be the same. 5. In 1701, King Felipe V allowed ships with the French flag to anchor in Spanish colonies. Mercier, 1969. 6. Hennequin, 1837, v.3, p. 365. 7. Gay, 2010. The re-edition of this exquisite atlas was part of the celebration of the centenary of Chile’s independence. 8. Riviale, 2000, pp. 243-253. 9. Foucrier and Heffer, 2012, p. 8. 10. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 11. Vidal Gormaz, 1901, p. IX. 12. Fagalde, 2011, p. 83. 13. Idem, p. 84. 14. Lafond de Lurcy, v. 3, 1844, pp. 235-237. The quoted passage was transcribed and translated, with minor differences, by Vidal Gormaz, 1901, p. 148. The work is dedicated and has an epigraph by the writer Alphonse de Lamartine, the great inspirer of so many travel reports from the 19th century.
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15. “Suite des traits de courage et de dévouement envers les naufrages; Récompenses accordée à ce sujet, au nom du roi, par le ministre de la Marine et des Colonies, année 1840”. France. Annales maritimes et coloniales, Partie non officielle, Paris, Imprimerie Royal, v.1, 1841, pp. 493-529. 16. Arago, 2006, p. 76. 17. Rodrigues, 1999, p. 26. 18. Jal, 1848, p. 1035. 19. Süssekind, 1990, p.57. Edgar Allan Poe’s tale “MS found in a bottle” (“Manuscrito encontrado numa garrafa”, translated in Brazil by Machado de Assis), was published in 1833 and is, in its genre, a charming example of the fascination exerted by the subject. Available at https:// www.eapoe.org/. 20. Géricault’s title for the painting was initially Scene d’un naufrage and the painting can be found in the Louvre Museum, in Paris. 21. Cf. Pierre Ickowicz. “The Age of Storms: Storms and Shipwrecks, Representations and the Evolution of the Gaze on the Tumultuous Sea and the Drama in 17th to 20th Century Painting”. In: Pereira et al, 2012, esp. 149. 22. Engineer A. Corréard and surgeon H. Savigny published the story in Naufrage de la frégate “La Méduse”, faisant partie de l’expédition du Sénégal en 1816 (Paris, Corréard, 1817). Based on this account, Théodore Géricault painted Le radeau de la Méduse. In 1821, the book was already in its fifth edition. 23. Wezembeek, 1963, p. 352. 24. OH - Doc 23.09.1840 and OH - Doc 24.09.1840. 25. AD- Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Valparaiso), tome 2 (18391845). Lettre de Albert Huet au ministre des Affaires Étrangères, 12 mars 1840. 26. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840 and OH Doc 29.08.1840.
27. OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840. Vidal Gormaz (1901, pp. 206-208), based on the OH embarkation and disembarkation records that existed at the time in the French consulate in Valparaiso, listed Lavernos among those who had arrived in the city. 28. Data marked in the ship’s on-board roll by the French consul in Valparaiso (OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840). The El Mercurio newspaper reports that the arrival of the ship occurred on the 28th May 1840 (Cf. OH – Doc 30.05.1840), possibly referring to the port itself. According to Wood (1996, p. 115), Lloyd’s List would report in London, on the 10th September 1840, the date of arrival to Valparaiso on 22nd May (Cf. OH - Doc 10.09.1840). 29. These figures are based on the ship’s on-board roll and crew list (OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840), transcribed in this book. Composition considered: Staff (5), French novices (24), the rest of the crew (21) and the passengers (22), considering disembarkations and crew replacements before Valparaiso, as well as two new passengers who boarded in Montevideo. Vidal Gormaz (1901, p. 206-208) also indicates 50 crew members, based on the documentation then available in the French Consulate in Valparaiso. Carré (1970, p. 29) mentions 40 sailors and novices on board, and 19 passengers. 30. OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840. 31. Idem. 32. OH - Doc 10.05.1840. 33. OH - Doc 30.05.1840 (a). 34. OH - Doc 14.05.1840. 35. OH - Doc 25.06.1840 (b). 36. OH - Doc 14.05.1840. The comment was written, and later crossed out: “Au surplus, il ne résulte ni du rapport de M. Laplace, ni de celui de M. le baron Rouen que malgré les mesures prises à l’égard des plus mutins de l’équipage de l’Oriental, ce navire puisse continuer avec
Maria Inez Turazzi
chance de succès l’expédition difficile qu’il a commencée”. In: Carré, 1970, p. 28. 37. OH - Doc 30.05.1840 (b.) 38. El Mercurio, 19th August 1839 and 5th May 1840. Apud Phillips, 2006, pp. 153-157. 39. “Exterior. Brasil. El daguerreotipo en América”. El Mercurio, 1st May 1840. 40. OH - Doc 01.06.1840 (b). 41. Villegas (1985, p. 217) listed Comte among the first Chilean daguerreotypists, possibly because of the information from El Mercurio, assuming that the chaplain had even used the device in Concepcion, but we found no evidence of this in any other source. The possible misunderstanding was suppressed in Villegas, 2001, p. 19 and following pages. 42. OH - Doc 01.06.1840 (b). 43. OH - Doc 04.06.1840. 44. Cf. https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manuel_Blanco_Encalada. 45. OH - Doc 01.07.1840. 46. OH - Doc 06.06.1840. 47. OH - Doc 06.03.1840. 48. OH - Doc 03.11.1840. Letter written on the 30th June 1840, published in Le Courrier Belge on the 3rd November 1840. Vidal Gormaz mistakenly states that no member of the expedition had visited Santiago. 49. OH - Doc 03.11.1840. 50. Villegas, 1901, p. 200. 51. The on-board roll (OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840) gives no indication that they were both on their way to Arica, but the information appears in other sources. 52. OH Doc 31.10.1840. 53. OH - Doc 24.06.1840 (a) This report was sent to the government in 1841 by H. Blanchard, the new French consul in Valparaiso, and it also integrates the records related to the Oriental ship in the Nantes Maritime Registry (OH - Doc 00.00.18371841), as well as the subsequent ministerial correspondence that dealt with the whole issue (OH - Doc 31.07.1842).
The Wreck of the Expedition: Versions and Suspicions
54. OH - Doc 27.06.1840. The account published in El Mercurio was transcribed in the Jornal do Commercio, of Rio de Janeiro, in early August (OH - Doc 14.08.1840) and, later, in other European periodicals. 55. OH Doc 31.10.1840. The letter sent to the owners of the ship was transcribed in the Nantes, Paris and Brussels press. 56. Vidal Gormaz, 1901, p. 200. 57. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. Lloyds List, on the 29th September, also reports the departure from port on the 23rd June, and the shipwreck close to the Ponta del Ruey [sic] (Cf. OH – Doc 29.09.1840). 58. Morales, 2006, pp. 85-86. 59. Morales, 2006, p. 79. The author clarifies an important matter: the new lighthouse was installed in Playa Ancha in a slightly different location from the previous one. 60. Villegas, 1901, p. XI. 61. Vidal Gormaz, 1901, p. X. 62. This passage summarises Lucas’s account, as it was translated into Portuguese by the Jornal do Commercio (OH - Doc 14.08.1840) and published in French by the Lloyd Nantais (OH - Doc 02.11.1840). The complete report, in French, is in OH - Doc 24.06.1840 and included, as an annex, in OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others (folios 310 and 311), as well as in OH - Doc 00.00.18371841. The account translated into Spanish is in El Mercurio (OH - Doc 27.06.1840). 63. OH - Doc 25.06.1840. 64. OH - Doc 27.06.1840. Lucas dated his communiqué on the 23rd June, although he refers to the newspaper article, published only in the 25th June. 65. The newspapers were a kind of “showcase” for the long-distance captain. The Jornal do Commercio, for example, at the time of the arrival of the OH published public testimonies of passengers who disembarked in the city with gratitude or claims regarding the behaviour of several captains.
66. OH - Doc 27.06.1840. 67. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 68. OH - Doc 29.06.1840, OH - Doc 31.10.1840 and OH - Doc 01.11.1840. 69. OH - Doc 29.06.1840, OH - Doc 31.10.1840 and OH - Doc 01.11.1840. 70. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. Terloo’s account of the shipwreck, written on the 30th June, was published in Le Courrier Belge on the 31st October 1840 together with a letter from Commander Lucas to the shipowners. 71. OH - Doc 02.10.1840, OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (a) and OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (b). 72. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 73. OH - Doc 02.10.1840. 74. OH - Doc 27.06.1840 and OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 75. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 76. OH - Doc 02.10.1840. 77. OH - Doc 28.10.1840. In his letter Terloo says that many fell ill because of the cold (OH - Doc 31.10.1840). 78. OH - Doc 28.10.1840. 79. OH - Doc 28.10.1840. 80. OH - Doc 02.10.1840. 81. OH - Doc 28.10.1840. 82. OH - Doc 28.10.1840 and Villegas, 1901, p. 201. 83. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 84. OH - Doc 03.11.1840. Le Courrier Belge explains that a student, whose name is not revealed, wrote his letter on the same date as Popelaire de Terloo (30th June). 85. OH - Doc 27.06.1840. Apud Villegas, 1901, p. 203. 86. Villeneuve’s letter was written on the 29th June 1840 and published in Brussels, in Le Courrier Belge, on the 28th October 1840 (OH – Doc 28.10.1840), reproduced in the Lloyd Nantais, on the 7th November 1840, and partially transcribed by Carré, 1970, p. 33. 87. OH - Doc 28.10.1840. 88. OH - Doc 28.10.1840. 89. OH – Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folio 314. He was replaced by Baradère, consul
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who would sign the landings in the onboard roll (OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840). 90. François Guizot was already the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France between October 1840 and February 1848. But in this correspondence Cazotte still refers to the Duke of Dalmatie (Jean-de-Dieu Soult), holder of the position between May 1839 and March 1840 (followed by Adolphe Thiers, between March and October 1840). 91. AD-Fr – Personnel, 1er serie, carton 826, “Henri-Nicolas Sévole Cazotte (1802-?)”; AD-Fr – Personnel, 1er serie, carton 826. “Rapport [...] par Henri-Nicolas Cazotte, 20 octobre 1847”. 92. AD-Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Santiago), t. 3 (1836-1842), Lettre de Cazotte au ministre des Affaires Étrangères, 10 janvier 1840. 93. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others and OH - Doc 15.04.1841. 94. OH – Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folio 315. 95. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 303-305. Carré did not locate the account of the OH shipwreck and its annexes sent by Consul Cazotte, when consulting the “Registre de la Correspondance des Consuls” in the Quay d’Orsay archives. Cf. CARRÉ, 1970, p. 29. In 2001, we were more fortunate and found these documents in AD-Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Santiago), t. 3 (1836-1842), Correspondance du consul général de France au Chili, M. Cazotte, au ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Fr), folios 303 to 328 [front and back]. 96. Charles Ross was commander in chief of the English naval station in the Pacific between 1839 and 1841. https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Ross_(Royal_Navy_officer). 97. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 318-319. 98. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 303-305.
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99. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 315-317, 318-319 and 320. 100. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folio 320. 101. AD- Fr. Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Valparaiso), tome 2 (18391845). Lettre de L. Blanchard, nouveau consul à Valparaiso, au ministre des Affaires Étrangères, 16 août 1840. 102. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 321-322. 103. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folio 324. The Code of Commerce had been inherited from the Napoleonic era, and dated from 1807. 104. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 321-322. 105. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 315-317. 106. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folio 323. 107. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 315-317. 108. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 325-326. 109. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 315-317. The consul refers to a new brochure for the expedition, but it was not located and no references to it were found in other sources. 110. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 315-317. 111. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folio 328. The letter also appears, translated into Spanish, in VIDAL GORMAZ,1901, pp. 205-206. 112. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folios 315-317 and OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others, folio 327. 113. OH - Doc 29.09.1840. 114. OH - Doc 02.10.1840, OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (a), OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (b), OH - Doc 01.11.1840. 115. OH - Doc 02.10.1840. 116. Lucas’s letter (OH – Doc 29.06.1840) was received by the shipowners Despecher
and Bonnefin on the 25th October (OH – Doc 25.10.1840), published two days later in the National de l’Ouest, Nantes (OH – Doc 27.10.1840), as well as in Le Courrier Belge, of Brussels, on the 31st October 1840 (OH – Doc 31.10.1840) and Le Moniteur Universel, Paris, on the 1st November 1840 (OH - Doc 01.11.1840). 117. OH - Doc 05.10.1840 (a). 118. OH - Doc 25.10.1840 (b). 119. OH - Doc 04.09.1839. 120. OH - Doc 28.10.1840. 121. OH - Doc 29.01.1840. 122. OH - Doc 11.10.1839. 123. OH - Doc 21.10.1839 and OH - Doc 13.06.1840. 124. OH - Doc 18.05.1840, OH - Doc 05.09.1840, OH - Doc 13.10.1840. 125. OH - Doc 07.07. 1839, OH - Doc 19.08.1839. 126. OH - Doc 13.10.1840. 127. OH - Doc 11.10.1839, OH - Doc 31.10.1839 (b), OH - Doc 02.01.1840; OH Doc 21.04.1840, OH - Doc 18.01.1841, OH - Doc 21.01.1841, OH - Doc 25.03.1841. 128. OH - Doc 22.04.1839. 129. OH - Doc 15.02.1840 (a) and OH Doc 15.02.1840 (b) 130. OH - Doc 20.08.1840. Information on other payments after the shipwreck was not found. 131. “Ordonnance du Roi sur les fonctions des Consuls dans leurs rapports avec la marine commerciale, 29 octobre 1833”. In: FRANCE. Bulletin des lois du Royaume de France [...], 2ème partie, 1834, p. 481 and following pages. 132. O’Reilly, 1966, p. 45. According to this author, the suspicions were mainly cast upon Lucas because the wreck occurred during the day, with good weather and calm seas. 133. Carré, 1970, p. 30. 134. Freitas, 1835, pp. 120-123. 135. OH - Doc 02.10.1840. 136. OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others,
Maria Inez Turazzi
folios 315 to 317. 137. Le Gallen, 1906, p. 624-625. 138. Carré, 1970, p. 18. In his article, the author also deleted the excerpt of one of the accounts that exempts Commander Lucas from blame for the disaster, available at OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (a) and OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (b). 139. Carré, 1970, p. 30. 140. Carré, 1970, p. 31. 141. Lucas imported livestock from Sydney, according to the Lloyd Nantais on the 24th October 1839. 142. Cf. Wood, 1996, pp. 115-116. The researcher tried to identify and distinguish the activities conducted by the two brothers in Oceania. 143. Carré, 1970, p. 32. 144. Carré, 1970, p. 29. 145. OH - Doc 09.11.1840 and OH - Doc 13.11.1840. 146. OH - Doc 09.11.1840. Letter written in Valparaiso on the 11th August 1840. 147. Jardin and Tudesq, 1973, t. 6, pp. 201-203. Cornevin and Cornevin, 1990, pp. 385-387. On Queen Pomaré, see http:// histoire.assemblee.pf/articles.php?id=201 148. Blais, 1996, p. 286. The author clearly states the ambiguity of the term “L’idée de protection, très présente dans les instructions données aux officiers de Marine depuis 1835 est liée à la perception qu’ont les Européens des terres éloignées du Pacifique. [...] Cette conception a entrainé une idée de protection et de devoir de sauvegarde qui reste prééminente jusqu’au milieu du XIXe siècle. C’est ne dans cette mesure qu’une interprétation un peu forcée du souci de protection justifie les interventions des grandes puissances, la forme du ‘protectorat’ qui est alors le plus souvent adoptée par la suite en étant une démonstration”. 149. SHD-Marine. Fonds privé Abel Du Petit-Thouars, Carton 7, Dossier 22, Année 1841. Lettre de A. Lucas au ministre
The Wreck of the Expedition: Versions and Suspicions
de la Marine et annexes, 22 août 1841 (“Pétition des Français de Tahiti contre leur consul et projet de colonisation de la Patagonie”). 150. AN-Fr. Fonds de la Marine, Serie BB, Subserie BB3 615, Lettres reçues, Colonies, Particuliers. Lettre de A. Lucas au ministre de la Marine, 4 janvier 1842; Lettre de A. Lucas au ministre de la Marine, 7 janvier 1842 et annexes. BLAIS (1996, p. 401) comments that Lucas had no interest in establishing a French Protectorate precisely to ensure more freedom for his business. 151. AN-Fr. Fonds de la Marine, Serie BB, Subserie BB3 615. Lettre de Moerenhout, consul de France au Tahiti, au contreadmiral Du Petit-Thouars, 10 mai 1842. Duplicata. In relation to the activities of the consul and his business in the region, see also http://histoire.assemblee.pf/articles.php?id=221. 152. OH - Doc 25.01.1842. 153. On the 12th November 1841 Lucas had already written to the Minister of the Marine complaining about the consuls’ actions in the OH, both in Pernambuco as in Valparaiso. OH - Doc 12.11.1841, according to the notes summarised by A. Carré. 154. OH - Doc 31.07.1842. The list of documents submitted by Lucas corresponds to the documents found in the survey. Carré also refers to two documents that have not been located: “Apostile des Pairs et Deputés sur le projet d’expédition” e “Instructions de M. Marec, Directeur du Personnel au Ministère de la Marine” (Carré, 1970, p. 18). 155. Idem. 156. OH - Doc 20.09.1842. 157. Cornevin and Cornevin, 1990, p. 387. Pomaré even wrote a letter to King Louis-Philippe about the conduct of the French in Tahiti and in it praised Captain François Lucas. POMARÉ. Letter from queen Pomaré to Louis-Philippe, king of the French. Honolulu, Oahu: Printed for
the Hon. L. Hope, [1844], p. 4. Available at https://books.google.com.br/. 158. Goulemont et al, 1997.
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South America in an “illustrated universal atlas�: allegorical figures, people, monumental landscapes and population statistics for the consumption and popularisation of geography.
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Conclusion The Voyage Is Not Over‌
The preparations for the OH’s circumnavigation voyage, concentrated in Paris, Nantes and Brussels, were long and thorough. Teachers, physicians and instructors, as well as new machinery, instruments and scientific or literary books, were incorporated to the school ship for the education of the students and the success of the journey. Among other novelties, the OH carried full daguerreotype equipment together with the necessary instructions, as well as people ready to take the invention to the four corners of the world, making it available to anyone interested. The first stopovers were promising, and the crossing of the Atlantic, despite the turbulence on board, offered the travellers memorable experiences in the ports visited. The hope was to bring back home, at the end of the voyage, everything that could be of interest for the sciences, commerce and industry for France and Belgium. Reverend Daniel Kidder, when he arrived in Rio de Janeiro, gave his view about the expedition:
The leading idea upon which it was planned, was not the most judicious; for however beautiful the combination of a course of study and travel might seem in the theory, it was not found to work well in practice. Again, the expedition was novel, and difficulties occurred in preserving proper order. The rigorous discipline of a man-of-war would have been resisted as tyrannical, and anything short of it was likely to result in confusion. Moreover, the respective relations of the officers of the vessel, the professors, the amateurs, and the elèves, had not been defined with sufficient precision in the outset; hence, arose unlooked-for and aggravated differences. Notwithstanding these circumstances, I witnessed much on board the Orientale that was interesting. I cannot fail to remark the cheerful and man-like manner, in which several individuals of the highest 249
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
View of the Sugar Loaf Mountain and bay of Rio de Janeiro through a ship’s hatch, 19th century.
rank of European society entered upon and persevered in the laborious duties of the common sailor. Instead of being zealous in these duties merely at times, when they could show off to advantage, they seemed really and perseveringly enthusiastic in the disposition to harden themselves by application to the severest toil. It certainly was a novel and peculiar sight to behold barons, counts, viscounts, 250
marquises and young men of every grade of hereditary rank, dressed in woolen shirts and tarred trousers, standing at the wheel, going aloft, and rowing boats. This was the order of things on board the Orientale; and whatever may have been the fate of her expedition, I shall long remember the week which I spent as a passenger in her, as one of peculiar incident and pleasure.1
Maria Inez Turazzi
The shipwreck of the OH in Valparaiso unexpectedly ended the promises of a journey that was to enter into the annals of maritime history from the perspective of Captain Lucas and those who adhered to the project of an unprecedented floating school. The end of the expedition, while it may have been premeditated by an already struggling commander, was lamented by those who had placed their stakes on that idea. The disastrous fate of the OH in that context represented much more than the loss of a beautiful three-mast sail ship. It was part of a broader adverse framework: During the 1840s the French Navy experienced a real crisis in which pride, hopes and disappointments were mixed. A crisis not due to lack of means but due to a lack of clear vision about the shape they had to be given; in no way a crisis of vitality.2
When Adrien Carré broke the silence had fallen on this story by pointing to the uniqueness of the circumnavigation voyage of the OH, he left a brief clue regarding the “official discretion” surrounding the expedition and its shipwreck. Concluding his article, he made this short comment: For the people in Belle-Île – who ignore the story – Augustin Lucas remained for some time a distant and vague hero. For the people of the Pacific, he was the captain who had voluntarily lost his ship... Too many people were compromised by their recommendations; thus, ‘operation silence’ was total and successful.3
The “recommendations” given to the enterprise were at the root of this “silence”.
Conclusions
The letters, circulars and press articles that had given the circumnavigation journey of the OH the appearance of a French Navy mission also forged an ambiguity around the expedition that was reproduced in other letters and recommendations, sent or received by naval commanders and consular authorities during the course of the trip. This ambiguity was constructed and exploited by Captain Lucas through the printed material and advertisements he ordered, and later amplified by distorted information that appeared in newspapers and was never denied. When the accusations of a voluntary loss of the ship were weighed against him, Lucas used the government seal granted to his endeavour in his defence. This official appearance, decisive for all the support received by the OH, was, paradoxically, one of the main reasons for the deliberate oblivion that befell the expedition following its failure. The positive recommendations given to Captain Lucas and the ambiguity about the nature of the undertaking had directly compromised French and Belgian authorities with this disaster. The families of so many barons, counts, marquises and other young men, sons of large landowners, merchants and high officials, had trusted these recommendations and the promise they represented for the future of their children. For all this, the shipwreck of the OH meant much more than the commercial and maritime failure of the project alone would have meant. It was also a moral disaster for the authorities, families and young men involved: a disaster that impacted, in its symbolic dimension, on the image of France and Belgium in an era of exacerbated nationalism. This type of “wreck” had no place in the naval history 251
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
celebrated by the annals of the country or by the monumental works that illustrated the great circumnavigation voyages of the period. The “silence” about the shipwreck of the OH would eventually cloak the entire history of the expedition, its promises and its failures, as well as its characters and their unique experiences by mantle of oblivion. The “memoir” Lucas wrote on the subject in 1842 was never included in the principal means of printed communication of the French naval milieu, in contrast with what had occurred when his text on “the advantages of an emergency rudder in Cape Horn” gained recognition in the Annales Maritimes et Coloniales.4 The account made by his brother François on the Justine and the situation of the French in Oceania, sent to the Minister of the Marine when he returned to France in March 1842, appeared on the pages of the publication at the end of the year.5 In any case, Augustin’s manuscripts, articles and books, as well as his mishaps and confrontations, offer elements to understand the reasons for this silence. They help to build a portrait of the character, among other players, in the broader scenario of the expedition and its shipwreck. The OH crew and passengers had quite diverse social and geographical origins. Lucas belonged to a family of fishermen and settlers; other members of the crew were mere sailors and cabin-boys, with no fortune or aristocratic ancestry; most of the novices and passengers, however, were descended from the “first families” of France and Belgium. Almost all, nevertheless, became invisible historical subjects with no place in the “major” history. This invisibility was constructed in several ways, and the most obvious example is that of 252
Captain Lucas himself, with a history as fascinating and at the same time as obscure as the expedition he commanded. In turn, the physiognomies of the OH travellers were not outlined by any trace or brushstroke when they entered the expedition. The daguerreotype device, although introduced on board, could not fix them with the resources available. So, the faces of some were only recorded some time later, when photographic portraits became common. Today, information and images referring to these people are often only one click away, which was not the case when this research was begun. It is hoped that the few lines dedicated to the biography of these characters, through the ideas and experiences they shared, will add some outline to their physiognomies. But what about the women who took part in this trip? They were already the object of another form of invisibility. The available sources basically deal with the male figures in this story: “seafarers”, “men of invention”, “businessmen” and so on. It is known that Bougainville’s circumnavigation expedition had a “domestic” (servant), embarked clandestinely, accompanying one of the naturalists.6 Freycinet’s circumnavigation journey took the commander’s wife on board, embarked in male disguise and remaining like this until the expedition reached the Atlantic. Elisabeth Bellais, in turn, had already accompanied Captain Lucas in the first journey to the Pacific, and boarded the floating school with the couple’s two children. But the letters dealing with the expedition published in newspapers contain only one comment on the female figures of the OH: “we have three, young, kind and spirited ladies with us: the captain’s wife and sister and Mme. Soulier de Sauve; not to mention Mme. Lucas’ two
Maria Inez Turazzi
Conclusions
Daguerreotype of the port of Valparaiso, attributed to Carleton E. Watkins, c. 1852. The leather cases with burgundy velvet, golden frame and other decorative elements characterise the presentation and marketing of the daguerreotypes.
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graceful daughters”.7 Further, rather derogatory, information on Elisabeth can be found in later references left by French missionaries in Tahiti. They regarded her as an “illiterate and ill-mannered” woman, with a “poor reputation”. Accused of being a “free-thinker” and dealing with the natives and settlers, either as a missionary, or accompanied by foreign officials, or trading alcohol, she was disliked by a large part of the French colony in the region.8 After the expedition was ended, each went his way. For this very reason, the path that they chose is nothing but a hint of other stories. Professor Eugène Soulier de Sauve stayed in Rio de Janeiro; Chaplain Louis Comte, in Montevideo; and professor Louis Antoine Vandel-Heyl, in Valparaiso. Perhaps these landings were already planned from the beginning of the trip, but this hypothesis would be even more difficult to confirm than the suspicion of a premeditated shipwreck. The fact is that some decided their destination even before the expedition was interrupted in Valparaiso. Eugène Soulier de Sauve was the first of them. Having disembarked in Rio de Janeiro, he was appointed in July 1840 as substitute professor of chemistry at the Military School, the main institution teaching engineering in the Empire at the time.9 The experience in the OH and the daguerreotype lessons helped Soulier de Sauve to build a network of contacts in the Brazilian capital, as may be read between the lines in the Jornal do Commercio: The genius of Daguerre hardly had created his incomparable instrument, when numerous Brazilians had already witnessed its marvellous effects, and paid tribute to their admiration. A contest 254
with the most distinguished people in the sciences evaluates as a most pleasurable pastime the enjoyable and instructive lessons given by M. Soulier. Soon there will not be any wonder of the old world about which a civilised Brazilian will not be able to say ‘I have seen it’.10
In 1843, the OH professor would sell a telescope and his chemistry laboratory, resources which probably had served in the expedition, to D. Pedro II.11 The emperor’s library would also receive his books (see Bibliography), as well as a work especially elaborated by Soulier de Sauve in 1841: the Mapa celeste marcado pela data uranográfica da sagração e coroação de S. M. o Sr. D. Pedro II (Map of the Heavens showing uranographic data pertaining to the consecration and coronation of H.M. Dom Pedro II), “an event that belongs to the history of the universe”.12 His qualifications as a French astronomer, his popularity as a daguerreotype professor and his proximity with the “civilised Brazilians” in the court of D. Pedro II led Soulier de Sauve to the position of Director of the Imperial Observatory, by appointment of the emperor, in 1845. The scientific institution, one of the oldest in the country, was founded in 1827, but the position was new and honourable. “Madame Soulier de Sauve”, as she was registered in the OH on-board roll, accompanied her husband in his decision to stay in Brazil. Born Louise Lapierre, she would perform in charity shows promoted by the French community in Rio de Janeiro, occasionally travelling alone back to Europe.13 Soulier de Sauve died on 9th August 1850, while still directing the Imperial Observatory. Louis Comte stayed in Montevideo until 1847, where he taught the daguerre-
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otype as well as French, Latin, drawing, botany and geology. The advertisements he published in the local press reveal a close relationship with the French community and Uruguayan intellectual circles, brimming with ideas and projects. Among these friends he was close to Arsène Isabelle, with whom he appears to have done business in the city. In a long advertisement about his experiences as professor and daguerreotypist, he offered lessons with a “simplified” device for those who “wish to take views”, indicating the address of his prestigious friend in the city, “Chancellor of the French Consulate”, for Sunday classes.14 Comte likewise frequented places such as the Jaime Hernánd bookshop, where he exhibited a view of San Sebastián Street to attract customers, keeping up-to-date with teaching methods and the literature of the time. Like so many teachers and foreigners who needed to increase their income, he sold materials imported from Europe for study and drawing (atlases, rulers, square sets, special pencils and papers), while at the same time training new daguerreotypists in Montevideo.15 When he decided to return to France, he announced the sale of his goods in Comercio de la Plata, on 15th April 1847. Among the items offered were “a mahogany laboratory, a bedside table, a lamp and a daguerreotype in good condition”.16 But the offer also included a piano, a sofa, a library, a cedar closet, candelabra, crystal glasses and weapons, all unequivocal symbols of the prosperity he had achieved. Comte left Uruguay when he felt that life there no longer compensated for the distance from home. Yellow fever in the ports of the South Atlantic took numerous foreigners back to Europe and many others to the local cemeteries.17 He had amassed a considerable
Conclusions
fortune with the daguerreotype and other more lucrative businesses such as the acquisition and lease of warehouses in the port area. In 1851, the French government requested the Consulate in Montevideo for information about his properties in the port area, probably for some sort of regularisation process.18 In 1865, Comte transferred 125,000 francs that had remained in Montevideo to the Credit Foncier bank in Paris. By then he was a large owner of land and real estate in Sampans, in the Burgundy region of France, and he is buried in the cemetery there. He died on 22nd September 1868, with no direct heirs, and in his will he left his fortune to relatives, friends and employees, as well as to the Autun seminary where he had studied.19 Vendel-Heyl, the first professor to join the OH and the last to abandon the expedition, lived in Chile until the end of his life, as did his son Emile. As a man of letters and author of classical works, with a passage through the University of Paris, it was not
The Atelier Daguerre trademark, an active photographic studio in Rio de Janeiro, c. 1900. The name of the inventor was still a source of inspiration for some photographers until the late 19th century.
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difficult for him to find work opportunities on the other side of the Atlantic. After independence, Chile underwent a secularisation process of educational institutions and practices previously under Church control. The countless conflicts resulting from this process soon reached the professor with republican and socialist ideas, who was invited to teach in the School of Philosophy and Humanities of the University of Chile, in 1842. Despite his immediate acceptance by some circles of power, the Frenchman who condemned tyranny, and even any punishment to the students, and who defended not only the end of privileges, but also free love, ended becoming an “undesirable foreigner”. Vendel Heyl finished his days as private tutor, and in 1854 was buried – at his request – without any religious sacrament.20 Guillaume Cocq, the second captain of the OH, partnered with Vendel Heyl during the first months spent in Chile, and together they created the Valparaiso Institute, a marine and commercial school that would receive municipal support and would later become the Nautical Academy of the city. With Vendel Heyl’s move to Santiago in 1841, Cocq began to devote himself to very different businesses: a tannery and an oil factory.21 The novices Philippe Broche and Etienne Konig also stayed in Chile for some time. Enthused with the gold rush, both went to California, but later Broche returned to France, already with a family, where he went to receive his “rich and noble” inheritance.22 Konig, living on Chiloe island, founded the first Chilean institution dedicated to training officers for the merchant navy (Ancud Nautical School, 1844).23 Popelaire de Terloo, a tireless passenger, was another who stayed in Chile, 256
although not for long. The truth is he never even gave up his hotel room in Valparaiso when he embarked on the OH on 23rd June. In one of his letters he makes a curious remark, to say the least, about the day of the shipwreck: I don’t know what sort of foreboding caught me, as I am naturally carefree; but, without realising it, before leaving the city, I kept my room at the Hotel de France, where I was staying.24
Back at the hotel, Terloo devised his own plans while awaiting a definition from Captain Lucas as to whether or not to continue the voyage, rather uncertain by then: If we do not succeed in completing our expedition, I will go to the interior of Chile, and then to California, where I will continue my scientific studies; otherwise, I will cross the pampas or the isthmus of Panama to return to Europe.25
Once the plans to continue the expedition were over, Terloo sent part of the material collected during the trip (“more than 200 rare birds, mammals, crustaceans, insects, fish, etc.”) to the Brussels Museum.26 After leaving Valparaiso, he continued towards Bolivia and Peru in search of more “treasures” that he could add to the natural history and archaeology collection already assembled. In 1844 he married, in Santiago, a young woman belonging to the Chilean elite and some time later travelled to Europe carrying in his luggage a large pre-Columbian collection, later partially donated to the Belgian museums.27 Mathematics professor Jean Moreau seems to have had more trouble
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Conclusions
with his return home. The passage through Rio de Janeiro was described in his letters as a “regrettable memory”28 and when he returned to Belgium he spent months claiming a financial compensation, by way of indemnification, for the training provided to the OH youths. During the voyage a student commented on his actions: If, despite all forecasts, the expedition is not as successful as we are entitled to expect, the country will know how to acknowledge the services that Mr. Moreau will have rendered as a professor exclusively dedicated to teaching sciences on the Oriental. In any case, we see him, so to speak, as the guardian of the young men whom the king entrusted to the captain, and he is worthy of such tutorage.29
In Brussels, however, the authorities only agreed to the claimed payment after the submission of a study on the expedition and its usefulness for Belgian trade and industry.30 By then, the disappointment with the support given to the undertaking was enormous. In 1841, Moreau managed to be appointed as professor of “higher mathematics” at the Charleroi College and, after teaching in other institutions, he retired as professor of perspective at the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in Brussels.31 The young Charles Emonce and Jean-François Verelst, repatriated aboard the Industrie, also had to find positive aspects to draw from the experience for the benefit of Belgium. Aware of the commitments made before leaving the country, the two novices from the Antwerp Navigation School handed over to the authorities an extensive report on the trip, with the information gathered at the ports visited. In spite
Anchor with wooden support used to retain the ship against the force of the winds and currents. Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
Models of buoys for different uses and indications at sea (salvage, anchorage, etc). Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1840).
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of all the claims during the previous year regarding the deficiencies of the OH, the work received compliments from the Minister of the Interior, soon forwarded to the governor responsible for the participation of the two youths.32 Far beyond learning to command a merchant ship, the financial investment and training offered could be used in any enterprise on land enterprise. This had even been one of the main promises in the expedition’s advertising brochure: The youths destined to commerce will profitably explore the places that offer great opportunities for our products; they will conduct trade statistics in all these countries and all seasons; and when they return from this expedition, in which they will be involved in general and specialised studies of each locality under the direction of illustrious professors, they themselves will be in a position to decide to use their capital safely, or to direct the operations entrusted to them.33
With the wreck, it seemed that the promises of the floating school had not materialised. For this reason, Vidal Gormaz concluded that it was a “real failure experienced by the families in France and Belgium”.34 In addition to the disappointment and family embarrassment, with duels and desertions engraved in the memory of parents and their sons, many youths had bureaucratic problems in their naval career, since they had been registered in the Nantes Maritime Registry as “voluntary novices”, that is, without certain rights. Charles Lestrange, for example, spent several years in the process of acknowledgement of his time of service on board the OH.35 On the other hand, the success of the 258
physiognotype among Brazilians led Frédéric Sauvage to remain in Brazil until 1841, using the mechanism invented by his father. Others had a somber future and, at least one novice, an even tragic fate. Balthazar du Plessis d’Argentré managed to find his family in France, but immediately departed for his last voyage. The Marquise d’Argentré, who had worried about her son when she learned of the shipwreck of the OH, ended up losing her son in a similar situation. Balthazar died on board the La Vedette brig, during the night of 6th October 1841, in a shipwreck close to the Saint Pierre and Miquelon island, a French colony in the North Atlantic.36 For most, however, it was a learning experience, but also left frustration, debts and claims to be resolved. Some saw this story with a certain humour: Moreover, you will observe that nothing was missing in our maritime education, not even the indispensable shipwreck, to poetise it...37
The phrase belongs to Victor Champeaux de la Boulaye. Among other things, he profited from the OH voyage and others precisely by transforming them into poetry. Before the attempt to travel around the world in a unique expedition, he had already been to Italy, Turkey, Syria and Norway. After 1840, he was also in North America, Spain, Corsica and Ireland. When he returned to France he wrote some texts for the La Presse and Revue des Deux Mondes newspapers and published a book, Itinéraire poétique (Paris: Gosselin, 1843), dedicating his work to a Breton friend and poet. When he was finally introduced to Alphonse de Lamartine, to whom he had already sent some of his poems, he received an
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encouraging comment from the great master of Romanticism. Praise from the famous writer was worth as much as an award for his contemporaries. Champeaux de la Boulaye died an octogenarian, described by his admirers as a “fisherman-poet and indefatigable traveller”.38 When Captain Lucas left Valparaiso for Oceania, he was taking family, personal property and probably also a great frustration regarding the end of his floating school. However, like every obstinate entrepreneur, in his luggage he carried the disposition for new projects for when he arrived in Tahiti. On his way there, he stayed at Sydney Harbour between the 29th March and 3rd June 1841.39 The daguerreotype had arrived in the city before, but only through a few notes and commentaries, with transcripts from London newspapers in The Colonist and the Australasian Chronicle.40 These articles sparked curiosity for the invention and a debate on the priority of the “discovery” among the inhabitants of the place. Although he arrived in Sydney without a ship of his own, Lucas introduced himself as “late commander of the Naval School expedition”. Once in the city, he took advantage of the curiosity for the daguerreotype to announce the sale of his equipment in the Australasian Chronicle on 13th April 1841. Besides a complete equipment to practice it, the buyer would receive all the necessary instructions: The Daguerreotype – The inhabitants of Sidney will now have an opportunity of witnessing the effects of this very singular invention, one of the instruments having been brought to the colony by Captain Lucas, late commander of the Naval School expedition. By means of the Da-
Conclusions
guerreotype a correct view of any locality may be taken by any person in five minutes. Captain Lucas intends to dispose of the instruments [sic] at prime cost, and it may be seen in the office of Messrs. Joubert and Murphy, Macquarie-place. The purchaser will be fully instructed in the method of taking the views.41
When confronted with other sources of information, the date of departure of the OH from France on 25th September 1839, the practices of marketing and dissemination of the invention on the previous and subsequent weeks, as well as Soulier de Sauve’s stay in Rio de Janeiro and Louis Comte’s in Montevideo at the beginning of 1840, all point to another interesting aspect in the history of the OH: the expedition probably carried more than one daguerreotype equipment on board.42 In any case, the two travellers would have had no difficulties to acquire a device shortly after the passage of the OH through these cities and thus continue to practice and teach the photographic process. In March of that same year a daguerreotype camera was already sold in Rio de Janeiro and there is no reason to imagine things would have been very different in Montevideo or in Valparaiso. Captain Lucas, even after ordering a daguerreotype apparatus to Daguerre himself, learning how to operate it and demonstrating the novelty in the ports visited, sold his equipment when he arrived in Sydney because he was in financial trouble. But also, because he was a captain in the merchant navy, he did not intend to make a living with the daguerreotype and his plans were different. When he wrote to Rear-Admiral Du Petit-Thouars about the shipwreck he explained his situation: 259
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Why, for example, did not my slanderers tell you that after my shipwreck my wife was forced to wash clothes in Valparaiso to ensure the livelihood of her children? This argument, which is worth the best of axioms, is not unknown to them I presume; but the desire to denigrate is dominant among those who have no other purpose, and I will answer them. What eccentricity of the spirit would then have made me give up the most beautiful destiny which I could ever hope to have for the glory of seeing my wife washing the shirts of sailors!43 [emphasised in the original]
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and part of George street, as it appeared from the Fountain in Macquarie-place’.46
The establishment chosen by Captain Lucas to sell his equipment was a trading point located in the heart of Sydney, on Macquerie Square, where Frenchman Didier Numa Joubert and Irishman Jeremiah Murphy, French ship agents, sold foods and beverages. It is believed that Joubert himself kept the daguerreotype equipment used in the OH expedition.44 Three years later, when Joubert left Sydney, he put everything he had in his establishment on sale, including “a superior daguerreotype camera, complete, with all the accessories and a large number of plates”.45 In addition to this, a public demonstration of the novelty for the inhabitants of Sydney was conducted at his address on 13th May 1841:
In 1848, when Lucas returned to France, photography had already fulfilled many of its promises and the country was undergoing great changes with the end of the July Monarchy, the definitive abolition of slavery, the popular uprisings on the streets of Paris and other cities, and the establishment of the Second Republic. It is speculated that he later went to the United States, where he died when France was already under the Second Empire (1852-1870).47 However, what is concretely known is that he saw his Belle-Île again and remained active, precisely in these turbulent years in France between 1848 and 1850. In Paris, he published two books on the experiences accumulated in those last years.48 The title and subtitle of the first are indicative of the conflicts in which he got involved in Tahiti and the strategies employed to defend his interests in the region (see Bibliography).49 The other is a synthesis of all his experience at sea and on land. The book Le candidat (1850) was well-received in the maritime and mercantile milieu, with a second edition three years after its initial publication. His explanation on the title page shows that the former commander of the OH was still full of ideas:
‘At the stores of Messrs Joubert and Murphy, an interesting trial of the advantages of the daguerreotype was made on Thursday, at which we were present, and received the politest attention at the hands of the gentlemen who conducted the experiment … an astonishingly minute and beautiful sketch was taken of Bridge street
The work ends with some thoughts addressed to the Marine Investigations Commission for the Maritime Registry and some general considerations on the causes of the weaknesses of the French Navy and the means that perhaps could be employed to make it the first Navy in the world.50
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Cartoon of Théodore Maurisset on the “daguerreotypemania” that took over Paris during 1839. Published in the La Caricature newspaper on 8th December, this illustration accompanied the text “Fantasie”, in which the author ironised on the “national reward” granted to the inventors of an instrument declared useful and necessary by Arago and the Academy of Sciences, so that everybody would agree to pay for it, even if “the nation did not experience the least need for it”. The visionary image, despite Maurisset’s skepticism, is populated by a multitude of consumers, photographers, daguerreotype devices and other equipment to practice photography, with emblematic references to the eighteenth century visual culture revolutionised by the appearance of photography: portraits at moderate prices, travel of all sorts, aerial photographs, expeditions around the planet, entertainment in public spaces, the novelties advertised in all kinds of materials, processes and, above all, behaviours.
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The material and symbolic rewards for his ideas did not arrive in time for Captain Lucas. The perception of the OH voyage as a “great failure”, especially by those who had expected so much from its promises, cast the captain into obscurity. On the other hand, this perception contrasted sharply with the interests of Latin Americans in the introduction of the daguerreotype into the continent. The enthusiasm for these demonstrations was shared by generations of chroniclers and historians in South America. In August 1864, Machado de Assis was already discussing the “photographic machine” that a certain priest “named Combes” had brought to Rio de Janeiro on board a “French corvette”. Machado de Assis was born, coincidentally, in 1839, and his words are among the first, if not the first, to produce a historical report of the introduction of the daguerreotype south of the Equator. The text was published in the Diário do Rio de Janeiro, in one of its famous “weekly chronicles”.51 The readers of the newspaper and Machado himself formed part of a new generation of admirers of the “growing perfection of photographic works” that now could “pass to posterity in a visiting card”. The brief account of the first steps of an art made available to all coincided with the visit of the chronicler to the salon de pose of one of the most famous portraitists in the Brazilian capital.52 The visit inspired Machado de Assis to dwell on “the gazettes of the time” to discover the history of that “miraculous device”, introduced in the city in 1840, and to compare it with the latest improvements of “Daguerre’s invention”.53 The writer’s experience with photography marked many facets of the personality and work of Machado de Assis, but this would be a hole other journey...54 262
As far as we know, little was left of the three-mast sail ship that housed the expedition, and it is likely that its remains still are at the bottom of the sea.55 Many objects and documents collected during the voyage also disappeared in the shipwreck, a loss very much regretted by Terloo: I had the misfortune to lose in the wreck seven boxes containing writings, collections of samples and merchandise I intended to offer to our government, and also various natural history objects.56 [...] How many investigations and manuscripts lost! For my part, I must regret the entire natural history collection, all the specimens, all the notes that I intended for the government, as well as my rich collection of curios. However, I had the joy of preserving almost all my seashells, which had remained inside the stern deck, and this is a providential happiness. Finally, no one perished. That is the main thing!57
Other belongings of the OH passengers and crew were saved, as the reports on the wreck indicate. A rather symbolic object that had belonged to Commander Lucas appeared at an auction in Paris in 2009: the navy dagger (77 cm), in gilded brass, with an ivory handle and decorative elements such as anchors and foliage, with the inscriptions École flottante - Expédition de l’Oriental (Floating School - Expedition of l’Oriental) and Auguste Lucas - 1839.58 Daguerreotypes made by Comte, Lucas and their fellow travellers aboard the OH may have disappeared with the loss of the ship. Most of them probably accompanied the travellers when they landed and returned home, or remained at the ports
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visited, as the daguerreotypes offered to D. Pedro II. Meanwhile, the emperor gave the “Saint Christopher Palace daguerreotypes”, made by “a foreign artist”, to Prince Adalbert of Prussia when they both met in Brazil in July 1842.59 The books and telescope presented by Soulier de Sauve were kept in his collection.60 Similar situations must have occurred with the other daguerreotypes of the expedition, and we do not know their fate or even if they were preserved.61
Conclusions
What is certain is that the OH daguerreotypes have long been the object of curiosity and enthusiasm for many. This interest has been renewed and multiplied through publications, seminars, exhibitions and commemorative events.62 These pioneering photographic images, especially the demonstrations held in Brazil and Uruguay, constitute a legacy for Latin American cultural heritage and the visual culture of our time.63 Although the daguerreotypes of the OH did not form
The arrival of Emperor d. Pedro II on a carriage to the Paço da Cidade in the centre of Rio de Janeiro, c.1840-1842. This daguerreotype, dated 1840 and attributed to Louis Comte by the descendants of the Brazilian Imperial Family, was later attributed to the daguerreotypist Augustus Morand and dated 1842 by North American and Brazilian researchers. Daguerreotype records of public ceremonies are extremely rare and the image, in spite of the controverted authorship and date, has been considered for over a century a memorable representation of the arrival of photography at Rio de Janeiro and South America. The study of the “biography” of this daguerreotype (plate, case, labels, etc.), as a “photographic object” and as a “place of memory” (“lieu de mémoire”), with the necessary search for information about the scene represented in the image, its passage through Brazilian collections and its manners of dissemination and appropriation in practically two centuries of existence, is a gap that must be filled with further research.
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a “collection”, and only some images attributed to Louis Comte in Rio de Janeiro, a lithographic image inspired on his experience in Montevideo and textual references about the demonstrations of the expedition are known, we are aware that they did exist at some point.64 Therefore, it is not impossible that one or another can be located (or correctly identified and dated) in a collection or database in some corner of the planet. In this research, the place of birth and identity of Chaplain Louis Comte, as well as his testament and the place where he is buried, became known.65 This information may provide clues to his daguerreotypes. Photographs are always full of surprises and from time to time newspapers amaze us with almost unbelievable “findings”. On the other hand, the study and conservation of cultural assets such as the trajectory of this mysterious daguerreotypist has always represented rewarding challenges for professionals in the field. The ease with which we now have access to the biography of characters and objects of our heritage has made these connections and discoveries far more frequent. This research, aiming to study the production of meaning through photography, both in the past and in the present, also seeks to offer a stimulus and a tool in this direction. For all these reasons, a “definitive” conclusion regarding suspicions about the shipwreck of the OH is of no importance here. The always complex relations between “threads” and “traces” that guide historical narrative through the labyrinths of the past, masterfully explored by Carlo Ginzburg, have inspired us to take a different direction. The Italian historian combines in his works a microscopic eye for the details of the historical period with a telescopic look at its current 264
implications. This perspective is essential to the task of those dedicated to “unravelling the interweaving of truth, falsehood and fiction that forms the fabric of our being in the world”.66 The “revealing details” of the OH circumnavigation journey were forgotten during long years in and between the lines of its traces, as well as in the images and imaginaries of its time. The narrative privileged in the presentation of this research, trying to identify the “true, the false and the fictitious” in these details, sought to explore the uniqueness of this expedition, bringing to the present day some of the meanings of its history. Among them, the certainty that memory and forgetfulness, as Jorge Luis Borges has pointed out, are equally inventive.67
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Conclusions
The daguerreotype of the fountain at the Largo do Paço in Rio de Janeiro attributed to Louis Comte in 1840, reproduced on glass negative by the photographer Marc Ferrez, in the 1880s. The reproduction of the metallic plate with the daguerreotype image, without the characteristic case of the three daguerreotypes attributed to “Abbott Comte”, was made by Ferrez when he undertook various photographic services for Emperor D. Pedro II such as the Imperial Family portraits, photographs of interiors and reproductions of engravings and paintings. The negative, digitalised by the Moreira Salles Institute (Brazil), was identified during the current research in 2016. It rather clearly reveals important details of the photographic object, such as the rectangular plate, the image fixed in all its extension and the presence of human figures around the fountain of master Valentim. The daguerreotypes of Emperor D. Pedro II attributed to Louis Comte accompanied the monarch on his last journey into exile in Europe, following the proclamation of the Republic of Brazil in 1889. They returned to Brazil in the 1940s, after remaining for more than half a century in France.
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Conclusion 1. Kidder, 1845, p. 348-349. 2. René Estienne. “Dupuy de Lôme et le Napoléon”. In : MARINE et technique au XIXe siècle, [1988], p. 203. 3. Carré, 1970, p. 32. 4. France. Annales maritimes et coloniales, Partie non officielle, Paris, Imprimerie Royal, 1835, t. 2, pp. 1012-1014. 5. ANF / Fonds de la Marine / Serie BB / Subserie BB3 615 / Lettres reçues. Colonies. Rapport du capitaine du navire Justine au ministre de la Marine, 2 mars 1842. The account was published under the title “Extrait du rapport adressé au ministre de la marine par le capitaine Lucas, commandant le navire Justine, de Bordeaux, sur les circonstances de son voyage dans l’Océanie en 1837, 1838, 1839, 1840 et 1841”. France. Annales Maritimes et Coloniales (Paris), Partie 2 (non official), 1842, v. 2, pp. 496-503. 6. Bougainville, 1771. Jeanne Barret accompanied botanist Philibert Commerson. A beautiful article on this impressive female figure, with good references, is available at https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Jeanne_Barret. 7. OH – Doc 07.11.1839. 8. O’Reilly, 1966, p. 586. In this article the author reproduces expressions used by Father Honoré Laval, a missionary in the region, temporarily expelled from Tahiti in 1836, and not at all appreciated by the Lucas family. Cf. Honoré Laval, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de Mangareva, ère chrétienne 1834–1871, edited by C. W. Newbury and P. O’Reilly and published by the Société de Océanistes. Paris: Musée de l’Homme, 1968, pp. 234–238. See also Carré, 1970. The historian emphasised Elisabeth, defining her as an “illiterate and crafty” (p. 26), who seduced the group controlled by Father Laval (p. 32) and transcribed in the last page of his article
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(p. 35) some accounts of the period collected by O’Reilly. 9. Jornal do Commercio, 10th July 1840, p. 3. The decree of appointment by the Minister of War was signed the day before. In 1842 the astronomer would take part in the press debates about the solar eclipse observed in Rio de Janeiro. 10. Jornal do Commercio, 10th August 1840, p. 3. Article on M. Storr’s soirées in the city. 11. Calmon, 1975, p. 459-460; Santos, 2004, p. 57. 12. Jornal do Commercio, October 9 and 30, 1841. 13. Jornal do Commercio, November 28, 1840, p. 4; December 4, 1845, p. 2; February 24, 1849. See also. Arquivo Nacional (Brazil). Registro de estrangeiros, 1964, p. 134. In 1862, the “Frenchwoman”, “widow of dr. Soulier de Sauve”, having to survive without her husband’s support, published an advertisement as “teacher of French, geography and different types of needlework, knitting and embroidery” in the Almanack Laemmert. 14. El Nacional, 8th October 1840. Their coexistence may have extended to port business, to which Arsène Isabelle was also linked. 15. El Nacional, 17th March 1840; El Nacional, 3rd April 1841, El Nacional, 8th October 1840; Comercio de la Plata, 15th April 1847, among other newspapers in Montevideo. Apud Broquetas, Bruno and Delgado, 2013, pp. 24-26; Varese, 2013, pp. 27-31. 16. Comercio de la Plata, 15th April 1847. Apud Varese, 2013, p. 30. 17. On Freemasonry in Uruguay, see Fajardo, 1857. 18. cadn – Archives de Postes. Montevideo A – 418. Dossier de immatriculés, nº 293, Comte. 19. Tridart, 2007. Comte’s will, transcribed by the author in the Bulletin de l’Association Généalogique de Relevés et des
Recherches, from the city of Champdivers, in the Bourgogne-Franche-Comté region (France), is an important path for further investigations. The author knows nothing of the youth of the “mysterious” priest and his passage through the OH, or his experience with the daguerreotype. 20. Vendel-Heyl, 1850; Estefane, 2005, p. 72 and onwards. 21. Estefane, 2005, p. 82. 22. Vidal Gormaz, 1901, p. 205. 23. Barros Arana, 1855; Vidal Gormaz, 1901, p. 204. 24. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 25. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 26. OH - Doc 03.11.1840 and OH - Doc 09.11.1840. The institution was acquired in 1846 by the Belgian government and became the Royal Museum of Natural History of Belgium, now the Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences. See https:// www.naturalsciences.be/fr (the specimens, however, could not be found when consulting the institutional website). 27. Annuaire de la noblesse de Belgique, Brussel, 1850. Available at https:// nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Popelaire_de_Terloo. 28. OH - Doc 26.05.1840. 29. OH - Doc 11.04.1840. 30. OH - Doc 21.01.1841 and OH - Doc 08.02.1841. 31. Bergmans, 1899, pp. 245-246. 32. OH - Doc 09.02.1841. 33. OH - Doc 00.03.1839. 34. Vidal Gormaz, 1901, p. 204. 35. OH - Doc 02.09.1841 and OH - Doc 16.09.1841. 36. SHD-Marine - Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré. Correspondance avec M. Argentré, 12 février 1969; Carré, 1970, p. 32. 37. OH - Doc 02.10.1840. 38. Letessier, 1962, pp. 490-508. 39. Wood, 1996, p.117; Reeder Warwick. “Australia”. In: Hannavy, 2008, p. 97. Information obtained from the Sidney Morning Herald, 3rd June 1841.
Maria Inez Turazzi
40. “English Extracts”, The Colonist, 1st June 1839; “English Extracts”, The Colonist, 26 June 1839; “European Intelligence”. Australasian Chronicle, 16 August 1839. 41. “The Daguerreotype”. Australasian Chronicle, 13 april 1841. 42. Derek Wood considered the possibility of two daguerreotype apparatuses on board the OH when he became aware of the references to the OH in South America, according to the correspondence with António Sena, Steven F. Joseph and others, reproduced at http://www. midley.co.uk/. 43. OH - Doc 31.07.1842. 44. On Didier Joubert, see the information gathered by NLA, at https://trove.nla.gov. au/people/1487618?c=people. 45. Sidney Morning Herald, 21 March 1843. Apud, Wood, 1996, p. 115 and Warwick, 2008, p. 97. 46. Australian, 15 May 1841, Apud Warwick, 2008, p. 97. The author also comments: “no trace of the first photograph made in Australia has been found since its announcement over 164 years ago”. 47. The historian Le Gallen (1906) informs that Lucas would have gone to United States, possibly to Cincinnati, where he would have died around 1854 (the local archives were later destroyed in a fire, making it difficult to prove). Other information, written in 1941 by Évangeline Soyer, the captain’s granddaughter, then with 78 years of age, is available today at http://chauvigne.info/pages/143augustin-lucas-les-origines-du-capitaineaugustin-fr.php. 48. The reference to the processes is in O’Reilly, 1966, p. 45. Lucas’ works are listed in the Bibliography. 49. Lucas, 1848. 50. Lucas, 1850 and 1853. The two editions are slightly different, and the sentence appears in the title page of the 1850 edition.
Conclusions
51. Machado de Assis. “Crônica da semana: Ao acaso”, Diário do Rio de Janeiro, 7th August 1864. 52. Ermakoff, 2006, pp. 227-228. 53. On Machado de Assis, the photograph and public image of the writer, see Turazzi, 2014. 54. Turazzi, 2014. 55. Marine archaeology is a frequent subject in the Chilean press, but also the looting that does not respect this heritage protected by the Council for National Monuments of Chile. 56. OH - Doc 09.11.1840. 57. OH - Doc 31.10.1840. 58. “Armes anciennes et souvenirs historiques ; armes de chasse modernes”. Catalogue (item 281, image on p. 58), organised by the expert Bernard Croissy for the auctioneer Thierry de Maigret. Auction held at the Drouot institution (Paris), on the 4th February 2009. 59. Adalbert of Prussia remarks on the fact in his memoirs (Adalbert, 1847). Gilberto Ferrez imagined that they could be by Comte, perhaps already considered “very bad”, or other daguerreotypists established in the city, such as Buvelot and Morand. Ferrez, 1985 (a), p. 20 and 22. Adalbert of Prussia’s collection was not located by this research. 60. Soulier de Sauve’s books are in the Teresa Cristina collection, in the National Library (Rio de Janeiro), and the telescope that was in the Saint Christopher Palace in 1891 is now in the Imperial Museum collection. 61. Abel Alexander. “Prólogo: La imortalidad se ha logrado”. In: Varese, 2013, pp. 5-7. The investigator and collector estimates that only 10% of the daguerreotypes were signed. 62. The Bibliography of this book is an indication. Louis Comte’s experience in Largo do Paço, today’s XV de Novembro Square, in Rio de Janeiro, was “repeated”
in 1989. The event was promoted by the Ministry of Culture/Funarte, and the contemporary daguerreotypes were made by João Carlos Horta, Nelson Lopes and Sylvie Pénichon. 63. With the www.laoriental11.org, presented at the International Photography Festival of Valparaiso, contemporary photographers translated the symbolism of travel into a creative (and interactive) experience of displacement in the real and virtual world. Rovira and Weinstein et al, 2014. 64. On the 10th March 2010, the Montevideo City Council approved the placement of a plaque commemorating the first photographic demonstrations in the River Plate, represented by the daguerreotype of the facade of Montevideo Cathedral attributed to Louis Compte. 65. Turazzi, 2010. The article, in addition to the quoted information, corrected the spelling of his name and presented the signature also reproduced here. 66. In Il filo e le tracce (2006), Carlo Ginzburg focuses especially on the relationship between time, the “thread of the story” that helps the historian to orient himself “in the labyrinth of reality”, and the traces providing a scientific basis to the historical narrative in a given representation of the past; an approach that benefits from the fictional narrative, with hybrids and reciprocal loans, but that is not confused with it and its subjective nature. Cf. Ginzburg, 2007. 67. Borges, 1970, p. 102; Ricœur, 2007.
267
A Historical and Descriptive Account of the Various Processes of the Daguerréotype and the Diorama, edition printed Paris in September 1839. As soon as the first edition of Daguerre’s manual, released by Alphonse Giroux shortly after 19th August 1839, ran out of print, new editions of the work appeared in France and abroad. This edition, in which Giroux has already presented himself as “publisher”, is contemporary with other printings made by several Parisian publishers during the month of September, whether or not registered in the Bibliographie de France.
268
Title page of the “new edition”, “corrected and expanded”, of the Daguerre manual, printed by Alphonse Giroux et Cie. in late September 1839. Among the new editions and print runs of the daguerreotype manual released in Paris, still in 1839, some contained the “portrait of the inventor”, “corrections by the author”, as well as “notes and observations” from optician Lerebours or the Susse brothers. The main addition to Giroux’s “new edition” is an illustration, of the Imprimerie de Lemercier, Bernard et Cie., with the signature and portrait of the inventor (made by Pierre-Louis Grevedon).
Chronology of the Invention and Dissemination of the Daguerreotype (1816-1842)
1816-1826
Joseph Nicéphore Niépce (1765-1833), a former military man, dedicates himself to various inventions. He experiments with the printing of images (first directly and later with the camera obscura), using stone, glass and polished metal (copper and tin) plates sensitised with a kind of asphalt (“bitumen of Judea”) exposed to sunlight for several hours. He names it heliography, “until a more accurate denomination is found”, and this is considered the first viable process to obtain permanent images using the camera obscura. A photograph from around 1826 is the oldest currently known. Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre (1787-1851), painter and set designer, portrays monuments and landscapes for albums, theatres and 360-degree panoramas, a novelty that fascinated the public and ensured the livelihood of many artists. In 1822, he invents the diorama, a genre of scenic spectacle with light effects and sensorial appeal. In 1825 he is decorated as Knight of the French Legion of Honour. He also experiments with chemical substances to obtain images through the action of sunlight on a surface placed inside the camera obscura.
1827
Daguerre and Niépce meet for the first time, at the insistence of the former, after learning of their respective experiences through an indiscretion of the optician Charles Chevalier, supplier of both. The two engage in lengthy negotiations to create a partnership destined to perfect and explore “heliography”.
1829
Niépce sends Daguerre the Notice sur l’Héliographie, containing all the means and materials used in his invention. They both sign a partnership agreement to perfect and explore “said discovery”. The experiences are shared in an extensive correspondence between them.
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1833
Death of Niépce. Daguerre continues his experiments using iodine to sensitise the metal plate and, two years later, obtains encouraging results using mercury vapour to develop the image.
1835 9th May
Daguerre and Isidore Niépce (1795-1868), son of Nicéphore Niépce, modify the terms of the agreement previously reached by the two inventors. The addenda signed together with Isidore acknowledges that Daguerre can obtain a much “more advantageous” result through the “procedure he discovered”.
27th September
Journalist and writer Arsène Houssaye (1814-1896) publishes an article in the Journal des Artistes in which he reveals that Daguerre had discovered a way to make the images obtained with the camera obscura permanent (“portrait, landscape, any kind of view”), something that, in fact, would only materialise some time later.
1837
Daguerre finds that sea salt is a medium to fix the images developed with mercury vapour. Daguerre and Isidore once again reformulate their partnership agreement, attributing the former the full paternity of a “new procedure” which shall be called “daguerreotype”, although it may only be published jointly with the Nicephore Niépce procedure. Daguerre’s social prestige and personal contracts, factors that influenced the reluctant Nicephore to consider the advantages of a partnership, convince Isidore to modify the terms of the agreement and accept Daguerre’s name for the invention. The document also provides for the use of a subscription system for the commercialisation of the rights of use of “said discovery”.
1838
Daguerre and Isidore discuss throughout the year the difficulties of securing ownership of the invention’s procedures through a patent and, at the same time, give hundreds of subscribers access to the secrets of its execution. At the end of December Daguerre publishes a brochure on the applications of the already named “daguerreotype” and the facilities of execution of an art that “does not demand any special knowledge to be practised”. Daguerre communicates the invention to François Arago (1786-1853), perpetual secretary of the French Academy of Sciences. The astronomer and deputy is one of the first to learn the secrets of the daguerreotype and will give decisive support to the invention.
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1839 6th January
Hippolyte Gaucheraud (? – 1874), member of the National Society of Antiquarians, publishes an article in La Gazette de France on the fine arts and the “new discovery”, described as “a revolution in the arts of drawing”.
7th January
Arago communicates “Daguerre’s discovery” to the Academy of Sciences and highlights how to make images permanent using the camera obscura: “the light itself reproduces the shapes and proportions of external objects with nearmathematical precision”. He presents some views of Paris and reproductions of works of art made by the inventor, but the means to obtain such images are kept secret.
25 to 31 January
The Englishman William Fox Talbot (1800-1877) claims anteriority over Daguerre in the fixation and permanence of images obtained with the camera obscura. In London, his “photogenic drawings” are presented to the Royal Society, where he explains the procedure. He writes on the subject to various scientists, including Arago and Jean Baptiste Biot (1774-1862). This starts a controversy regarding the priority of the invention between the two countries.
8th March
Samuel Morse (1791-1872), American physicist and painter, meets Daguerre in Paris, where he had already been to present the electromagnetic telegraph at the Academy of Sciences. Delighted with the opportunity to see some daguerreotypes, he extols the detail and accuracy of the images. A fire destroys Daguerre’s diorama, making the need for remuneration for the daguerreotype urgent.
20th May
Hippolyte Bayard (1801-1887) presents the invention of a procedure to make positive photographic images directly on paper to Arago. In the midst of English disputes and negotiations surrounding the acquisition of the daguerreotype by the French State, he does not obtain the desired support. On 24th June, the inventor holds a public exhibition of his photographs for the benefit of the victims of the earthquake in Martinique. This initiative is considered the first photographic exhibition.
14th June
Daguerre and Isidore sign an interim agreement with the Minister of the Interior, Charles Marie Tanneguy (1803-1867), Count Duchatel, for the transfer of the rights on the daguerreotype to the French State.
15th June
Minister Duchatel presents to the Chamber of Deputies a draft law proposing the acquisition by the French State of the secrets of the daguerreotype, through the payment of a lifetime pension for Daguerre and Isidore.
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17th June
Daguerre is decorated as officer of the Legion of Honour of France.
22nd June
Contract signed by Daguerre, Isidore Niépce and Alphonse Giroux (c.17751848) for the manufacture and commercialisation of the daguerreotype camera “certified by the inventor”, together with its instructions, in any part of the world. The interested parties would register to receive them as soon as the secrets of the invention were revealed.
3rd July
Arago presents to the Chamber of Deputies a report by the commission in charge of analysing the draft law, with an extensive explanation of the arguments favourable to the approval of a lifelong pension to the inventors of the daguerreotype. Daguerreotypes are presented to parliamentarians.
9th July
The so-called “Daguerre Law” is approved by a large majority in the Chamber of Deputies (237 votes in favour versus 3 votes against).
30th July
The scientist Gay-Lussac (1778-1850) presents to the Chamber of Peers (the upper chamber of the French Parliament at the time), his report in favour of the French State’s acquisition of the daguerreotype.
2nd August
The Chamber of Peers votes in favour of granting a lifelong pension to the inventors of the daguerreotype (92 votes in favour versus 4 votes against).
7th August
King Louis-Philippe enacts the law adopted by the French Parliament, and the daguerreotype is offered by France to humankind.
14th August
Jean-Baptiste Jobard (1792-1861), a Frenchman with Belgian citizenship, appoints a lawyer for Daguerre and Isidore Niépce in order to obtain a patent for the daguerreotype in England. The lithographer and editor of Le Courrier Belge describes this story in his newspaper on the 25th August.
19th August
The history of the invention and the procedures for the practice of the daguerreotype are presented by Arago at a joint meeting of the Academies of Sciences and Fine Arts at the French Institute, surrounded by great popularity.
20th August
Parisian newspapers report on the previous day’s meeting, presenting to the public all the resources, procedures, applications and features of the daguerreotype process. The daguerreotype devices licensed by the inventor are reserved for subscribers and others who expressed an interest.
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20th August
Chronology of the Invention and Dissemination of the Daguerreotype (1816-1842)
Printing and launch of the first edition of Daguerre’s manual, Historique et description des procédés du daguerreotype et du diorama par Daguerre, peintre, inventeur du Diorama, officier de la Légion d’Honneur, membre de plusieurs Académies, etc etc. Paris : Alphonse Giroux et Cie, rue du Coq-Saint-Honoré, 7, où se fabriquent les appareils ; Delloye, libraire, place de la Bourse, 13, 1839. A 79-page booklet, in 8º, with 6 illustrated plates.
23rd August
The London newspaper with the suggestive title Globe and Traveller describes the event that finally revealed the secrets of the daguerreotype to the English.
28th August
Daguerre presents “the daguerreotype devices he uses” in a session of the Society for the Improvement of National Industry (Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale), and on that occasion describes “the very delicate handling required” to succeed with the invention. The event is reported in the bulletin of the organisation a few days later (4th September 1839). Based on this description, the Le Constitutionnel (6th September 1839) and Le Moniteur Universel (8th September 1839) newspapers report on the presentation at the Society headquarters on the rue du Bac, together with the technical details of the process.
7th September
Daguerre performs the first public demonstration of the daguerreotype at the Palais d’Orsay. This building, which burned down in 1871, occupied the same plot where the station now housing the Musée d’Orsay was later built.
11th and 14th September
Two other demonstrations by Daguerre at the Palais d’Orsay. A new print run of Daguerre’s handbook, sold at 2 francs, now with name of the Susse Frères establishment, a former art foundry, manufacturers of daguerreotype equipment and also printers of the publication. Further print runs will be offered for sale in the following weeks.
13th September
A Frenchman known only as Saint-Croix arrives from Paris and performs the first public demonstration of the daguerreotype in the heart of London. The presentations of the equipment and procedure to obtain the image, which took place at No. 7 Piccadilly Street, are reported the following day by The Times and Morning Herald newspapers.
16th September
Jobard conducts the first experiment with the daguerreotype in Brussels (a view of the Place des Barricades). The device, sent by Isidore Nièpce to his friend, had arrived four days earlier. Two days later, Le Courrier Belge announces that this “first heliography trial” is available to the public, along with images obtained by Daguerre himself.
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Between September and December
The daguerreotype is introduced in several French cities, other countries in Europe and the United States by lithographers, painters, optician, engineers, scientists, the military and others interested in practicing it. The first daguerreotype devices and manuals cross the Atlantic. On the 23rd November François Gauraud arrives in New York bringing equipment and around thirty images in his luggage, some made by the inventor himself. He introduces himself as a “pupil of Daguerre” and representative of the firm Alphonse Giroux et Cie.
Between the 10th and 12th October
Demonstrations of the daguerreotype in Lisbon, in the first stopover of the Oriental-Hydrographe, by Augustin Lucas (1804- after 1858) and Louis Comte (1798-1868). The presentations are held at the Palácio das Necessidades for D. Maria II and D. Fernando, Queen and King of Portugal, and in the house of the diplomat César Famin (1799 -1853), for French and Portuguese officers interested in knowing the novelty.
October
New edition of the Daguerre manual, now “augmented and corrected”, also presenting a “portrait of the inventor”. Between 1839 and 1840, the work is published in at least 8 languages (French, English, German, Spanish, Swedish, Italian, Hungarian and Polish), in 32 editions and runs, in addition to some publications not officially registered by the Giroux firm, and 7 adaptations by other authors. Painters, lithographers and engravers who have learned the process, with Daguerre himself and under his instructions, initiate editorial projects inside and outside Europe using the daguerreotype.
274
6th November
Painter Horace Vernet (1789-1863), arriving in Egypt in the company of Goupil-Fesquet (1817-1878), reports the use of the equipment they took with them to obtain images of the pyramids and other archaeological monuments. In Alexandria, Goupil-Fesquet demonstrates the daguerreotype to a sultan on the following day, and shortly thereafter records the pyramids, together with daguerreotypist Joly de Lotbinière (1798-1865). The images are intended for an album of engravings conceived by the French optician Noel-Marie Paymal Lerebours (1807-1873).
10th November
Public demonstration of the daguerreotype in the Plaza de la Constitución, in Barcelona, by engraver Ramón Alabern y Casas (1811-1888?), one of the daguerreotypists instructed by Daguerre. Publicised in a leaflet and reported in the press, the event has the seal of approval of the Spanish
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Chronology of the Invention and Dissemination of the Daguerreotype (1816-1842)
Academy of Sciences and counted with the presence of a music band and a large audience.
10th to 13th November
The learning of the daguerreotype along the North Atlantic stopovers in October, and the practice of the process on the island of Goree, off the coast of Senegal, are described by the members of the Oriental-Hydrographe expedition in a letter that will be published by a newspaper in Nantes (Le Breton, 28th December 1839).
1840 9th January
The Il dagherotipo: galleria popolare enciclopedica weekly is launched in Turin by the Cassone and Marzorati Typography. The publication deals with various themes and is illustrated by woodcuttings.
11th January
The Album du daguerreotype réproduit, orné de vues de Paris, en épreuve de luxe avec texte (Paris: Bruneau, 1840), with four lithographs based on daguerreotypes, appears for sale in Paris. In Sweden, some images of the same type are also used to illustrate an advertisement of the Stockholm Panorama.
17th to 20th January
Demonstrations of the daguerreotype in Rio de Janeiro by Captain Lucas and Chaplain Comte of the Oriental-Hydrographe, first in the Largo do Paço and then at the Boa-Vista Palace, with the presence of the future Emperor D. Pedro II and his two sisters.
Between the 24th and 29th February
Demonstrations of the daguerreotype in Montevideo, by Captain Lucas and Chaplain Comte, before a select audience. The presentations are held in residences and public spaces. The image of the facade of the city cathedral is obtained from the second floor of the Cabildo, a building where the Uruguayan Parliament functioned.
15th March
Demonstration of the daguerreotype in New Orleans by the painter and lithographer Jules Lion (c.1809-1866), French-African descent, a newcomer from Paris recently established in the city. Lion set up an exhibition at the entrance of the Saint Charles Museum and announced a raffle of a daguerreotype on site.
August
Launch of Excursions daguerriénnes; vues et monuments plus remarquables du globe (Paris, 1840-1843), a collection of engravings published by the Lerebours firm, creator of the work, as well as by Rittner and Goupil, and Lemercier. The plates with the images of the daguerreotypists sent to Europe and the Middle East resulted in printing plates in various processes executed by prestigious engravers and lithographers (Friedrich Salathé, Friedrich von Martens, AugusteVictor Deroy and others). It is considered the first photographic travel album.
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Launch of Paris et ses environs reproduits par le daguerréotype (Paris: Aubert, 1840), work directed by Charles Philipon (1800-1862), lithographer, publisher and cartoonist, with 242 pages of text and images, obtained with the daguerreotype and transposed for the lithograph stone.
1841 13th May
Public demonstration of the daguerreotype in Sydney, by a “group of gentlemen”, in front of Didier Joubert and Jeremiah Murphy’s warehouse in Macquarie Place, described by the newspapers. When Captain Lucas arrived in the city, he put the device on sale in this establishment. It is believed that he took part in the demonstration together with Joubert who, in turn, kept the device. English scientist and collector Robert Hunt (1807-1887) publishes A popular treatise on the art of photography: including daguerreotype and all the new methods of producing pictures by the chemical agency of light (Glasgow: Richard Griffin, 1841), considered the first detailed study on the invention and practice of photography.
1842
276
Daguerre lives modestly in Bry-sur-Marne, a small community he had moved to a couple of years before. He receives visits and tributes from the locals, as well as from personalities from all over France and other countries. Shortly afterwards, quite far from the bustle of Paris, he uses the expression “photographic image” when he publishes Nouveau moyen de préparer la couche sensible des plaques destinées à recevoir l’image photographique (Paris, 1844), a work with the latest improvements introduced to the process bearing his name.
278
Sources Consulted
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Marinha Polícia da Corte FBN Fundação Biblioteca Nacional - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Obras Gerais Coleção Thereza Christina Maria Periódicos (hemeroteca digital) Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1939) Correio Mercantil (Salvador, 1839) Jornal do Commercio (Rio de Janeiro, 1839-1842) L’Echo Français (Rio de Janeiro, 1838-1839) Museo Universal (Rio de Janeiro, 1837-1840) O Daguerrotypo (Rio de Janeiro, 1845) Revue Française (Rio de Janeiro, 1839) Diário do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1840; 1864) Revista da Semana (Rio de Janeiro, 1927) Le Musée pour Rire (Paris, 1839) Le Siècle (Paris, 1839-1840) Musée des Familles (Paris, 1839-1840 ; 1847-1848) FIRJAN Federação das Indústrias do Rio de Janeiro / Biblioteca - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) Periodical Press Auxiliador da Indústria Nacional (Rio de Janeiro, 18351851) IHGB Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro Periodical Press
279
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Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1839-1925) MImp Museu Imperial - Petrópolis (Brazil) Arquivo da Casa Imperial (Pedro de Orleães e Bragança) Arquivo Grão-Pará Coleção Geyer Periodical Press Anuário do Museu Imperial (Petrópolis, 1940-1955) O Panorama (Lisbon, 1837-1843) Universo Pittoresco (Lisbon, 1840-1844) CHILE BN-CI Biblioteca Nacional de Chile - Santiago (Chile) Periodical Press El Mercurio (Valparaíso, 1839-1840) MHN-Cl Museo Histórico Nacional de Chile - Santiago (Chile) Colecciones digitales FRANCE AD-Fr Archives Diplomatiques / Ministère des Affaires Étrangères (Quai d’Orsay1) - Paris (France) Affaires politiques diverses (Brésil) Correspondance consulaire et commerciale (Bahia, Pernambuco, Lisbonne, Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo Santiago, Valparaiso) État civil de Français à Rio de Janeiro Personnel
280
Fonds J - Inscription Maritime Fonds P - Finances de l’Etat - Série 3 P - Douanes - Nantes Francisations Periodical Press Le Breton (Nantes, 1839-1840) Le National de l’Ouest (Nantes, 1839-1840) Lloyd Nantais (Nantes, 1839-1840) AN-Fr Archives Nationales - Paris (France) Fonds de la Marine2 Minutier central des notaires de Paris Titulaires de l’Ordre de la Légion d’Honneur Periodical Press Almanach royal et national pour l’an (...) (Paris, 1839-1840) AMN Archives Municipales de Nantes - Nantes (France) Periodical Press Le Breton (Nantes, 1840) Le National de l’Ouest (Nantes, 1839-1840) Lloyd Nantais (Nantes, 1839-1840) BMT Bibliothèque municipale de Toulouse - Toulouse (France) Periodical Press Journal politique et littéraire de Toulouse et de la HauteGaronne (Toulouse, 1839-1840)
ADLA Archives Départementales de Loire-Atlantique - Nantes (France)
BnF Bibliothèque Nationale de France - Paris (França) Catalogue général Fonds Maçonnique (La Parfaite Réunion – cote FM² 397) Periodical Press Almanach du commerce de Paris, de la France et des Pays étrangers par S. Bottin (Paris, 1838-1839)
1. The series consulted, in 2001 and in 2008, were in the Quai d’Orsay archives,
2. The Navy Archive series consulted at the Archives Nationales (France) in 2001
currently transferred to the Centre des Archives Diplomatiques, located in La
were later concentrated in the Service Historique de la Defense / Département
Courneuve.
de la Marine, located in the Chateau de Vincennes.
Maria Inez Turazzi
Bulletin de la Société d’Encouragement pour l’Industrie Nationale (Paris, 1839-1840) Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris, 1839) La Gazette des Tribunaux (Paris, 1840) La Presse (Paris, 1839-1840) Le Siècle (Paris, 1839) Le Moniteur Industriel (Paris, 1839-1840) Le Magasin Pittoresque (Paris, 1833-1842) BHVP Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris - Paris (France) Catalogue général Periodical Press Le Moniteur Universel (Paris, 1838-1841) CADN Centre des Archives Diplomatiques / Ministère des Affaires Étrangères - Nantes (France) Archives de poste (Lisbonne, Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo) Affaires commerciales Affaires culturelles et scientifiques Affaires maritimes Affaires sanitaires et sociales Colonie française Correspondance officielle et particulière Dossier nominatif Dossier d’immatriculés Dossier des marins Etat civil Fonctionnement du poste Politique intérieure CNAM-a&m Conservatoire national des arts et métiers / Musée des arts et métiers - Paris (France) Collections d’objets Fonds général IF-AdS Institut de France / Académie des Sciences - Paris (France) Archives de l’Académie des Sciences
Sources Consulted
Periodical Press Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Sciences (Paris, 1839-1840) SFP Société française de photographie - Paris (France) Periodical Press Bulletin de la Société française de photographie (Paris, 1855-1939) SHD-Marine Service Historique de la Défense / Département de la Marine Vincennes (France) Catalogue général Fonds de la Marine Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré Fonds privé Abel Du Petit-Thouars Periodical Press Annales maritimes et coloniales (Paris, 1835-1842) Bulletin de lois depuis... (Paris, 1824-1843) PORTUGAL ABM Arquivo Regional e Biblioteca Pública da Madeira - Funchal (Autonomous Region of Madeira / Portugal) Periodical Press A Flor do Oceano (Funchal, 1834-1840) BMF Biblioteca Municipal de Funchal - Funchal (Autonomous Region of Madeira / Portugal) Periódicos A Chronica (Funchal, 1839) BNP Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal - Lisbon (Portugal) Fundo geral Periodical Press Diário do Governo (Lisbon, 1839)
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CPF Centro Português de Fotografia - Porto (Portugal) Fundo bibliográfico Coleção de câmeras URUGUAY BIBNA Biblioteca Nacional de Uruguay - Montevideo (Uruguay) Colecciones digitales Periodical Press El Nacional (Montevideo, 1840-1842) CdF Centro de Fotografia de Montevideo - Montevideo (Uruguay) Publicaciones MHC Museo Histórico Cabildo - Montevideo (Uruguay) Colección Museo Histórico Cabildo MHN Museo Histórico Nacional - Montevideo (Uruguay) Colección Iconográfica
URLs http://www.bnf.fr/ http://gallica.bnf.fr/ https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ http://www.kbr.be/ https://trove.nla.gov.au/ https://www.bibna.gub.uy/ www.bibliotecanacional.gob.cl/ http://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/ http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/ http://anaforas.fic.edu.uy/jspui/ http://cnum.cnam.fr/ http://parismuseescollections.paris.fr/fr http://www.midley.co.uk/ http://www.fotoplus.com/ http://sfp.asso.fr/collection/
282
http://www.photo-museum.org/ http://www.culture.gouv.fr/documentation/leonore/pres.htm http://www.daguerreotype.com/ http://www.daguerre.org/ https://www.eastman.org/ http://www.nmm.ac.uk/ http://www.armada.cl/ http://www.niepce.com/pages/inv1.html http://www.daguerreotypearchive.org/1839.php https://talbot.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/search http://www.iberoamericadigital.net/es/Inicio/ https://www.naturalsciences.be/fr http://www.memoriachilena.cl/ http://memorial.nantes.fr/ http://www.industrienationale.fr/ http://chauvigne.info/index.php https://en.wikipedia.org https://fr.wikipedia.org http://lara.inist.fr/ https://www.daguerreiansociety.org/ https://jable.ulpgc.es/jable/cgi-bin/Pandora.exe https://www.mnhn.gub.uy/ https://www.mna.gub.uy/
Maria Inez Turazzi
Specific Sources on the Oriental-Hydrographe1 OH - Doc 04.07.1838 Lettre de Augustin Lucas, capitaine au long cours, au ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr), Claude du Campe de Rosamel. [Paris], 4 juillet 1838. First request for support to the project of the expedition around the world for merchant navy novices. Document quoted in the ministerial correspondence, in OH Doc 28.07.1838 OH - Doc 28.07.1838 Lettre de M. Rosamel, ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr), a Augustin Lucas. Paris, 28 juillet 1838. Support from the Minister of the Marine (France) for the project. Document transcribed in the brochure of the expedition in OH Doc 00.03.1839 OH - Doc 16.08.1838 Lettre de M. le Comte Molé, président du Conseil de ministres, à M. Rosamel, ministre de la Marine et Colonies. Paris, 16 août 1838. “Elle indique pour quelle circonstance et pourquoi j’ai été signalé au Département des Affaires Étrangères comme occupant sous tous les rapports un sang des plus honorable et des plus distingués dans la marine du Commerce”. Document quoted by Lucas in the correspondence with Du PetitThouars, in OH - Doc 31.07.1842
Sources Consulted
OH - Doc 30.09.1838 “Voyage autour du monde” La Presse. Paris, 30 septembre 1838, p. 4. First announcement of the expedition found in the newspapers consulted. It mentions the government support and indicates the names of the bankers and maritime brokers associated with the enterprise. BnF - Available at http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k427520f OH - Doc 08.10.1838 “M. Aug. Lucas, capitaine au long-cours, va très prochainement entreprendre un voyage (...)”. Le Moniteur Universel. Paris, 8 octobre 1838 (nº 281), p. 1. Partie non officielle. Intérieur. First article published in the French press with the objectives of the expedition. It mentions the support for the project granted by the ministers of the Marine and Foreign Affairs (Fr). AN-Fr - Usuel BHVP - Cote PER Fol 168 OH - Doc 24.01.1839 Lettre du directeur de Personnel de l’Inscription Maritime et Police de la Navigation du ministère de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) a M. Mutel, notaire à Magny (Nièvre). Paris, 24 janvier 1839. Provides information on Commander A. Lucas, “who proposes to undertake a journey around the world” and certifies his address in Paris, on behalf of the minister of the Marine and Colonies (Fr). SHD – Marine / Fonds de la Marine / CC4 377, f 187 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (typed transcript)
1. This list only includes the documents that deal with the OH and, when read in sequence, form a kind of “chronology” of the expedition itself (other sources have been identified in the footnotes throughout the chapters). They were consulted on different occasions between 2001 and 2018, and the location codes of the respective institutions may have changed. Documents transcribed and/or identified by Adrien Carré in his notes were included in this listing when essential. Many periodicals consulted at the beginning of this research are currently digitalised and available for consultation in their guardian institutions. The French diplomacy archives, consulted at the Quai d’Orsay headquarters of
OH - Doc 26.02.1839 Lettre de M. Gibouin, commissaire de l’Inscription Maritime à Bordeaux pour le Ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr). Bordeaux, 26 février 1839. Letter with compliments for Captain Lucas. Document transcribed in the ministerial correspondence, in OH Doc 13.03.1839 and mentioned by Lucas in OH - Doc 31.07.1842
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Paris) in 2001 and 2008, are now at the Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de La Courneuve (Île-de-France).
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
OH - Doc 00.03.1839 [LUCAS, Augustin].
OH - Doc 10.03.1839 “Voyage autour du monde. Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe,
“Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe (bâtiment-école). Voyage autour du monde, sous les auspices du gouvernement, pour l’instruction des jeunes gens en général, et particulièrement pour ceux qui se destinent à la Marine marchande ou au commerce”. Paris, Imprimerie Wittersheim, [mars 1839]. 8 p. imp. Brochure with the first propaganda of the expedition. SHD-Marine / 7 T 683
sous le commandement de M. A. Lucas”. Le Moniteur industriel; agriculture, commerce, industrie, travaux publics, technologie des arts et métiers, sciences, législation, adjudications publiques. Paris, 10 mars 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-256
OH - Doc 06.03.1839 Lettre (minute) du ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) au ministre des Travaux Publics, de l’Agriculture et du Commerce (Fr). Paris, 6 mars 1839. Answers a letter dated 25th February (not located) and agrees to support the expedition project. SHD – Marine / Fonds de la Marine / Série BB – Sous-série BB² Article BB² 270 f. 101 OH - Doc 07.03.1839 (a) Lettre de Narcisse-Achille de Salvandy, ministre de l’Instruction Publique (Fr), Grand-Maître de l’Université, a A. Lucas. Paris, 7 mars 1839. Expresses his support for the expedition project and the hiring of Professor Vendel-Heyl, but conditions the final baccalaureate certificate for the OH students to the hiring of teachers of other specialties. Document transcribed in the expedition brochure in OH - Doc 00.03.1839. OH - Doc 07.03.1839 (b) “Voyage autour du monde. Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe, sous le commandement de M. Auguste Lucas”. Le Moniteur industriel; agriculture, commerce, industrie, travaux publics, technologie des arts et métiers, sciences, législation, adjudications publiques. Paris, 7 mars 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-256
284
OH - Doc 13.03.1839 Lettre du ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr), au ministre des Travaux Publics, de l’Agriculture et du Commerce, Martin (du Nord) (Fr). Paris, 13 mars 1839. Recommends Captain Lucas, based on the information given by the Bordeaux Maritime Register commissioner (M. Gibouin) and requests that the expedition be publicised, reiterating the official support given to the project. SHD – Marine / Fonds de la Marine / CC4 - 377, f 545 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (typewritten transcription) OH - Doc 13.03.1839 “Extraits des procès-verbaux des séances du Conseil d’administration de la Société d’encouragement”. Bulletin de la Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale Séance de 13 mars 1839. Paris, 1839, v. 38. Marivault, member of the SEIN’s board of directors, presents Captain Lucas’ project, inviting the institution to examine the interests and set instructions for research on agriculture, trade and industry to be conducted by the expedition. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé – R-4627 OH - Doc 16.03.1839 “Circulaire de Monsieur le ministre des Travaux Publics, de l’Agriculture et du Commerce, à Messieurs les Préfets”. Paris,16 mars 1839. Circular from the minister of Public Works, Agriculture and Trade to the French departments (“préfectures”). Document published in the expedition brochure (OH - Doc
Maria Inez Turazzi
Sources Consulted
00.03.1839) and, with minor differences, in Le Moniteur Universel newspaper (OH - Doc 26.04.1839)
OH - Doc 22.04.1839 [LUCAS, Augustin]
OH - Doc 17.03.1839 “Société d’Encouragement pour l’Industrie Nationale” Le Moniteur industriel; agriculture, commerce, industrie, travaux publics, technologie des arts et métiers, sciences, législation, adjudications publiques. Paris, 17 mars 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-256
“Conditions d’admission sur le bâtiment-école, destiné à faire le tour du monde sous le commandement du Capitaine Lucas”. Paris, 22 avril 1839, 2 p. imp. Statutes for acceptance to the Oriental-Hydrographe (OH - Doc 02.04.1839), plus some clarifications in footnotes. Printed document to be distributed among the participants of the expedition. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
OH - Doc 26.03.1839 “Extraits des procès-verbaux des séances du Conseil d’administration de la Société d’encouragement”. Bulletin de la Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale Séance de 26 mars 1839. Paris, 1839, v. 38. Marivault reports to the board of directors of the SEIN that Captain Lucas will leave in the following June, and will come to the institution to receive his travel instructions. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé – R-4627
OH - Doc 26.04.1839 “Circulaire de Monsieur le ministre des Travaux Publics, de l’Agriculture et du Commerce [France], à Messieurs les Préfets”. Le Moniteur Universel Paris, 26 avril 1839. Communication from the Ministry of Public Works, Agriculture and Commerce to the French Prefectures (OH - Doc 16.03.1839), published on the folllowing month in Le Moniteur Universel, with minor differences. AN-Fr / Usuel
OH - Doc 28.03.1839 “Voyage autour du monde sous le commandement du capitaine Auguste Lucas”. Le Moniteur industriel; agriculture, commerce, industrie, travaux publics, technologie des arts et métiers, sciences, législation, adjudications publiques. Paris, 28 mars 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-256
OH - Doc 22.05.1839 Lettre de M. Buysschaert, consul de Belgique à Rouen, au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) : “permettez moi de venir vous entretenir d’une entreprise conçue pour l’un des hommes les plus honorables de la marine marchande [...]”. Rouen, 22 mai 1839. Recommends the expedition commanded by A. Lucas to the Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs (Be), introducing Soulier de Sauve to be received personally by the minister. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
OH - Doc 02.04.1839 [LUCAS, Augustin] “Statuts d’admission sur le bâtiment l’Hydrographe devant faire le tour du monde sous le commandement du Capitaine Lucas”. Acte Notarié. Bertinot et Roquebert. 28, rue Richelieu, à Paris. Paris, 2 avril 1839. Handwritten document, later printed to be distributed among the students of the expedition (see OH - Doc 22.04.1839) AN-Fr / Minutier Central - ET / CXVI / 730
OH - Doc 17.06.1839 (a) Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers : “cette expédition confié au capitaine Lucas est encouragé d’une manière tout particulière par le gouvernement français”. Bruxelles, 17 juin 1839. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
OH - Doc 17.06.1839 (b) “Nouvelles de mer” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 17 juin 1839. The Oriental ship, arriving from Bourbon (currently Réunion) island, enters the Loire river estuary. ADLA - Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ OH - Doc 24.06.1839 Réponse du gouverneur de la province d’Anvers au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be), avec un rapport du Conseil d’administration de l’École de Navigation d’Anvers sur Charles Alphonse Emonce. Bruxelles, 24 juin 1839. Emphasizes the qualities of young Emonce, among other students of the institution, to form part of the OH expedition, but informs that he would not be able to “contribute in any way to the pension to be paid to the French government”. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 05.07.1839 Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) a M. Soulier de Sauve. Bruxelles, 5 juillet 1839. Informs that the government has agreed to the participation of the students of the country’s navigation schools in the projected expedition at the expense of the Belgian state. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 06.07.1839 (a) “S.M. [Leopold I] a reçu en audience particulière M. Soulier de Sauve [...]” L’Indépendant Bruxelles, samedi 6 juillet 1839, p. 2. KBR / Mic Perm 8 OH - Doc 06.07.1839 (b) “Nouvelles diverses” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, samedi 6 juillet 1839, p. 3. KBR / Mic Perm 342
286
OH - Doc 07.07.1839 Lettre de Soulier de Sauve au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be). Bruxelles, 7 juillet 1839. Thanks for the decision taken by the Belgian government to send two students from the country’s business school [sic] in the OH expedition. Gives financial details about the payment of the pension for these students and informs on the power of attorney left in Brussels. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 09.07.1839 and others Demande(s) d’être embarqué(s) au frais du gouvernement [pour] “être utile à sa patrie et à sa Majesté”. Bruxelles, Anvers, Gand, etc. , juillet et août, 1839. Several letters sent to the Minister of Foreign Affairs (Be) requesting to participate in the voyage at the expense of the Belgian government. The letters refer to the fact that Soulier de Sauve had been received by King Leopold I (letter dated 9th July 1839) and the news published in the newspapers (letter dated 12th July 1839). AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 11.07.1839 (a) “Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe, école flottante”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, jeudi 11 juillet 1839, p. 1. Transcript from the expedition brochure and auspicious comments about the enterprise. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 11.07.1839 (b) “[...] un extrait du prospectus de cette belle entreprise [...]” L’Indépendant Bruxelles, jeudi 11 juillet 1839, p. 2. Transcript from the expedition brochure and auspicious comments about the enterprise. KBR / Mic Perm 8
Maria Inez Turazzi
OH - Doc 15.07.1839 (a) Lettre de la Direction du commerce au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Etrangères (Be): “M. Soulier de Sauve sollicite l’envoi des lettres de recommandation aux agents du gouvernement belge”. Bruxelles, 15 juillet 1839. Indicates the Belgian government’s decision to send more than two Navy officers, in addition to the two students of the Antwerp Navigation School. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 15.07.1839 (b) Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Etrangères (Be) au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers. Bruxelles, 15 juillet 1839. Informs the designation of the young Charles Emonce as participant in the expedition and deals with the choice of a second student from the Antwerp Navigation School. An extensive correspondence will be exchanged between the two on the subject until this choice is made. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 20.07.1839 Lettre du Conseil d’administration de l’École de Navigation d’Anvers au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers (Be) Anvers, 20 juillet 1839. Approves the choice of Emonce and highlights his qualities, requests financial support for his participation in the OH and suggests the name of young Jean-François Verelst. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 24.07.1839 Lettre du gouverneur de la province d’Anvers au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Etrangères (Be): “Emonce peut faire des rapports utiles aux services belges”. Anvers, 24 juillet 1839. Endorses the proposal of granting young Emonce an official subvention, as requested by his father. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
Sources Consulted
OH - Doc 25.07.1839 (a) Lettre du ministre de l’Intérior et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) au roi Leopoldo I: “proposition d’un arrêté pour l’envoi de deux jeunes gens belges sur l’Hydrographe”. Bruxelles, 25 juillet 1839. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 25.07.1839 (b) “Voyage au tour du monde” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 25 juillet 1839. Extensive article disclosing the expedition and its objectives. Makes reference to the physiognotype. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 27.07.1839 Lettre du ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) au commandant A. Lucas. Paris, 27 juillet 1839. Recognises the usefulness of the expedition but states the impossibility of providing all the objects requested, as well as the assimilation of the OH to a warship. Determines that French naval commanders and diplomats will support the enterprise. SHD – Marine / Fonds de la Marine / Série BB – Sous-série BB² Article BB² 271. f. 252 OH - Doc 29.07.1839 Arrêté du roi Leopold I pour “l’envoi de deux jeunes belges appartenant aux écoles de navigation du Royaume, à bord du navire l’Hydrographe, qui s’arme présentement à Rochefort, pour une expédition de circumnavigation vers les principaux points du globe [...] au frais de l’Etat”. Bruxelles, 29 juillet 1839. Royal decree determining that the Minister of the Interior and Foreign Affairs (Be) choose two of the country’s most outstanding students from the navigation schools to join the expedition. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
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OH - Doc 30.07.1839 Lettre de Soulier de Sauve, “chef de la section scientifique et maritime à bord de l’Oriental” au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be): “le commandant de l’expédition, M. Lucas, me charge aussi de vous faire connaître que notre navire prend définitivement le nom de l’Oriental, au lieu de l’Hydrographe qu’il avait reçu d’abord”. Paris, 30 juillet 1839. Informs several details about the expedition (uniform model, boarding data, departure from Nantes, etc.). AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 31.07.1839 “Extraits des procès-verbaux des séances du Conseil d’administration de la Société d’encouragement”. Bulletin de la Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale Séance de 31 juillet 1839. Paris, 1839, v. 38. M. Huzard, on behalf of a special commission, summarises the instructions to be given to the expedition and the conditions for receiving the medals and other SEIN awards. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé – R-4627 OH - Doc 00.08.1839 [LUCAS, Augustin] “Instruction pour les familles qui ont des parentes a bord du navire-école l’Oriental-Hydrographe”. [Nantes, août 1839]. 1p. imp. The last instructions given to the students and their families, before the departure of the OH. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 01.08.1839 Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers : instructions d’après la lettre envoyé par Soulier de Sauve (OH - Doc 30.07.1839). Bruxelles, 1 août 1839. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
288
OH - Doc 02.08.1839 Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers : instructions à donner au jeune Emonce. Bruxelles, 2 août 1839. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 03.08.1839 Lettre de M. Moreau, professeur à l’École Centrale du Commerce et de l’Industrie au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be): “si pendant ce voyage je pouvais être utile au gouvernement [...]”. Bruxelles, 3 août 1839. Communicates his departure for Nantes to embark on the OH as a mathematics teacher. There is an extensive correspondence between them during the month of August. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 04.08.1839 “Avis et Demandes. [...] Sous les auspices du gouvernmement [...]”. Lloyd Nantais; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 4 août 1839. Advertisement of the OH expedition. The first sentence already emphasises the official character of the enterprise. Lucas will mention this fact in his defence (OH - Doc 31.07.1842). The advertisement is repeated on 12.08.1839; 16.08.1839; 20.08.1839; 27.08.1839; 30.08.1839. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (a) Lettre de E. Soulier de Sauve au sécretaire perpétuel de l’Acádemie des Sciences (Fr). Paris, lundi 5 août 1839. 1 p. man. Sends out the brochure of the expedition and requests travel instructions, mentioning those given for La Bonite. IF-AdS / Archives de l’Académie des Sciences / Pochette de Seance (05.08.1839)
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OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (b) “Comptes rendue des séances de l’Académie des Sciences”. Paris, lundi 5 août 1839. 1 p. imp. Soulier de Sauve’s correspondence is reported to the members of the French Academy of Sciences. IF-AdS / Archives de l’Académie des Sciences / Comptes rendue des séances de l’Académie des Sciences Paris, tome 9, jul-dec 1839, p. 223. OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (c) “Expédition de l’Hydrographe” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, lundi 5 août 1839, p. 3. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 05.08.1839 (d) Lettre du secrétaire de Cabinet au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be). Bruxelles, 5 août 1839. Presents Soulier de Sauve’s request for recommendation letters to be sent to the consuls of the country, in the interest of all Belgians on board. He forwards ten issues of a circular to the consular services. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 06.08.1839 Lettre du gouverneur de la province d’Anvers au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be). Anvers, 6 août 1839. Appoints the young Jean-François Verelst to participate in the expedition at the expense of the Belgian government. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 08.08.1839 “Voyage de circumnavigation par le navire-école l’Oriental” Le Moniteur industriel; agriculture, commerce, industrie, travaux publics, technologie des arts et métiers, sciences, législation, adjudications publiques. Paris, jeudi 8 août 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-256
Sources Consulted
OH - Doc 13.08.1839 Lettre de l’ancien directeur de l’École Militaire de Bruxelles au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be). Bruxelles, 13 août 1839. Requests the admission of Demoor (“lieutenant d’artillerie”) to join the OH. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 14.08.1839 Félicitations aux armateurs J. Despêcher et A. Bonnefin d’avoir eu l’idée d’attacher l’expédition au port de Nantes. Le National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, mercredi 14 août 1839. Article transcribed by Le Moniteur Industriel (OH - Doc 18.08.1839) and by Le Courrier Belge (OH – Doc 20.08.1839) OH - Doc 18.08.1839 “Voyage de circumnavigation par le navire-école l’Oriental” Le Moniteur industriel ; agriculture, commerce, industrie, travaux publics, technologie des arts et métiers, sciences, législation, adjudications publiques. Paris, 18 août 1839. Communicates the agreement with Captain Lucas and the decision to publish all the news about the expedition. BnF - Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-256 OH - Doc 19.08.1839 Lettre de M. Bouvier, ancien directeur de domaines, au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be). Bruxelles, 19 août 1839. Informs having the power of attorney from Soulier de Sauve before the notary public Montaigne, to receive the student’s payment indicated by the Belgian government (in annex, OH Doc 00.08.1839). This power of attorney will be contested by the shipowners Despecher and Bonnefin (OH - Doc 18.05.1840), due to the fact that Soulier de Sauve disembarked in Rio de Janeiro. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 20.08.1839 “Voyage autour du monde” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas
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Bruxelles, mardi 20 août 1839, p. 2. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 21.08.1839 Lettre du directeur de N. M. [?] et P.N. [Police de Navigation] du ministère de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) à M. Griveaux (4, Cloître St. Benoît, Paris) “sur les conditions de l’expédition du navire l’Hydrographe [...] maintenant appelé l’Oriental”. Paris, 21 août 1839. Answers a letter sent on the 20th August 1839 (not located) providing information on the nature of the expedition and A. Lucas’s address in Paris (Rue Neuve St-Eustache, 37): “ce n’est point pour le compte du Gouvernement mais bien du commerce que se navire […] doit effectuer le voyage”. SHD – Marine / Fonds de la Marine / CC4 - 379 - f 767 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (typed transcription) OH - Doc 04.09.1839 Procuration donné par A. Lucas a J. Despecher e A. Bonnefin: “fondés de pouvoir, généraux et spéciaux, suivant écrit sous signature privée, en date à Nantes du 4 septembre 1839, et déposée pour minute à M. Bertinot, notaire, à Paris, le 9 du même mois”. Nantes, 4 septembre 1839. Power of attorney given by Lucas to the owners of the OH prior to departure. The document transfers to Despecher and Bonnefin the power to receive and reimburse any sum related with payments made by students, mentioned by both in their correspondence with the Belgian authorities (OH - Doc 29.01.1840). This power of attorney was authenticated and annexed in another correspondence (OH - Doc 18.05.1840), on the 30th September 1839, i.e., five days after the departure. The document was not mentioned by Lucas in his correspondence with the French authorities (OH - Doc 31.07.1842). AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 06.09.1839 Lettre de Charles Emonce et Jean-François Verelst au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Etrangères (Be) : “le navire n’étant pas tout a fait arrangé, nous avons été obligé de rester à l’hôtel [...]”. Nantes, 6 septembre 1839.
290
Communicates the arrival of both at Nantes (19th August), the delivery of the letters sent by the Belgian government to Lucas and Soulier de Sauve, and the expenses incurred for their stay in Nantes, in addition to what had been planned. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 07.09.1839 “Avis Commerciaux” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 7 septembre 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – D15171 ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ OH - Doc 12.09.1839 “La ville de Paimboeuf a été affligée hier d’un double suicide [...]”. Le National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, 12 septembre 1839. News on the double suicide that occurred in Paimboeuf. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 13.09.1839 [Jean-Baptiste Jobard] “Tableaux de Daguerre” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, vendredi 13 septembre 1839, p. 3. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH – Doc 14.09.1839 “MM. J. Despecher et A. Bonnefin ont reçu par voie d’Anglaterre des lettres de M. A. Lucas ...” Le National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, 14 septembre 1839. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ OH - Doc 15.09.1839 “Nouvelles diverses” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, dimanche 15 septembre 1839, p. 3. KBR / Mic Perm 342
Maria Inez Turazzi
Sources Consulted
OH - Doc 21.09.1839 “D’après des nouvelles de Paimboeuf, de 13 de ce mois [...]” L’Indépendant Bruxelles, samedi 21 septembre 1839, p. 2. KBR / Mic Perm 8
OH - Doc 28.09.1839 “Bulletin Maritime”
OH - Doc 22.09.1839 “D’après des nouvelles de Paimboeuf , en date de 13 de ce mois [...]” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, dimanche 22 septembre 1839, p. 4. KBR / Mic Perm 342
OH - Doc 02.10.1839 “L’Oriental allant faire le tour du monde”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, mercredi 2 octobre 1839. Commander A. Lucas reports passing by Belle-Île and the first days of the trip. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription)
OH - Doc 24.09.1839 (a) “Bulletin Maritime” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, mardi 24 septembre 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – D15171 OH - Doc 24.09.1839 (b) Lettre de Charles Emonce a son père (copie), envoyé par une lettre du gouverneur d’Anvers au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be). Saint Nazaire, mardi 24 septembre 1839. First description of the ship and “its small world”, as registered by A. Carré, indicating the date when it weighed anchor in Paimboeuf, at 2 am AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 25.09.1839 “Bulletin maritime” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, mercredi 25 septembre 1839. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – D15171 OH - Doc 25.09.1839 “Brevet Daguerre” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, mercredi 25 septembre 1839, p. 1. KBR / Mic Perm 342
BnF –
Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, samedi 28 septembre 1839. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – D15171
OH - Doc 06.10.1839 “Expédition autour du monde” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, dimanche 6 octobre 1839, p. 1-2. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 07.10.1839 “Mouvement de navires français (l’Oriental-Hydrographe)” Archives de Postes Lisbonne, 7 octobre 1839 – 14 octobre 1839. Record of the Oriental-Hydrographe’s call in the port of Lisbon. CADN / Archives de Postes / Lisbonne – Série A – v. 73 Mouvement de navires français 1826-1840 / Microfilme 2 Mi 1954 - f. 162 OH - Doc 08.10.1839 “Embarcações entradas...” Diário do Governo Lisboa, 8 de outubro de 1839. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/ OH - Doc 11.10.1839 Lettre du gouverneur de la province d’Anvers au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) : envoi d’une lettre au gouverneur par Emonce père (9/10), avec la copie d’une lettre
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envoyé a son fils Charles Emonce (9/10). Anvers, 11 octobre 1839. Emonce’s father is deeply concerned about the foreign affairs minister’s dissatisfaction with the expenses incurred by his son in Nantes, on behalf of the Belgian government without prior authorisation. The matter will be discussed in an extensive correspondence between the minister, the governor and the two Emonces (father and son). AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 14.10.1839 Lettre du baron Burignot de Varenne, ambassadeur de France à Lisbonne, au Duc de Dalmatie, ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Fr) : “arrivé et séjour du navire Oriental (Hydrographe) qui entrepris un voyage de circumnavigation”. Lisbonne, 14 octobre 1839. AD-Fr (Quai d’Orsay) / Correspondance consulaire et commerciale. Lisbonne – V. 62 (1836-1840) OH - Doc 16.10.1839 Diário do Governo “Saída de embarcações...” Lisboa, 16 de outubro de 1839. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/ OH - Doc 21.10.1839 Lettre de Emonce père au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers, avec une longe citation d’une lettre des armateurs Despecher et Bonnefin (17 octobre). Willebroek, 21 octobre 1839. The shipowners compliment the young Emonce and Verelst and justify the expenses incurred by both. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH – Doc 23 a 25.10.1839 “Embarcações entradas, outubro 23”; “Viagem francesa ao redor do mundo”. A Chronica Funchal, 23 a 25 de outubro de 1839, p. 1. BMF – Periódicos
292
OH - Doc 24.10.1839 “Le navire Oriental (...) est arrivé a Lisbonne le 7 octobre”. L’Indépendant Bruxelles, jeudi 24 octobre 1839, p. 2. KBR / Mic Perm 8 OH - Doc 25.10.1839 Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) au roi Leopoldo I : proposition d’un arrêté pour régler le montant de dépenses extraordinaires des élèves. Bruxelles, 25 octobre 1839. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 28.10.1839 (a) Nouvelles de MM. Despecher et Bonnefin : “nous venons de recevoir une lettre de M. A. Lucas [...]”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, lundi 28 octobre 1839. News sent from Lisbon, where the OH was “received as a warship”. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 28.10.1839 (b) “On apprend par lettre de Lisbonne [...]” Le National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, lundi 28 octobre 1839. Short news about the Oriental-Hydrographe’s call in Lisbon. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 28.10.1839 (c) Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) a M. Bouvier, “agent du capitaine Lucas par l’expédition de l’Oriental-Hydrographe”. Bruxelles, 28 octobre 1839. The minister wishes to express his appreciation for young Emonce and Verelst, modifying unfavourable remarks made in a previous letter in order to remedy this misunderstanding with Captain Lucas. In the reply, Bouvier informs that he will write to Soulier de Sauve, in his passage through Lisbon, “via the French consul”. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
Maria Inez Turazzi
OH – Doc 29.10.1839 (a) “Lettre de Lisbonne” Le Breton ; politique ; industrie et commerce ; science et arts ; annonces judiciaires et avis divers Nantes, 29 octobre 1839. Letter from one of the members of the OH expedition narrating the passage through Lisbon and the daguerreotype demonstration before the Queen of Portugal. Apud RAMIRES, 2014, p. 9. OH – Doc 29.10.1839 (b) “Entradas y salidas” El Conservador Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 29 de octubre de 1839. Apud CADENAS, 1999, p. 12. OH - Doc 31.10.1839 (a) “Voyage autour du monde ; expédition de l’Oriental” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, jeudi 31 octobre 1839, p. 1-2. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 31.10.1839 (b) Arrêté du roi Leopold I pour régler les dépenses extraordinaires des élèves : “une somme de 582,85 fr. du budget du ministère de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) sera destinée”. Bruxelles, 31 octobre 1839. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH – Doc 31.10.1839 (c) “Embarcações entradas, 23” A Flor do Oceano Funchal, 31 de outubro de 1839, p. 4. ABM - Periódicos OH - Doc 07.11.1839 “Voyage autour du monde ; expédition de l’Oriental” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, jeudi 7 novembre 1839, p. 1-2. KBR / Mic Perm 342
Sources Consulted
OH - Doc 11.11.1839 “Madeira (report dated October 26), 23, Oriental, Luca [sic], arrived from Lisbon and sailed 25th for –– .” Lloyd’s List London, Monday, 11th November 1839. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/ OH - Doc 25.11.1839 (a) “Nouvelles de mer” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, lundi 25 novembre 1839, p. 2. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé – JO 2336 ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ OH – Doc 25.11.1839 (b) “Nantes, 25 novembre 1839” National de l’Ouest, précédemment L’Ami de la Charte Nantes, 25 de setembro de 1839. The shipowners Despecher and Bonefin communicate they have received a letter from Captain Lucas, sent from Madeira island, reporting that they are all well on board, now less prone to “seasickness”, and part on the following day to the Canary Islands. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ OH - Doc 02.12.1839 Lettre de M. Barrère, consul de France a Pernambuco, au baron Rouen, envoyé extraordinaire et ministre plénipotentiaire de France au Brésil. [Recife], 2 décembre 1839. Communicates the arrival of the OH and confirms that “anarchy reigns on board”. CADN / Archives de Postes - Légation de Rio de Janeiro / Série A Carton 79 – Recife 1835-1862 OH - Doc 10.12.1839 “Movimento do porto” Correio Mercantil Salvador, 10 de dezembro de 1839, p. 4. The Oriental’s arrival to the city was reported coming from Pernambuco and later following to Montevideo “in discoveries”. FBN / PR SOR 00062 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
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OH - Doc 13.12.1839 “Novo modo de suprir a escultura”. Correio Mercantil Salvador, 13 de dezembro de 1839. Announces the presence of the artist Sauvage on board the Oriental corvette and its method of “modelling the people who wish to have their effigy”. FBN / PR SOR 00062 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
OH - Doc 28.12.1839 (a) “Anuncios. O Physionotypo”
OH - Doc 21.12.1839 Lettre de Maxime Raybaud, consul de France à Bahia, au ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Fr). Bahia [Salvador], 21 décembre 1839. Detailed report by consul Raybaud, upon taking office in Bahia, on the position of the French in Brazil and, more specifically, on the deficiencies of the OH expedition. AD-Fr / Correspondance consulaire et commerciale / Bahia – V. 3 (1831-1840) - f. 342-346
OH – Doc 28.12.1839 (b) “Lettre de Gorée”. Le Breton ; politique ; industrie et commerce ; science et arts ; annonces judiciaires et avis divers Nantes, 28 décembre 1839. Letter from one of the members of the OH expedition, written on 19th November 1839, commenting on the practice of daguerreotype and physiognotype. Apud RAMIRES, 2014, p. 19.
Oriental OH - Doc 25, 26 e 27.12.1839 “Entradas do porto dia 24”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, 25 (quarta), 26 (quinta) e 27 (sexta) de dezembro de 1839, p. 5. Communicates the entrance of the French Oriental “charrua” in the port of Rio, including Daniel P. Kidder among its passengers. FBN / 1-500,03,02 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
OH - Doc 02.01.1840 Lettre (transcript) de Charles Emonce écrit à son père, a bord de l’Oriental-Hydrographe. Continuation écrit le 14 et le 19 janvier 1840. Rio de Janeiro, 2, 14 et 19 janvier 1840. Young Emonce’s account of the disorders on board the ship. Document transcribed by his father, in correspondence sent to the governor of Antwerp (OH - Doc 21.04.1840) and from the latter to the Minister of Interior and Foreign Affairs (Be). AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
OH - Doc 26.12.1839 Lettre de A. Lucas envoyé a MM. Despecher et Bonnefin. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 26 décembre 1839. News of the OH sent from Gorea island. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription)
OH - Doc 04.01.1840 “Anuncios. O Physionotypo”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sábado, 4 de janeiro de 1840, p. 3.
Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sábado, 28 de dezembro de 1839, p. 4. Announcement of the portraits made by F. Sauvage with his “physiognotype” and the consultations offered by the expedition’s physician. FBN / 1-500,03,02 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
Announcement of the portraits made by F. Sauvage with his physiognotype. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
Maria Inez Turazzi
Sources Consulted
OH - Doc 10.01.1840 “Anúncios” [untitled]. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sexta-feira, 10 de janeiro de 1840, p. 4. Advertisement of the portrait painter and art professor with “residence” at the Navy Hotel who also teaches to draw “with a new method [...] using an admirable machine [the physiognotype]”. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
OH - Doc 20 e 21.01.1840 “Rio de Janeiro. O Daguerreotipo”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, segunda feira, 20 de janeiro e terça feira, 21 de janeiro, de 1840, p. 1. Describes the demonstration of the daguerreotype at Saint Christopher Palace and transcribes François Arago’s speech at the French Institute. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
OH - Doc 17.01.1840 “Noticias scientificas. Photographia”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sexta feira, 17 de janeiro de 1840, p. 1. Communicates the first experience with the daguerreotype in the city, carried out by “abbot Combes [sic] [...], one of the travellers on board the French corvette l’Oriental”. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1
OH - Doc 20 e 21.01. 1840 “Anúncios” [untitled]. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, segunda feira, 20 de janeiro e terça feira, 21 de janeiro, de 1840, p. 1. Communication by the head physician of the “didactic and scientific expedition around the world, already published on 17th January 1840, indicating he will leave in the city somebody in charge of “continuing with the work started”. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1
OH - Doc 17.01.1840 “Anúncios” [untitled]. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sexta feira, 17 de janeiro de 1840, p. 3. Advertisement of the head physician of the “didactic and scientific expedition around the world”, communicating he will leave in the city somebody in charge of “continuing with the work started”. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/ OH - Doc 18.01.1840 “Anúncios. O Physionotypo”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sábado, 18 de janeiro de 1840, p. 4. Communicates that Sauvage was introduced to the Imperial Family, together with an exhibition of his work in the Europa hotel. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
OH - Doc 24.01.1840 “MM. Despecher et Bonnefin viennent de recevoir, par la voie d’Anglaterre, une lettre de M. A. Lucas [...]”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, vendredi 24 janvier 1840. News of the Oriental-Hydrographe sent from Pernambuco. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 27.01.1840 “Movimento do porto”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, segunda feira, 27 de janeiro de 1840, p. 4. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
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OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (a) “Voyage autour du monde ; expédition de l’Hydrographe”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, mercredi 29 janvier 1840, p. 1. Letter sent to a friend by a Belgian passenger (kept anonymous by the newspaper), written from the island of Gorea (Senegal), on 9th November 1839 and supplemented in Recife, on 3rd December de 1839. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (b) “Bahia (report dated Dec 18th) Dec 7th, Oriental, Lucas, arrived from Pernambuco and sailed 17th for Rio Janeiro”. Lloyd’s List London, Wednesday, January 29th, 1840. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/ OH - Doc 29.01.1840 (c) Lettre du ministre des Travaux Publics au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) : envoi d’une lettre (copie) de MM. Despecher et Bonnefin a M. Bavay, secrétaire général au ministère des Travaux Publics (Be). Bruxelles, 29 janvier 1840. The shipowners claim that they should receive the extra expenses incurred on by young Emonce and Verelst to be paid by the Belgian government. They mention the power of attorney given to them by Lucas. The matter will be discussed in the extensive correspondence between the two ministries and the shipowners. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 31.01.1840 Lettre du baron A. Rouen, envoyé extraordinaire et ministre plénipotentiaire de la France au Brésil, au Duc de Dalmatie, ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Fr). Rio de Janeiro, 31 janvier 1840. AD-Fr / Correspondance consulaire et commerciale / Rio de Janeiro – T. 7 (1838-1842) - p. 232.
296
OH – Doc 03.02.1840 “Río Janeiro, 17 de enero. El Daguerrotipo en América”. El Nacional Montevideo, 3 de febrero de 1840. Reproduces the article published by the Jornal do Commercio, from Rio de Janeiro, on 17th January 1840. MHN-Uy / Available at http://www.museohistorico.gub.uy/ OH - Doc 11.02.1840 “Les nombreuses familles qui s’intéressent au sort de la navigation de l’Oriental [...]: tous les passagers sont bien portants”. Le Moniteur Universel Paris, 11 février 1840, p. 279 (partie non officielle). BHVP - Per Fº 168 OH - Doc 15.02.1840 (a) “On lit dans le Journal du Havre. ‘Nous avons directement des nouvelles du navire-école l’Oriental par l’Industrie, partie de Bahia le 27 décembre’ [...]”. Le National de l’Ouest ; précedement l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, samedi 15 février 1840. Reports the conflict on board the OH and the disorders in Pernambuco and Bahia. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 15.02.1840 (b) “[...] Pendant la traversée, quelques désordes [...]”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, samedi 15 février 1840. Comments on the disorders on board the OH, based on the news published by the National de l’Ouest. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ OH - Doc 18.02.1840 “Rio Janeiro Dec 24 [1839] Oriental, Lucas, arrived from Bahia”. Lloyd’s List London, Tuesday, February 18, 1840. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/
Maria Inez Turazzi
OH - Doc 25.02.1840 Mariquita Sánchez: “[…] Esta máquina [lo daguerrotipo] la ha traído un buque en el que viajan muchos jóvenes que dan la vuelta al mundo […]”. Montevideo, 25 de febrero de 1840. Report by Mariquita Sánchez de Thompson y Mendeville on the first demonstrations of the daguerreotype in Montevideo. Apud GÓMEZ, 1986, p. 36; VARESE, 2007, p. 22. OH - Doc 27.02.1840 Florencio Varela: “[…] Pronto enviaré la historia del descubrimiento [del daguerrotipo] y la relación de la sesión de ayer […]”. Mondevideo, 27 de febrero de 1840. Florencio Varela’s account of the first demonstration of the daguerreotype in Montevideo. Apud GÓMEZ, 1986, p. 36; Apud VARESE, 2007, p. 23. OH - Doc 29.02.1840 Tomás de Iriarte: “[...] He presenciado ayer una operación de daguerrotipo, en el Salón de Representantes de Montevideo…”. Montevideo, 29 de febrero de 1840. Tomás de Iriarte’s memoirs of the first demonstrations of the daguerreotype in Montevideo. IRIARTE, Tomás. Memorias, tomo VI, p. 183. Apud VARESE, 2007, p. 24. OH - Doc 04.03.1840 Florencio Varela: “[…] el aparato que hemos visto salió de Francia en setiembre del año anterior […]”. El Correo de la Plata Montevideo, 4 de marzo de 1840. Article by Florencio Varela on the invention of the daguerreotype and its arrival at Montevideo. Apud GÓMEZ, 1986, pp. 30-35. OH - Doc 06.03.1840 (a) Teodoro Vilardebó: “[…] una reseña de la serie de operaciones indispensables para hacer uso con suceso del Daguerrotipo según las vimos practicar por el abate Compte [sic] […]”. El Nacional Montevideo, 6 de marzo de 1840
Sources Consulted
Article by Teodoro Vilardebó on the invention of the daguerreotype, its arrival at Montevideo and all the steps for its execution. Apud BROQUETAS, BRUNO e DELGADO (org.), 2013, pp. 15-23. OH- Doc 06.03.1840 (b) El Nacional Montevideo, 6 de marzo de 1840. Letter from Popelaire de Terloo to the newspaper to “dispel absurd rumours” about the expedition. Apud GÓMEZ, 1986, p. 37. OH - Doc 13.03.1840 “Le navire l’Oriental continuant son voyage autour du monde [...] relâche à Rio de Janeiro le 9 janvier [...]”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 13 mars 1840. News of the OH sent from Rio de Janeiro. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH – Doc 17.03.1840 El Nacional Montevideo, 17 de marzo de 1840. First advertisement in Montevideo of Louis Comte, “one of the travellers around the world”, presenting his services as professor of “French, arithmetic, geography, Latin, natural history, drawing, etc”. Apud VARESE, 2013, p. 28. OH - Doc 11.04.1840 “Voyage autour du monde ; expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental” Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, samedi 11 avril 1840, p. 1. News of the OH, transcribed from several letters, written between the 23rd December 1839 and 19th January 1840, with comments that seem to belong to the Belgian Desiré Charles Loys. Account of the death of passenger Pierre Louis and the funereal ceremony conducted by chaplain Comte “in pontifical attire”. KBR / Mic Perm 342
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OH - Doc 21.04.1840 Lettre de Emonce père au gouverneur d’Anvers : “je vous prie de vouloir bien en donner communication a M. le ministre de l’Intérieur”. Borgerhout (Be), 21 avril 1840. News from young Emonce, in a letter written between the 2nd and 19th January 1840 [OH - Doc 02.01.1840], on the disorders on board the Oriental-Hydrographe, transcribed by his father for the governor of Anvers, asking for advice on what to answer. The letter is forwarded on the following day by the governor to the Minister of Interior and Foreign Affairs (Be). AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 29.04.1840 Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) au gouverneur d’Anvers : réponse à la lettre du jeune Emonce. Bruxelles, 29 avril 1840. The minister acknowledges the disorders on board the OH, already informed “by another source”, but trusts that the problem is being solved and remarks on the positive aspects in the organisation of the voyage. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 04.05.1840 “Lettre du navire l’Oriental-Hydrographe [...] datée de Montevideo le 23 janvier 1840 [...]”. Le National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, 4 mai 1840. AMN / Bibliothèque - Periodiques
298
Paris, 14 mai 1840. The Minister of the Marine, responding to a letter dated 23rd April 1840, discusses the situation of the OH after being informed by Commander Laplace, from the l’Artemise ship, about the youths embarked to return to France. SHD – Marine / Fonds de la Marine / CC4 383 – Nº 1243 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (typed transcript) OH - Doc 18.05.1840 Lettre de MM. Despecher et Bonnefin au ministre de l’Interieur et Affaires Étrangères (Be) : ils protestent devant le gouvernement belge ce qui doivent les élèves Emonce et Verelst (joint l’expédition authentique d’une procuration de A. Lucas). Nantes, 18 mai 1840. The accounting, the legal formalities and the instalments to pay back Emonce and Verelst’s debts are included in an extensive correspondence between the French shipowners and the Belgian government. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 19.05.1840 Lettre du comte Ricard, Lieutenant général, pair de France, à la Légation Française à Rio de Janeiro : “au mois de Décembre dernier, cinq des élèves à bord ont déserté ; l’un de ces jeunes gens est mon fils”. Paris, 19 mai 1840. CADN / Archives de Postes - Légation de Rio de Janeiro / Série A Carton 157 – Dossier de marins
OH - Doc 10.05.1840 “Question des sucres. Le Brésil et le capitaine Lucas”. Le Moniteur industriel; agriculture, commerce, industrie, travaux publics, technologie des arts et métiers, sciences, législation, adjudications publiques. Paris, 10 mai 1840. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-256
OH - Doc 20.05.1840 and others “Première communication adressé de Montevideo, par le capitaine Lucas [...]”. “Extraits des procès-verbaux des séances du Conseil d’administration de la Société d’encouragement”. Bulletin de la Société d’encouragement pour l’industrie nationale Paris, 1840, v. 39, p. 235 ; p. 261 a 263. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé – R-4627
OH - Doc 14.05.1840 Lettre du ministre de la Marine et Colonies au ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Fr).
OH - Doc 26.05.1840 “Voyage autour du monde ; expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental. Lettre adressée à M. Louyet [?], professeur de chimie à l’École
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centrale de commerce e d’industrie [Bruxelles]”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, mardi 26 mai 1840, p. 1. Letter from professor Moreau to a Belgian colleague, sent from Montevideo on 20th February 1840, via the Maria Key ship and the port of Antwerp. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 29.05.1840 Lettre du baron Roussin, ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) au baron Rouen, envoyé extraordinaire et ministre plénipotentiaire de la France au Brésil. Paris, 29 mai 1840. Letter from the Minister of the Marine to the French ambassador in Brazil on the disorders on board the OH reported by Commander Laplace. Baron Roussin likewise asks for information about a young man on behalf of his family. CADN / Archives de Postes / Légation de Rio de Janeiro – Serie A - Carton 145 OH - Doc 30.05.1840 (a) “Nouvelles de mer”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 30 mai 1840. News of the OH in Montevideo, on 20th February 1840, brought by the Maria Key ship. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé – JO 2336 OH – Doc 30.05.1840 (b) “Marítima. Entradas”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 30 de mayo de 1840, p. 4. Record of the entrance of the OH to the port of Valparaiso on the 28th May, coming from Talcahuano, in six days. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 01.06.1840 (a) “Lista de los buques existentes en este puerto...” El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 1º junio de 1840, p. 1. Entrance of the French frigate Oriental on the 28th May. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas
Sources Consulted
OH – Doc 01.06.1840 (b) “Valparaíso”. “Acaba de fondear en nuestro puerto da corbeta francesa El Oriental...” El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 1º junio de 1840, p. 2. First real news on the OH, describing the nature of the expedition and the novelties brought on board, including a physiognotype and a “daguerreotype under the responsibility of abbot Comte”. The newspaper also informs it has in its power a long manuscript on the passage of the expedition through Patagonia (published later). BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 01.06.1840 (c) “Avisos”. “El fisionotipo”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 1º junio de 1840, p. 6. Advertisement of Joseph Sauvage, “assistant artist” of the French corvette Oriental and “its ingenious and useful discovery” The same advertisement is repeated on 4/6, 5/6, 6/6, 8/6, 9/6, 10/6, 11/6, 12/6, 13/6, 15/6, 16/6, 17/6, 19/6, 20/6, 22/6/1840. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 04.06.1840 “Avisos”. “Homeopatía: nuevas consultas médicas”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 4 junio de 1840, p. 1. Advertisement of Thomas, M.D., “head physician of the French school ship l’Oriental” and his treatment with the homeopathic method, specialised in eye conditions. The same advertisement, in the “Announcements” section, is repeated on 6/6, 8/6, 10/6, 11/6, 12/6, 13/6, 14/6, 15/6, 16/6, 17/6 and, already after the shipwreck, on 30/6/1840 (see OH - Doc 30.06.1840). BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 06.06.1840 “Exterior”. “Estado Oriental del Uruguay”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, junio 1840, p. 2. The newspaper reproduces the article “Description of the daguerreotype”, by Teodoro M. Vilardebó, published in Montevideo on 6th March, after a “visit to our port by the French
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corvette l’Oriental”. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 10.06.1840 “Variedades”. “Extracto de un diario hebdomadario publicado a bordo del buque francés (navire-école) l’Oriental en su viaje al rededor del mundo. Revista de la Semana (dia 30 de marzo de 1840). Detalles acerca de la Patagonia y los Patagones”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 10 junio de 1840, p. 2. Report by an unidentified author [Popelaire de Terloo], containing personal observations and Captain Lucas’ warning regarding contact between the expedition and the inhabitants of Patagonia. The newspaper informs it is an extract from an account published in the Revista de la Semana. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 11.06.1840 “Variedades”. “Revista de la Semana. Dia 30 de marzo de 1840. Detalles acerca de la Patagonia y los Patagones. Continuación”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso,11 junio de 1840, p. 3. Continuation of the account by the unidentified author [Popelaire de Terloo], containing personal observations and Captain Lucas’ warning about contact between the expedition and the inhabitants of Patagonia. The newspaper informs it has been extracted from the Revista de la Semana. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 12.06.1840 (a) “Variedades”. “Extracto de un diario hebdomadario publicado a bordo del buque francés (navire-école) l’Oriental en su viaje al rededor del mundo. Revista de la Semana (dia 30 de marzo de 1840). Detalles acerca de la Patagonia y los Patagones (Conclusión)”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 12 junio de 1840, p. 3. Conclusion of the account by the unidentified author [Popelaire de Terloo], containing personal observations and Captain Lucas’ warning about contact between the expedition and the inhabitants of Patagonia. The newspaper informs it has been extracted from the Revista de la Semana. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas
300
OH - Doc 12.06.1840 (b) “Expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental”. Lettre du baron Popeliers [sic] de Terloo (1e. partie), écrit à Montevideo, en 2 mars de 1840 (informations sur l’Amérique du Sud, détails de mœurs, observations anthropologiques, etc.). Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, vendredi 12 juin 1840, p. 1. Published during the months of June and July 1840 (12/6; 14/06; 16/06; 20/06; 28/06; 04/07), contains observations on Brazil in general, Rio de Janeiro, D. Pedro II, the marriage of the princesses, the French presence in the country and the opportunities that were opening for the Belgians. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 13.06.1840 Lettre (copie) de A. Lucas au ministre de l’Intérieur et des Affaires Étrangères (Be) : éloges aux quatre élèves belges (Dufour, Michel, Emonce et Verelst). Envoyé par le ministre au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers (12/10/1840). Valparaiso, 13 juin 1840. Forwarded by the minister to the governor of Antwerp in October (after the news of the shipwreck). AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 14.06.1840 “Expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental (suite – voir notre numéro d’avant hier)”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, dimanche 14 juin 1840, p. 1. Continuation of 12/06; see also 16/06, 20/06, 28/06 and 04/07/1840. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 16.06.1840 “Expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental (suite – voir notre numéro d’avant-hier)”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, mardi 16 juin 1840, p. 1. Continuation of 12/6 e 14/06; see also 20/06, 28/06 and 04/07/1840. KBR / Mic Perm 342
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OH - Doc 20.06.1840 “Expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental (suite - Voir notre numéro du 16 juin)”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, samedi 20 juin 1840, p. 1. Continuation of 12/6, 14/06 and 16/06; see also 28/06 and 04/07/1840. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH – Doc 24.06.1840 (a) “Naufrage du navire-école l’Oriental, de Nantes. Rapport sur la perte du navire-école l’Oriental. Copie”. Valparaíso, 24 juin 1840. Report of the shipwreck written by Captain Lucas the day after the accident, and sent to the French consul in Valparaiso (Huet). Copy forwarded to the ministry in Paris by the new consul Blanchard in 1841. See other copies in OH - Doc 26.06.1840 (a) and others and OH – Doc 00.00.1837-1841. A similar version translated into Spanish is in OH – Doc 27.06.1840. ADLA / Fonds – P – Finances de l’Etat – Série 3 P – Duanes – Nantes – Francisations – 1841 / Article – 3 P 463 (Oriental) (ocorre em OH - Doc 00.00.1837-1841) OH – Doc 24.06.1840 (b) “Salidas. Dia 23”. “Fragata francesa Oriental, capitán Lucas, para Arica, en prosecución de su empresa de circunnavegar el globo”. El Mercurio Valparaíso, 24 junio 1840, p. 3. Indication of the date of departure from the port of Valparaiso. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 25.06.1840 (a) “Valparaíso”. “Anteayer a pocas horas de zarpar de nuestro puerto la fragata francesa ‘ORIENTAL’, fuimos sorprendidos con la noticia de haber llegado un bote pidiendo un auxilio...” El Mercurio Valparaíso, 25 junio 1840, p. 3. First news of the shipwreck in El Mercurio in Valparaiso, supplemented, two days later, by Captain Lucas’ description of
Sources Consulted
the shipwreck. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH - Doc 25.06.1840 (b) Lettre du commandant du brigue royal Alacrity au ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr). [Hyères], 25 juin 1840. The commander of the Alacrity, upon arrival to the port of Hyères, communicates he has ceded five men to the Oriental-Hydrographe, following orders from Rear Admiral Dupotet: “D’après des ordres supérieures, j’ai donné plusieurs hommes de mon équipage à des bâtiments marchands, et dans mon relâche a Rio, le contreamiral Dupotet me fit mettre cinq hommes à bord de l’OrientalHydrographe, capitaine Lucas faisons le tour du monde et ayant d´jà perdu une partie des ses hommes par désertion”. SHD – Marine / Fonds de la Marine / Serie BB4, Campagnes, nº 602 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten partial transcription) OH - Doc 26.06.1840 (a) and others Correspondance du consul général de France au Chili, M. Cazotte, au ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Fr). Santiago, 26 juin 1840 et seg. f. 303 a 305: letter from the Consul General Cazotte to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs (Valparaiso, 26th June 1840); f. 308 a 309: letter from Consul Cazotte to the minister (Valparaiso, 6th July 1840) [Annex] f. 310 a 312: copy of Lucas’ report of the shipwreck f. 313: Letter from Consul Cazotte to the minister (Valparaiso, 14th July 1840); f. 315 a 317: letter from Consul Cazotte to the minister, accompanied by several annexes (Santiago, 12th August 1840); [Annexes] f. 318 a 319: letter from Lucas to Cazotte (Valparaiso, 8th July 1840); f. 320: letter from Consul Cazotte to Lucas (Valparaiso, 8th July 1840); f. 321 a 322: letter from Lucas to Consul Cazotte (Valparaiso, 17th July 1840); f. 323: letter from Consul Cazotte to Lucas (Valparaiso, 20th
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July 1840); f. 324: letter from Lucas to Consul Cazotte (Valparaiso, 25th July 1840); f. 325 a 326: letter from Consul Cazotte to Lucas (Valparaiso 28th July 1840); f. 327: letter from Consul Cazotte to the minister (Santiago, 16th August 1840); [Annex] f. 328: letter from the students to Consul Cazotte (Valparaiso, 6th August 1840) Correspondence on the OH from the French consular service in Chile and annexed documents. Includes a copy of Captain A. Lucas’ correspondence with Consul Cazotte, a copy of the report of the shipwreck made by A. Lucas and a copy of the students’ letter requesting the consul’s intervention to return to France. AD-Fr (Quai d’Orsay) / Correspondance consulaire et commerciale / Santiago – T. 3 (1836-1842), folios 303 a 328 (recto and verso) OH – Doc 26.06.1840 (b) “Valparaíso”. “El capitán Lucas [...] nos ha dirigido una comunicación [...]” El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 26 junio 1840, p. 2. The newspaper informs that, as Captain Lucas’ communication has arrived late, it will be published on the following day. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 27.06.1840 “Valparaíso”. “Publicamos à continuación la relación del naufragio de la fragata francesa l’Oriental que el capitán el Sr. A. Lucas ha tenido la bondad de dirigirnos...” El Mercurio Valparaíso, 27 junio de 1840, p. 3. Description of the shipwreck by Captain Lucas, initially published by El Mercurio in Valparaiso, transcribed later in the European press. Lucas dated his communication on “23rd June”, but it responds to an article published in the newspaper on 25th June. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas
302
OH - Doc 28.06.1840 “Expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental (suite - Voir notre numéro du 20 juin)”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, dimanche 28 juin 1840, p. 1. Continuation of 12/6, 14/06, 16/06 e 20/06; see also 04/07/1840. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 29.06.1840 Lettre de A. Lucas a MM. Despecher et Bonnefin, adressée de Valparaiso, en date de 29 juin 1840, sur le naufrage. Document reproduced in OH – Doc 31.10.1840 e OH - Doc 01.11.1840 OH – Doc 01.07.1840 “Avisos”. Homeopatia. Nuevas consultas médicas. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 01 julio de 1840, p. 3. Advertisement of Thomas, M.D., head physician of the OH, with new address and hours of call. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH - Doc 04.07.1840 “Expédition de l’Hydrographe-Oriental (suite - Voir notre numéro du 28 juin)”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, samedi 4 juillet 1840, p. 1. Continuation of 12/6, 14/06, 16/06, 20/06 and 28/06/1840. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH – Doc 17.07.1840 (a) “Aviso”. “Se vende. A consecuencia del naufragio de la Oriental, una partida de libros [...]”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 17 julio de 1840, p. 4. Announcement of the sale of books that had been on board the OH. The same advertisement was repeated on 18th July 1840. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas
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OH – Doc 17.07.1840 (b) “Aviso. A. Cocqe [sic], ex-primer piloto de buque-colegio Oriental y profesor de hidrografía, habiendo desembarcado con la intención de fijarse en Chile [...]”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 17 julio de 1840, p. 4. Advertisement of French, commercial arithmetic and navigation lessons offered by Guillaume Cocq. The same advertisement is repeated on 18/07/1840. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 05.08.1840 (a) “Valparaíso”. “[...] los más ilustrados profesores de la Oriental [...] se han decidido fundar em este puerto un estabelecimiento [...]”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 5 agosto de 1840, p. 3. Article on the foundation of the “Instituto de Valparaíso” by Vendel-Heyl and Guillaume Cocq. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 05.08.1840 (b) “Aviso”. “Instituto de Valparaíso. Escuela de Comercio y Marina” El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 5 agosto de 1840, p. 3. Communication on the opening of the institution, replacing the “Nautical School” previously existing in the city. The same announcement is repeated on 6/8; 17/8; 19/8; 20/8, 28/8, 29/8; 31/8 and 1/9/1840. BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH – Doc 06.08.1840 Lettre par laquelle les élèves de l’Oriental se sont adressés au Consulat pour leur rapatriement (copie). Valparaíso, 6 aout 1840. Letter from a group of students forwarded to the Consul General of France in Chile (Cazotte), asking for help for the repatriation. In OH - Doc 26.06.1840 (a) and others. OH - Doc 14.08.1840 “Recebemos ontem o Mercurio [...]”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sexta-feira, 14 de agosto de 1840, p. 1.
Sources Consulted
News of the shipwreck of the Oriental, “school ship the readers will recall”, in Valparaiso. The newspaper transcribes part of Captain Lucas’ report published in El Mercúrio shortly after the accident. FBN / 1-500, 03,04 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 OH - Doc 20.08.1840 “[...] MM. Despecher et Bonnefin, en vertu de la procuration du capitaine Lucas, réclamèrent de M. Bertinot le paiement de la moitié des sommes déposées à ce dernier [...]”. La Gazette des Tribunaux; journal de jurisprudence et des débats judiciaires ; feuille d’annonces légales Paris, 20 août 1840. BnF – Tolbiac / Support imprimé microformé – MICR D-426 OH - Doc 25.08.1840 (a) “MM. Despecher et Bonnefin reçoivent des nouvelles de leur navire l’Oriental-Hydrographe [...] de Concepción (mers du Sud), 21 mai dernier [...]” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 25 août 1840. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten partial transcription) OH – Doc 25.08.1840 (b) “Aviso”. “Se vende por tener de ausentar-se del país su dueño [...]”. El Mercurio, Valparaíso, 25 agosto de 1840, p. 4. Advertisement of books and instruments for sale, with details of the authors and titles, and with the same address as the previous advertisement (see OH - Doc 17.07.1840). BN-Cl / Publicaciones periódicas OH - Doc 29.08.1840 “Conception, May 21, Oriental Hydrographe, Lucas, arrived from ………. and to sail 22nd for Valparaiso”. Lloyd’s List London, Saturday, August 29, 1840. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/
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OH - Doc 01.09.1840 “Le trois mâts français, l’Oriental-Hydrographe se trouvait le 21 mai dernier [...]”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, dimanche 1 septembre 1840, p. 2. Brief notice informing the position of the OH on the 21st May (Concepción) KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 05.09.1840 Lettre de MM. Despecher et Bonnefin au ministre de l’Intérieur at des Affaires Étrangères (Be) : “nous prenons la liberté de rappeler cette petite affaire à votre mémoire, et profitons de cette occasion pour vous faire remarquer que le 10 de ce mois le second semestre sera échu [...]”. Nantes, 5 septembre 1840. The shipowners communicate the latest news received from the OH and show outrage and irony when claiming the payment owed by the Belgian government for the students embarked on the expedition. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 10.09.1840 “Valparaiso, May 22 Oriental, Lucas, arrived from Talcahuano”. Lloyd’s List London, Thursday, September 10, 1840. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/ OH - Doc 23.09.1840 “Extrait d’une lettre de M. Augustin Lucas [...], du 26 avril 1840, après avoir passé le détroit de Magellan [...]: je suis très satisfait sur la cuisine a distiller l’eau de mer de M. Rocher, de votre ville [Nantes]”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, vendredi 25 septembre 1840. News of the voyage and information on the “admirable functioning” of the cooking apparatus for distilling only adopted by four French warships. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten partial transcription)
304
OH - Doc 25.09.1840 “Extrait d’une lettre de A. Lucas [...] datée du 26 avril 1840, après avoir passé le détroit de Magellan (...)”. National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, jeudi 24 septembre 1840. Reproduces the letter published in the Lloyd Nantais, on 23rd September 1840. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten partial transcription) OH - Doc 29.09.1840 “Valparaiso, 24 June, the French Ship Oriental, Lucas, which left this port 23rd instant, on her Voyage round the world, drifted on the Punta del Ruey [sic], to the South of this port, and became a total wreck; passengers and Crew saved”. Lloyd’s List London, Tuesday, 29th September 1840. Apud R. Derek WOOD / http://www.midley.co.uk/ OH - Doc 02.10.1840 “Naufrage de l’Oriental-Hydrographe”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, vendredi 2 octobre 1840, p. 1. News of the OH shipwreck and letter from a sender not specified by the newspaper, written in Valparaiso on 23rd June 1840, i.e., on the very day of the shipwreck, narrating the event. The same letter will be reproduced by newspapers in Nantes on the following days. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 05.10.1840 (a) Lettre de MM. Despecher et Bonnefin à marquise d’Argentré, sur Balthazar du Plessis d’Argentré et le naufrage. Nantes, 5 octobre 1840. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (photocopy / origin not indicated) OH - Doc 05.10.1840 (b) “Une fâcheuse nouvelle nous est donnée aujourd’hui par le Précurseur d’Anvers [...]”. Le National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte
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Sources Consulted
Nantes, 5 octobre 1840. News of the shipwreck sent from Valparaiso on 24th June 1840,
OH - Doc 25.10.1840 (b) “Nous nous empressons de vous adresser copie d’une lettre du
published by the Précurseur d’Anvers in Brussels, transcribed on the same day by the National. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription)
capitaine Lucas (Valparaiso, 29 juin 1840): ‘c’est avec tristesse et regret que je vous annonce la perte totale de votre beau navire l’Oriental’ [...]”. Nantes, 25 octobre 1840. Printed material distributed by the shipowners J. Despecher and A. Bonnefin notifying the shipwreck of the OH and rescue of all those on board. In his letter Lucas refers to two Valparaiso newspapers, that he had sent to Paris, with details about the accident. SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (fotocópia)
OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (a) “Lettre d’un passager de l’Oriental-Hydrographe [...]”. Le National de l’Ouest ; précédemment l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, 7 octobre 1840. Letter written by an unidentified sender in Valparaiso on 23rd June 1840 (day of the shipwreck), transcribed by the Le Courrier Belge newspaper on 2nd October 1840. AMN / Bibliothèque - Periodiques OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (b) “Lettre d’un passager de l’Oriental-Hydrographe [...]”. Le Breton ; politique ; industrie et commerce ; science et arts ; annonces judiciaires et avis divers Nantes, 7 octobre 1840. News of the wreck transcribed in Le Courrier Belge on the 2nd October 1840 [OH - Doc 02.10.1840], following the example of Le National de l’Ouest on 7th October 1840 [OH - Doc 07.10.1840 (a)] SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 13.10.1840 Lettre de MM Despecher et Bonnefin au ministre de l’Interieur et Affaires Étrangères (Be) : encore la revendication du payement de la pension des élèves Emonce et Verelst. Nantes, 13 octobre 1840. The shipowners, already aware of the shipwreck, have apparently decided to ensure the payment of at least the first year of the students’ pension. They send the minister the certificate issued by the port of Nantes (13/10/1840) on the embarkment of the young Belgians on the 17th September 1839. They also clarify that, because they are foreigners, the two students could only embark as “passengers”, otherwise they would be subject to the French Navy regulations. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
OH - Doc 27.10.1840 “Copie d’une lettre de M. A. Lucas [...] écrite de Valparaiso, le 29 juin 1840, à MM. Despecher et Bonnefin [...]”. National de l’Ouest ; précedement l’Ami de la Charte Nantes, 27 octobre 1840. Reproduction of the news given by the shipowners (OH - Doc 25.10.1840). The text of the letter will also be published in Le Courrier Belge on the 31st October 1840 (OH – Doc 31.10.1840), and in the Moniteur Universel on 1st November 1840 (OH - Doc 01.11.1840). SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 28.10.1840 “Naufrage de l’Hydrographe-Oriental [sic]”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, mercredi 28 octobre 1840, p. 1. Letter by Auguste Champion de Villenneuve, written in Valparaiso, on 29th June 1840 about the shipwreck. KBR / Mic Perm 342 Oriental OH - Doc 31.10.1840 Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas “Naufrage de l’Hydrographe-Oriental [sic]”. Bruxelles, samedi 31 octobre 1840, p. 1. (a) Letter from A. Lucas to MM. Despecher and Bonnefin, dated in Valparaiso, 29th June 1840, about the shipwreck. Received on 25th October 1840 via England. (b) Letter from Popeliers [sic] de Terloo (1st part), dated in
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Valparaiso, on 30th June 1840, about the shipwreck. KBR / Mic Perm 342
bravery in the shipwreck. KBR / Mic Perm 342
OH - Doc 01.11.1840 “Lettre de M. A. Lucas [...] écrite de Valparaiso, le 29 juin 1840, à MM. Despecher et Bonnefin [...] : ‘‘c’est avec tristesse et regret que je vous annonce la perte totale de votre beau navire L’Oriental’ [...]”. Le Moniteur Universel Paris, dimanche, 1 novembre 1840 (nº 306), Partie Non Officielle, Faits Divers, p. 2183. The same letter was published in Le National de l’Ouest, on the 27th October 1840 (OH - Doc 27.10.1840). AN-Fr – Usuel BHVP - Cote PER Fol 168
OH - Doc 07.11.1840 “Details sur le naufrage du navire Hydrographe-Oriental [sic]”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 7 novembre 1840. Account of the shipwreck by Auguste Champion de Villeneuve, extracted from Le Courrier Belge [OH - Doc 28.10.1840]. ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription)
OH - Doc 02.11.1840 “Extrait du Jornal do Commercio: ‘le navire français l’Oriental étant sorti du port de Valparaiso, le 23 juin dernier pour se rendre a Arica’ [...]” Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 2 novembre 1840. Report of the shipwreck by A. Lucas on 24th June 1840 (OH – Doc 24.06.1840) sent to the French authorities; published in El Mercúrio in Valparaiso on the 27th June 1840 (OH – Doc 27.06.1840); transcribed in Jornal do Commercio in Rio de Janeiro on 14th August 1840 (OH – Doc 14.08.1840), in which the captain refers to a “fraiche brise du Sud-Est...” SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 03.11.1840 “Expédition de l’Oriental-Hydrographe”. “Lettre du baron Popeliers [sic] de Terloo (2e. partie), adressée de Valparaiso, en date de 30 juin 1840 (continuation)”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, mardi 3 novembre 1840, p. 1. Second part of the transcript of Terloo’s letter (see OH – Doc 31.10.1840), dealing here with events prior to the shipwreck. The material also brings extracts from another letters, with the same date, from an unidentified sender, with references to Moreau’s
306
OH - Doc 09.11.1840 “Fin de l’Expédition de l’Oriental-Hydrographe”. “Lettre du baron Poperlaire de Terloo, écrite à Valparaíso, en date de 11 août 1840, envoyé par le Bonne Clemence. Les élèves de l’Oriental-Hydrographe ne pourront pas continuer leur tour du monde [...]”. Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, lundi 9 novembre 1840, p. 1. KBR / Mic Perm 342 OH - Doc 13.11.1840 “Une lettre de Valparaiso du 11 août fait connaître que [...] il a été impossible au capitaine Lucas de trouver un bâtiment pour continuer l’expédition [...]”. Lloyd Nantais ; feuille commerciale et maritime Nantes, 13 novembre 1840, p. 1. The same letter already published in Le Courrier Belge (OH - Doc 09.11.1840) ADLA / Available at https://archives.loire-atlantique.fr/ SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription) OH - Doc 12.12.1840 “Anúncios. Retrato de S. M. o Imperador”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, sábado, 12 de dezembro de 1840, p. 4. Advertisement of the portrait of D. Pedro II, in bas relief carried out with the physiognotype and “sold at a moderate price” by
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Frédéric Sauvage. The advertisement is repeated on 14/12; 16/12; 18/12; 21/12; 24/12 and 28/12/1840. FBN / 1-500,03,03 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/ OH - Doc 18.01.1841 Lettre du ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Be) au ministre de l’Intérieur (Be): demande de faire renverser au ministère la somme de 4.631,24 fr. relative au logement, nourriture et rapatriement de Emonce et Verelst. Bruxelles, 18 janvier 1841. In annex, note on the 23rd January to grant some assistance to Professor Moreau. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 20.01.1841 Plainte du professeur Moreau au ministre des Affaires. Étrangères (Be) : demande d’une réparation financière. Bruxelles, 20 janvier 1841. Presents several arguments to justify his request: he “does not belong to a rich family”, “is unemployed”, has “debts incurred with the Belgian consul in Valparaiso”, etc. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 21.01.1841 Lettre de Moreau père, chef de la 2e Division de l’Administration de Bruxelles, au secrétaire général du ministère de l’Intérieur (Be). Bruxelles, 21 janvier 1841. Claims, on behalf of his son, a government indemnification for the instruction given to the young Belgians on board the OrientalHydrographe and for the “irreparable” losses caused by the shipwreck. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 25.01.1841 Lettre de Charles Emonce et François Verelst au ministre de l’Intérieur et Affaires Étrangères (Be), sur la mission a bord de l’Oriental-Hydrographe et les sommes reçues du capitaine A. Lucas. Voir aussi les rapports préparés pendant le voyage (140 pages manuscrites). Anvers, 25 janvier 1841. The two Belgian students made a balance of their participation
Sources Consulted
in the voyage, commenting on the scarce resources received and the debts incurred on with Captain Lucas. The document is a typed transcript of the original, which is not included in the dossier. The studies conducted during the journey probably accompanied this letter and have the following titles: “Renseignements sur le commerce de Gorée” “Étude sur le commerce du Brésil et Montevideo” “Note de cargaisons, principalement en articles de Belgique convenables pour le Chili et la côte de Perou” “Note de merchandises convenables pour l’Amerique du Sud” “Chili et côtes du Perou” AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 08.02.1841 Lettre de la direction du Commerce du ministère de l’Intérieur à M. Moreau, sur sa demande d’une indemnisation. Bruxelles, 8 février 1841. Communicates that the ministry does not have funds available to reimburse the expenditure. Suggests that Moreau prepare a brief study of the voyage, with references to trade and industry, in order to enable the payment of 600 francs. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 09.02.1841 Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur au gouverneur de la province d’Anvers : satisfaction pour les plusieurs cahiers collectés et rédigés par Emonce et Verelst. Bruxelles, 9 février 1841. The minister praises the two young men’s clear wish to be useful to their country. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018) OH - Doc 25.03.1841 Lettre du ministre de l’Intérieur au ministre des Travaux Publics (Be). Bruxelles, 25 mars 1841. The Minister of Interior responds to the colleague, with a chronological detail of all the expenditures made by the young Emonce and Verelst, which are beyond what had been planned, and reiterates the view that the expenses have been exorbitant and surpass the desired limit. AD-Be / Dossier thématique (2018)
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OH - Doc 15.04.1841 Lettre [du ministre de la Marine et Colonies] à M. le ministre des Affaires Étrangères (Fr). Paris, 15 avril 1840. Thanks, on 23rd November 1840, for the correspondence and accounts forwarded by Consul Cazotte on the shipwreck of the Oriental [see OH - Doc 26.06.1840 and others]. The Minister of the Marine fully approves the conduct of the diplomatic agent in the episode. SHD Marine / Fonds de la Marine / CC4 – 388 – nº 983 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (typed transcription)
OH - Doc 25.01.1842 Lettre de M. Buglet, capitaine de la frégate Thétis, au ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) sur le capitaine A. Lucas et le naufrage de l’Oriental-Hydrographe. Donné partie à le contre-amiral Du Petit Thouars, le 2 novembre 1842. Paris [?], 25 janvier 1842. Comments on A. Lucas’ dubious conduct and advises reservations regarding his criticism of the French consuls. ANOM / Série A12 – Carton 31 – Oceanie – Dossiê Lucas SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten partial transcription)
OH - Doc 02.09.1841 Lettre du directeur [du Personnel ( ?)] au chef du Service de la Marine à Nantes : “vous trouverez ci-joint une pétition adressée par M. le Comte Charles de Lestrange (...)”. Paris, 2 septembre 1841. Deals with the request for counting novice Charles Lestrange’s in-service time. SHD Marine / Fonds de la Marine / CC4 – 391 – f 2109 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (typed transcription)
OH - Doc 31.07.1842 “Lettre de A. Lucas a M. l’amiral Du Petit-Thouars, commandant la Division des mers du Sud”. Tahiti, 31 juillet 1842. Lucas makes an extensive defence of his conduct in the case of the OH shipwreck. In an annex to this “memoir”, the list of documents that would support his arguments. ANOM / Série A12 – Carton 31 – Oceanie – Dossier Lucas SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (photocopy)
OH - Doc 16.09.1841 Lettre du ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) à M. le Comte Charles de Lestrange, sur l’impossibilité d’accueillir la demande. Paris, 16 septembre 1841. SHD Marine / Fonds de la Marine / CC4 – 391 – f 2265 SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (typed transcription)
OH - Doc 20.09.1842 Lettre du contre-amiral Du Petit-Thouars a A. Lucas sur le Tahiti. Papeete, 20 septembre 1842. The admiral acknowledges reception of the correspondence sent by Lucas and expresses his surprise at the words used by Lucas, especially his accusations to the French consuls and commanders who would have slandered him. ANOM / Série A12 – Carton 31 – Oceanie – Dossier Lucas SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten transcription)
OH - Doc 12.11.1841 Lettre de A. Lucas au ministre de la Marine et Colonies (Fr) sur sa carrière, le naufrage de l’Oriental-Hydrographe et les consuls français. Tahiti, 12 novembre 1841. Lucas strongly criticises the performance of the French consuls abroad, pointing to the misunderstandings they had in the case of the expedition. ANOM / Série A12 – Carton 31 – Oceanie – Dossiê Lucas SHD – Marine / Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré (handwritten partial transcription, indicating that it has 20 pages plus annexes)
308
OH - Doc 23.12.1842 “Retratos e paisagens pelo daguerreotypo”. Jornal do Commercio Rio de Janeiro, 23 de dezembro de 1842, p. 1. Transcribes an article from the Morning Courrier, from New York, on the photographic portrait, announcing the arrival of the daguerreotypist A. Morand to the city of Rio de Janeiro “after the French ship brought us the daguerreotype three years ago”. FBN / 1-500,03,08 / Microfilme PRC – SPR 1 Available at http://bndigital.bn.gov.br/hemeroteca-digital/
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RECORDS OF THE ORIENTAL SHIP: Registry, fitting, crew, boarding and laid up OH - Doc 00.00.1837-1841 “Acte de francisation des bâtiments du commerce français” ; “Assureurs divers” ; “Congé” ; “Copie du rapport sur la perte du navire-école l’Oriental (cap. A. Lucas)”, etc. Nantes (Inscription Maritime), 1837-1841. Dossier with the registration of the Oriental in the Nantes Maritime Registry (1837) and the loss of the ship in Valparaiso, including a copy of Captain Lucas’ report on the shipwreck dated 24th July 1840. Copy recognised in January 1841 by H. Blanchard, French consul in Valparaiso. (23 handwritten pages) ADLA / Fonds – P – Finances de l’Etat – Série 3 P – Duanes – Nantes – Francisations – 1841 Article – 3 P 463 (Oriental)
Sources Consulted
by the corresponding consuls (18 handwritten pages). ADLA / Fonds - J - Inscription Maritime - Serie 7 R (après 1789) Article 7 R 4 / 4432 OH - Doc 00.00.1840 “Rôle de désarmement” (Oriental). Laid-up roll of the Oriental in its final journey. The document contains a list of the crew (crew proper and novices), as well as passengers, with summary information of the “on-board roll” (5 handwritten pages). ADLA / Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Serie 7 R (après 1789) Article 7 R4 / 196
OH - Doc 00.00.1839 Rôle de caisse (“rôle d’équipage et de bureau”) (Oriental) Nantes (Inscription Maritime), 1839. Cash roll of the Oriental in its voyage around the world, containing a list of the crew (crew proper and novices), with their corresponding pay and service information, as well as a list of passengers, their data and documents (15 handwritten pages). ADLA / Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Serie 7 R (après 1789) Article 7 R4 / 968 OH - Doc 00.00.1839-1840 Rôle d’armement et désarmement (bureau, bord et désarmement) (Oriental). Nantes (Inscription Maritime), 1839-1840. Outfit and laid-up rolls of the Oriental in its voyage around the world, containing a list of the crew (crew proper and novices), with their corresponding pay, service information and personal data, as well as a list of passengers, their data and documents. The document also includes the on-board roll of the expedition, with the notes of boarding and disembarkment, desertions and deaths in the respective ports, carried out and/or authenticated 2. Previous code “Serie 120 J – 1841 – art. 2571”. The change in the code was informed to the researcher by Philippe Charon, director of the Archives Départamentales de Loire-Atlantique, in August 2007.
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Conditions for Admission to the Oriental-Hydrographe, written by the Commander (1839) Printed, written and distributed by Commander Lucas, as the “Statute for Admission” to the Oriental-Hydrographe, containing further clarifications in footnotes. Paris, 22nd April 1839. 2 p. (OH - Doc 22.04.1839). Conditions d’admission sur le Bâtiment-école, destiné à faire le tour du monde sous le commandement du Capitaine Lucas. Avis. On accorde aux parents qui sont situés à moins de cent lieues de Paris, dix jours pour répondre et seize jours pour ceux qui sont plus éloignés. Après ce terme fixé, les traites qui leur seront expédies seront considérés comme non acceptés, à moins qu’il ne soit demandé d’une manière expresse un nouveau délai. Voir dans le Moniteur universel, du 26 mars, la circulaire adressée par le M. le ministre du commerce à tous les Préfets du royaume pour leur recommander particulièrement cette entreprise. PAR DEVANT M. BERTINOT et son Collègue, notaires à Paris, soussignés; A COMPARU: M. AUGUSTIN LUCAS, capitaine au long-cours, demeurant à Paris, rue Neuve-Saint-Eustache, nº 37. Lequel a dit : qu’étant dans l’intention d’armer un Navire-École, d’environ cinq cents tonneaux, pour faire un voyage autour du monde, et y fonder une institution pour l’instruction des jeunes gens en général1, et particulièrement pour ceux qui se destinent à la marine marchande, ou au commerce, et qui désireraient faire partie de cette expédition, il a établi, de la manière suivante,
Article 2 Les jeunes gens qui voudront se faire admettre sur l’Hydrographe, devront être âgés de plus de douze ans. Ils devront être d’une bonne constitution, et porteurs d’un certificat constatant qu’ils ont été vaccinés. Ils seront munis de leur acte de naissance et d’un certificat en bonne forme du maire de leur commune, dûment légalisé, constatant qu’ils sont de bonne vie et mœurs ; Leurs engagements ne pourront être contractés, s’ils sont mineurs, qu’avec l’autorisation et l’assistance de leur père ou tuteur. Article 3 Nul ne sera admis, s’il ne sait l’arithmétique et les premiers éléments de la géométrie. Ils seront examinés avant l’embarquement par les professeurs des différentes sciences, attachés à l’expédition, et appartenant au corps de l’Université, désignés à cet effet, par M. le ministre de l’instruction publique, pour être classés suivant leur degré d’instruction. Les élèves seront divisés en quatre sections, suivant le degré d’instruction qu’ils auront acquise, et y complèteront l’éducation qu’ils seraient à même de recevoir dans les collèges royaux, en outre des langues étrangères et des connaissances spéciales de la marine et du commerce. Article 4 Chaque élève devra être muni d’un trousseau composé ainsi qu’il suit:
les conditions d’admission sur ce bâtiment :
12 chemises, dont 8 de couleur (4, fond rouge, et 4, fond bleu).
1. M. le ministre le l’Instruction publique a indiqué le personnel de professeurs
2. Le départ est fixé pour la fin de juin, mais en cas de circonstances imprévues,
qu’il exigerait pour considérer notre école comme institution universitaire de
M. Lucas s’engage à ne pas partir plus tard que le 30 septembre de cette année.
plein exercice, et nous nous sommes empressés de les lui présenter (Voir la
Le nombre d’élève déjà inscrit suffit pour l’exécution du voyage.
lettre au Prospectus).
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Article 1er Le bâtiment portera le nom de l’Hydrographe. Il partira de Rochefort, avant le 30 septembre2, pour faire le tour du monde, sous le commandement dudit capitaine Lucas.
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12 mouchoirs. 6 paires de chaussettes (2 de laine, 4 de fil). 2 cravates noires. 1 paire de bottes. 2 paires de souliers. 1 habit en drap bleu à col droit, avec ancres brodées en or au col e aux pans, et boutons portant cette inscription : Navire-École. 2 pantalons en drap bleu. 1 pantalon blanc. 1 pantalon de toile ou coutil gris. 1 gilet rond en drap bleu, avec ancres brodées au col, pour petite tenue. 1 chapeau et 1 casquette. 1 matelas, 2 couvertures, 4 draps. 1 couvert et 1 gobelet en argent. 1 étui de mathématiques. Les libres d’enseignement seront fournis à chaque élève dans le port d’embarquement, au prix fixé par le libraire8. Les habits, vestes et pantalons seront tous faits avec du drap de même qualité, et suivant le modèle établi dans le port d’armement et de départ ou à Paris. S’il est nécessaire de renouveler quelques-uns des articles du trousseau, ou d’en ajouter de nouveaux, la nécessité du renouvellement et du supplément d’effets sera constatée par procès verbal, inscrit sur le livre du bord, l’élève débattra lui même le prix des objets à acheter ou à faire confectionner, en présence d’un officiel désigné par le capitaine Lucas. Les sommes ainsi dépensées et avancées, seront portées au compte de l’élève et acquittées pour lui ou sa famille, au retour de l’expédition en France. Article 5 À la mer, comme à terre, les élèves accèdent du pain frais à discrétion, deux plats avec thé ou café à déjeuneur ; un potage et deux plats à diner, une demi-bouteille de vin à chaque repas ; sur les deux plats de chaque repas, un au moins sera de vivres frais. Dans le cas ou, pendant la durée du voyage, on ne pouvait se procurer de vin, il y sera supplée par quelque liqueur saine et de bonne qualité.
Sources Consulted
Article 6 Les règlements nécessaires pour maintenir à bord, le bon ordre et la discipline, seront faits par le capitaine et fichés sur le bâtiment (voir le Prospectus). Article 7 Le prix de la pension et du voyage est fixé à raison de 2,500 Fr. par an, pendant la durée de l’expédition, qui est présumée devoir être de deux ans au moins. En conséquence une somme de cinq mille francs [5,000 Fr.] sera déposée par chaque élève, lors de son engagement et adhésion aux présent statuts, en l’étude de M. Bertinot l’un des notaires à Paris soussignés. La moitié de cette somme, ou 2,500 Fr., sera immédiatement à disposition du capitaine Lucas pour en faire usage suivant les besoins de l’armement et pour cette fin, au plus tard avant le 31 mai 1839. Le troisième paragraphe de l’article 7 du présent traite est modifié ainsi qu’il suit: La moitié de la somme, soit 2,500 Fr., ne sera mise à la disposition du capitaine que quand le commissaire de l’inscription maritime aura constaté officiellement l’embarquement de l’élève sur les matricules de l’Etat, ou son absence à la revue d’armement. L’avis de se rendre au port du départ sera donné par lettres particulières et par des annonces dans les principaux journaux de la capitale, 15 jours d’avance. [signé] A. Lucas Un quart ou 1,250 Fr. le 31 mai 1840. Et le dernier quart, ou 1,250 Fr., le 31 décembre 1841, ou au retour de l’expédition si elle a lieu avant cette époque. Pour utiliser les capitaux, les parents des élèves, ou leurs tuteurs, pourront autoriser M. Bertinot à placer les deux derniers quarts à la caisse des consignations, moyennant la faculté de les retirer aux époques désignées. M. Bertinot se trouvera entièrement déchargé des sommes qui lui seront déposées, par le payement qu’il en fera au capitaine sur sa simple quittance, aux époques et dans les proportions ci-dessous fixées.
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Dans le cas ou le voyage durerait plus de deux ans, le temps excédant donnera lieu à un supplément proportionnel de la pension d’après le taux ci-dessous fixé. Article 8 Si pour une cause quelconque et à quelle époque que ce soit, le voyage était interrompu avant les deux ans expirés, il sera tenu compte au capitaine des dépenses faites jusqu’au jour de l’interruption du voyage, son salaire sera dans le cas fixé par des arbitres. Ce qui restera libre après ce prélèvement, sur le montant de la pension et sur les fonds qui proviendraient, soi du navire, soit des assurances ou de toute autre objet appartenant à l’armement sera reparti au marc le franc entre les élèves ou leurs parents. Article 9 En cas de désertion de l’élève, le montant total de la pension appartiendra au capitaine. En cas de mort, il ne lui sera dû pour la pension qu’une rétribution proportionnel au temps que l’élève aura passé sur le navire ; il en sera de même, si une maladie grave exigeait son débarquement, et il sera ramené en France aux frais de sa famille, mais dans tous le cas, quelque soit le temps pendant lequel l’élève aura été embarqué, les restitutions à lui faire ou à sa famille, ne pourra [sic] jamais excéder la moitié du prix de sa pension (ainsi que cela se pratique pour le passage, même avant le départ). La différence qui existerait s’il y a lieu appartiendra au capitaine, à titre d’indemnité. Article 10 En cas de mort du capitaine, le second lui succédera dans le commandement ; et dans le cas de mort de celui-ci, le voyage sera continué sous le commandement des officiers, qui le remplacent par rang de grade, conformément aux règlements de la marine.
Article 12 S’il s’élevait quelques difficultés sur l’exécution des clauses et conditions qui précèdent, elles seront résolues par trois arbitres, qui seront nommés à Paris, dont un par le capitaine, un autre par l’élève ou sa famille et en cas de désaccord, ils feront choix d’un tiers arbitre pour les départager, ou le feront nommer par le tribunal de commerce de Paris. La décision que ces arbitres rendront sera exécutée comme jugement en dernier ressort, sans pouvoir en appeler, ni se pourvoir en cassation, ou en requête civile. Article 13 Pour l’exécution des présentes, le capitaine Lucas fait élection de domicile à Paris, en l’étude du dit M. Bertinot, notaire, rue Richelieu nº 28 et chacun des souscripteurs adhérents au présent statuts seront tenus de faire élection de domicile à Paris. Dont acte fait et passé à Paris, en l’étude du dit M. Bertinot, le 22 avril 1839 et le capitaine Lucas a signé avec les notaires après lecture faite. Signé : A. Lucas / Bertinot / Roquebert Les élèves, ou leur père ou tuteurs, en cas de minorité, devront écrire la formule suivante, en indiquant leurs noms, qualités et demeure, ainsi que la maison de Paris chargée de faire le versement pour leur compte, chez M. Bertinot. Cette traite devra être fait par triplicata, l’un sera remis au capitaine Lucas, un autre à M. Bertinot, et le troisième sera remis à l’élève ou à son représentent. FORMULE Je soussigné déclare adhérer au traité ci-dessus et m’oblige à son entière exécution................................................. Signé...................................demeurant à ...................... agissant pour .................................................................
Article 11 Si après la signature de l’engagement de l’élève et son adhésion aux présents status, son embarquement n’avait pas lieu, soit par son fait, soit par celui de sa famille, la moitié de la pension sera acquise au capitaine, à titre d’indemnité, conformément aux usages des passages maritimes.
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Ensuite est écrit : enregistré à Paris, 3e. bureau, le 2 avril 839, f. 87, v., case 1re., reçu 1 Fr 10 centimes, dixième compris. Signé Favre. Imprimerie de Wittersheim, rue Montmorency, nº 8.
Maria Inez Turazzi
Crew roll and on-board roll of the Oriental-Hydrographe (1839-1840) The “outfit and laid-up roll” (“rôle de d’armement et désarmement”) of the Oriental ship concerning the circumnavigation voyage from 1839 to 1840 represents a kind of “baptism certificate” and, at the same time, the “death certificate” of the OH expedition.1 These documents gather information of the so-called “crew roll” and “on-board roll” of a ship on each journey. There are other volumes related to the Oriental in the Archives Départementales de LoireAtlantique, but this codex contains more detailed records of the participants and course of the voyage. It remained with the OH from the rigging of the ship, and returned to France after the shipwreck, since most of the goods on board were saved. The information is consolidated in a set of printed forms, later bound and filled in manually with the name of the ship, place of departure, crew list, personal identification data, registration, remuneration and advance payments (to crew members), and passport data (passengers), among other records made at the port of origin (Paimboeuf), subordinated to the Nantes Maritime Registry. The “outfit and laid-up roll” of the OH, transcribed here, also presents the notes on those who landed, deserted or died during the journey. These notes were carried out and/or confirmed by the French consuls at the ports where the ship lay anchor. 1. ADLA. Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Série 7 R (après 1789). Article 7 R 4 / 443 – Rôle d’armement et désarmement / Rôle de bord – Nº 59 (Oriental). Manuscrito, 18 p. Código anterior: “Serie 120 J – 1841 – art. 2571”. The new code was informed in August 2007 by Philippe Charon, then director of the Archives Départementales de Loire-Atlantique (Departmental Archives of LoireAtlantique), with further explanations regarding the documentation: “Il existe effectivement plusieurs exemplaires de rôles d’armement, mais
Sources Consulted
The OH left Paimboeuf with 78 people on board: the Captain and his staff, the rest of the crewmembers and novices, formally registered with the ship’s crew, as well as two Belgian passengers and other members of the expedition. But the initial group was not completed until they passed through Belle-Île, when other members of the crew embarked together with Captain Lucas’ wife, sister and two daughters. The OH then had 86 people on board (including two children) in the group that in fact initiated the planned journey according to the Nantes Maritime Registry records. The staff and usual crew (boatswains, carpenters, cooks, sailors, cabin boys, etc.) numbered 17. Of the 42 French youths enrolled in the expedition, 41 were registered as “voluntary novices” on the crew list, although only 40 were actually on board the ship. The young Charles Masson committed suicide before the departure and was not even registered, while the young Barthélemy Peltier was included in the crew list but did not turn up for boarding and had his registration cancelled. The teachers of the expedition and the Belgian students were listed as “passengers” because they were not entitled to count in-service time by the Nantes Maritime Registry. As in various aspects of the OH history, the references on the voyage have certain imprecisions, and in these cases I have opted for the document transcribed here. When the OH arrived in Valparaiso, the expedition counted with little more than half of the novices and there were 72 people on board.2 In this transcription the names of the participants have been grouped in alphabetical order, according to their function on board (staff, novices, crew and passengers), in order to facilitate the consultation and understanding of the existing data in the original document. The most relevant biographical information (name, function, age and origin), with the corresponding annotations from the consuls, were also included in the
celui dont vous avez eu une copie, le rôle d’armement classé à la date du désarmement qui est en réalité le rôle de désarmement (l’ancien 120 J 2571
2. The staff (5), the French novices (24), the rest of the crew (21) and passengers
coté aujourd’hui 7 R 4/443), est le plus complet. Un autre exemplaire le 7 R
(22) were part of the group, considering the disembarkations and replacements
4/968 correspond à ce que l’on appelle le rôle de caisse ; il est établi lors du
of the crew prior to Valparaiso, as well as the new passengers boarded
paiement des droits et vous donnera des renseignements complémentaires
in Montevideo. VIDAL GORMAZ (1901, p. 206-208) also indicates 50 crew
uniquement en ce qui concerne les salaires. Le troisième exemplaire est le
members, based on the documentation then available at the French consulate
rôle d’armement proprement dit [7 R4 – 196] classé à la date de l’armement en
in Valparaiso. CARRÉ (1970, p. 29) mentions 40 sailors and novices on board,
septembre 1839 et ne comporte pas de renseignements sur le voyage”.
and 19 passengers.
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
transcription of the OH outfit and laid-up roll and on-board roll, the first page of which is reproduced in this book.
MARINE 3e. Arrondissement - Quartier de Nantes Port de Nantes Registre de Bâtiments Immatricules au Quartier de Nantes – F. 222 – N. 668 N. 59. Quartier de Nantes / Port de Nantes Armement au mois Année 1839 L’Oriental 3 mats allant à faire un voyage de circumnavigation Rôle d’équipage du dit navire construit en l’an 1835, à Nantes, du port de 304, 63/100 tonneaux, armé de dix caronades, tirant d’eau, chargé, 4 mètres 70 centimètres, et non chargé, 3 mètres 50 centimètres, 2 ponts, 2 gaillards, appartenant M. Despecher et M. Bonnefin, armé à Nantes, par M. Despecher et M. Bonnefin, fréteurs, sous le commandement du Capitaine Lucas, pour aller faire un voyage de circumnavigation. Visite à Paimboeuf les 9 juillet et le 24 août 1839. [...] Naufragé à Valparaiso le 23 juin 1840. ETAT MAYOR Embarqués à Nantes [Paimboeuf] Noms, Prénoms, Naissances, Domiciles et Signalements LUCAS, Augustin Fils de Jean-Marie et de Marie-Anne Seveno, domicilié à Belle-Île, syndicat du dit, né le 6 mars 1804 à Bangor3, dept. de Morbihan, taille d’un mètre 60 millimètre, cheveux et sourcils noirs 3. The information that Augustin Lucas was registered in Palais (Belle-Île) can be found in his marriage certificate in Rochefort (3rd September 1832) and the registry of the sailors enrolled in Bangor, in the same island, at the Port de Lorient Archive (France), series 3P, on Belle-Île, sub-series 3P(1)22. SHD – Marine. Fonds privé Adrien L.J. Carré.
314
Inscription Belle Isle, Fº 5, Nº 9 Grade et paye au service Capitaine au long-cours Qualité et fonctions à bord du bâtiment Capitaine Solde par mois 200 Avances pour trois mois 600 Apostilles et mouvements constatés par1º) les administrateurs de la marine ; 2º) les consuls ; 3º) procès-verbaux en forme DAUDÉ, Martial Deuxième capitaine, 28 ans, domicilié à Marseille “Débarqué à Pernambouc, pour cause de maladie. Pernambuco, le 10 décembre 1839, [signé] le consul de France Barrère” GADEBOIS, Louis-Marie Premier lieutenant, 32 ans, domicilié à Bordeaux DURASSIER, Alexandre Deuxième lieutenant, 23 ans, domicilié à Nantes “Débarqué pour cause de maladie avec le consentement du capitaine. Bahia, le 16 décembre 1839, [signé] Max Raybaud” BRIEL, Jean-François Troisième lieutenant, 28 ans, domicilié à Bangor [marié avec Louise-Augustine Lucas, sœur du capitaine] THOMAS, Gilles Chirurgien-major, 42 ans, domicilié à Paris Embarqué à Montevideo COCQ, Claude Guillaume Deuxième capitaine, 23 ans, né à Lyon “Embarqué à Montevideo, le 23 février 1840, provenant du brig l’Etat Alacrity, [signé] le consul de France Baradère” Débarqué à Valparaiso, le 10 juin 1840, [signé] l’élève-consul A. Huet”
Maria Inez Turazzi
Sources Consulted
EQUIPAGE [novices volontaires] Embarqués à Nantes [Paimboeuf]
CHENAL, Charles Novice volontaire, 21 ans, né à Ste-Marie-aux-Mines
APPERT, Charles Novice volontaire, 19 ans, né à Angers
CORBIN, Louis Gabriel Novice volontaire, 24 ans, né à Les Andelys “Débarqué à Pernambouc, le 4 décembre 1839, [signé] le consul Barrère”
ARCEL, Charles d’ Novice volontaire, 19 ans, domicilié à Rouen ARGENTRÉ, Balthazar du Plessis d’ Novice volontaire, 21 ans, né à Vitré BAUDRILLART, Jules Edmond [ou BAUDRILLARD] Novice volontaire, 20 ans, né à Paris “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro, le 31 décembre 1839, [signé] Th. Taunay” BAZIN, Henry Novice volontaire, 20 ans, né à Lyon “Déserté à Rio de Janeiro, le 20 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay” BRIGES, Antoine Marie Albert, comte de Novice volontaire, 22 ans, né à Lozère “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro le 20 janvier 1840, [signé] le Chancelier Th. Taunay” BROCHE, Philippe Novice volontaire, 20 ans, né à Lyon CARDIN, Auguste Paul Emile Novice volontaire, 20 ans, né à Bourbon Vendée “Débarqué pour prévenir un duel devenu inévitable entre lui et le lieutenant du bord, duel provoqué par ce dernier. Pernambouc, le 4 octobre 1839, [signé] le consul de France Barrère” CHANUT, François Charles Novice volontaire, 17 ans, né à Châlon-sur-Saône “Déserté à Rio de Janeiro, le 20 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay”
DELACHÉRE, Pierre Novice volontaire, 20 ans, domicilié à Marseille DELTON, Louis Albert Novice volontaire, 14 ans, né à Paris DOLBEAU, Jean-Baptiste Novice volontaire, 15 ans, né à Lyon FARCY, Jérôme Eugène Novice volontaire, 19 ans, né à Passy FARCY, Joseph Novice volontaire, 15 ans, né à Passy FAUDOAS, René Marie, comte de Novice volontaire, 27 ans, né à Englesqueville “Débarqué à Pernambouc, le 9 décembre 1839, [signé] le consul Barrère” FROPIER, Ferdinand Novice volontaire, 21 ans, né à l’Île Maurice FUSSEY, Léopold Charles Henry de Novice volontaire, 26 ans, né à Autun “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro, le 20 janvier 1840, [signé] le Chancelier Th. Taunay” ISABEY, Ernest Louis-Marie Novice volontaire, 21 ans, né à Besançon
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KONIG, Etienne Novice volontaire, 23 ans, né à Paris
PASQUIER DE DOMMARTIN, Maximilien Hyppolite du Novice volontaire, 20 ans, né à Metz
LAVERNOS, Louis Novice volontaire, 23 ans, né à Rouen “Débarqué le 22 mai à Talcahuano, [signé] Cazotte” LE BOEUF, Jean Novice [volontaire], 20 ans, né à Port Louis
PELTIER, Barthélemy Novice volontaire, 26 ans, né à Paris “M. Peltier, novice volontaire à bord de l’Oriental ait manqué le navire à son départ [signé] commissaire maritime à Nantes”4 “Nul – n’as pas embarqué d’après la déclaration du cap. Rio, le 10 janvier 1840 [signé] Th. Taunay”
LEGRAND, Edouard Novice volontaire, 22 ans, né à Troyes
PINEAU DEVIENNAY, Marie-Antoine Léonce Novice volontaire, 19 ans, né à Mamers
LESTRANGE, Charles de Novice volontaire, 20 ans, né à Saint-Alban Day “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro, le 16 janvier 1840, [signé] le Chancelier Th. Taunay”
PLANTIN DE VILLEPERDRIX, Louis-Léopold Novice volontaire, 16 ans, né à Pont-Saint-Esprit “Déserté à Rio de Janeiro, le 20 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay”
L’HÉRITIER, François Alphonse, baron Novice volontaire, 25 ans, né à Conflans-Sainte-Honorine
RICARD, Edmond de, comte Novice volontaire, 19 ans, né à Paris “Déserté à Rio de Janeiro, le 23 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay”
MONTESQUIOU-FEZENSAC, Pierre Joseph Edgard, baron Novice volontaire, 19 ans, né à Paris “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro, le 20 janvier 1840, [signé] le Chancelier Th. Taunay” MORIN, Claude Pierre Novice volontaire, 19 ans, né à Beaune NORMAND, Henry Jules Felix Novice volontaire, 19 ans, né à Besançon “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro, le 15 janvier 1840, [signé] le Chancelier Th. Taunay” OREILLE DE CARRIÈRE, Ferdinand Novice volontaire, 18 ans, né à Paris PARIS, François Marie de Novice volontaire, 21 ans, né à Dieppe
SAUVAGE, Frédéric Novice volontaire, 25 ans, “fils de Pierre [Louis-Frédéric Sauvage] et Suzanne Sauveur, né à Boulogne-sur-Mer” “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro, le 23 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th.Taunay” SAUVAGE, Joseph Novice volontaire, 24 ans, « fils de Joseph e Marianne Sauvage, né le 24 décembre 1815, à Boulogne-sur-Mer” “Débarqué à Valparaiso, le 22 juin 1840, [signé] l’élève consul A. Huet” TIREL, François Alexis Novice volontaire, 26 ans, domicilié à [não indicado] “Debarqué à Valparaiso, le 22 juin 1840, [signé] élève-consul A. Huet” 4. This note is found in a sheet added to the “rôle de caisse” in the OH – Doc 00.00.1839-1840.
316
Maria Inez Turazzi
VALORI, Anne-Roland Gustave Gabriel, marquis de Novice volontaire, 16 ans, né à Paris “Déserté à Rio de Janeiro, le 18 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay” VENDEL-HEYL, Emile Novice volontaire, 22 ans, né à Paris “Debarqué à Valparaiso, le 22 juin 1840, [signé] l’élève consul A. Huet” EQUIPAGE [continuation] Embarqués à Nantes [Paimboeuf] BANES, Jean Henry Matelot, 21 ans, domicilié à Paris “Déserté à Rio de Janeiro, le 18 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay” BRETONNEL, Théodore Gustave Mousse, 10 ans, né à Paris FRIC, Fréderic Maître d’hôtel, 21 ans, domicilié à Londres “Passé a cuisinier le 21 janvier 1840”, [signé] élève-consul A. Huet GAILLARD, Mathieu Matelot, 17 ans, domicilié à Bordeaux “Déserté à Rio de Janeiro, le 18 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay” GUILLON, Jean Pierre Mousse, 11 ans, né à Paris “Embarqué à Paimboeuf, le 20 septembre 1839, [signé] le commissaire maritime de Nantes [signé] [?]” JOANNET, Pierre Jules Mousse, 14 ans, né à Paris
Sources Consulted
LOYER, Louis Édouard Cuisinier, [âge] [?], domicilié à Saint Malo ROUAUD, Pierre René Matelot charpentier, 26 ans, domicilié à Paimboeuf SER, François Victor Théophile Maître d’hotel, 23 ans, domicilié à Saint-Savinien QUELDANT, André Matelot voilier, 28 ans, domicilié à [?] EQUIPAGE [continuation] Embarqués à Nantes [Belle-Île] BELLAIS, Prosper Novice, 16 ans, domicilié à Rochefort [Embarqué à Belle-Île le 27 septembre, frère de Mme. Bellais] DESPLOUSSE, Marcellin Bernard Novice, 20 ans, né à Palais “Embarqué à Belle-Île le 27 septembre, [signé] ?” DESPLOUSSE, Emile Novice, 18 ans, né à Palais “Embarqué à Belle-Île le 30 septembre, [signé] ?” QUEREL, Jean-Baptiste Novice, 22 ans, né à Bangor “Embarqué à Belle-Île le 30 septembre, [signé] ?” Embarqué à Lisbonne FERNANDEZ, Pedro José Maître d’hotel, 18 ans, né en Galicia Embarqué à Lisbonne, le 13 octobre 1839, [signé] C. Famin Embarqué à Santa Cruz de Ténériffe
LEINHARD, Jean Louis Cuisinier, 27 ans, domicilié à La Ferté (?) “Débarqué à Rio de Janeiro, le 18 janvier 1840, [signé] le chancelier Th. Taunay”
MEZÈRE, Auguste Marin, 26 ans, né à Angers, inscrit à Nantes, provenant d’un brick américain
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Embarqué à Saint Croix de Ténériffe le 29 octobre 1839 “Déserté à Pernambouc le 5 décembre 1839, suivant la déclaration du commandant le 25 décembre 1839 la chancellerie de la Légation [signé] Th. Taunay” Embarqués à Bahia ZOGARIDO [ ?], Pierre Marin, 27 ans, né en Espagne ZORA [ ?], Antonio Marin, 20 ans, né en Espagne Embarqués à Rio de Janeiro MELHAU, Frédéric Cuisinier, 29 ans, né à [ ?] “Embarqué à Rio Janeiro, le 19 janvier 1840, [signé] Th. Taunay” “Débarqué à Montevideo, le 28 février 1840, [signé] le consul de France Baradère” DANCH [?], Nicolas Matelot, 44 ans, né à [ ?] “Embarqué à Rio Janeiro, le 22 janvier 1840, [signé] Th. Taunay” “Débarqué à Valparaiso, le 10 juin 1840, [signé] l’élève consul A. Huet” Embarqués à Montevideo FOSSATI, Louis Maître d’hotel, 27 ans, né à Nice “Embarqué à Montevideo le 23 février 1840, provenant du brig l’Etat Alacrity, [signé] le consul de France Baradère” JOUBLE, René Julien Matelot, 36 ans, né à Plessis Balisson “Embarqué à Montevideo le 23 février 1840, provenant du brig l’Etat Alacrity, [signé] le consul de France Baradère”
318
PORCHER, Jules Matelot, 28 ans, né à Redon “Embarqué à Montevideo le 23 février 1840, provenant du brig l’Etat Alacrity, [signé] le consul de France Baradère” THOBRÉ, Jean-Baptiste Matelot, 23 ans, né à Saint Nazaire “Embarqué à Montevideo le 23 février 1840, provenant du brig l’Etat Alacrity, [signé] le consul de France Baradère” VICTOR, Pierre Matelot, 38 ans, né á Toulon “Embarqué à Montevideo le 23 février 1840, provenant du brig l’Etat Alacrity, [signé] le consul de France Baradère” Embarqué à Valparaiso DENIAUD, Jean Pierre Matelot, 21 ans, né à Pornic
Maria Inez Turazzi
PASSAGERS5 Embarqués à Nantes [Paimboeuf] BENOIST, Alexandre Passager, cultivateur et propriétaire, 42 ans “Passeport Marie de la commune de [?] visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” “Débarqué à Pernambuco le 3 décembre 1839, [signé] le consul de France Barrere” CHAMPEAUX DE LA BOULAYE, Victor Passager, 41 ans, né à Rethel, demeurant à Nantes “Passeport du Département de la Loire Inferieure” “Débarqué à Pernambuco le 3 décembre 1839, [signé] le consul de France Barrere” CHAMPION DE VILLENEUVE, Auguste Simon Passager, sans profession, 20 ans, né à Bruxelles de parents français “Passeport du Ministère de France à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” COMTE, Louis Aumônier de l’Oriental, propriétaire, 39 ans, né à Nantes, demeurant à Grand Verrière “Passeport de la communauté de La Grand Verrière visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” DE MOOR, Louis Balthazar Maximilien (*) Lieutenant d’artillerie, chargé de recueillir des documents pour le ministre de la Guerre “Passeport du Ministère belge à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes”
Sources Consulted
DUFOUR, Auguste Félix (*) Aspirant de la Marine belge, 20 ans “Passeport du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères belge visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” EMONCE, Charles (*) Élève de l’Ecole de Navigation d’Anvers, 18 ans, né à Anvers “Passeport du Ministère belge à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” HYNDERICK, [?] (*) Lieutenant de cavalerie, 20 ans “Passeport du Ministère belge à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” JACQUOT, Charles Désiré (*) Passager, commis voyageur, 20 ans, né à Bruxelles “Passeport du Ministère belge à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” LOUIS, Pierre (*) Passager [ ?], sans profession, 19 ans, né à Java “Passeport du consul belge à Nantes visé à la Préfecture” “Mort à la mer le 7 décembre suivant l’acte dressé à bord et déposé en cette chancellerie, Bahia le 10 décembre 1839, [signé] le consul de France Max Raybaud” LOYS [?], Désiré Charles (*) Particulier, 19 ans, demeurant à Gand “Passeport du Ministère belge à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” MICHEL, Achile Jules (*) Aspirant de la Marine belge, 18 ans “Passeport du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères belge visé à la Préfecture de Nantes”
5. The names with an asterisk (*) correspond to the Belgians that were included as part of the crew but registered as passengers by the Nantes
MOREAU, [Marie-Joseph-Ferdinand-Jean] (*) Professeur
Maritime Registry. Other members of the expedition, such as teachers, were also registered as passengers.
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POPELAIRE DE TERLOO, Jean Baptiste, baron Passager, propriétaire, 29 ans, né à Bruxelles
Embarquées à Nantes [Belle-Île]6
“Passeport du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes”
Mme. LUCAS [Elisabeth Zoe Bellais] Passenger, épouse du capitaine et ses DEUX FILLES
SCHOBROUCK, Felix Pierre Marie van (*) [ou SCHOUBROUCK] Lieutenant, 23 ans, demeurant à Bruxelles “Passeport du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères belge visé à la Préfecture de Nantes”
Mlle LUCAS [Louise-Augustine Lucas, “épouse de Jean-François Briel, troisième lieutenant”] Passenger, sœur du capitaine Embarqués à Montevideo
SOULIER de SAUVE, [Eugène] Professeur de sciences, accompagné de sa femme Mme. SOULIER de SAUVE, [Louise Lapierre] “Passeport du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères à Paris visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” VENDEL-HEYL, [Louis-Antoine] Professeur de littérature, 49 ans, né à Paris “Passeport de la Préfecture de Police à Paris visé à la Préfecture de Nantes”
GÓMEZ DE MELLO, Louis [sic] Passenger, négociant, 21 ans, né en Uruguay “Embarqué le 29 février 1840” “Muni d’un passeport du Président de la République de l’Uruguay” ARRUDA, Manoel d’Oliveira Passenger, 18 ans, né a Rio de Janeiro
VERELST, Jean-François (*) Élève de l’Ecole de Navigation d’Anvers, 17 ans, né à Anvers “Passeport du Ministère belge à Bruxelles visé à la Préfecture de Nantes” VRIDAYS Passager, domestique avec M. le baron Popelaire de Terloo, 16 ans. “Passeport du consul belge à Nantes visé à la Préfecture du dit lieu” WANT, Georges Chirurgien [second médecin], 23 ans, anglais “Passeport du ministre plénipotentiaire d’Angleterre visé à la Préfecture de Nantes”
6. The Nantes Maritime Registry officially indicates that they embarked in the port of Nantes, although Captain Lucas’ family and others had in fact boarded in Belle Île.
320
321
322
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VALÉRY, Paul. Discours du centenaire de la photographie. Études Photographiques, Paris, n. 10, nov 2001, pp. 88-106.
____. Viajeros extraordinarios: las grandes travesías de la historia desde Hannón el Cartaginés hasta Cavalier de la Salle. Barcelona: Círculo Latino, 2006. Estudio preliminar de Rafael Castaño Espinosa.
VARESE, Juan Antonio. A 150 años de la primera fotografía en el Rio de la Plata. Anales de la Revista Hoy es Historia, n. 2, Montevideo, October 1990.
VIANA, Hélio. Diários, cadernetas de notas e apontamentos de viagens de Dom Pedro II. Anuário do Museu Imperial. Petrópolis, v. XV, pp. 71-82, 1954.
____. Historia de la fotografía en el Uruguay. Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2007.
VIDAL GORMAZ, Francisco. Naufrajios [sic] ocurridos en las costas chilenas: desde su descubrimiento hasta nuestros días. Santiago: Imprenta Elzeviriana, 1901.
____. Los comienzos de la fotografía en Uruguay; el daguerrotipo y su tiempo. Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2013. VASQUEZ, Pedro. D. Pedro II e a fotografia no Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Index, 1985. ____. O Brasil na fotografia oitocentista. São Paulo: Metalivros, 2003.
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WOOD, Rupert Derek. Ste. Croix in London. History of photography, 1993, v. 17, (1), pp. 101-107. Available at http://www.midley. co.uk/. ____. The voyage of Captain Lucas and the daguerreotype to Sydney. NZ Journal of Photography, n. 16, Aug. 1994, p. 3-7; Reprinted in Journal de la Société des Océanistes, Paris, v. 102, 1996, p. 113-118. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3406/jso.1996.1981. ____. The voyage of Captain Lucas and the daguerreotype to Sydney. The Daguerreian Annual, 1995, pp. 51–57. Revised edition available at http://www.midley.co.uk/. ____. The arrival of the daguerreotype in New York. New York: The American Photographic Historical Society, Jan. 1995. Available at http://www.midley.co.uk/. ____. A state pension for L. J. M. Daguerre for the secret of his daguerreotype technique. Annals of Science, Sept. 1997, v. 54, n. 5, pp. 489-506. Available at http://www.midley.co.uk/. WOOD, Rupert Derek; HARMANT, Pierre G. Daguerre’s demonstrations in 1839 at the Palais d’Orsay, History of Photography, 1992, vol. 16 (4), pp. 400-401. YARRINGTON, Jonna. Sucre indigène and Sucre colonial: reconsidering the splitting of the French national sugar market, 18001860. Economic Anthropology, v. 5, n.1, pp. 20-31, jan. 2018. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/sea2.12099. YVERT, Benoîst (dir.). Dictionnaire des ministres de 1789 à 1989. Paris: Perrin, 1990.
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Introduction p. 18 Drawn and engraved by Ambroise-Louis Garneray Vue de Nantes, prise des Solorges Nantes, c. 1823-1832 Etching, 19.0 x 29.5 cm Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) p. 20 [Title page] DEPPING, Georg Bernhard. Voyages d’un étudiant dans les cinq parties du monde : ouvrage destiné à faciliter l’étude de la géographie aux jeunes gens. Paris: Delamarche, 1835. Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 21 Drawn and edited by Auguste-Henri Dufour Amerique du Sud Paris, 1838 Engraving, 50.0 x 32.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 22 Drawn by Nadia Terkiel Infographic of the Oriental-Hydrographe expedition 2019 Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo – Montevideo (Uruguay) p. 23 Photographed by Jean Baptiste Sabatier-Blot Portrait of Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre c. 1844 Daguerreotype, 9.1 x 6.9 cm George Eastman House – Rochester (United States) p. 25 Drawn by C. Menck Freire 150 años. Primera fotografía en el Rio de la Plata, 1840-1990 Uruguay Correos Printed [photographic reproduction] Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo – Montevideo (Uruguay) p. 26 Inscription Maritime de Nantes
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Role de caisse (“role d’equipage et de bureau”) du navire Oriental Printed and handwritten, 1839
Nouvelle carte de géographie de la partie méridionale de l’Amérique suivant les plus nouvelles observations avec des tables et de
Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – serie 7 R (après 1789) Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France)
remarques pour l’intelligence de l’histoire et de la géographie. In: CHATELAIN, Henry Abraham (ed.). Atlas Historique, ou nouvelle introduction à l’histoire, à l’chronologie et à la geographie ancienne et moderne. Paris, 1705-1720. v. 7 Metal engraving, 53.0 x 62.5 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 27 Drawn by Ambroise-Louis Garneray; engraved by Sigismond Himely Vu de la ville et du port Rio-Janeiro Paris, chez Hocquart ainê, c. 1835 Metal engraving, 35.5 x 48.2 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 28 Drawn and lithographed by Adolphe d’Hastrel Vista de Montevideo c. 1842 Lithograph, 22.5 x 30.0 cm Museo Histórico Cabildo – Montevideo (Uruguay) p. 29 [Title page] [LUCAS, Augustin]. Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe (bâtimentécole). Voyage autour du monde, sous les auspices du gouvernement, pour l’instruction des jeunes gens en général, et particulièrement pour ceux qui se destinent à la Marine marchande ou au commerce. [Paris], Imprimerie Wittersheim, mars 1839. Dossier thématique – Voyage de l’Oriental autour du monde Archives diplomatiques de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium)
p. 35 [Title page] BOUGAINVILLE, Louis-Antoine de. Voyage autour du monde par la frégate du roi la Boudeuse et la flûte l’Étoile; en 1766, 1767, 1768 & 1769. Paris, Saillant & Nyon, 1771. Bibliothèque nationale de France / Réserve des livres rares Paris (France)
p. 30 Drawn and engraved by Ambroise-Louis Garneray Vue de Nantes, prise des Solorges [detail] Nantes, c. 1823-1832 Etching, 19.0 x 29.5 cm
p. 37 [Front page] Drawn by Jean Michel Moreau; engraved by Philippe Trière; edited by Louis-Antoine Destouff Milet-Mureau Atlas du voyage de La Pérouse Metal engraving, 39.3 x 25.2 cm Paris, 1797
Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France)
Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Chapter 1 p. 32 [Anonymous]
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p. 34 Drawn by Jean Baptiste Demoraine; engraved by Prat Préparation d’un repas des cannibales au Brésil Metal engraving BELLOC, M. Histoires d’Amérique et d’Océanie depuis l’époque de la découverte jusqu’en 1839. Paris: Duménil, 1839, v. 10, p. 64. Collection Le monde, histoire de tous les peuples, dressé par A. Houzé. Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 38 [Anonymous] Plan of the harbour of Monte-Video, on the north shore of the river La Plata, surveyed in the year 1789. [General Beresford’s campaign, 1806-1807]
Maria Inez Turazzi
Manuscript map, 22.0 x 28.0 cm John Carter Brown Library - Providence (United States) p. 40 Lithographed by E. Lassalle from a painting by F. Winterhalter François d’Orléans, Prince de Joinville, Vice-Amiral, Goupil et Vibert Éditeurs Paris, 1844 Lithograph, 54.7 x 40.4 cm Museu Imperial / Arquivo Histórico – Petrópolis (Brazil) p. 41 Drawn by [illegible] Translation des cendres de Napoléon en France (La chapelle ardente, dans la frégate la Belle- Poule) Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 341. Wood engraving, 9.5 x 14.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 42 [Title page] FREYCINET, Louis Claude de Saulses et al. Voyage autour du monde, entreprise par ordre du Roi, exécuté sur les corvettes de S. M. l’Uranie et la Physicienne pendant les années 1817, 1818, 1819 et 1820 ; [...] Navigation et hydrographie. Atlas. Paris: Pillet ainé, 1826. Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Index of Images
Rio de Janeiro, chez Seignot Plancher, c. 1828 Lithograph Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 47 [Cover] BORGET, Auguste Fragments d’un voyage autour du monde par... Moulins [France], P.A. Desrosiers, 1850. Bound album, 14.0 x 19.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 48 [above] Augustin Lucas signature [Correspondence between Captain Lucas and Rear Admiral DuPetit Thouars] Tahiti, 22 avril 1841. Fonds Abel Aubert Du-Petit Thouars Service historique de la Défense / Département de la Marine – Vincennes (France) p. 48 [below] Drawn by F. Faiseau-Ducoudray Carte maçonnique et routière de France indiquant toutes les localités où il existe des ateliers en activité...[detail] Paris, chez Patin, 1842 Lithograph, 48 x 64 cm Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France)
p. 44 [Anonymous] France maritime In: BOUILLET, Marie Nicolas. Atlas universel d’histoire et de géographie. Paris: Hachette, 1865. Academia Brasileira de Letras (Biblioteca Rodolfo Garcia) – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 50 [above] Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine (Arsenal de Rochefort). Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 141. Wood engraving, 10.0 x 13.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 46 Lithographed by Johann Jacob Steinmann Plan de la baie de Rio de Janeiro levé en 1826 et 1827 par M. Barral [...] sous les ordres de M. Du Campe de Rosamel, contre admiral, commandant la Station Française de l’Amérique Méridionale.
p. 50 [below] [Anonymous] Gouvernail de fortune LUCAS, Augustin. Le candidat : guide-pratique des capitaines au longcours et au cabotage; les questions d’examen par demandes et réponses,
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les renseignements utiles aux capitaines et aux armateurs qui font construire, les dimensions du navire et de tous ses agrès, la procédure d’avaries, les chartes-parties, la gestion des cargaisons, etc, etc. Paris: Robiquet Libraire Hydrographe, 1853. Service historique de la Défense / Département de la Marine – Vincennes (France) p. 51 [Title page] LUCAS, Augustin. Extrait d’un mémoire sur quelques changements à apporter dans l’organisation de la Marine et notamment sur les moyens que la France pourrait employer pour en augmenter le personnel sans augmenter le budget général : suivi d’une note sur les causes et la faiblesse de notre commerce maritime. Paris : Imprimerie Wittersheim, 1839. Service historique de la Défense / Département de la Marine – Vincennes (France) p. 52 [Illegible] Dimensions principales du navire LUCAS, Augustin. Le candidat : guide-pratique des capitaines au longcours et au cabotage; les questions d’examen par demandes et réponses, les renseignements utiles aux capitaines et aux armateurs qui font construire, les dimensions du navire et de tous ses agrès, la procédure d’avaries, les chartes-parties, la gestion des cargaisons, etc, etc. Paris: Robiquet Libraire Hydrographe, 1853. Service historique de la défense / Département de la Marine – Vincennes (France) p. 53 [left] [Anonymous] Enterrement du sucre indigène In: La Mode ; revue des modes, galerie de moeurs, album des salons
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banques et le commerce extérieur. Paris: Guillaumin, 1839. Museu Imperial / Biblioteca – Petrópolis (Brazil) p. 54 Drawn and painted by William Smyth The carpenters of H.M.S. Terror repairing her bow whilst beset in the ice, August 12th, 1836, Hudson’s Strait. Taken with the camera lucida. 1836 Watercolour, 57.5 x 23 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 56 Photographed by William Henry Fox Talbot [Grape leaf] Photogenic drawing [photographic negative on paper], 18.7 x 23 cm Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France) p. 57 Photographed by Hercule Florence Epréuve Nº2 (photographie) Vila de São Carlos (Brasil), 1833 Photographic contact print, 22,2 x 19,7 cm Instituto Moreira Salles / Coleção Pedro Corrêa do Lago – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 59 Drawn by Ménard [landscape]; drawn by Bayot [figures]; lithographed by Bichebois Fontaine de la Place du Palais à Rio-Janeiro. Lithograph by Thierry Frères, c. 1840. In: DUPETIT-THOUARS, Abel. Atlas pittoresque du voyage autour du monde sur la frégate La Venus. Paris: Gide, 1841 Lithograph, 23.2 x 15.0 cm
Paris, 11th October 1839 Musée Carnavalet – Paris (France)
Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 53 [right] [Title page] SAY, Horace. Histoire des relations commerciales entre la France et le Brésil et considérations générales sur les monnaies, les changes, les
Chapter 2 p. 64 [above] Photographed by Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre
Maria Inez Turazzi
Index of Images
Le Boulevard du Temple Paris, c. 1838-1839
In: Francis Wey, Comment le soleil est devenu peintre; histoire du daguerréotype et de la photographie. Musée de Familles, juin 1853,
Daguerreotype, 12.9 x 16.3 cm Bayerisches Nationalmuseum – Munich (Germany)
p. 265. Musée Nicéphore Niépce – Chalon-sur-Saône (France)
p. 64 [below] Photographed by Nicéphore Niépce Point de vue d’après nature réalisé à la maison du Gras de SaintLoup-de-Varennes Heliography, 1826 Transposed to a photographic print by Helmut Gernsheim Musée Nicéphore Niépce - Chalon-sur-Saône (France)
p. 71 [Illegible] Hôtel-de-Ville de Paris: nouvelles constructions. Vue prise du côté de la rivière Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 393. Wood engraving, 10.0 x 15.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 66 Photographed by Pierre Ambroise Richebourg [attributed] Portrait of Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre 1842-1855 Photoengraving, 22.5 x 18.5 cm George Ermakoff Collection – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 72 Photographed by Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre Le Pavillon de Flore et le Pont-Royal Paris, 1839 Daguerreotype, 16.2 x 21.2 cm [plate]; 27.0 x 22.0 cm [frame] Conservatoire national des arts et métiers / Musée des arts et métiers – Paris (France)
p. 67 Drawn by A. Vuillemin; engraved by Bénard Plan pittoresque de la ville de Paris Paris, 1840 Metal engraving, 107.0 x 81.0 cm Bibliothèque nationale de France / Département de Cartes et Plants – Paris (France)
p. 73 [above] Maison Alphonse Giroux Daguerreotype camera, 1839 31.0 x 41.0 x 37.0 [depth] cm Conservatoire national des arts et métiers / Musée des arts et métiers – Paris (France)
p. 69 Photographed by Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre Vue du Pont-Neuf Paris, 1839 Daguerreotype [reversed image], 7,3 x 10,0 cm [plate]; 24.0 x 33.0 cm [frame]
p. 73 [below] Maison Alphonse Giroux Mercury box, 1839 54.0 x 27.7 x 24.0 [depth] Conservatoire national des arts et métiers / Musée des arts et métiers – Paris (France)
Conservatoire national des arts et métiers / Musée des arts et métiers – Paris (France) p. 70 Drawn by Gustave Janet Nièpce, assis, d’après un dessin de M. Niépce de Saint Victor [...]; Daguerre, débout, d’après le daguerréotype de M. Thompson.
p. 74 Lithographed by Léon Noel Portrait of Louis-Philippe I [Paris], c. 1840-1845 Lithograph [contemporary photographic reproduction], 31.0x21.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
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p. 75 [Book cover] DÉBARBAT, Suzanne ; GREFFE, Florence (coord.). Arago; journée scientifique du Bureau des longitudes. Paris: Académie des Sciences, 2006. Printed Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 76 Drawn by A. Vuillemin; engraved by Bénard Plan pittoresque de la ville de Paris [detail] Paris, 1840 Metal engraving, 107.0 x 81.0 cm Bibliothèque Nationale de France / Département de Cartes et Plants – Paris (France) p. 77 [Anonymous] Palais de l’Institut de France Paris, [mid-19th century] Engraving [contemporary photographic reproduction] Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 78 [Title page] DAGUERRE, Louis-Jacques-Mandé Historique et description des procédés du daguerreotype et du diorama par Daguerre, peintre inventeur du Diorama, officier de la Légion d’Honneur, membre de plusieurs Académies, etc., etc. Paris: Susse frères,1839. Private collection - Sao Paulo (Brazil) p. 79 Lithographed by Racinet Daguerréotype perfectionné et portatif, construit par Buron, ingénieur – opticien à Paris. In: BURON. Description de nouveaux daguerréotypes perfectionnés et portatifs, avec l’instruction de M. Daguerre, annotée, et des méthodes pour faire des portraits et pour obtenir des épreuves après quelques secondes d’exposition à la lumière. Paris: Buron, Ingénieur – Opticien; Bachelier Libraire, 1841.
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Lithograph Société française de photographie / Collection SFP – Paris (France) p. 80 Drawn by Pierre-Louis Grevedon Daguerre (du Diorama) Paris, 1837 Imprimerie Lemercier Lithograph, 24.5 x 25.5 cm George Eastman Museum - Rochester (United States) p. 81 Chambre noire daguerrienne avec le cachet de la maison Giroux et la signature de Daguerre. 31.0 x 41.0 x 37.0 cm (depth) [rough measure] Société française de photographie / Collection SPF – Paris (France) p. 82 Drawn by Susanna Celeste Castelli Density Design Research Lab / Politecnico di Milano The daguerreotype process 2015 Wikimedia Commons p. 83 [First page] Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, 19th August 1839, p.1 Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium) p. 84 [Anonymous] J.-B.-A.-M. Jobard In: RACLOT, Henri. Les brevets d’invention. Bruxelles, Imprimerie des travaux publics, 1897. Printed, 23.8 x 14.5 cm Institut royal du patrimoine artistique – Brussels (Belgium) p. 86 Drawn by A. Rouargue; engraved by Chamouin Paris actuel; choix de 26 vues et monuments dessinés par A.
Maria Inez Turazzi
Rouargue, gravés et publiés par Chamouin. Paris, [mid-19th century] Metal engraving, 14.5 x 21.7 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Index of Images
Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 325. Wood engraving, 7.0 x 7.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France)
p. 100 Drawn by A. Vuillemin; engraved by Bénard Plan pittoresque de la ville de Paris [detail] Paris, 1840 Metal engraving, 107.0 x 81.0 cm Bibliothèque Nationale de France / Département de Cartes et Plants – Paris (France)
p. 89 [Jean-Baptiste Jobard] Tableaux de Daguerre Le Courrier Belge; ancien Courrier des Pays-Bas Bruxelles, 13th September 1839, p.3 Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium)
p. 103 [left] [Advertisement] Voyage autour du monde La Presse Paris, 30th September 1838 Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France)
p. 87 Photographed by Joseph-Philibert Girault de Prangey La Tour St. Jacques Paris, 1841 Daguerreotype, 22.9 x 17.5 cm
Chapter 3 p. 96 Painted by Ferdinand Perrot Lever de soleil sur la mer 1832 Oil on cavas, 43.7 x 65.0 cm Bowes Museum – Durham (England) p. 99 [left] Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Brick marchande courant au plus prés). Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 188. Wood engraving, 10.0 x 13.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 99 [right] Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Coronade)
p. 103 [right] [Advertisement] Avis et demandes. Lloyd Nantais, 4 août 1839. Fonds Adrien Carré – Expedition Oriental-Hydrographe Service historique de la Défense / Département de la Marine – Vincennes (France) p. 104 [Title page] [LUCAS, Augustin]. Expédition du navire l’Hydrographe (bâtimentécole). Voyage autour du monde, sous les auspices du gouvernement, pour l’instruction des jeunes gens en général, et particulièrement pour ceux qui se destinent à la Marine marchande ou au commerce. [Paris], Imprimerie Wittersheim, March 1839. Dossier thématique – Voyage de l’Oriental autour du monde Archives diplomatiques de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium) p. 106 [left] Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Avant). Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 189.
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Wood engraving, 11.0 x 7.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Vanderhecht, Bielski, etc. Bruxelles et Leipzig: C. Muquardt, 1844. Lithograph, 8.5 x 12.5 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 106 [right] Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Arrière). Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 140. Wood engraving, 11.0 x 7.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 109 [Front page] [LUCAS, Augustin]. Conditions d’admission sur le batiment-école, destiné a faire le tour du monde sous le comandement du Capitaine Lucas. Paris, [April 1839]. Printed Dossier thématique – Voyage de l’Oriental autour du monde Archives diplomatiques de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium)
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p. 114 [above] Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Avant d’un brig marchand). Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 228. Wood engraving, 9.0 x 7.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 114 [below] Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Plan géométral d’un trois-mâts). Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 189. Wood engraving, 5.0 x 14.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 110 Drawn by Helouise…[ ?]; engraved by Félicie Fournié Famille royale de Belgique In: Journal de demoiselles ; augmenté du Journal de jeunes personnes, du Magasin de demoiselles, du Journal de jeunes filles, de la brodeuse et du bon ton. Bruxelles: Meline, Cans et Cie., 1850, p. 192. Engraving Private collection - Sweden
p. 115 Drawn by Legrand; lithographed by Manoel Luiz Os boulevards de Bruxellas In: Universo Pittoresco, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1840, between pp. 232-233 Lithograph, 9.2 x 13.4 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 111 [Title page] SOULIER (de Sauve), Eugène. Précis de géographie des États de l’Europe actuelle: spécialement rédigé pour l’Atlas élémentaire simplifié.... Série 3. Paris: J. Andriveau-Goujon, 1839. Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France)
p. 117 [Anonymous] Vue du port de Nantes du quai de la Fosse Nantes, mid-19th century Lithograph, 14.0 x 27.0 cm Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France)
p. 113 Drawn by F. S. Anvers In: WAUTERS, Alphonse, Les délices de la Belgique, ou description historique, pittoresque et monumentale de ce Royaume [...] ornée d’une carte et de cent planches déssinés par MM. Lauters, Stroobant,
p. 118 Inscription Maritime de Nantes Acte de francisation des bâtiments de commerce français Paris, 14 septembre 1839 Printed and manuscript Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France)
Maria Inez Turazzi
p. 119 Inscription Maritime de Nantes Congé, valable pour un voyage Bordeaux, 10 août 1837 Printed and manuscript Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) p. 120 [Front page] [LUCAS, Augustin]. Instruction pour les familles qui ont des parentes a bord du navire-école l’Oriental-Hydrographe. [Nantes, août 1839] Printed Dossier thématique – Voyage de l’Oriental autour du monde Archives diplomatiques de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium) p. 121 Drawn by A. J. A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Brig de guerre français mouillé, vue par le travers) Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 229. Wood engraving, 14.0 x 10.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Index of Images
Westlicht Photography Museum - Vienna (Austria) Wikimedia Commons
Chapter 4 p. 128 Painted by H.B. 1 July 1835 Logbook of the Romney from Cork to the Cape, 1835 Drawing and watercolour, 27.5 x 21.5 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 130 Drawn and lithographed by Felix Benoist Nantes (Loire Inferieure). Vue du Pont de la Rotonde Galerie Armoricaine. Lithographie Charpentieur Editeur c. 1844-1846 Lithograph, 18.0 x 27.0 cm Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France)
p. 122 Lithographed by Paul Gavarni Pierre-Louis-Frédéric Sauvage 1853 Lithograph, 26.5x36.5cm António Ramires Collection – Coimbra (Portugal)
p. 131 Cartographed by C. V. Monin; engraved by Laguillermie and Ramboz Nantes map In: HUGO, Abel. La France pittoresque ou description pittoresque, topographique et statistique des colonies de la France. Paris: Delloye, 1835. 3 v. Metal engraving, 13.0 x 18.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
p. 123 [above] [Advertisement] Le daguerreotype, chez Bianchi
p. 133 Drawn and engraved by Rouarge Frères Paimboeuf, c. 1850
Journal politique et littéraire de Toulouse et de la Haute-Garonne Toulouse, 25 septembre 1839 Bibliothèque municipale de Toulouse – Toulouse (France)
In: TOUCHARD-LAFOSSE, Georges. La Loire historique, pittoresque et biographique. Tours: Lecesne, 1851 Ecomusée de Saint-Nazaire - Saint-Nazaire (France)
p. 123 [below] Susse Frères Daguerreotype camera, 1839
p. 134 Drawn and lithographed by Antoine-Étienne Carro Dolmen de Saint-Nazaire
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In: CARRO, Antoine-Étienne. Voyage chez les Celtes ou de Paris au Mont Saint-Michel par Carnac, suivi d’une notice sur les monuments
Paris, between 1855-1887 Lithograph, 14.7 x 9.9 cm
celtes. Paris: A. Durand, 1857, p. 43. Wikimedia Commons
Reproduction by Arnaud Fux Musée national de la Marine / Fonds Letrosne – Paris (France)
p. 136 Painted by Augustus Earle Life on the ocean, representing the usual occupations of the young officers in the steerage of a British frigate at sea Oil on canvas, 58.4 cm x 91.4 cm National Maritime Museum – Greenwich (England)
p. 142 Drawn by E. Soulier (de Sauve) Système planétaire In: SOULIER (de Sauve), Eugène. Atlas élémentaire simplifié de géographie ancienne et moderne. Paris: J. Andriveau-Goujon, 1839. Lithograph, 47.0 x 59.0 cm Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France)
p. 138 [left] Inscription Maritime de Nantes L’Oriental; Rôle de l’équipage du dit navire...Nº 59 [Rôle d’armement et désarmement / Rôle de bord] 1839-1840 Printed and handwritten Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Série 7 R (après 1789) Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) p. 138 [right] Inscription Maritime de Nantes L’Oriental; Rôle de l’équipage du dit navire...Nº 59 [Rôle d’armement et désarmement / Rôle de bord] 1839-1840 Printed and handwritten Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Série 7 R (après 1789) Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) p. 139 Drawn by Victor Adam; lithographed by Delaunois Nicolas Officiers de Marine Paris, between 1830-1848 Chromolithograph, 21.8 x 28.9 cm Reproduction by Arnaud Fux Musée national de la Marine / Fonds Letrosne – Paris (France) p. 140 Edited by François Sinnett Matelot du commerce
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p. 143 Drawn by Lalaisse; engraved by Pardinel Costumes sous le régne de Louis-Philippe Metal engraving SAINT-PROSPER AINÉ, A.-J. C. Histoire de France depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu’en 1838. Collection Le monde, histoire de tous les peuples, dressé par A. Houzé, v. 3, Paris : Duménil, 1839, p. 600. Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 145 Drawn by A.J.A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Cabine d’un brig marchand). Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 324. Wood engraving, 15.0 x 10.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 147 Drawn by Thomas Streatfeild A cabin scene with man lying down reading a book Drawing and watercolour, 9.1 x 8.0 cm National Maritime Museum – Greenwich (England) p. 148 [Anonymous] Bel-Isle 16th century Metal engraving, 32.0 x 46.0 cm Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France)
Maria Inez Turazzi
p. 149 Painted by Léopold de Moulignon La propreté à bord Watercolour, 9.9 x 14.1 cm Reproduction by Arnaud Fux Musée national de la Marine / Fonds Letrosne – Paris (France) p. 151 [above] Drawn by… [anonymous]; lithograph by National Printer Lado oriental da Praça do Commercio em Lisboa In: Universo Pittoresco, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1839-1840, between pp. 256-257 Lithograph, 13.0 x 18.8 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 151 [below] Drawn by Legrand; lithograph by M. L. da Costa Uma vista de Lisboa tomada do Passeio de São Pedro d’Alcântara In: Universo Pittoresco, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1843-1844, between pp. 210-211 Lithograph, 14.0 x 21.7 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 152 Drawn by Nicolas Maurin; lithographed by Mlle. Formemtin S. M. a Senhora D. Maria II Rainha de Portugal Lithograph, 34.5 x 29.5 cm Museu Imperial – Petrópolis (Brazil) p. 153 Drawn by Legrand; lithographed by Manoel Luiz O Palácio das Necessidades em Lisboa In: Universo Pittoresco, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1839-1840, between pp. 240-241 Lithograph, 14.0 x 22.5 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Index of Images
Chapter 5 p. 160 Drawn by Adalbert, Prince of Prussia; lithographed by Loeillot; printed by Hilderbandt Teneriffa von Südost, den 11ten August 1842 [Tenerife seen from the Southeast on the 11th August 1842] In: ADALBERT, prinz von Preussen. Skizzen zu dem tagebuch von Adalbert Prinz von Preussen, 1842-1843. [Diary of Prince Adalbert of Prussia,1842-1843] Berlin: Deckerschen Geh Oberhofbuchdruckerei, 1847 Lithograph, 18.2 x 30.7 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 162 Drawn and painted by Benjamin Mary Île de Madère; vue prise à Funchal. 1834 Sepia watercolour, 16.6 x 23.4 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 164 [Anonymous]. Afrique In: DEPPING, Georg Bernhard. Voyages d’un étudiant dans les cinq parties du monde : ouvrage destiné à faciliter l’étude de la géographie aux jeunes gens. Paris: Delamarche, 1835. Engraving, 22,0 x 12,8 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 167 [Anonymous]. Afrique [detail] In: DEPPING, Georg Bernhard. Voyages d’un étudiant dans les cinq parties du monde: ouvrage destiné à faciliter l’étude de la géographie aux jeunes gens. Paris: Delamarche, 1835. Engraving, 22,0 x 12,8 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 170 Lithographed by Emil Bauch Entrada do porto de Pernambuco
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Recife, c. 1852 Lithograph, 28.5 x 52.9 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 174 [Anonymous] Cidade de S. Salvador, Bahia de Todos os Santos (1ª vista) [Panorama of Salvador in two parts] Universo Pittoresco, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1843-1844, between pp. 28-29 Lithograph, 15.0 x 20.3 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 175 [Anonymous] Cidade de S. Salvador, Bahia de Todos os Santos (2ª vista) [Panorama of Salvador in two parts] Universo Pittoresco, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1843-1844, between pp. 109-110 Lithograph, 15.0 x 22.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 176 Drawn and painted by W. H. Swinton Sketches in Brazil Watercoloured drawing,18.0 x 25.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 177 Drawn by Jean-Baptiste Henri Durand-Brager; lithographed by De Laplante and Durand-Brager L’ Hercule au mouillage (rade de Rio de Janeiro) Lithograph, 30.3 x 48.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 179 Engraved by R. Gross; edited by W. Papuda Plan von Rio de Janeiro Stuttgart [?], c. 1840 Metal engraving, 15.5 x 22.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
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p. 181 Drawn by Jean-Baptiste Debret [c. 1826]; lithographed by Ch. Motte [c. 1834] Les rafraichissemens [sic] de l’après dîner sur la Place du Palais Lithograph, 15.2 x 21.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 182 Louis Comte [attributed] La Place du Palais de Ville à Rio Rio de Janeiro, 16th January 1840 Daguerreotype, 9.2 x 8 x 1.3 cm [case]; 8.2 x 7 cm [plate]; 7.1 x 6 cm [image] Private collection - Sao Paulo (Brazil) p. 183 [First page] Jornal do Commercio, 17th January 1840. Notícias scientíficas. Photographia Printed Fundação Biblioteca Nacional - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 184 Painted by Adolphe d’Hastrel; lithographed by H. Clerget; Imprimerie Lemercier Rio de Janeiro: Baie Don Manuel, Cale de débarquement -- D. Manuel Beach, Pharoux Quay Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 185 Photographed by Louis Comte [attributed] Le Monastère de S. Benoist à Rio Rio de Janeiro, 16th January 1840 Daguerreotype, 8.0 x 9.2 x 1.3 cm [case]; 6,9 x 8,3 cm [plate]; 5.9 x 7.2 cm [image] Private collection - Sao Paulo (Brasil) p. 186 Inscription Maritime de Nantes L’Oriental; Rôle de l’équipage du dit navire...Nº 59 [Rôle d’armement et désarmement / Rôle de bord]
Maria Inez Turazzi
1839-1840 Printed and handwritten Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) p. 187 [left] [Louis Comte signature] Montevideo, 1846 Manuscript Dossier d’immatriculés - Comte (n. 293) Archivo Postal – Montevideo Centre des archives diplomatiques du Ministère des affaires étrangères – Nantes (France) p. 187 [right] Drawn by Évrard; engraved by Thiebault Le physionotype. Musée des Familles, nº XVIII, 1835, p. 144 Wood engraving, 5.5, x 7.0 cm Alexandre Ramires Collection – Coimbra (Portugal) p. 188 Drawn by Felix Emile Taunay D. Pedro II, D. Francisca, D. Januaria [...] Quarto de estudo em S. Christovan. Paris, Lithographie Lemercier, c. 1834 Lithograph, 26.0 x 35.0 cm. Museu Imperial – Petrópolis (Brazil) p. 189 Drawn by Benjamim Mary [Palais de St. Christophe] Drawing and watercolour, 17.0 x 23.0 cm Museu Imperial / Arquivo Histórico – Petrópolis (Brazil) p. 190 [Anonymous] Portrait of d. Pedro II Rio de Janeiro, c. 1850 Daguerreotype, 9.2 x 7.5 cm. Museu Histórico Nacional – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Index of Images
p. 193 [left] Photographed by ... [anonymous]; drawn and lithographed by Eugène Ciceri and Philippe Benoist Rio de Janeiro da ilha das Cobras [first part] Paris, Imprimerie Lemercier, c. 1852 Lithograph after a daguerreotype, 44.0 x 71 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 193 [right] Photographed by … [anonymous]; drawn and lithographed by Eugène Ciceri and Philippe Benoist Rio de Janeiro da ilha das Cobras [second part] Paris, Imprimerie Lemercier, c. 1852 Lithograph after a daguerreotype, 44.0 x 71 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 195 Drawn by Samuel John Neele Plan of the town and harbour of Monte Video. A view of the town of Montevideo. [London], H.D. Symonds, 30th April 1807 Metal engraving Museo Histórico Cabildo – Montevideo (Uruguay) p. 197 Drawn by José Cavallo Plan of the city of Montevideo [...] Watercoloured manuscript, 61.0 x 86.0 cm John Carter Brown Library - Providence (United States) p. 199 Photographed by Antonio Pozzo [Portrait of Mariquita Sánchez de Thompson y Mendeville] Daguerreotype, 8.0 x 7.0 cm Museo Histórico Nacional – Buenos Aires (Argentina) p. 201 [Title page] Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre Historia y descripción de los procederes del daguerrotipo y diorama por Daguerre.
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Barcelona: Juan Francisco Piferrer, 1839. Printed Andrés Linardi Collection – Montevideo (Uruguay) p. 202 Lithographed by José Gielis La fachada de la Iglesia Matriz de Montevideo Montevideo, 1840 Lithograph, 23 x 28,5 cm Museo Histórico Nacional – Montevideo (Uruguay) p. 203 [above] Drawn and lithographed by Ch. Hancke; Imprimerie Lemercier Portrait of Adolphe d’Hastrel In: D’HASTREL, Adolphe. El pintor y litografo francés ... doce litografías coloreadas del Río de la Plata. 1839 y 1840. Buenos Aires, 1944. Lithograph Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 203 [below] Photographed by Andrés Cribari Fountain at Constitution Square [detail] Montevideo, 2019 Photograph Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo – Montevideo (Uruguay)
Chapter 6 p. 210 Drawn and painted by William Smyth Valparaiso, from fort St. Antonio, jan. 1833 Watercolour, 23.0 x 58.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 212 Drawn and edited by Auguste-Henri Dufour Amerique du Sud [detail] Paris, 1838
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Engraving, 50.0 x 32.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 213 Edited by Le Gentil de La Barbinais Perspective de Val-Parayso 1727 Engraving, 14.5 x 23.5 cm Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France) p. 215 [Title page] LAFOND de LURCY, Gabriel. Voyages autour du monde et naufrages célèbres; voyages dans les Amériques. Paris: Pourrat Frères, 1843, v.1. Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 216 Drawn by H.B. Pilot fish..., 21 jun 1835 [above] [Untitled], 23 jun 1835 [below] Logbook of the Romney from Cork to the Cape, 1835 Drawing and watercolour, 27.5 x 21.5 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 217 Inscription Maritime de Nantes Rôle de désarmement [1840] Printed and manuscript Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Série 7 R (après 1789). Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) p. 221 Lithographed by Jacobsen Hermes Plano de la ciudad y puerto de Valparaíso y del dique (Break water) proyectado Valparaíso, c. 1850 Lithograph, 36.0 x 49.0 cm. Biblioteca Nacional de Chile – Santiago (Chile)
Maria Inez Turazzi
p. 222 Lithographed by Sevenet (?) [attributed] c. 1840 Photographic reproduction of a lithograph Museo Histórico Nacional de Chile – Santiago (Chile) p. 223 [Anonymous] Edited by Kunstanstalt des Bibliographisches Institut in Hildburghausen Rio Janeiro Lithograph, 15.8 x 23.6 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 224 [First page] El Mercurio Valparaiso, 23rd June 1840, p. 1. Printed Biblioteca Nacional de Chile – Santiago (Chile) p. 225 [above] Drawn by A.J.A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (A sec de voiles) Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 141. Wood engraving, 13.0 x 10.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 225 [below] Drawn by A.J.A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Corvette ‘desemparée’ dans un combat) Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 141. Wood engraving, 13.0 x 10.0 cm
Index of Images
Watercolour, 23.0 x 29.0 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 233 Surveyed by Louis Urbain Dordet de Tessan; engraved by Erhard Plano de la bahía de Valparaíso Paris: Imprimerie Kaeppelin, 1838. Engraving, 23.0 x 31.0 cm. Biblioteca Nacional de Chile – Santiago (Chile) p. 235 Se vende [advertisement] El Mercurio Valparaiso, 17th July 1840, p.4. Printed Biblioteca Nacional de Chile – Santiago (Chile) p. 236 Lettre de MM Despecher et Bonnefin au ministre de l’Interieur et Affaires Étrangères (Be): encore la revendication du paiement de la pension des élèves Emonce et Verelst. Nantes, 13 octobre 1840 Manuscript Dossier thématique – Voyage de l’Oriental autour du monde Archives diplomatiques de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium) p. 237 Inscription Maritime de Nantes L’Oriental; Rôle de l’équipage du dit navire...Nº 59 [Rôle d’armement et désarmement / Rôle de bord] 1839-1840 Printed and handwritten Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Série 7 R (après 1789). Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France)
Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 231 Drawn and painted by William Smyth Valparaiso, taken from Glover’s house leading to the Almandral, jan. 1833
p. 239 Inscription Maritime de Nantes L’Oriental ; Rôle de l’équipage du dit navire...Nº 59 [Rôle d’armement et désarmement / Rôle de bord] 1839-1840
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Printed and manuscript Fonds J – Inscription Maritime – Série 7 R (après 1789). Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique – Nantes (France) p. 241 Drawn by Lebreton; lithographed by P. Blanchard La Vénus au mouillage d’O-taïti; Le Fort de Moutou-Outa salue le pavillon Français Lithographie de Tierry Frères, c. 1840 In: DU PETIT-THOUARS, Abel. Atlas pittoresque du voyage autour du monde sur la frégate La Venus. Paris: Gide, 1841. Lithograph, 15.0 x 23.2 cm Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Conclusion p. 248 V. Levasseur, geography and statistics; engraved by Laguilhermie Atlas Universel Illustré: Amérique Meridional Paris, Imprimerie Lemercier, 1856 Museu Imperial / Coleção Geyer - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 250 [Anonymous] Le Pain du Sucre, vue prise d’une cabine par le hublot Engraving Museu Imperial / Arquivo Histórico – Petrópolis (Brazil) p. 251 Photographed by Carleton E. Watkins [attributed] Valparaiso, c. 1852 Daguerreotype, 16,5 x 21,6 cm The J. Paul Getty Museum - Los Angeles (United States) p. 255 Atelier Daguerre Photograph and passe-partout [detail] c. 1899-1900 Private collection (Rio de Janeiro)
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p. 257 [above] Drawn by A.J.A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Ancre) Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 128. Wood engraving, 7.0 x 7.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 257 [below] Drawn by A.J.A. Vocabulaire pittoresque de marine. (Bouées) Le Magasin Pittoresque. Paris, 1840. 8ème année, volume relié, p. 228. Wood engraving, 9.0 x 7.0 cm Private collection - Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) p. 261 Lithographed by Théodore Maurisset La daguerréotypomanie La Caricature, Paris, 8 décembre 1839 Lithograph, 26.0 x 35.7 cm George Eastman Museum – Rochester (United States) p. 263 Photographed by Louis Comte [or Augustus Morand] [attributions] Le Palais de Ville à Rio 1840-1842 Daguerreotype, 8.0 x 9.0 x 1.2 cm (case); 7.0 x 8.2 cm (plate); 6.0 x 7.3 cm (image) Private collection - Sao Paulo (Brazil) p. 265 Photographed by Marc Ferrez La Place du Palais de Ville à Rio Rio de Janeiro, c. 1885 [reproduction of the 1840 daguerreotype] Glass negative, 12.0 x 9.0 cm Instituto Moreira Salles / Coleção Gilberto Ferrez – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
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Index of Images
Chronology p. 268 [left] DAGUERRE, Louis-Jacques-Mandé Historique et description des procédés du daguerreotype et du diorama par Daguerre, peintre inventeur du Diorama, officier de la Légion d’Honneur, membre de plusieurs Académies, etc., etc. Nouvelle édition, corrigée et augmentée du portrait de l’auteur. Paris: Alphonse Giroux et Cie, Éditeurs, 1839. Private collection - São Paulo (Brazil) p. 268 [right] DAGUERRE, Louis-Jacques-Mandé Historique et description des procédés du daguerreotype et du diorama par Daguerre, peintre inventeur du Diorama, officier de la Légion d’Honneur, membre de plusieurs Académies, etc., etc. Nouvelle édition, corrigée et augmentée du portrait de l’auteur. Paris: Alphonse Giroux et Cie, Éditeurs, 1839. Private collection - São Paulo (Brazil)
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Index This Index includes the names of persons and places cited in the chapters. It follows the standards systematised in the Virtual International Authority File website, at https://viaf.org/viaf/. The authors cited in the Notes and References are listed in the Bibliography, the complete list of OH travellers is under Sources Consulted and the authors of the illustrations are indicated in the Index of Images.
Abd el-Kader (1808-1883), 56 Adalbert, Prince of Prussia (1811-1873), 160, 263, 267 Africa, 32, 40, 46, 60, 84, 89, 107, 131, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168, 177 Alabern y Casas, Ramón (1811-c.1888), 165, 274 Alembert, Jean le Rond d’ (1717-1783), 68 Alexandria, 90, 274 Algeria, 40 All Saints Bay [Baía de Todos os Santos], 173 America(s), 32, 40, 60, 126, 168, 177, 244 Ampère, André-Marie (1775-1836), 144 Andes Mountains, 198 Antilles, 40, 53, 107, 116, 141, 171 Antwerp, 111, 112, 113, 115, 142, 150, 191, 195, 240, 257 Appert, Charles (c. 1820-?), OH traveller, 232 Arago, Dominique François Jean (1786-1853), 11, 12, 57, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 83, 116, 144, 189, 190, 203, 261, 270, 271, 272 Arago, Jacques Etienne Victor (1790-1855), 116, 215 Arcel, Charles d’ (c. 1820-?), OH traveller, 142, 226 Argentré, Balthazar du Plessis d’ (c.1818-1841), OH traveller, 142, 258 Arruda, Manoel d’Oliveira (1821-?), OH traveller, 180
Atlantic, 18, 27, 31, 34, 56, 60, 65, 107, 132, 135, 148, 150, 157, 160, 161, 163, 166, 167, 169, 178, 182, 192, 193, 198, 211, 212, 217, 229, 249, 252, 256, 274 Australia, 14, 24, 60, 107, 240, 267 Azores, 149 Bahia, 107, 173, 175, 176,193, 194 Baixa Pombalina, 151, 152 Bangor, 50, 61 Baradère, Jean-Marie-Raymond (?-1871), 193, 204, 208, 246 Barrère, Pierre-Marie Alphonse (1808-1870), 171, 172, 204 Barret, Jeanne (1740-1807), 266 Baudrillart [or Baudrillard], Jules Edmond (c. 1819-?), OH traveller, 180 Bayard, Hippolyte (1801-1887), 57, 271 Bay of Biscay [Golfe de Gascogne, in French], 150, 212 Bazin, Henry (c. 1819-?), OH traveller, 191 Beaune, 134 Beautemps-Beaupré, Charles-François (1766-1854), 46 Belgium, 25, 30, 59, 64, 85, 86, 89, 93, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 129, 134, 136, 141, 142, 147, 154, 163, 191, 196, 198, 219, 220, 229, 230, 235, 236, 249, 251, 252, 257, 258, 266
365
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Bellais, Elisabeth Zoe (1813-?), captain’s wife and OH traveller, 50, 61, 139, 146, 148, 157, 178, 227, 238, 252, 254, 260 Bellais, Prosper, captain’s brother-in-law and OH traveller, 50, 148 Belle-île [currently Belle-île-en-Mer], 50, 61, 139, 140, 148, 149, 238, 240, 250 Benoist, Alexandre (c. 1797-?), OH traveller, 142, 172 Benoist, Felix (1818-1896), 130 Benoist, Philippe (1813-1905), 193 Berlin, 80, 204 Berro, Bernardo Prudencio (1803-1868), 199 Bertinot, Antoine-Jacques (notary public active between 18181841), 108,116, 236, 237 Bianchi, Antoine (1807-1884), 124 Bianchi, Antoine Sr. (optician active in the 19th century), 123, 124 Bianchi, Barthélémy-Urbain (1821-1895), 124 Biot, Jean Baptiste (1774-1862), 11, 271 Blais, Hélène (1971- ), 52 Blanco Encalada, Manuel (1790-1876), 219 Blériot, Louis, 11 Bolivia, 256 Bonnefin, Alexandre (shipowner active in the 19th century), 116, 118, 119, 122, 126, 134, 140, 146, 149, 157, 163, 167, 171, 196, 217, 225, 235, 236, 246 Bonpland, Aimé (1773-1858), 205 Bordeaux, 101, 103, 119, 146, 234, 242, 266 Borget, Auguste (1808-1877), 47 Boston (United States), 107 Bouët-Willaumez, Louis Édouard, Count (1808-1871), 84 Bougainville, Hyacinthe-Yves-Philippe-Potentien, Baron of (1781-1846), 42 Bougainville, Louis-Antoine de, Count (1729-1811), 35, 38, 45, 47, 48, 117, 180, 212, 252 Boulogne-sur-Mer, 121, 127 Bourgogne-Franche-Comté, 266 Bouvier, Antoine Joseph (1792-1841), 111, 126, 236 Brazil, 12, 14, 20, 25, 31, 34, 40, 46, 47, 53, 57, 58, 59, 60, 107, 122, 143, 149, 147, 155, 162, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 180, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 194, 195, 200, 205, 211, 218, 219, 244, 254, 258, 263, 265 Brest, 36, 44, 49, 51, 65, 92, 140, 157 Briel, Jean-François (1811-?), captain’s brother-in-law and OH traveller, 50, 140, 148, 220
366
Briges, Antoine Marie Albert, Count of (c.1817-?), OH traveller, 142, 180 Brittany, 50, 96, 121, 130, 134, 148 Broche, Philippe (c. 1819-?), OH traveller, 256 Brunet, François (1960-2018), 72, 73 Brussels, 28, 84, 85, 88, 89, 109, 111, 112, 114, 115, 126, 135, 137, 140, 142, 155, 158, 163, 170, 181, 191, 196, 204, 219, 227, 235, 236, 240, 245, 246, 249, 256, 257, 273 Bry-sur-Marne, 66, 276 Buenos Aires, 107, 193, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200 Buffon, Georges-Louis Leclerc, Count of (1707-1788), 147, 158 Burignot de Varenne, Jacques-Édouard, Baron of (1795-1873), 154, 155, 159 Buron (optical engineer active in the 19th century), 79 Buvelot, Abraham-Louis (1814-1888), 206, 267 Buysschaert, Jean (consul active in the 19th century), 109 Byron, John (1723-1786), 180, 212 Cadiz, 107 Cairo, 90 California, 212, 256 Campinas, 56 Canary [Islands], 14, 107, 161, 165, 167, 181 Cané, Miguel Toribio (1812-1863), 209 Cape Horn, 50, 106, 178, 211, 212, 252 Cape of Good Hope, 107 Cape Verde [archipelago], 107, 153, 159, 162, 165 Cardin, Auguste Paul Emile (c. 1819-?), OH traveller, 172, 206 Caret, François (1802-1844), 241 Carré, Adrien Louis Joseph (1908-1999), 23, 24, 25, 31, 61, 140, 146, 157, 158, 159, 194, 206, 238, 240, 246, 247, 251, 266 Cavallo, José (engineer active in the 19th century), 197 Cazan (professor active in the 19th century), 86 Cazotte, Henri-Nicolas Sévole (1802-?), 158, 206, 229, 230, 231, 232, 234, 237, 238, 246 Cécille, Jean-Baptiste-Thomas-Médée (1787-1873), 42 Central America, 39 Champdivers, 266 Champeaux de la Boulaye, Victor (1795-1874), OH traveller, 142, 166, 172, 205, 206, 258, 266 Champion de Villeneuve, Auguste Simon, OH traveller, 57, 142, 183, 223, 227, 228, 229, 245
Maria Inez Turazzi
Chanut, François Charles (c.1822-?), OH traveller, 91 Charle, Christophe (1951- ), 25 Charleston (United States), 107 Charpentier, Henri Désiré (1806-1883), 130 Chartier, Roger (1945- ), 25 Chateaubriand, François-René, Viscount of (1768-1848), 147 Chatelain, Abraham Henri (1684-1743), 32 Cherbourg, 44 Chevalier, Charles (1804-1859), 70, 80, 92, 124, 269 Chile, 14, 20, 24, 25, 102, 107, 211, 212, 213, 214, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 229, 233, 240, 244, 255, 256, 267 Chiloé, 32, 47, 54, 62, 141, 213, 217, 256 China, 107, 147, 187 Ciceri, Eugène (1813-1890), 193 Cincinnatti, 267 Claes, Marie-Christine, 85, 93 Cochrane, Thomas (1775-1860), 214 Cocq, Guillaume (c. 1816-?), OH traveller, 204, 217, 256 Colunas Quay (Lisbon), 151 Commerson, Philibert (1727-1773), 266 Comte, Louis (1791-1868), OH traveller, 28, 82, 125, 143, 146, 153, 154, 155, 159, 167, 173, 182, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 198, 199, 200, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209, 218, 244, 254, 255, 259, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 274, 275 Concepción (Chile), 107, 217, 245 Cook, James (1728-1779), 36, 38, 163, 180 Corbin, Louis Gabriel (c. 1815-?), OH traveller, 172 Cormeilles-en-Parisis, 66 Crouzet, Jean (1922-2010), 49 Cuba, 80, 107 Cuvier, Georges, barão (1769-1832), 147 Daguerre, Jean-Jacques (naval surgeon active in the 19th century), 66 Daguerre, Louis-Jaques-Mandé (1787-1851), 11, 13, 21, 23, 55, 56, 57, 62, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 77, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 116, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 155, 165, 182, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 199, 201, 203, 204, 207, 218, 254, 255, 259, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 276 Dakar, 165, 166 Dalmatie, Nicolas Jean-Marie-de-Dieu Soult, Duke of (1769-1851), 102, 126, 154, 169, 192, 246
Index
Darwin, Charles (1809-1882), 136, 146 Daude, Martial (c. 1811-?), OH traveller, 140, 172, 178, 204, 217 Delacroix, Ferdinand Victor Eugène (1798-1863), 39 De Moor, Louis Balthazar Maximilien (1815-c.1891), OH traveller, 142, 146, 196, 220 Denis, Ferdinand (1798-1890), 155 Denmark, 83 Deroy, Auguste-Victor (1823–1906), 275 Despecher, A. (shipowner active in the 19th century), 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 127, 140, 146, 149, 163, 167, 171, 196, 217, 225, 235, 236, 246 Despecher, J. (shipowner active in the 19th century), 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 127, 140, 146, 149, 163, 167, 171, 196, 217, 225, 235, 236, 246 Diderot, Denis (1713-1784), 68 Dillon, Pierre (merchant active in the 19th century), 61 Doneaud, Alfred (1824-189?), 60 Duchâtel, Charles-Marie Tanneguy, Count of (1803-1867), 56, 74, 80, 82, 271 Dufour, Auguste-Henri [also cited as Adolphe Hippolyte] (1795-1865), 20, 212 Dufour, Auguste Felix (1819-1894), OH traveller, 142 Duguay-Trouin, René (1673-1736), 96, 180 Dumont d’Urville, Jules-Sébastien-César (1790-1842), 42, 45, 212 Duperré, Guy-Victor (1775-1846), 40, 42, 45, 84, 113, 230 Du Petit-Thouars, Abel Aubert [also cited as Dupetit-Thouars] (1793-1864), 42, 59, 212, 240, 241, 242, 243, 247, 259 Dupotet, Jean Henri Joseph (1777-1852), 193, 196, 218 Du Potet de Sennevoy, Jules Denis, Baron (1796-1881), 84 Durand-Brager, Jean-Baptiste Henri (1814-1879), 177 Durassier, Alexandre (c. 1816-?), OH traveller, 178 Earle, Augustus (1793-1838), 136 East Indies, 107 Egypt, 87, 90, 274 Emonce, Charles (c. 1811-?), OH traveller, 112, 119, 126, 127, 135, 136, 140, 141, 142, 158, 191, 236, 257 Emonce, Charles Sr., 191 England, 38, 40, 41, 53, 54, 55, 60, 62, 76, 84, 85, 86, 90, 91, 96, 110, 132, 136, 149, 157, 168, 169, 174, 176, 194, 217, 235, 240, 243, 272 Entrecasteaux, Antoine Raymond Joseph Bruny, Knight of (1737-1793), 46
367
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Equator [Line], 167, 183, 262 Ettingshausen, Andreas Ritter von (1796-1878), 124 Europe, 27, 36, 39, 40, 49, 51, 56, 59, 60, 85, 90, 107, 108, 109, 126, 131, 146, 154, 168, 169, 175, 177, 184, 187, 188, 190, 195, 198, 204, 208, 212, 229, 254, 255, 256, 265, 274, 275 Falbe, Christian Tuxen (1791-1849), 83, 124 Falkland / Malouines [Islands], 35 Famin, Stanislas Marie César (1799-1853), 154, 155, 274 Faudoas, René Marie, Count of (c. 1812-?), OH traveller, 142,172 Ferdinand I, Emperor of Austria (1793-1875), 188 Fernando II, King of Portugal (1816-1885), 154, 274 Ferrez, Gilberto (1908-2000), 267 Ferrez, Marc (1843-1923), 265 Florence, Antoine Hercule Romuald (1804-1879), 46, 47, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 184, 185, 207 Fourrier, Charles (1772-1837), 102 Francisca de Bragança, Princess of Brazil (1824-1898), 40, 188, 189 France, 12, 13, 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, 28, 30, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 68, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 82, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 124, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 136, 137, 141, 143, 144, 147, 148, 154, 156, 163, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 180, 186, 188, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 198, 205, 211, 217, 218, 219, 220, 223, 229, 230, 232, 234, 235, 236, 238, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 246, 249, 251, 252, 255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 265, 268, 269, 270, 272, 274, 276 Freycinet, Louis-Claude de Saulces de (1789-1842), 42, 75, 252 Funchal, 28, 162, 163, 164 Fussey, Léopold Charles Henry de (1814-1875), OH traveller, 142, 180 Futuna [Island], 241 Gadebois, Louis-Marie (c. 1807-?), OH traveller, 220 Gambier, 241 Garneray, Ambroise-Louis (1783-1857), 18, 27, 30 Gaucheraud, Hippolyte (?-1874), 92, 205, 271 Gay, Claude (1800-1873), 212, 233 Gay-Lussac, Joseph Louis (1778-1850), 11, 80, 144, 272 Géricault, Théodore (1791-1824), 217, 244 Germany, 58, 59, 88, 90, 109, 146 Gernsheim, Alison (1911-1969), 66, 78
368
Gernsheim, Helmut (1913-1995), 66, 78 Ginzburg, Carlo (1939- ), 264, 267 Girault de Prangey, Joseph-Philibert (1804-1892), 87 Giroux, François-Simon-Alphonse (c.1775-1848), 46, 73, 79, 80, 81, 83, 93, 123, 127, 268, 272, 273, 274 Gobineau, Arthur (1816-1882), 168 Goree, 20, 107, 165, 166, 168, 205, 275 Goupil, Jean-Baptiste Michel Adolphe (1826-1893), 275 Goupil-Fesquet, Frédéric-Auguste-Antoine (1817-1878), 90, 274 Greece, 87, 110 Grevedon, Pierre Louis (1776-1860), 80, 81, 268 Grosrenaud, Jean-Jacques (?-1842), 99, 100 Guadalupe, 50 Guellec, Eugène (1906-1970), 61, 244 Guiana, 107, 169 Guillotin, Joseph-Ignace (1738-1814), 65 Guinea, 107, 169 Guizot, François Pierre Guillaume (1787-1874), 207, 246 Gulf of Mexico, 107 Guran, Milton (1948- ), 26 Hastrel, Adolphe d’ (1805-1874), 28, 184, 203 Henry IV, King of France (1553-1610), 69 Herschel, John Frederick William (1792-1871), 12, 55, 69, 70 Holland, 38 Houssaye, Arsène (1814-1896), 66, 92, 270 Huet, Albert (1822-1866), 229, 232, 244 Huette (optician active in the 19th century), 124 Hugo, Victor (1802-1885), 207 Hunt, Robert (1807-1887), 276 Humboldt, Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander von (1769-1850), 11, 68, 92, 146, 161, 205 Huzard, Jean-Baptiste (1793-1878), 115 Hynderyck (c. 1819-?), OH traveller, 142 India, 19, 33, 47, 88, 107 Indian Ocean, 30, 60, 107, 217, 212, 240 Iriarte, Tomás de (1750-1791), 147 Iriarte, Tomás de (1794-1876), 202 Isabelle, Arsène (c.1806-1879), 198, 255, 266 Italy, 87, 89, 90, 96, 147, 258 Jacquot, Charles-Desiré (1819-1899), OH traveller, 166 Jaegher, Edouard Joseph Donatien de (1806-1883), 170
Maria Inez Turazzi
Jal, Auguste (1795-1873), 215 Janin, Jules (1804-1874), 82 Januária de Bragança, Princess of Brazil (1822-1901), 188 Japan, 32 Java, 143 Jobard, Jean-Baptiste Ambroise Marcellin (1792-1861), 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 93, 94, 122, 123, 155, 159, 182, 207, 235, 272, 273 Joinville, François-Ferdinand-Philippe-Louis-Marie d’Orléans, Prince of (1818-1900), 40, 41, 48, 58, 136, 177, 180 Joly de Lotbinière, Pierre-Gustave (1789-1865), 90, 274 Joubert, Didier Numa (1816-1881), 259, 260, 267, 276 Kidder, Daniel Parish (1815-1891), 58, 59, 65, 249 Konig, Etienne (c.1816-?), OH traveller, 256 Lacépède, Étienne de (1756-1825), 146 Lafayette, Gilbert du Mortier, Marquis of (1757-1834), 61 Lafond de Lurcy, Gabriel (1801-1876), 211, 214 Lafone, Samuel Fisher (1805-1871), 196 Lamartine, Alphonse de (1790-1869), 244, 258 Lamas, Andrés (1817-1891), 199, 209 Langsdorff, Georg-Heinrich von (1774-1852), 47 La Pérouse [or Lapérouse], Jean-François de Galaup, Count of (1741-1788), 36, 37, 38, 45, 46, 47, 48, 60, 121 Lapierre, Louise, Saulier de Sauve’s wife and OH traveller, 111, 139, 146, 178, 252, 254, 266 Laplace, Cyrille Pierre Théodore (1793-1875), 42, 218, 244 Largo do Paço (Rio de Janeiro), 179, 182, 185, 187, 265, 267, 275 Latin America, 13, 208 Laval, Honoré (1808-1880), 241, 266 Lavernos, Louis (c. 1816-?), OH traveller, 217, 242, 244 Leblanc, Louis François Jean (1786-1857), 194 Lebreton, Joachim (1760-1819), 61 Leclerc, Georges-Louis, see Buffon, Count of, Le Gallen, Léandre (1848-1913), 238, 267 Le Havre, 107, 193, 217, 234 Leopold I, King of the Belgians (1790-1865), 89, 109, 110, 111, 112, 142, 154, 170 Lerebours, Nöel-Marie-Paymal (1807-1873), 90, 124, 268, 274, 275 Leroi-Gourhan, André (1911-1986), 54 Lesseps, Jean-Baptiste-Barthélémy, Baron of (1766-1834), 36 Lestrange, Charles de (c. 1819-?), OH traveller, 180, 258 Lion, Jules (c.1810-1866), 275
Index
Lisbon, 26, 28, 57, 60, 107, 135, 140, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 166, 167, 172, 174, 188, 204, 205, 207, 274 Loire, 19, 103, 117, 119, 132, 133, 135 London, 55, 56, 136, 204, 235, 244, 259, 271, 273 Lorient, 44, 61, 218 Louis I, King of Bavaria (1786-1868), 64 Louis XVI, King of France (1754-1793), 36, 39 Louise d’Orleans, Queen of Belgium (1812-1850), 110 Louis-Philippe I, “King of the French” (1773-1850), 30, 39, 40, 41, 45, 49, 66, 74, 78, 96, 99, 110, 119, 126, 136, 139, 143, 144, 154, 169, 188, 247, 272 Louis, Pierre (c. 1820-1839), OH traveller, 143, 173 Louyet, Paulin Laurent Charles Evalery (1818-1850), 196 Lucas, Augustin (1804-after 1858), OH traveller, 24, 30, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 58, 59, 61, 79, 82, 84, 86, 88, 89, 93, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 11, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 146, 148, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 163, 166, 167, 170, 171, 172, 173, 177, 178, 180, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 196, 198, 205, 211, 212, 213, 214, 217, 218, 219, 220, 223, 224, 225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 251, 252, 254, 256, 259, 260, 262, 266, 267, 274, 275, 276 Lucas, Dolores (1835-1868), captain’s daughter and OH traveller, 50, 61, 139, 148, 157, 178, 227, 238, 242, 252 Lucas, Elizabeth Mathilde (1832-1923), captain’s daughter and OH traveller, 50, 61, 139, 148, 157, 178, 211, 227, 238, 242, 244, 252, 254 Lucas, François-Marie (1808-1842), OH captain’s brother, 194, 240, 247, 252 Lucas, Louise-Augustine (1816-?), captain’s sister and OH traveller, 139, 140, 148, 178, 227, 252 Ludwig I, King of Bavaria (1786-1868), 188 Luraghi, Felicio (merchant active in the 19th century), 189, 207 Lyon, 105, 115, 118 Macquarie Place, 259, 260, 276 Madeira [Island and Archipelago], 14, 20, 107, 153, 162, 163, 164, 167, 205 Madrid, 204 Magalhães, Fernão de (c. 1480-1521), 32, 34, 36, 150, 212, 214
369
The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Maldives, 172 Maria II, Queen of Portugal (1819-1853), 149, 152, 154, 156, 159, 188, 274 Marivault, Antoine Jérome Delacoux de (1771-1846), 115, 127, 170 Marquises [Islands], 241 Marryat, Frederick (1792-1848), 47, 140, 157 Marseille, 90 Martens, Friedrich von [also cited as Frédéric von] (1809–1875), 275 Martin du Nord, Nicolas-Ferdinand-Marie-Louis-Joseph, Count (1790-1847), 101 Martinique, 50, 271 Mary, Benjamin (1792-1846), 162, 189 Masson, Charles (c.1822-1839), OH traveller, 134 Mata Fontanet, Pedro (1811-1877), 201 Matagne (notary public active in the 19th century), 126 Mauritius [Islands], 60, 240 Maurisset, Théodore (1803-1860), 30, 261 McAdam, John Loudon (1756-1836), 153 McCauley, Anne (1950- ), 75 Mediterranean Sea, 40, 47 Mecklembourg-Schwerin, 154 Melgarejo Villalón, Juan (1793-1861), 228 Mendeville, Jean-Baptiste Washington de (1793-1863), 200 Mexico, 40 Michel, Achile Jules (c. 1821-?), OH traveller, 142 Middle East, 275 Moerenhout, Jacques Antoine (1797-1879), 242, 247 Molé, Louis-Mathieu, Count (1781-1855), 100, 101, 126, 243 Molteni, Antoine [also cited as Antoine Molteno or François Molteni] (1786-1866), 80, 124 Montaigne, Michel de (1533-1592), 147 Montesquiou-Fezensac, Pierre Joseph Edgard, Baron (c. 1820-?), OH traveller, 142, 181 Morand, Augustus (1815-1862), 263, 267 Moreau, Marie-Joseph-Ferdinand-Jean (1819-1883), OH traveller, 142, 146, 196, 220, 228, 236, 256, 257 Morse, Samuel (1791-1872), 271 Montevideo, 11, 20, 28, 31, 35, 38, 56, 62, 107, 136, 155, 170, 173, 175, 178, 186, 187, 191, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 215, 217, 218, 219, 244, 254, 255, 259, 264, 266, 267, 275
370
Murphy, Jeremiah (merchant active in the 19th century), 259, 260, 276 Nantes, 18, 19, 26, 30, 35, 53, 103, 111, 112, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 124, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 139, 141, 146, 149, 157, 158, 163, 166, 168, 170, 180, 186, 192, 193, 194, 198, 205, 208, 209, 217, 218, 221, 227, 232, 235, 236, 240, 245, 246, 249, 258, 275 Napoleon I (Napoleon Bonaparte), “Emperor of the French” (1769-1821), 40, 47, 132, 177 Navarre, P. (active in the 18th century), 20 Nelson, Horatio, Admiral (1758-1805), 60 Netherlands, 110, 112 New York, 107, 274 New Zealand, 55, 60, 240, 241, 242 Nicolas I, Emperor of Russia (1796-1855), 188 Niépce, Joseph Nicéphore (1765-1833), 55, 64, 66, 70, 71, 74, 80, 81, 91, 92, 269, 270 Niépce, Isidore (1795-1868), 74, 79, 84, 85, 88, 122, 123, 155, 272, 273 Niterói, 182 Normand, Henry Jules Felix (c. 1820-?), OH traveller, 180 North Altantic, 20, 162, 258, 275 North America, 47, 60, 107, 258 Norway, 258 Oceania, 45, 53, 211, 212, 240, 242, 247, 252, 259 O’Higgins Riquelme, Bernardo (1778-1842), 214 Orbigny, Alcide d’ (1802-1857), 21, 198, 208 Oreille de Carrière, Ferdinand (1820-1876), OH traveller, 232 Orient, 34, 40, 56, 90, 147, 177 Pacific Ocean, 27, 34, 35, 36, 45, 46, 60, 65, 107, 192, 194, 211, 212, 213, 217, 240, 241, 246, 251, 252 Paimboeuf, 13, 19, 22, 88, 96, 103, 117, 119, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 157, 185 Palais [city], 61 Panckoucke, Charles-Joseph (1736-1798), 43 Papeete, 240, 243 Paris, 13, 18, 20, 23, 24, 28, 30, 34, 35, 40, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 111, 114, 116, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 137, 140, 141, 144, 145, 155, 162, 165, 169, 177, 185, 190, 192, 193, 196,
Maria Inez Turazzi
198, 199, 204, 213, 216, 218, 223, 225, 229, 233, 235, 236, 237, 242, 244, 245, 249, 255, 257, 258, 261, 262, 268, 271, 273, 275, 276 Patagonia, 212, 217, 220, 242 Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil, later Pedro IV, King of Portugal (1798-1834), 149, 169 Pedro II, Emperor of Brazil (1825-1891), 158, 185, 188, 189, 190, 207, 208, 254, 263, 265, 275 Peltier, Barthélemy (c. 1813-?), OH traveller, 134 Pernambuco, 107, 167, 170, 171, 172, 173, 178, 191, 193, 194, 205, 247 Perrot, Ferdinand (1808-1841), 96 Persian Gulf, 107 Peru, 219, 256 Peyre (inventor active in the 19th century), 121, 146, 217 Pharoux Quay (Rio de Janeiro), 181, 184 Philippines, 34, 60, 107 Philipon, Charles (1800-1862), 68, 276 Pilâtre de Rozier, Jean-François, 11 Plancher, Pierre (1764-1844), 56 Plantin de Villeperdrix, Louis-Léopold (1823-?), OH traveller, 191 Playa Ancha (Chile), 221, 222, 225, 233, 245 Poe, Edgar Allan (1809-1849), 91, 94, 244 Polynesia, 240 Pomaré Vahine IV, Queen of Tahiti (1813-1877), 241, 242, 243, 247 Pombal, Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, Marquis of (1699-1782), 152 Popelaire de Terloo, Jean-Baptiste Joseph Louis, Baron (18101870), OH traveller, 142, 157, 159, 163, 165, 166, 168, 169, 171, 173, 180, 181, 185, 188, 194, 195, 196, 198, 200, 201, 204, 205, 208, 219, 223, 226, 227, 228, 240, 245, 256, 262, 266 Port Famine (or Puerto del Hambre), 217 Portugal, 14, 20, 25, 131, 143, 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 159, 163, 167, 274 Praia do Peixe (Rio de Janeiro), 179, 182, 185 Praia d. Manoel (Rio de Janeiro), 179, 184 Praia Grande, 182 Pritchard, George (1796-1883), 241, 243 Prussia, 64, 263 Punta de los Ángeles (or Punta de Valparaiso, also named in documents as Punta de Playa Ancha, Punta del Buey or del Ruey [sic]), 221, 224, 233, 245
Index
Quai d’Aiguillon (Nantes), 129 Quai de Conti (Paris), 77 Quai de la Fosse (Nantes), 117, 157 Quai d’Orsay (Paris), 24, 72, 83, 177 Quai de Salorges (Nantes),18 Quai des Constructions (Nantes), 129 Quai de Turenne (Nantes), 129 Quai Duguay-Trouin (Nantes), 129 Ramires, Alexandre (1955- ), 26 Rasa [Island], 178 Raybaud, Jean-François Maxime (1795-1894), 221, 225, 233, 245 Recife, 107, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 178, 217, 258 Red Sea, 107 Réunion [Island], 50, 60, 117, 240 Ribeyrolles, Charles (1812-1860), 207 Ricard, Edmond, Count (c. 1820-?), OH traveller, 191 Ricard, Etienne-Pierre, Count (1771-1843), 191, 192 Rio de Janeiro, 13, 14, 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 33, 34, 35, 46, 56, 57, 58, 61, 82, 96, 107, 111, 164, 168, 168, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 185, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 195, 199, 200, 206, 207, 218, 223, 229, 236, 245, 249, 250, 254, 255, 257, 259, 262, 263, 264, 266, 267, 275 Rittner John Henry (1802-1840), 275 Roca del Buey (or Cabeza del Buey), 220, 224 Rochefort, 44, 50, 97, 105, 112, 117, 244 Rocher, Michael (inventor active in the 19th century), 121, 146, 217 Roquebert, Jean-Jacques (notary public active in the 19th century), 108 Rosamel, Claude Charles Marie du Campe de [or Ducampe de] (1774-1848), 45, 46, 61, 99, 100, 101, 113, 211 Rosas, Juan Manuel de (1793-1877), 194, 195, 196 Ross, Charles Bayne Hodgson (1776-1849), 230, 246 Ross, James Clark (1800-1862), 54, 55 Rossini, Gioachino (1792-1868), 147 Rothschild, Nathan Mayer (1777-1836), 109 Rouargue, Adolphe (1810-1870), 86 Roubert, Paul (1967- ), 68, 91 Rouen [city], 30, 109, 110 Rouen [des Mallets], Achille Jean-Marie, Baron of (1785-1855), 169, 173, 180, 181, 191, 192, 193, 206, 207, 244 Russia, 64, 90, 188
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The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840)
Sachse, Louis (1798-1877), 88 Saint-Croix, daguerreotypist active in the 19th century, 273 Saint-Louis (Senegal), 165 Saint Nazaire, 18, 132, 134, 135, 157 Saint Pierre and Miquelon [Island], 258 Salathé, Friedrich (1793–1858), 275 Salvador, 28, 58, 59, 107, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 206 Salvandy, Narcisse-Achille de (1795-1856), 101 Sampans, 255 Sánchez [Thompson y Mendeville], Mariquita (1786-1868), 199, 200, 201, 208 Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 165 Santiago (Chile), 102, 220, 229, 230, 245, 246, 256 Santos-Dumont, Alberto, 11 São Paulo (province), 56, 58 Saint Petersburg, 204 Sauvage, Frédéric (c. 1824-? ), OH traveller, 177, 121, 180, 187, 207, 219, 258 Sauvage, Joseph (c. 1825-?), OH traveller, 121, 177, 187, 219 Sauvage, Pierre-Louis-Frédéric (1785-1857), Say, Horace (1794-1860), 53 Say, Jean-Baptiste (1767-1832), 53 Scandinavia, 39 Schobrouck [or Schoubrouck], Felix Pierre Marie van (c. 1826-?), OH traveller, 142 Séguier, Armand-Pierre, Baron (1803-1876), 90 Senegal, 14, 20, 165, 166, 167, 205, 216, 275 Serruys, Hippolyte (1801-1856), 229 Seville, 53 Silhouette, Étienne de (1709-1767), 65 Smyth, William (1813-1877), 54, 210, 231 Soulier [de Sauve], Eugène (?-1850), OH traveller, 107, 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 126, 139, 142, 143, 146, 157, 158, 167, 180, 189, 191, 196, 205, 207, 236, 252, 254, 259, 263, 266, 267 Soult, Nicolas Jean-Marie-de-Dieu, see Dalmatie, Duke of, South America, 13, 14, 21, 28, 30, 32, 46, 47, 50, 53, 54, 107, 136, 150, 161, 166, 168, 169, 172, 175, 177, 181, 186, 190, 194, 198, 199, 206, 212, 248, 262, 263, 267 South Atlantic, 20, 31, 35, 91, 107, 161, 193, 194, 196, 212, 218, 255 Soyer, Evangeline (1863-after 1941), 61, 267 Spain, 38, 46, 49, 81, 89, 201, 211, 258, 275
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Strait of Magellan, 146, 213, 217, 220 Steuben, Charles Auguste de (1788-1856), 75 Streatfeild, Thomas (1777-1848), 147 Sugar Loaf, 178, 250 Susse, Nicolas (merchant active in the 19th century), 79, 80, 81, 123, 124, 268, 273 Susse, Victor (merchant active in the 19th century), 79, 80, 81, 123, 124, 268, 273 Sweden, 90, 275 Swinton, William Henry (traveller active in the 19th century), 176 Switzerland, 90, 161 Sydney, 157, 259, 260, 276 Syria, 87, 90, 258 Tahiti, 235, 240, 241, 242, 243, 247, 254, 259, 260, 266 Taillemite, Étienne (1924-2011), 42 Talbot, William Henry Fox (1800-1877), 11, 12, 55, 56, 62, 74, 84, 271 Talcahuano, 213, 217 Tasso, Torquato (1544-1595), 147 Taunay, Theodore Marie (1797-1880), 169, 180, 191, 192, 208 Tenerife (Island), 20, 160, 165, 205 Theux de Meylandt, Barthélemy Théodore, Count of (1794-1874), 110, 112 Thomas, Gilles (c. 1797-?), OH traveller, 141, 143, 181, 187, 219 Tijuca [massif], 188, 189 Toulon, 44, 46 Toulouse, 123, 124, 127 Trafalgar, 40, 60 Tupinier, Jean Marguerite (1779-1850), 44, 60 Turkey, 87, 147, 258 United States, 39, 52, 91, 92, 94, 107, 124, 169, 260, 267, 274 Uruguay, 7, 12, 14, 20, 25, 28, 186, 193, 194, 196, 198, 199, 200, 202, 205, 209, 219, 255, 263, 266, 275 Vaillant, Auguste-Nicolas (1793-1858), 42, 116 Valdivia, 107 Valongo wharf (Rio de Janeiro), 181 Valori, Anne-Roland Gustave Gabriel, Marquis of (c. 1823-?), OH traveller, 191 Valparaiso, 22, 28, 31, 36, 50, 60, 102, 107, 139, 146, 159, 172, 173, 181, 198, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 225, 224, 226, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 235, 237, 238, 240, 244, 245, 246, 247, 251, 253, 254, 256, 259, 260, 267
Maria Inez Turazzi
Index
Vandelli, Alexandre (1784-1862), 189 Varela, Florencio (1807-1848), 28, 55, 62, 201, 202, 203, 209 Vasquez, Pedro Karp (1954- ), 26 Vázquez, Santiago (1787-1847), 203 Vendel-Heyl, Emile (c. 1817-?), OH traveller, 146, 217 Vendel-Heyl, Louis-Antoine (1791-1854), OH traveller, 101, 102, 143, 146, 217, 255, 256 Verelst, Jean-François (c. 1822-?), OH traveller, 112, 142, 236, 257 Verne, Jules (1828-1905), 19, 31, 47 Vernet, Horace (1789-1863), 90, 274 Vernet, Joseph (1714-1789), 45 Vidal Gormaz, Francisco (1838-1907), 213, 214, 222, 258 Vienna, 124, 132, 204 Vilardebó, Teodoro Miguel (1803-1857), 175, 199, 202, 203, 204, 208, 219 Vridays, OH traveller, 157, 205 Wallis (Island), 241 Want, Georges (c. 1826-?), OH traveller, 143 Watkins, Charleton (1829-1926), 253 West Indies, 60 Wilkes, Charles (1798-1877), 52, 163 Willaumez, Jean-Baptiste Philibert (1761-1845), 44, 47, 48 William III, King of Prussia, (1770-1840), 188 Wittersheim, Aaron (engraver active in the 19th century), 52, 61 Wright, Orville, 11 Wood, Rupert Derek (1933- ), 23, 24, 25, 31, 82, 93, 157, 209, 244, 267 Zapata, Franky, 11
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Acknowledgements
This book is dedicated to those who made the voyage of the Oriental-Hydrographe a story available to all. I am especially grateful to the Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo and its team, for such a rewarding partnership; to the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development of Brazil, for the support received in the projects that made this book possible; to the History Institute of the Fluminense Federal University, for the welcome among peers; to the aforementioned research institutions and their staff, for their cordial and efficient service. Special thanks to my colleagues from the Imperial Museum with whom I also shared the enthusiasm and difficulties of the project for many years, exempting everyone, naturally, for possible mistakes and omissions here present. I would also like to thank the support and friendship of: Abel Alexander, Alain Morgat, Alain Raisson, Alda Heizer, Aldo Villar, Alessandra Fráguas, Alexandre Ramires, Ana Cecília Impellizieri Martins, Ana Luísa A. Camargo, Ana Mauad, Andrea Jakobsson, Andrés Cribari, Angela Magalhães, Angela Maria Pinto da Silva, Áurea M. Freitas Carvalho (in memoriam), Béatrice Chéhu-Souvignet, Boris Kossoy, Carlos A. Addor, Carla Francisco, Claudia Maria de Souza Costa, Claudio Figueiredo, Christine Barthe, Daniel Sosa, Elisabete Almeida, Ernani Turazzi, Fabiana Miranda de Paula, Federico Brum Bazet, Francisca
Helena M. Araújo, Francisco Costa, Françoise Peemans (in memoriam), Françoise Reynaud, George Ermakoff, Grant Romer, Gustavo Marigo, Inés Trabal, Inez Wist Turazzi, Izolete Raisson, Jaime Acioli, Jaime Turazzi Naveiro, Javier Muñoz, Juan Antonio Varese, Karin Althén, Lauren Lean, Lindsey Cordery, Lucía Benavente, Luciano Figueiredo, Luis Priamo, Luiz Turazzi Naveiro, Lys Gainza, Márcia Trigueiro (in memoriam), Marcio Miquelino, Marcos Venício T. Ribeiro, Maria de Fátima Moraes Argon da Matta, Maria Eduarda Victolla Paiva, Maria Estela de Freitas Jardim, Maria de Lourdes Parreiras Horta, María Eugenia Martínez, Maria Isabel Ribeiro Lenzi, Marie-Christine Claes, Marie-Sophie Corcy, Mauricio Bruno, Max Justo Guedes (in memoriam), Milton Guran, Miriam Cardozo de Souza, Miriam Saboni, Moe Ahlstrand, Moema Mariani, Monica Carneiro Alves, Nadia Terkiel, Nataraj Trinta, Nazareth Coury, Neibe Cristina M. Costa, Pablo Deambrosis, Patrice Wuillaume, Patricia Brigida Pimentel, Paulo Berger (in memoriam), Paulo Geyer (in memoriam), Paulo Knauss, Pedro Karp Vasquez, Pierre Fournié, Philippe Charon, Rafael Sento Sé, Ricardo Manfredi Naveiro, Rodrigo Turazzi, Ruy Souza e Silva, Sandra Baruki, Sandra Porteous, Sergio Burgi, Silvia Patuzzi, Solange Zuñiga (in memoriam), Stephen F. Joseph, Tristan Schwilden, Vanina Inchausti. To Carl von Essen, thanks for everything.
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Photograph from the author’s personal archive.
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About the author Maria Inez Turazzi
Maria Inez Turazzi is a historian, with a PhD in architecture and urbanism from São Paulo University (1998), ad-hoc researcher and advisor to the National Council/Board for Scientific and Technological Development (Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico), visiting professor of the Post-graduate Programme in History and Laboratory of Oral History and Image of the Fluminense Federal University (Universidade Federal Fluminense) (Brazil), as well as the Lisbon University Centre for the Philosophy of Science (Centro de Filosofia das Ciências da Universidade de Lisboa) (Portugal). Between 1984 and 2014, she worked at the Historical and Artistic Heritage National Institute (Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional) and at the Brazilian Museums Institute (Instituto Brasileiro de Museus), especially in the curatorship of the Geyer Collection (Brasiliana collection, donated to the Imperial Museum), where she worked in conservation, research and dissemination activities of said collection, reproduced in several pages of this book. As visiting researcher, she has worked at the Photography Department of the Carnavalet Museum (Paris, 2001) and has carried out post-doctoral
research at the School of Sciences of Lisbon University (2012). She is the author of articles and book chapters published in England, France, Argentina, Spain and Portugal, in addition to several articles and books on photography, and on Rio de Janeiro heritage and history in Brazil. Among the books published we highlight: Poses e trejeitos: a fotografia e as exposições na era do espetáculo, 1839-1889 (1995); Marc Ferrez (2000); Iconografia e patrimônio: a Exposição de História do Brasil e a fisionomia da nação (2009); Rio, um porto entre tempos (2016) and, as co-author, Rio de Janeiro-Buenos Aires, duas cidades modernas (2004); O Brasil de Marc Ferrez / Le Brésil de Marc Ferrez (2005); Ensino de história: diálogos com a literatura e a fotografia (2012), which was selected by the Programa Nacional de Biblioteca na Escola; Um porto para o Rio; imagens e memórias de um álbum centenário (2012); Rio 400+50; comemorações e percursos de uma cidade (2014). While studying the history of the OrientalHydrographe, she visited practically all the ports touched by the expedition, as well as the location of the wreck.
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The key objective of the Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo (CdF) is to work with and through photography in order to encourage reflection and critical thought processes on issues of social interest, contributing towards debates on the construction of identity and citizenship. Based on these principles, we carry out different activities from diverse approaches and perspectives. We manage an archive containing images from the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries. In constant growth, this archive places emphasis on Uruguay’s capital city, Montevideo. In addition to managing the archive, we promote the creation, access and distribution of photographs deemed of particular interest to Uruguayan and Latin American audiences in view of their local and regional themes, au-
knowledge and experience between individuals and institutions from Uruguay and abroad. The aim is to become a reference institution at a national and regional level, producing content, activities and spaces for encounter across and throughout the different areas that constitute photography in a broad sense, inclusive of a diverse public. Created in 2002, the CdF is part of the division Información y Comunicación (Information and Communication) of the Intendencia de Montevideo (City Council). From July 2015, its main venue moved to a 1932 historical art deco building located on 18 de Julio avenue, home to the former Bazar Mitre, a famous department store. The new venue boasts a much larger surface area and bet-
thors or producers, and their relevance with regard to identity and heritage. We have a multidisciplinary team that is committed to its task and undergoes constant training. To achieve this, we facilitate a constant dialogue with specialists and professionals around the world, organising meetings, exchanges, and the spread of
ter infrastructure and provides greater access to the different photographic archives and services offered by the CdF. We currently manage and coordinate eight spaces devoted exclusively to photographic exhibitions: the three exhibition floors at our main venue, and five photo-galleries conceived as permanent
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open-air exhibition spaces located in different parts of the city: Parque Rodó, Prado, Ciudad Vieja, Villa Dolores and Peñarol. The exhibition programme is organised annually on the basis of submissions from our yearly open call, externally judge, exhibitions organised by us and further projects developed in conjunction with other institutions, in the framework of our curatorial policy. In 2007 we launched the first edition of the international biennial photography festival, Fotograma. With its fourth and final edition in 2013, the festival showed work that represents a significant portion of contemporary national and international production, while prompting the creation of new exhibition spaces and promoted an expansion of photographic activity throughout the country. In 2014, we announced the end of Fotograma, giving way to the development of a new festival model. In 2016 we launched MUFF (Festival de Fotografía Montevideo Uruguay), a triennial photography festival that privileges creative processes, educational platforms and research methodologies in different areas. Since 2007, the CdF also produces its own television program: f/22 – Fotografía en profundidad (Photography in depth), in which a variety of professionals linked to the world of photography are interviewed, and artists’ works are showcased. All
the programmes are available to watch for free of charge on our web page. In the past, we produced Fotograma tevé, a programmes which covered all four editions of the Fotograma festival, and we also produce specific documentary films such as Al pie del árbol blanco (By the White Tree), which tells the story of finding a photographic archive deemed lost for more than 30 years. Among its educational and communication activities, the CdF organises talks, debates and workshops, such as Fotoviaje (Photo travel), a photographic tour through time produced for school children, and the Photography colloquium - Jornadas sobre fotografía. Organised annually, the colloquium counts with the presence of specialists from Uruguay and all over the world, and is conceived as an instrumental platform for deepening reflection, critical thought and debate around specific themes regarding photography. Aimed at encouraging the production of photographic works and editions, every year the CdF holds an open call for the publication of photo books and research papers, consolidating the Centre’s editorial approach. We also produce EN CMYK, a photobook based event, composed of seminars, exhibitions, workshops, interviews, and photobook fairs.
Mayor of Montevideo Christian Di Candia Secretary Fernando Nopitsch Director, Information and Communication Division Marcelo Visconti
Centro de Fotografía Team Director: Daniel Sosa Assistant: Susana Centeno Administrative Director:: Gabriela Díaz Administration Head: Verónica Berrio Management Systems Coordinator: Gabriela Belo Coordinators: Gabriel García, Mauricio Bruno, Victoria Ismach, Lucía Nigro, Javier Suarez, Johana Santana Planning: Andrea López, Francisco Landro, Luis Díaz, David González Secretaries: Martina Callaba, Andrea Martínez, Natalia Castelgrande Administration: Marcelo Mawad, Andrea Martínez, Eugenia Barreto, Silvina Carro Management: Johana Maya, Mauricio Niño Production: Mauro Martella Curators: Victoria Ismach, Natalia Viroga, Camila Rivero Photographs: Andrés Cribari, Luis Alonso, Ricardo Antúnez Publishing: Andrés Cribari, Lys Gainza, Nadia Terkiel Exhibitions: Claudia Schiaffino, Mathías Domínguez, Laura Núñez, Martín Picardo, Jorge Rodríguez, Nadia Terkiel, Agustina Olivera Preservation: Sandra Rodríguez, Jazmín Domínguez Documentary Records Team: Ana Laura Cirio, Mauricio Bruno, Alexandra Nóvoa, Elisa Rodríguez Digitisation: Gabriel García, Horacio Loriente, Guillermo Robles Research: Mauricio Bruno, Alexandra Nóvoa, Elisa Rodríguez Education: Lucía Nigro, Mariano Salazar, Juan Pablo Machado, Lucía Surroca, Ramiro Rodríguez, Nicolás Vidal, Maximiliano Sánchez Customer Service: Johana Santana, Gissela Acosta, Andrea Martínez, José Martí, Darwin Ruiz, Valentina Chaves,Verónica Nuñez, Mariana Sierra, Evangelina Pérez Communication: Elena Firpi, Natalia Mardero, Laura Núñez, Ernesto Siola Technical Services Team: Javier Suárez, José Martí, Darwin Ruiz, Pablo Améndola, Miguel Carballo Actors: Pablo Tate, Darío Campalans, Karen Halty
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© Maria Inez Turazzi © Centro de Fotografía de Montevideo cdf.montevideo.gub.uy cdf@imm.gub.uy Intendencia de Montevideo, Uruguay. First edition (Portuguese): 500 copies, December 2019. First edition (Spanish): 700 copies, December 2019. First edition (English): 300 copies, September 2020. The content of this publication is the property and responsibility of the authors. Total or partial reproduction by any medium is prohibited unless expressly authorised. Production: Centro de Fotografía / Communication and Information Division / Montevideo City Council (Uruguay) Coordination: Lys Gainza/ CdF Planning: Luis Díaz/ CdF and Mauricio Bruno/ CdF CdF’s Introduction text: Mauricio Bruno/ CdF Translation into English: Inés Trabal Translation into Spanish: Federico Brum Translation of Preface into English and Spanish: Federico Brum Translation of CdF’s Introduction and institutional text into Portuguese: Carolina Ferrín Translation of CdF’s Introduction text into English: Federico Brum Translation of CdF’s institutional text and CdF team into English: Lindsey Cordery and Pablo Deambrosis Copyediting in English: Lindsey Cordery and Pablo Deambrosis Copyediting in Spanish: María Eugenia Martínez Text revise: Claudio Figueiredo (Portuguese); Sandra Porteous (English) Research and image editing: Maria Inez Turazzi Image producers: Vanina Inchausti and Lys Gainza/ CdF Photographic reproductions and / or digitization: Academia Brasileira de Letras – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), Archives départementales de LoireAtlantique – Nantes (France), Archives diplomatiques de Belgique – Brussels (Belgium), Bayerischen National museums – Munich (Germany), Biblioteca Nacional de Chile – Santiago de Chile (Chile), Bibliothèque municipale de Toulouse – Toulouse (France), Bibliothèque nationale de France – Paris (France), Private collection and Ruy Souza e Silva (Brazil), Conservatoire National des arts et métiers / Musée des arts et métiers – Paris (France), George Eastman Museum – Rochester (USA), Institut Royal du Patrimoine artistique – Brussels (Belgium), Instituto Moreira Salles – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), John Carter Brown Library – Providence (USA), Musée Carnavalet – Paris (France), Musée National de la Marine – Paris (France), Musée Nicéphore Niépce – Chalon-sur-Saône (France), Museo Histórico Cabildo – Montevideo (Uruguay), Museo Histórico Nacional – Buenos Aires (Argentina), Museo Histórico Nacional de Chile – Santiago de Chile (Chile), Museu Histórico Nacional – Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), Museu Imperial – Petrópolis (Brazil), National Maritime Museum – Greenwich (England), Service historique de la Défense / Département de la Marine – Vincennes (France), Société française de photographie – Paris (France), The Bowes Museum – Durham (England), The J. Paul Getty Museum - Los Ángeles (USA), Westlicht Photography Museum - Viena (Austria), Centro de Fotografia de Montevideo – Montevideo (Uruguay) Digital processing: Andrés Cribari/ CdF and Gabriel García/ CdF Book production: Nadia Terkiel/ CdF Printed and Bound by Gráfica Mosca - Uruguay Legal Deposit 378.066 – Commission for Paper-printed Works The Oriental-Hydrographe and Photography. The First Expedition Around the World With an ‘Art Available to All’ (1839-1840) / Maria Inez Turazzi; Foreword by Grant Romer; translation by Inés Trabal. First edition in English – Montevideo: CdF, 2020. 384p. il.color ; 21x21cm. ISBN: 978-9974-906-10-5 1. PHOTOGRAPHY – HISTORY 2. DAGUERREOTYPE 3. VOYAGES AROUND THE WORLD
Main building of the CdF. 885, 18 de Julio Ave. February 16, 2018. Photo: 70732FMCMA.CDF.IMO.UY - Author: Andrés Cribari/CdF.
