Theology & Culture 1.2 (December 2020) by Departamenti i Theologjisë dhe Kulturës, Kolegji Universitar Logos

Theology & Culture

The Academic Journal of the Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Theology & Culture Volume 1, Number 2, December 2020 ISSN: 2708-6755

Department of Theology and Culture University College Logos

Publication information:

Theology & Culture is the Academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and is published online two times per year. The Department is located at Saint Blaise, 5 minutes outside DurrĂŤs, Albania.

Volume 1, Number 2, December 2020 ISSN: 2708-6755 Aims and Scope:

Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts and scholars worldwide to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal will be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian.

Editorial Board Members:

1. Dr. Georgios Gaitanos, Lecturer of Religious Studies (Head of the Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos) 2. Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos, Lecturer of Liturgical Studies (Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos) Manuscripts and correspondence are invited for publication. You can submit your papers via e-mail to theolculture@gmail.com. Submission guidelines and Web Submission system are available at https://theolkulogos.wordpress. com/2020/01/30/theology-culture/ CopyrightÂŠ 2020 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos and individual contributors. All rights reserved. The Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College Logos holds the exclusive copyright of all the contents of this journal. In accordance with the international convention, no part of this journal may be reproduced or transmitted by any media or publishing organs (including various websites) without the written permission of the copyright holder. Otherwise, any conduct would be considered as the violation of the copyright. The contents of this journal are available for any citation, however, all the citations should be clearly indicated with the title of this journal, serial number and the name of the author.

Contents Acknowledgements 7 Penelope A. Anastasiadou, Christos Ν. Tsironis & Dimitrios A. Αndreadis 1. Church and Philanthropy in the Healtcare Sector: A case study in a Greek Orthodox Diocese

Efstathios C. Lianos Liantis 2. The historical geopolitics of Religion in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans: Aspects of coexistence between Orthodox Christianity and Islam

Georgia Sarikoudi 3. Social Anthropology during socialism and postsocialism in South and Eastern Europe

Georgios Gaitanos 4. Interfaith dialogue as a medium of peace building: official and unofficial mediation platforms

Thoma Çomëni 5. Autonomy and bioethical challenge

Vasso Tsirevelou 6. Eliot: cultural effects on barren and desolate land. Cultural ideologies in the poem, The Waste Land

Acknowledgements

his edition is the second part of the first volume of the Journal “Theology & Culture” (ISSN: 2708-6755), which is the official academic Journal of the Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos. This academic journal is published two times per year in print and online. Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. All research articles in this journal undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial editor screening and anonymous refereeing by at least two anonymous referees. And also, our reviewers and editorial board members are from different countries all over the world. The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts, scholars and researchers that has started their career now to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal is be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian. The journal will be indexed by Google scholar, DOAJ (Directory of Open Journals) and is hosted to our Issuu page (https://issuu.com/ departamentiitheologjisedhekultures). Also, the journal has its own Academia (https://independent.academia.edu/AcademicJournalTheologyCulture) and Researchgate (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Theology_Culture) account and every article is accompanied by a Doi number. For this second edition, we are publishing 6 more articles that refer to Sociology of Religion, Christian Ethics, Interfaith dialogue, Social Anthropology, History of Religions and English Literature. We would like to thank our contributors for this second edition and especially Dr. Penelope A. Anastasiadou, As. Prof. Christos Ν. Tsironis & As. Prof. Dimitrios A. Αndreadis-“Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector: A case study in a Greek Orthodox Diocese”, Dr. Efstathios C. Lianos Liantis-“The historical geopolitics of Religion in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans: Aspects of coexistence between Orthodox Christianity and Islam”, Adjunct Lecturer Dr. 7

Acknowledgements

Georgia Sarikoudi-“Social Anthropology during socialism and postsocialism in South and Eastern Europe”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“Interfaith dialogue as a medium of peace building: official and unofficial mediation platforms”, As. Lecturer Msc. Thoma Çomëni-“Autonomy and bioethical challenge”, and Dr. Vasso Tsirevelou-“Eliot: cultural effects on barren and desolate land. Cultural ideologies in the poem, The Waste Land”. The Editorial Board Dr. Georgios Gaitanos Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos

1 Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector: A case study in a Greek Orthodox Diocese

Penelope A. Anastasiadou

Theologian, Lab Technical Assistant, Dr. Theology, Special Laboratory-Teaching Staff, Department of Oral Medicine –Pathology, Dental School, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

Christos Ν. Tsironis

Dimitrios A. Αndreadis

As. Prof. Contemporary Social Theory, Sector of Ethics and Sociology Dep. of Theology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

As. Prof. Department of Oral Medicine-Pathology Dental School, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

Corespondence:

e-mail: apinelop@dent.auth.gr

Abstract

philanthropic work offered by physicians, nurses and several specialists, in assistance to patient care. Eventually, such benchmarking identified divergent issues focusing on evidence of the intertemporal shift in where and how health care is provided to patients. However, specific convergence points have also been identified, based on the unchanging Christian values, as well as on the fundamental criteria of diaconal work, setting the value of human life over and above any historical context.

Philanthropy gains a special content in the Orthodox Tradition as it is considered to be the epitome of effective concern for one’s neighbor and eventually one of the highest virtues. The historical review of the philanthropic work of the Orthodox Church in the healthcare sector, from the Early Christian period, through the Byzantine Empire and the era of Ottoman domination, to the newly established Greek state, unfolds in the present paper. At the same time, the contemporary structure and operation of the social multi-specialty clinic, established by the parish of the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli in Greece, is also presented. The above mentioned review supports the benchmarking of such social multi-specialty clinic philanthropic action and that of the historical Church Diaconia in the field of health care. First of all, it should be stressed that contemporary medical care is a state concern; however, within the current financial depression this social multi-specialty clinic provides

Keywords:

Orthodox Church philanthropy; Orthodox Diocese; healthcare sector; historical background.

Citation:

Anastasiadou P., Tsironis Ch. & Andreadis D. Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector: A case study in a Greek Orthodox Diocese. Theology & Culture. 2020; 1(2): 11-27. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.19373.92642

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

Introduction

t is a fact that philanthropy, both as a concept and as an act, has gained several interpretations1 and forms throughout the centuries (Church of Greece, 2001, p. 23). Such forms bear historical burden and any decoding efforts unfold aspects of the long course of a culture, an era, and most of all a whole country. The term philanthropy is found in the Greek dictionary meaning the love for fellow human beings2 (Tegopoulos, Fitrakis, 1993, p. 818). This term has Greek roots and is interpreted as the love, affection and active interest of man for his neighbor – an interest not limited to friends or relatives but rather extending to all fellow humans (Kostandelos, 2008, p. 37). In the Orthodox Church Tradition, philanthropy3 is defined as the prevention or remedy of moral, spiritual or material needs for people who are in misery or poverty (Church of Greece, 2001, p. 23). According to the above mentioned Tradition, Church is a solid God-human body founded and headed by Christ with all its faithful members as its body. Thus, in such unbreakable body, when one member suffers, all other members “sympathise” with him/ her4. In this sense, the full meaning and content of philanthropy5 is evident from the establishment of the Church up to nowadays (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 142). However, philanthropy as an act of love crosses a variety of fields, among which health as well. In fact by early 20th century, health is considered an indi1 Cf. “Proper definitions are critically important to the analysis and expression of ideas (…)”. See Sulek, 2010, p. 193. 2 Cf. The Modern Greek Dictionary refers to the concept of aid – mainly financial – to the needy. See Dictionary of the common Modern Greek Language, 2009, p. 1424. 3 “The Christian understanding of philanthropy expresses itself very clearly as diaconia, as service to one’s fellow man; from the beginning this service formed a central element of the life of the church”. See Vantsos, Kiroudi, 2007, p. 257. 4 Cf. “so in Christ we, though many, form one body, and each member belongs to all the others” See Romans 12: 5. 5 Cf. “Early Christian philanthropy was informed by the theological concept of the imago Dei, that humans were created in the image of God (…). The Christian understanding of the imago Dei, viewed in the light of the doctrine of the Incarnation, was to have four important consequences for practical ethics (…). The first was the impetus that the doctrine gave to Christian charity and philanthropy. (…). Just as God loved humans, so they were expected to respond to divine love by extending love to a brother, who bore the image of God (…).Love of God and devotion to Grist provided the motivation for love of others that had its practical outworking in charity. Compassion was regarded as a manifestation of Christian love (…) and an essential element of the Christian’s obligation to all people. (…). Yet Christian love was not only to be extended merely to fellow Christian but to neighbors and even enemies”. See Ferngren, 2009, p. 98-99.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

vidual asset. Health services are offered in hospitals, which operate as philanthropic foundations in which the elderly, deprived, disabled and orphans are treated. Public intervention takes only the form of health protection against infectious and contagious diseases, especially epidemics. However, since early 20th century, the viewpoint that health is a national wealth and a collective asset with a social dimension, as it safeguards social cohesion, is gradually gaining ground (Paparigopoulos – Pechlivanis, 2009, p. 36-37). Several institutions can assist the above mentioned cohesion, and Church is one of them. The present paper, in the form of a historical review, investigates the historical contribution of the Church in the field of health care6. However, the conduct of field research in the modern social multi-specialty clinic7 ensures the tracing of both convergence and divergence points in the philanthropic work of the Orthodox Church over the centuries.

1. Orthodox Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector: Historical Background ¨For, I was a stranger and you welcomed me I was naked and you gave me clothing I was sick and you looked after me (…)¨ Mt. 25: 35-36.

1.1 Philanthropy in Early Church It is a fact that in Early Christian communities the virtue of love was a focal point8. Besides, the example of Christ was still vivid; with his earthly activity, he established the ideals of mercifulness and love for the neighbor9, in the form of active assistance10. This assistance concerned those in need, such as the poor, orphans and sick. However, there is no active guidance or specialized care for the treatment of patients, apart from visit and prayer. Of course, treatment as a sign of active love was welcomed, but involvement of official medicine had not been established yet (Miller, 1998, p. 66-67). According to 6 See Tsironis, N. Ch. (2007). Globalization and local communities: Social ethics and community work. Thessaloniki: Vanias. 7 Established by the parish of the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli in Greece. 8 “If I give all I possess to the poor, (...) but do not have love, I gain nothing. (...). (...) the greatest of these is love. See A΄ Corinthians 13: 3, 13. 9 Cf. The parable of the good Samaritan: Lk. 10: 25-37. 10 Cf. “In the same way, faith by itself, if it is not accompanied by action, is dead”. See James 2:17.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

other sources, given that at the time there was no social care or solidarity, patients were treated only if necessary or available. However, experts support that Christian Diaconia towards patients in the form of conscientious nursing, palliative care, as well as the provision of food and drink, even without any specialized medical knowledge, managed to reduce mortality to 2/3 or even more (Ferngren, 2009, p. 121). In this sense, the philanthropy of the faithful to the needy due to some physical illness is evident in early Christianity (Ferngren, 2009, p. 113-114), following Christ’s example. Actually, as the years passed by and the number of the faithful increased, they ordained deacons (from the Greek word Diaconia) to effectively assist the Church philanthropy and welfare. Care for the poor, widows, orphans, patients, prisoners and slaves was among their tasks, while in times of natural disasters, epidemics11 and famine, the early Christian community provided remarkable assistance12 (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 148-149). Regarding the contributors of the aforementioned help, it should be stressed that deacons and bishops raised money from the rich to help the deprived (Miller, 1998, p. 67). Furthermore, the church, seeing people’s needs grow, worked towards the establishment of philanthropic foundations, such as the almshouses, nursing homes and hospitals13 (Church of Greece, 2001, p. 23). As far as healthcare sector is concerned, Christians, endangering their own lives, paid visits to the patients’ homes to treat them and take care of all their needs (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 149). More specifically, deacons had as their main concern to meet and relief the patients’ physical needs, while deaconesses would take care of the poor, especially sick women. At the same time, they encouraged other Christians to visit and assist patients (Ferngren, 2009, p. 114). Remarkably enough, in periods of epidemics, when there was an increased need for assistance, Christians were committed to treat both fellow-faithful and infidel patients as well (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 149). 11 Cf. “It was the Christian belief in personal and corporate philanthropy (…) that introduced (…) the concept of social responsibility in treating epidemic disease. The only care of the sick and dying during the epidemic of 312-13 was provided by Christian churches”. See Ferngren, 2009, p. 117-118. 12 Cf. “The Christian philanthropy (...) had to show to the orphans the parents’ care, to the widows the spouses’ care and protection, compassion for the disabled, shelter for the foreigners, food for the hungry, water for the thirsty, clothes for the naked, visit for the sick, help for the prisoners”. See Church of Greece, 2001, p. 23. 13 Cf. “(...) related with the philanthropic activity of the Church, the monasteries (...) were the numerous philanthropic foundations of Byzantium: orphanages, nursing homes, hostels, hospitals which enjoyed the generous support of the pious emperors and the rich donations in real estate”. See Kostantelos, 1994, p. 139.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

1.2 Philanthropy in the Byzantine Empire Undoubtedly, Byzantium was linked to the accreditation and domination of Christianity (313 AD) as the official religion of the Roman Empire. Philanthropy was one of the characteristics of the Byzantine culture14. Such activity comprised, among others, the financial support of widows, orphans, foreigners, the poor and the homeless. Also, necessary initiatives were instituted to release slaves, prisoners and captives. In addition, there were provisions for the unemployed in order to acquire skills in a variety of crafts and thus join the labor market (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 151, 158-160). The 4th century BC philanthropic foundation of Vasileiada was the hallmark of philanthropy in the healthcare sector operating a hospital ward, among others. This foundation was called after its founder, Saint Basil [Vasileios] bishop of Caesarea15, while it was considered to be the first system of organized philanthropy and the most renowned refuge for the weak (Kostandelos, 2008, p. 209)16 as well as the root cause of the later nursing institutions. It was established during the famine of 368/370 AD and was divided into wards in order to host and treat, with the help of medical staff, the poor, homeless, orphans, lepers, sick, disabled and abandoned children (Ferngren, 2009, p. 124,125). Of course, a number of philanthropic foundations were established in the years that followed, demonstrating the organized care for the weak. Such foundations are orphanages, usually run by a clergyman (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p.159) while in the healthcare sector hotels and almshouses make their appearance in the 4th and 5th centuries AD. The latter are established by local Churches for the purpose of providing hospitality, food and primary healthcare to the weak (Church of Greece, 2001, p. 25). It should be noted that the above mentioned healthcare was included in the pastoral duties of priests and monks who visited sick people in both hospitals and their homes (Kostandelos, 1994, p. 150). However, hotels and almshouses were later converted into hostels and hospitals, closely related to the hospitals established in late 19th and early 20th century17. The medical sectors developed in such foundations 14 Cf. “The necessary material goods for hospitality and philanthropic work came mainly from the monks’ work, the Christians emperors’ and state officials’ donations”. See Vlassopoulos, 2006, p. 59. 15 Saint Basil [Vasileios] studied rhetoric, grammar, philosophy, astronomy, geometry and medicine. Analytically on Saint Basil [Vasileios] bishop of Caesarea. See Ioannidis, 1992, p. 92-98. 16 More specifically on Vasileiada See Kostantelos, 2008, p. 209-211. 17 Cf. “(...) the Church played a leading role in the development of structures for the patient care, laying the foundations for the birth of the modern Hospital”. See F. Avgoustidis,

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

were surgery, internal medicine, ophthalmology, while there was a separate wing for women. Furthermore, among others, a leprosarium for the treatment of leprosy patients was also operating (Church of Greece, 2001, p. 25). A characteristic example of the 12th century Christian philanthropy in the healthcare sector was the Christian foundation of the Monastery of the Christ Pantokrator (Miller, 1998, p. 16)18. This monastery was founded in 1136 AD after an imperial initiative and comprised a hospital as well as other similar healthcare units. Pantokrator’s Hospital19 Comprised clinics and was staffed by physicians, medical assistants, surgeon assistants, pharmacists, midwives and nurses, who treated a variety of diseases, such as diseases of the eyes, intestines etc. (Kostandelos, I. D., 2008, p. 225-227, 229). It is worth mentioning that in the above mentioned Hospital, the monks, occasionally at first and then permanently, were engaged in the patients’ care (Pollak, 2007, p. 437).

1.3 Philanthropy during the Ottoman Domination and in the Early Hellenic State Undoubtedly, the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottomans in 1453 AD marks the weakening of the Byzantine state (Anastasopoulos, 2010, p. 126, 128). During this unfavorable period, Church continues to play an important role with regard to social and charitable work (Christodoulos – Archbishop of Athens and All Greece, 2004, p. 41). Besides, as already mentioned, the philanthropic tradition of Church in the healthcare sector is deeply rooted in the Early Christian era. During the Ottoman domination, the philanthropic activities of the Church continued and extended in the establishment and operation of several foundations and monasteries for the care of the suffering, poor, orphans, widows and the deprived. The social work of the Church included the burial of the poor and foreigners, the care for the elderly, disabled and unprotected infants (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 162-165). The social and philanthropic work of the Church continued after the liberation from the Ottoman domination, in the newly established Greek state. Some of the fields of action of such philanthropic work are healthcare, treatment of epidemics, distribution of medicines and clothes, protection of the deprived, children, large families and the organization of bread lines. It should be noted 2015, p. 77. 18 Details on the services provided, staff, administration and medical treatment at the Monastery of Christ Pantokrator See Miller, 1998, p. 18-26. 19 For all philanthropic foundations in Constantinople such as Hospitals, Hostels Hotels, Nursery Houses, Nursing Homes, Orphanages, Almshouses, See Ecumenical Patriarchate, 2011, p. 386-403.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

that, during the same period, financial assistance from several philanthropists established hospitals and orphanages to relieve the deprived (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 166-169).

2. Orthodox Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector: A case study in a Greek Orthodox Diocese Pictures from the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli social multi-specialty clinic reception and examination room for children and adults.

Eventually, Church in modern Greece keeps rendering its philanthropic action. Undoubtedly, the Orthodox Church of Greece is a philanthropic institution offering a rather costly and multi-level work to every fellow-man, regardless of race and religion. Nowadays, the Church operates more than 1000 philanthropic foundations with the help of volunteers. The money spent annually to support such work exceeds € 30,000,000 (euro)20. Clearly, in the aforementioned amount the voluntary work of numerous people should be added on the one hand, and on the other, the supply of several goods – food, 20 Cf. “The European Union could distinguish three systems of state and church relations. The first basic system is characterized by the existence of a “state” church. In this case, there are basic interconnections between the state and the church. The system of (...) Greece (...) comes under in this category. It should be noted, however, that the Church in Greece is not just a state church but is characterized as the dominant one”. See, Petrou, 2004, p. 158. And Cf. “The Church’s finances and property brought it to (...) conflicts with the State (...). In the twentieth century (...) an important part of the monastic land passed to the state (...). In 1952 (...) the State officially took over the pay of the Clergy (...). In 1987 the (...) law (1700/6.5.87) proposed the nationalization of almost all of the ecclesiastical property. The Church reacted strongly (...). The problem of the financial relationship between the Church and the state remains (...)”. See Kokosalakis, 2011, p. 338-339.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

clothes, medicines, etc. As far as the healthcare sector is concerned, apart from the patients’ support in general (Christodoulos – Archbishop of Athens and All Greece, 2004, p. 35-36) and home care (Stathopoulos, Bourikos, 2007, p. 179), the church also provides for the purchase of medicines and patients’ transfer abroad for additional medical care, while also paying special attention to young drug addicts and people suffering from AIDS. In addition, there are foundations21 under the aegis of the Church of Greece for the relief of the chronic patients (13), the disabled (10), the mentally ill (3) and the blind (1), as well as Hospitals (4) Primary healthcare units (6), more than 100 blood banks, (Christodoulos – Archbishop of Athens and All Greece, 2004, p. 42-43), a hospice and physiotherapy centers (Church of Greece, 2001, p. 28). At this point, it is worth mentioning that healthcare is primarily offered by the state through nursing institutions. Moreover, the Greek Constitution provides for the healthcare, anticipating it as an individual and social right22. The above mentioned constitutional recognition and safeguarding of the individual and social right of health, indicates the importance the Greek law attributes to this right, as well as the principle of respect and protection of human dignity. Of course, health law entails both individual and social components. More specifically, the individual right to health is defined as the right to abstain from any kind of interference with the personality, the physical and mental integrity, as well as the human freedom; while the right to healthcare is defined as a social right to health (Mitrosyllis, 2009, p. 29-31). Based on this assumption, preserving and continuing the philanthropic work of the Church is rather ambiguous from a skeptical point of view23. Social care issues are a duty and obligation of the state towards its citizens and, of course, it should not be left to the philanthropists’ benevolence (Peter, 2004, p. 407). In addition, in other sources it is stressed that the extensive health services network

21 For the whole philanthropic work of the Church of Greece; See Church of Greece, 2001, p. 28. 22 More specifically, the Constitution of Greece states: State care for citizens’ health: Article 21: “3. ¨The State shall care for the health of citizens and shall adopt special measures for the protection of youth, old age, disability and for the relief of the needy¨. See, Greek Parliament, The Greek Constitution. Part II: Individual and social rights. Retrieved from: http:// www.hellenicparliament.gr/Vouli-ton-Ellinon/To-Politevma/Syntagma/article-21/. 23 Philanthropy, as an act, is considered to be an outdated and incomplete form of social care, at the same time, it manifests the social superiority of the philanthropist, against the inferiority of the recipient. As a result, social marginalization, exclusion, inaction and entrapment of the needy is created. For this reason and in the Church, the concept of philanthropy has been replaced with that of diaconia. However, in Greece and in church in particular the use of the term philanthropy is still used. More specifically, See Petrou, 2004, p. 407-408.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

of the Church is not associated with the structures of the Ministry of Health and Social Solidarity – thus there is no observance and control of such services (Oiconomou, 2012, p. 20). However, it is underlined that the Church, apart from its salvific mission (F. Florovsky, 1989, p. 191), does not ignore the difficulties and material needs of people (Church of Greece, 2001, p.20), especially in the current global economic crisis (Tsompanidis, 2012, p. 71). This crisis reveals, among others, the issues of unemployment, poverty, income decline and job insecurity. Such issues greatly affect public health24 as they increase the rate of mental health problems, suicide, mortality, substance abuse, increased health problems in children and teenagers, etc. (Poulopoulos, 2011, p. 305-306). The case study we focus on also seeks to alleviate the above mentioned negative issues and support the weak. It concerns the structure of the social multi-specialty clinic run by the parish of the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli25. This multi-specialty clinic was inaugurated in October 2013 by the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew and started operating in January 2014. The above mentioned clinic26 provides the socially vulnerable groups and the deprived27 of the parish28, with free medical services in more than 20

24 Cf. WHO (World Health Organization): “Health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”. Preamble to the Constitution of WHO as adopted by the International Health Conference, New York, 19 June - 22 July 1946; signed on 22 July 1946 by the representatives of 61 States (Official Records of WHO, no. 2, p. 100) and entered into force on 7 April 1948. The definition has not been amended since 1948. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/suggestions/faq/en/. 25 Available information on the entire social and philanthropic work on the site of the Metropolis. Access at: http://www.imnst.gr/wp/. 26 The social multi-specialty clinic includes the following facilities: Two examination rooms for children, including children with special needs, an adult examination rooms, a cardiograph, a stethoscope, baby scales, and a lecture room to inform the public on several topics. 27 However, socially vulnerable groups are required to provide the following: their identity card or passport, a certificate from an insurance fund that they are uninsured (or insured yet with low or no income), a tax bill of up to € 7,000, a marital status certificate, a recent PPC, or OTE (Telecommunications company) account, or a certificate of permanent residence, and their unemployment benefit card. 28 Those visit the social multi-specialty clinic should be residents of the following parishes: Polichni, Meteora, Neapoli, Stavroupoli, Kordelio, Sindos, Neochorouda, Nea Magnisia, Oraiokastro, Paliokastro, Sykies, Ampelokipi, Pefka, Asvestohori, Retziki, Filiro, Chortiatis, Eyosmos, Ilioupoli, Diavata, Efkarpia, Pentalofos; however, it is underlined that any needy resident of another parish will not be excluded either.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

ÂŠ2020 Anastasiadou, Tsironis, Andreadis

specialties29, blood tests30, vaccines for the children and drug administration31. The philanthropic work is administered by the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli, aided by the constant assistance of numerous volunteers32. The main entrance for the social services of the parish of the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli, under Metropolite Barnabas, located at 11 Mitropoleos Str., Neapoli Thessaloniki, Greece.

As regards the assessment of such work, it should be noted that from the establishment of the multi-specialty clinic to date, 1,140 children and 1,099 adults have been examined; 22,724 drugs have been administered, while 11,100 other medicines are still available. It is worth mentioning that, from the surplus medicines of the clinic, a variety of social structures, such as Hospitals, social pharmacies, Doctors in the World, prisons, etc, benefit as well33. 29 It should be noted that initially only a Pediatric Department operated, with the rest later staffed by volunteers â&#x20AC;&#x201C; physicians. Therefore, currently the following specialties are available: a General Practitioner, a Dermatologist, a Speech Therapist, a Neurologist, a Pediatric Surgeon, a Rheumatologist, a Pulmonologist, a Pediatrician, a Gynecologist, a Hematologist, a Psychologist, an Internist, an Endocrinologist, a Neurological Surgeon, a Cardiologist, an Orthopedic, an Urologist, a Psychiatrist, a Vascular Surgeon and an Oncologist. 30 Voluntary treatment of a specific number of patients in the Vioiatriki Private Medical Center â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 55 Koloniari St., Ksirokrini, Thessaloniki. 31 Medicines are voluntarily offered by citizens. 32 The social multi-specialty clinic comprises: 29 physicians, 5 nurses for the registration and organization of drugs in alphabetical order and expiration date, one clinic administrator, one secretary for appointments and file archiving and one general assistant. 33 Specifically the medicines go to the following: Theageneio Hospital, Evangelismos tis Theotokou Monastery, Ormylia Chalkidiki, Euromedica, Geniki Kliniki of Thessaloniki, Doctors in the World, Mount Athos-Skiti Agia Anna, Social Pharmacy of the Municipality of Pavlos Melas and Municipality of Neapoli-Stavroupoli, Multipurpose Regional Medical Center of Megisti Kastellorizo, Thessaloniki General Detention Faciliti (Diavata Prison).

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

Regarding the future aspirations of the multi-specialty clinic, we emphasize, on the one hand, the unselfish disposal of the parish and the volunteers to continue their philanthropic work and, on the other, the aim of enriching the variety of medical equipment. As for the volunteers in the social multi-specialty clinic, holding solidarity and humanity as their priority, they emphasize the need to continue their philanthropic work as they realize that poverty is a burning issue as such; yet, combined with illness it constitutes a major social issue34. In addition, according to the World Health Organization, the social issue is based on the assumption that health inequality cannot benefit society as a whole, since health and welfare are necessary factors for economic and social development (WHO, 2012, p. 1). On their part, patients are grateful for the philanthropists who selflessly care for their treatment, hoping that the structure will keep benefiting the needy in the future35.

3. Orthodox Diocese and Philanthropy: A Fundamental principal As evident from the above, the initiative for the establishment of the social multi-specialty clinic of the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli, is based on the relief for the weak. The parish, the living cell of ecclesiastical life, performs a variety of social activities, one of which is volunteering36. Volunteering, as an ardent nexus of social responsibility and solidarity, seeks to alleviate human pain and resolve the various issues of the local community. In addition, the parish is a potential network of volunteer cooperation37, further assisted by the local government and several cultural institutions. Thus, volunteer parish activities38 are considered positive for their contribution to 34 All information comes from an on-site study, a patient file study as well as an interview from the competent employee, Ms Maria Charalampidou. At present there are no written sources. 35 All information comes from the file and the competent employee, Ms Maria Charalampidou. 36 On the general and in-depth investigation of the phenomenon of volunteering. See Polyzoidis, 2006. 37 Cf. “Philanthropic and voluntary organizations are undoubtedly highly esteemed by Greeks (...). The positive opinion, however, is not presented as voluntary participation: only 27.3% of the population has thought seriously about volunteering (... )”. See Polyzoidis, 2006, p. 116-117. 38 Cf. “Theoretically, personal motivation for voluntary activity is distinguished into altruistic, self-centered (...) and feelings of commitment. (...)The motivation due to feeling of commitment comprises moral and religious duty, contribution to the local society, reciprocity (...)”. See Polizoidis, 2006, p. 71.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

the activation of values such as solidarity39, altruism40 and humanity (Prot. Kalliakmanis, 2002, p. 27, 30, 45-46). The above mentioned activation of values is of great significance as they are fundamental principles of individual and collective cohabitation that members of a community accept, while their observance implies and supports social cohesion. Consequently, through mapping the diverse social values, all priorities, ways of action as well as any potential malfunction of individual and social life can be explained. In the Orthodox Christian tradition, such values are based on love, unity and freedom. Within the philanthropic activity of the parish, these values are translated into 1) love for the diaconia/ help for the weak; 2) recognition of the value of every human being, which promotes unity, equality, peace, justice; and 3) philanthropic work through the volunteer’s free will. At this point, however, it should be underlined that such values also form the basic criteria for performing diaconia41 of the parish, which are the following: (1) Diaconia is transformed into assistance to every vulnerable human being, regardless of his/ her social, economic and political status, elements that lay the foundations for solidarity on an ecumenical level. (2) Diaconia and assistance free from any feelings of alms42 or induction of guilt and impregnated with love, care and dignity to the needy, such as patients, the disabled, etc. (3) Avoidance of a sense of superiority towards the needy and consequent consolidation of

39 Cf. A rather interesting viewpoint on part of social sciences and Emil Durkheim about decoding of human behavior in the phenomenon of solidarity is the following: for Durkheim society is above all a moral unity of people. Moral unity is inherent in the terms sociality, social bond and social solidarity. Within such unity, the collective consciousness prevails, i.e. the attachment of all people to common perceptions, feelings, beliefs determining the people’s behavior and function in a coherent way. [Emil Durkheim (1858-1917), is considered to be the father of sociology]. See Antonopoulou, 2008, p. 190, 197. 40 Cf. “Our times distinguish for privatization and individualism. (...). People’s problems are sharpened and loneliness and isolation are gaining ground.” See Protop. Kalliakmanis, 2002, p. 25. 41 Cf. “Diaconia in the sense of social care in Christianity has been anticipated as a basic element of Christ’s teachings on love, the values, reference and practice of which has created a model of care in the world throughout history.” See Tsironis, 2013, p. 71. 42 It is worth mentioning at this point that philanthropy, as a concept synonymous to charity, is rather controversial content for many people. More specifically, it is believed that philanthropy as an action entails the economic superiority of philanthropists who offer, versus the weak people who receive and thus, the concept of economic and social inequality. See Vantsos, 2013, p. 103.

Church and Philanthropy in the Healthcare Sector

the feelings of love, justice43, solidarity44, and respect for the human dignity. (4) Diaconia aspires to offer help, with the immediate aim of reintegrating man as a free, equal, integral member of society. (5) Philanthropic action must be free from any individual, institutional, economic or political aspirations45 (Tsironis, 2007, p. 157, 167, 176-184, 203, 205).

Conclusion Philanthropy as a notion and content is not unknown in the Orthodox tradition as it is considered the embodiment of its spiritual role and at the same time one of the highest virtues. Therefore during Early Christianity, philanthropy in the healthcare sector found a niche for development, mainly through the foundations, with the contribution of priests, deacons, deaconesses and the faithful. The philanthropic work continued in the Byzantine era, with Vasileiada among the best known examples along with the Monastery of the Christ Pantokrator, which comprised, among others, infirmaries for patients staffed with a variety of medical and auxiliary staff. Amid difficulties and adversities, during the Ottoman domination, diaconia was maintained with the help of the philanthropic foundations and, eventually, the same work was preserved in the newly established Greek state. The modern era finds philanthropic work in continuity and consistency with its long tradition, although modified in comparison with the previous centuries. Health, as an individual and social right, is currently protected by the Greek Constitution, thus philanthropic foundations no longer undertake the citizens’ health and medical care, but rather this burdens the Greek state and public hospitals. However, the social multi-specialty clinic as a case report has shown that a large number of patients are seeking its benefits, making the philanthropic work of the Church a necessary condition of support for the 43 However, church tradition emphasizes that philanthropy, apart from offering, extends to the defense of the weak, condemnation of social injustice and ensuing attempt to bring social justice. See, Petrou, 1992, p.109. Of course, such justice can be achieved by tracking at the same time the causes of social and economic injustice. See Tzombanidis, 2012, p. 77. 44 “Solidarity actions are not altruistic altogether. They may be motivated by reciprocity and social responsibility; they may reflect the simple fact of social interdependence and religious principles, which are primarily a task for God rather than people”. See Spicker, 2004, p. 81. 45 Cf. “The so-called philanthropic work has become a consumer product advertised and used as a way for promoting institutions to compete with each other. Often, we in the Church tend to enter into a self-righteous competition with the state and other institutions, where everyone tries to prove that he has the best social face (....). Such competition has its roots in vanity.” See Protop. Kofinas, p. 2.

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ÂŠ2020 Anastasiadou, Tsironis, Andreadis

deprived. In addition, the above mentioned work supports the social right to care, acting as the guardian of the constitutionally protected human dignity. In addition to the above, it should be mentioned that currently ecclesiastical healthcare is shifting from the foundations and patientâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s home to the modern social structures of the parish. As far as patientsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; care is concerned, it is now assisted by medical and nursing staff, while deacons, priests and the faithful take care of the needs and the organization of the social clinic. At the same time, we trace points of convergence of the modern form of philanthropy with that of previous centuries laying in fundamental Christian values such as love, unity, freedom as well as in basic diaconia criteria such as support of the dignity of vulnerable groups, attempt to reintegrate them into society, and, of course, unselfish motivation of volunteers. Clearly, the unselfish and long lasting diaconia pass optimistic messages for the continuation of philanthropic work to the benefit of the needy.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli, in Thessaloniki, Protop. Father Vasileios Kalliakmani, Ms. Maria Charalambidou, as well as all the volunteers of the social multi-specialty clinic.

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References Anastassopoulos, A. (2010). Forms of social assistance and welfare in Islam with reference to the Ottoman Empire. In K. Dikaios (Edit.), History of Social Policy, p. (126-155). Athens: Gutenberg. Antonopoulou, N. M. (2008). The Classics of Sociology: Social Theory and Modern Society. Athens: Savvalas. Avgoustidis, A. (2015). By associating the person who suffers: Introduction to the pastoral health. Athens: Armos. Christodoulos, Archbishop of Athens and All Greece, (2004). The Church and its social work. In Theology and the World in Dialogue: Honorary Volume to Professor George I. Mantzaridis. Thessaloniki: Pournaras. Ecumenical Patriarchate (2011). Treatment Advocates: Introduction to pastoral diakonia in Health. Network of the Ecumenical Patriarchate for pastoral diakonia in health. Ferngren, B. G. (2009). Medicine & Health care in early Christianity. U.S.A: The Johns Hopkins University press. F. Florosifsky, G. (1989). Topics of Orthodox Theology. Athens: Artos Zois. Greek Parliament. The Greek Constitution. Part II: Individual and social rights. Retrieved on May 7, 2017 from: http://www.hellenicparliament.gr/ Vouli-ton-Ellinon/To Politevma/Syntagma/article-21/. Ioannidis, Ι. Α. (1992). Medicine in the New Testament and Fathers of the Church: Contribution to History and Ethics - Ethics of Medicine. Thessaloniki: (n.e.). Kokosalakis, N. (2011). Orthodoxy and Church & State Relations in Modern Greece. In L. Maratou-Alipranti & M. Thanopoulou & A. Teperoglou & E. Fronimou (Ed.). Aspects of Sociology in modern Greece: Honorary volume in memory of Ioanna Lampiri-Dimaki (p. 329-341). Sakkoula: Athens-Komotini. Kostantelos, I.D., (2008). The Greek Saga and Greek-Christian Philanthropy: From antiquity to Byzantine Middle Ages. Thessaloniki: Vanias. Kostantelos, I. D., (1994). Poverty, society and philanthropy: In the later medieval Greek world. Thessaloniki: Vanias. Miller, S.T. (1998). The Birth of the Hospital in the Byzantine Empire. (translated by N. Kellermanos). Athens: Beta. 25

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Mitrosyli, M. (2009). Health Law, Health Units, Health Professionals, Patients. Athens: Papazisis. Oikonomou, Ch. (2012). Reports/ 7. “The Institutional Framework of Illness Benefits in Greece: The Role and function of the National Health System”. Athens: Labor Institute of the Greek General Confederation of Labour (GSSE). Observatory on Economic and Social Developments. Retrieved from: http:// ineobservatory.gr/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/report7.pdf. Paparigopoulou-Pechlivani, P. (2009). Health law: Fundamental concepts. Organization of public health services. Rights of the healthcare user. Athens: Nomiki Vivliothiki. Petrou, S. I. (2004). Christianity and Society: Sociological Analysis of the Relationship of Christianity with Society and Culture. Thessaloniki: Vanias. Petrou, S. I. (1992). Social justice: The problem of social justice in the tradition of Orthodoxy. Thessaloniki: Paratiritis. Philanthropy. (2009). In: Dictionary of the common Modern Greek Language (p. 1424). Thessaloniki: Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Institute of Modern Greek Studies. Manolis Triantafyllidis Foundation. Polizoidis, P. (2006). Volunteering in social protection. Athens: Ellinika Grammata. Pollak, K. (2007). Medicine in antiquity: Greece-Rome-Byzantium. Medicine in the Bible and the Talmud. (Translated by A. Delikari). Athens: Papadimas. Poulopoulos, Ch. (2011). Social Work and Addictions: Communities of Change. Athens: Topos. Protopresbyter Kalliakmanis, I. B. (2002). Volunteering and social responsibility. Thessaloniki: Mygdonia. Protopresbyter Kofinas, S. (n.d.), Approaching ourselves and our fellow man through charity. Special Synodal Committee on Special Pastoral Issues and Situations, The Church of Greece. Retrieved from: http://www.ecclesia.gr/ greek/holysynod/commitees/pastoral/pastoral-0006.htm Spicker, P. (2004). Welfare State: A General Theory. (translated by Ch. Economou). Athens: Dionikos. Stathopoulos, P. A. & Bourikos, D. H. (2007). Critical Approaches to Orthodox Culture: Views of the Greek Example. D. Magriplis (Ed.). Thessaloniki: Stamoulis. 26

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Sulek, M. (2010). On the Modern Meaning of Philanthropy. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 39 (2), p. 193-212. Doi: 10.1177/0899764009333052. Tegopoulos, Fitrakis, (1993). Philanthropy. In Greek Dictionary (p. 818). Athens: Armonia. The Church of Greece (2001). The testimony of love. The philanthropic and social work of the Church of Greece. Athens: Communication and Educational Service of the Church of Greece. Tsironis, N. Ch. (2013). Diaconia, society, testimony: A sociological and theological approach. In: Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli. Scientific conference: From the Diaconia of Divine Logos to the Diaconia of the fellow man. Thessaloniki: Holy Metropolis of Neapoli and Stavroupoli. Tsironis, N. Ch. (2007). Globalization and local communities: Social ethics and community work. Thessaloniki: Vanias. Tzompanidis, Ch. S. (2012). From charity to fighting its causes: The duty of the Church to the challenges of economic globalization. Theologia, 83, (4), 71-80. Retrieved from: http://www.ecclesia.gr/greek/press/theologia/index.asp. Vantsos, M. (2013). Philanthropy according to Saint Gregory Palamas. World: Electronic Journal of Orthodox Theology and Christian Culture, (2), 103-112. Retrieved from: http://blogs.auth.gr/mvantsos/ files/2017/02/%CE%9C%CE%B9%CE%BB%CF%. Vantsos, M., Kiroudi, M. (2007). An Orthodox View of Philanthropy and Church Diaconia, Christian Bioethics, 13:3, pp: 251-268. Doi: 10.1080/13803600701732082. Vlassopoulos, K. (2006). Soul of Body Healing: Religion and Medicine seek the causes and cure of diseases, from antiquity to present time. Athens: Grigoris. World Health Organization (WHO). (2012). ¨HEALTH 2020: A European policy framework and strategy for the 21st century¨. Retrieved from: http:// www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/169803/RC62wd09-Eng.pdf.

2 The historical geopolitics of Religion in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans: Aspects of coexistence between Orthodox Christianity and Islam Efstathios C. Lianos Liantis

MPhil, MTheol, PhD, PDRF Head of the Greek Delegation to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Special Envoy on Combating Antisemitism and Preserving Holocaust Remembrance

Corespondence:

e-mail: liantis.efstathios@mfa.gr

Abstract

todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s interfaith dialogues and communications between religious communities of the modern world.

The paper tries to tract the historical points of coexistence between Orthodox Christianity and Islam to the lands of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkan Peninsula, an area that was a common administrative place for both Byzantine and Ottoman Empire. The paper gives the example of the acceptance of Orthodox Christians by Muhammad and his successors and provides with the necessary historical data about the security of the small Christian communities on Muslim territories. Also, a historical review on the understanding of Islam by Christian authors and theologians helps the discussion on the realization of the path of mutual understanding between the two religions. Finally, the acceptance of the monastic state of Mount Athos inside a Muslim theocracy is a great historical example of acceptance and coexistence that can show the way for

Keywords: Christianity, Mount Athos

Citation:

Islam,

coexistence,

Lianos Liantis E. The historical geopolitics of Religion in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans: Aspects of coexistence between Orthodox Christianity and Islam. Theology & Culture. 2020; 1(2): 2940. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.23987.66087

The historical geopolitics of Religion

Introduction

he lands of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkan Peninsula were for centuries a single administrative space, which Western Europeans, starting in the 19th century, referred to as the Near East. Naturally, it never occurred to any Byzantine, Arab or Ottoman to describe their geographical space in relation to its proximity to the West, as they perceived their state as the center from which all others drew their relative position. The theocentric perception of society, for both Byzantines and Arabs, rendered their states the kingdom of God on earth; the Emperor and the Caliph existed as the image of God (Laos, 2015, 30-31) and the successor to the Messenger of God respectively (Madelung, 1997, 1-27), and the main purpose of the state was the defence and dissemination of the one true faith as a prospect for salvation. It was precisely this perception of the uniqueness and sacredness of the kingdom that led to the two most important schisms in the Christian and Islamic worlds. The adoption of the title of Emperor by Charlemagne and his crowning in Rome, on Christmas day, 800 AD, by Pop Leo III marked both the questioning of the legitimate Roman power of Constantinople1 and the beginning of the schism between East and West, which was consolidated in 1054 as a religious split that has lasted until today. The controversy over the hegemonic and spiritual successor to the prophet Muhammad brought about the major schism in early Islam. Succession by bloodline was supported by the Shiite Muslims, followers of Muhammad’s cousin Ali, while Sunni Islam wanted the prophet’s father in law, Abu Bakr, to succeed him (Hughes, 2013, 115-132). The title of caliph needed to be passed on to a single true successor who, as Governor of the Faithful, had all Muslims under his power. The parallel claims to the title meant a schism. This is why early Greek-language literature refers to the Shiites as “Schiites”, in the belief that they got their name from the Greek word “schism”2. However, the similarities are not limited to the causes of the schisms, but extend to the contact 1 Irene, the widow of Leo IV, seized the imperial throne from her son Constantine VI. Irene’s succession sanctioned the belief that no emperor remained in the East and that the throne was vacant. Fleener, M., The Significance of the Coronation of Charlemagne, Sr. Thesis Western Oregon University, Monmouth 2005, p. 9. Latowsky, A., Emperor of the World: Charlemagne and the Construction of Imperial Authority, 800–1229, Ithaca 2013, pp. 50-1. 2 «Οι σιίται, ήτοι σχισματικοί και αιρετικοί (οίοι οι Πέρσαι και οι Κούρδοι) απορρίπτουσι την παράδοσιν, δέχονται ως μόνον νόμιμον κληρονόμον του προφήτου τον Αλήν», Λεξικόν Εγκυκλοπαιδείας περιέχον τα κυριώτερα των επιστημών και τεχνών, Εν Σμύρνη 1864, p. 10.

The historical geopolitics of Religion

between and coexistence of the two worlds, which brought about major borrowings, on both sides, in all areas of culture.

1. Muhammad as the guarantor of Christians’ security The relationship of the teachings of Muhammad with the Judaic and Christian religions became an object of study early on by scholars and academics. However, beyond the Koranic sources there is a body of texts that indicate the Prophet’s intentions with regard to the peoples of the Book – as the Christians and Jews are called – and concern mainly promissory writings and peace agreements concluded with Christian abbots, bishops and rulers. During the tenth year of Hegira, the prophet Muhammad received a delegation of sixty Christians from the city of Najran, of Arabia Felix. The audience of those Byzantine-style Arab Christians took place in the temple of the prophet, and Muhammad allowed them to pray therein, which they did, facing east. The Christians of Najran talked to the prophet about theological issues, including the nature of God, and he recited to them Surah 112 of the Koran, which is called The Surah of Sincerity and Absolute Faith: “Say: He, Allah, is One, Allah, the Eternal, the Absolute (of whom all creatures have need). He begets not, nor is He begotten, And there is none like unto Him.” Further discussion regarding the nature of Jesus Christ led to certain disagreements, regarding which he recited to them three verses of the Koran from the third Surah. After three days, the Christian delegation decided to conclude its mission. Despite dogmatic disagreements, Muhammad concluded a treaty with the Christians of Najran. The prophet dictated the terms of the treaty to Abdullah Abu Bakr, who served as his scribe, and it was ratified by five of his acolytes. This treaty provided religious and administrative autonomy to non-Muslim citizens of Islamic territories (Tibawi, 1961, 30-46; El-Wakil, 2016, 273-354). A similar treaty was concluded the same year between Muhammad and Yuhanna or Ioannis, a Byzantine governor or, likely, bishop of the Biblical city of Elath3, in Arabia Petraea. The treaty marked the first Muslim conquest in the Anatolic Theme of the Byzantine Empire, and, in exchange for taxation, secured the right of the citizens of the city to religious freedom and guaran3 The name of the city survived into the Roman period as Aela, adopted into Byzantine Greek as Aila and into Arabic as Aylah, later becoming Aqabat Aylah, eventually shortened down to Aqaba.

The historical geopolitics of Religion

teed their property and their personal security: “Thou hast to accept Islam, or pay the tax, and obey God and his Messenger and the messengers of His Messenger” (Peters, 1994, 240-242). However, for the Orthodox Christianity the most important text ratified by Muhammad is the Ashtiname (Covenant or Testament) to the Monastery of Saint Catherine of Sinai, the importance of which lies in the duration of its effect, which extends to our day. The Prophet Muhammad’s agreement with the monks of Mount Sinai is certified by Muhammad’s biographer, Al-Waqidi (748-822), and his student Ibn Sa’d al-Baghdadi (784-845), in the Kitab Tabaqat Al-Kubra, where it is set out, albeit in a shorter form than in the existing copies of the charter of rights, but containing all of the main articles, almost word for word (Shah-Kazemi, 2017, 362-383). The Covenant is a very early Muslim text, given that it was written in the sixth year of Hegira; that is, in 628 by the Christian calendar. With the increasing influence of Islam in Arabia, in 626 the Prophet Muhammad sent a number of epistles to various kings and rulers around the Arabian Peninsula, stating his desire for peace and cooperation. In 628, a delegation of monks from the Monastery of Saint Catherine came to Muhammad and asked for his protection. Responding to this request, Muhammad gave, on penalty of excommunication, an “obligation”, ratified by his palm print. Official copies of the Testament are today preserved in the Monastery’s Sacristy and at a number of its metochions beyond Sinai and on Mount Athos. The account of Muhammad’s journeys to Sinai and the historical background of the writing of the Ashtiname are mentioned in the first volume of the “Journal des Voyages” of the French diplomat Balthasar de Monconys (1611-1665), in which Monconys maintains that he saw the content of the Testament engraved in stone (Monconys, 1665, 228-229). Below are some excerpts from the Ashtiname: […]Whenever monks, devotees and pilgrims gather together, whether in a mountain or valley, or den, or frequented place, or plain, or church, or in houses of worship, verily we are [at the] back of them and shall protect them, and their properties and their morals, by Myself, by My Friends and by My Assistants, for they are of My Subjects and under My Protection. […] […] Their judges should not be changed or prevented 32

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from accomplishing their offices, nor the monks disturbed in exercising their religious order, or the people of seclusion be stopped from dwelling in their cells. […] […]No one is allowed to plunder the pilgrims, or destroy or spoil any of their churches, or houses of worship, or take any of the things contained within these houses and bring it to the houses of Islam. And he who takes away anything therefrom, will be one who has corrupted the oath of God, and, in truth, disobeyed His Messenger. […] (Haddad , 1902, 4) This selections show that the Muslim state must not damage Christian churches in any way; nor may any Muslim official involve himself in the election of Christian religious leaders. Provided the Christians are subjects of Muslim authorities and ask for those authorities’ protection, they should be given the assistance of Muslims in every legal manner. The commitment to this rule of non-assimilation was institutionalized during the Ottoman Empire in the form of the “millet system” (Kursar, 2013, 97-108; Barkey & Gavrilis, 2016, 24-42). In accordance with this practice, each religious community was considered to be an autonomous social unit that enjoyed relative administrative and legal independence. The millets were headed by high-clerics, who were made responsible for family law, judicial matters, church assets, education, philanthropy and tax collection. This system tried to allow for peaceful coexistence within the Empire, though placing non-Muslims in a lower social position within its sovereign boundaries.

2. The Christian perception of Islam The appearance and spread of Islam among Christian populations of the East favored mutual understanding and dialogue between the two monotheistic religions. Familiarity among the populations did not come about all at once, but was a dynamic process with multifaceted dimensions and chronological phases. It is characteristic that in the period of the 8th century the Christian world had vague image of the emerging religion, and that is why, initially, no serious reaction was expressed on the level of religious perceptions and theological premises. To the lack of information must be added the 33

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archaic form of expression of the theological truths of the new religion, a fact that did not favor a rational classification of the similarities and differences between Christianity and Islam. The two civilizations, Byzantine and Arab, were still seeking the common framework for dialogue and debate, which for the time being were unattainable due to language and ethnic disparities. These initial obstacles were overcome when Christian scholars served in the courts of the caliphates as political officials and made the first assessments of the content of the Arabs’ religious convictions. The first preeminent Christian theologian to set out the principles of the new religion in a systematic manner was John of Damascus, who had a profound knowledge of Arabic. This advantage helped him to penetrate the religious writings of the Arabs and ascertain, in an initial phase, the differences between the two religions. In fact, what he assessed as the common points between the two religions led him to believe that Islam was another version or heretical perversion of the True Faith. For this reason, on the level of history as well, he linked the Prophet Muhammad genealogically with Ishmael (of the tribe of Ishmael)4, while on the theological level he identified Islam with dynamic Monarchianism and Docetism (Bell, 1922, 37-38). His polemic turns critical when it deals with the moral life and eschatological convictions of the Muslim Arabs, a tendency repeated in subsequent Christian writings. Theodore Abū Qurrah (Avoukaras) is considered his successor in the late 8th and early 9th centuries. This scholarly polyglot monk and, later, bishop debates the teaching and other aspects of Muhammad, refuting the accusations against Christians to be found in early Islamic writings and tradition. His writing is characterized by a defensive tone and, at the same time, a polemic inclination against the new religion, as he accuses it of perversion of the Christian message and the life ideals of the Christians (Beaumont, 2005, 28-43; Awad, 2015). Bartholomew of Edessa is regarded as the last apologist against Islam in the first millennium. Living at the end of the 9th century, he reacts to the Koran’s accusations against Christians and endeavors to belittle and debunk the historical role and prophetic calling of Muhammad (Meyendorff, 1964, 123). In 4 «Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἡ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν κρατοῦσα λαοπλανὴς θρησκεία τῶν Ἰσμαηλιτῶν πρόδρομος οὖσα τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου. Κατάγεται δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰσμαὴλ τοῦ ἐκ τῆς Ἄγαρ τεχθέντος τῷ Ἀβραάμ• διόπερ Ἀγαρηνοὶ καὶ Ἰσμαηλῖται προσαγορεύονται. Σαρακηνοὺς δὲ αὐτοὺς καλοῦσιν ὡς ἐκ τῆς Σάρρας κενοὺς διὰ τὸ εἰρῆσθαι ὑπὸ τῆς Ἄγαρ τῷ ἀγγέλῳ• Σάρρα κενήν με ἀπέλυσεν». John of Damascus, De haeresibus, 100, Kotter, B. (ed.), Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, Vol. IV, Berlin 1981, p. 60.

The historical geopolitics of Religion

employing this tactic, he emulates and borrows elements from the polemics of the Jews against the beliefs of Christians and the identity of Christ. He approaches the moral teachings of the Koran and Muslim perceptions regarding predestination and paradise in a particularly mordant and sarcastic manner, showing in this way the difficulties Christianity was facing from the rapid spread and consolidation of Islam and the Arabs in the wider Middle East region. Nicetas of Byzantium, a contemporary of Photius, was the first Christian writer to call on the imperial administration (Michael III and Basil I) to draw up apologist writings on Christianity’s superiority to Islam, responding to analogous outlooks that were gestating in the Arab world (Demetriades, 1972). His example was to be followed by numerous scholarly Byzantine writers who would serve the political and religious exigencies of Byzantine Emperors, writing epistolary texts and dialogues. But from the 10th century on, the source and departure point of the dissertations would be the capital, Constantinople. Over the next two centuries, the development of Arab culture and its connection with the Greek philosophical categories of thought and expression created fertile ground for dialogue, which contributed to Islamic theological thought’s being built on the foundation of the Christian theological model and the logic of Aristotelean philosophy. To this must be added the certifiable interactions between the various forms of art and culture, proving that propinquity and coexistence within a broader political and social framework did not deter interaction and mutual understanding. Only from this perspective is it possible to understand and appreciate the effort of Manuel Comnenus (1143-1180) to eradicate the anathemas and aphorisms against Muhammad that were included in ecclesiastical practice and worship, believing that such a move could favor of the interests of Christians in regions under Islamic rule (Hanson, 1996, 55-83). However, a more systematic rapprochement between the two religions took place during the Palaiologean era, when a great Saint of the Orthodox Church, Gregory Palamas, and two emperors, (John VI Kantakouzenos and Manuel II Palaeologus) attempted a comparison and theological juxtaposition of Christianity and Islam. All three writers spent time in the courts of Turkish sultans and debated with Muslim theologians on all levels (Trinitarian theology-monotheism, Christology, worship, moral life, etc.). Their extant texts, mainly apologetic in nature, bear witness to the dynamic movement of the leaders of Islam to break the morale of Christians by pointing up the superi35

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ority of their own religion.

3. A Christian monastic state in a Muslim theocracy Eight hundred years after the writing of the Prophet Muhammad’s Ashtiname, the Ottoman caliphate had become consolidated on the Balkan Peninsula and the few free pockets of the old Christian Empire of the East maintained their independence as tributary or vassal states to the sultans. The monastic state of Athos, which succeeded the great Lavras of the East, had developed -with the favor of the Byzantine Emperors- into an autonomous and self-administered area of the kingdom, with special rights and exemptions. The first Ottoman domination of Mount Athos began in 1383 and ended in 1402, when Sultan Bayezid I was crushed in Ankara by Tamerlane. The following year, his son and successor, Süleyman, signed treaties with the Byzantines, to whom he returned the Theme of Thessaloniki, which included Mount Athos (Smyrlis,, 2008, 325-348). In 1424, the Ottoman forces reappeared in the region and the city of Thessaloniki was granted by the Byzantines to the Venetians, so that the latter could defend it. The same year, a delegation of monks, with the consent of despot Andronicus II Palaeologus, traveled to the court of Sultan Murat II, in Adrianople, where they declared their allegiance. From that moment on, until 1912, Mouth Athos survived as a Christian monastic island in an Islamic kingdom. In 1430, when Murat captured Thessaloniki, the Athonite monks met him again and asked to confirm the sultanic orders of privileges which his predecessors, Bayezid I and Mehmed I, had issued. The order of Murad II confirmed the privileges of the monasteries of Mount Athos, referring in particular to the tax-allowances, which was necessary for their survival (Lavriotes, 1963, 113261; Papadatos, 1963, 469). In brief, the effect of the orders guaranteed the assets of the monasteries and recognized their properties on the Mount Athos peninsula. Moreover, it prohibited the entry of laymen or state officials into Athos, it allowed the free movement of goods between monasteries and their dependencies, and it granted the privilege of exemption from emergency taxes. A second sultanic nişan, issued in 1485 by Bayezid II, reconfirmed the terms of the 1430 document (Demetriades, 1997, 50). Although under Ottoman rule, Mount Athos continued to be the greatest spiritual center of the Orthodox world, which was now in large part under Ot36

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toman control. However, significant developments took place in the internal organization of the monasteries. The reduction of the term of abbots to just one year tended to weaken the traditional system of communal living. This unusual system, which emerged early in the 15th century, had become nearly universal by the 17th century. The monasteries were now administered by a council of elder monks who were elected by the brotherhood for a term of one year. This unusual system brought major changes to the lives of the monks, allowing, as it did, for the monks to have personal estates, to organize their own meals, and to receive a wage for the work they did for the monastery. This relaxing of austerity was seen as modernization and degeneration of monastic traditions. Nevertheless and despite the changes and the need to adapt, Mount Athos managed, in periods of prosperity and decline throughout Ottoman rule, to maintain its distinctive character and remain a place of monastic devotion and spiritual productivity. The founding of the Athonite Academy, in 1749, and the emergence through it of major figures of the Modern Greek Enlightenment, bears witness to the fact that Athos continued on its great course even in the midst of a theocratic regime of another faith, though this regime did in general terms show respect and tolerance for the unique Athonite system.

Conclusion The intellectual encounter of Greeks and Arabs as a result of the transmission of the Greek culture after the expedition of Alexander the Great, was one of the most important events in the history of civilization, the consequences of which are enormous in the Islamic world, Europe and the ecumene. In the centuries that followed, the spiritual affinity between the two peoples evolved. The Aristotelian philosophy dominated the late school of Alexandria and its influence inevitably passed in the Christian world and Islam. The Syrian study of Aristotle was formed in the school of Edessa in the fifth century, mainly regarding the works of Aristotle on logic. After all, logic became a science by Aristotle. With the Aristotelian logic was connected the Introduction (Isagoge) of Porphyry of Tyre, and with his broader philosophy, the epitome of the Greco-Syrian writer Damascius. The wider study of the Aristotelian corpus was achieved with the use of Scholia (comments) for the first time by the Greco-Syrian, Maruthas or Probus, and then by the Alexandrians, Ammonius and John Philoponus. It should be noted that the Arabic interpretative projects of Aristotelian philosophy were mainly Neo-Platonic, and it was the 37

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Neo-Platonic tendency that dominated the Arab philosophy and influenced the Muslim theology. This influence increased further by accepting the epitome of the plotinian Enneads as the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Theology of Aristotleâ&#x20AC;? and thus as an original work of him. Almost the same mental path followed the Christian philosophy in Byzantium, which during the 4th and 5th AD centuries dominated by the influence of Neoplatonic thought. The apophatic terminology would be considered as a key element of similarity between Neoplatonism and Christianity. The relevance of theological faith with the philosophical problematic and scientific research developed systematically, and with proof manner, a trend validation of theological positions based on the philosophical dialectic, the mathematical principles and infinitesimal elements and concepts of space and time of natural science. Thus, the two major religions using common philosophical bases developed their theological thought. This fact together with the description of the occurrences of the history of geopolitics of religion in the wider region of the Eastern Mediterranean demonstrate the positive foundations of the intercultural/interfaith dialogue (Anastasios Giannoulatos, 2004, 689-697), which must be a dialogue aimed to consolidate pluralism and peaceful coexistence.

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References Anastasios Giannoulatos, Archbishop of Tirana, Durres and all Albania (2004). “Developing Shared Values and Common Citizenship in a Secular and Pluralist Society: How Religious Communities Can Contribute”, in Lindholm, T. et al. (ed.), Facilitating Freedom of Religion or Belief: A Deskbook, Dordrecht, 689-697. Awad, N.G. (2015). Orthodoxy in Arabic Terms: A Study of Theodore Abu Qurrah’s Theology in Its Islamic Context, Boston. Barkey, K., Gavrilis G. (2016). “The Ottoman Millet System: Non-Territorial Autonomy and its Contemporary Legacy”, Ethnopolitics 15, 24-42. Beaumont, I.M. (2005). Christology in Dialogue with Muslims: A Critical Analysis of Christian Presentations of Christ for Muslims from the Ninth and Twentieth Centuries, Carlisle. Bell, R. (1913-22) “John of Damascus and the controversy with Islam”, Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society 4, 37-38. Demetriades, J.M.( 1972), Nicetas of Byzantium and His Encounter with Islam: A Study of the “Anatrope” and the Two “Epistles” to Islam, Ph.D Dissertation, Hartford Seminary Foundation. Demetriades, V. (1997). “Athonite documents and the Ottoman Occupation”, in Ο Άθως στους 14ο-16ο αιώνες, Αθήνα, 50. El-Wakil, A. (2016). “The Prophet’s Treaty with the Christians of Najran: An Analytical Study to Determine the Authenticity of the Covenants”, Journal of Islamic Studies 27, 273-354. Fleener, M. (2005). The Significance of the Coronation of Charlemagne, Sr. Thesis Western Oregon University, Monmouth. Haddad, A. (1902). (transl.), The Oath of the Prophet Mohammed to the Followers of the Nazarene, New York. Hanson, C.L. (1996), “Manuel I Comnenus and the ‘God of Muhammad’: A Study in Byzantine Ecclesiastical Politics,” in Tolan, J.V. (ed.), Medieval Christian Perceptions of Islam, New York, 55-83. Hughes, A.W. (2013). Muslim Identities: An Introduction to Islam, New York. Kotter, B. (ed.) (1981). John of Damascus, De haeresibus, 100, Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, Vol. IV, Berlin. 39

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Kursar, V. (2013), “Non-Muslim Communal Divisions and Identities in the Early Modern Ottoman Balkans and the Millet System Theory”, in Baramova, M. et al. (ed.), Power and Influence in South-Eastern Europe 16th-19th century, Zurich, 97-108. Laos, N. (2015). The Metaphysics of World Order: A Synthesis of Philosophy, Theology, and Politics, Eugene. Latowsky, A. (2013). Emperor of the World: Charlemagne and the Construction of Imperial Authority, 800–1229, Ithaca. Lavriotes, A. (1963). “Το Άγιον Όρος μετά την Οθωμανικήν κατάκτησιν”, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Βυζαντινών Σπουδών 32, 113-261. Λεξικόν Εγκυκλοπαιδείας περιέχον τα κυριώτερα των επιστημών και τεχνών (1864). Εν Σμύρνη. Madelung, W. (1997). The Succession to Muhammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate, Cambridge. Meyendorff, J. (1964). “Byzantine Views of Islam”, Dumbarton Oaks 18, 123. Monconys, B. de(1665). Journal des voyages de Monsieur de Monconys, Vol. 1, Lyon. Papadatos, S. (1963). “Η διοικητική ανεξαρτησία του Αγίου Όρους επί Βυζαντινών”, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Βυζαντινών Σπουδών 32, 469. Peters, F.E. (1994). Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, New York. Shah-Kazemi, R. (2017). “The Prophet of Islam, the Monks of Christendom, and the Remembrance of God”, in Morrow, J.A. (ed.), Islam and the People of the Book: Critical Studies on the Covenants of The Prophet, Vol. 1, 362-83. Smyrlis, K. (2008). “The First Ottoman Occupation Of Macedonia (Ca. 1383– Ca. 1403): Some Remarks On Land Ownership, Property Transactions And Justice”, in Beihammer, A.D. et al (ed.), Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500, Leiden, 325-348. Tibawi, A.L. (1961). “Christians under Muhammad and his First Two Caliphs”, Islamic Quarterly 5, 30-46.

3 Social Anthropology during socialism and postsocialism in South and Eastern Europe Georgia Sarikoudi

Adjunct Lecturer of Panteio University

Corespondence:

e-mail: gsarikoudi@yahoo.gr

Abstract

Keywords:

The purpose of this article is not to constitute a detailed review of the ethnographies produced in South and Eastern Europe, but to give the general framework and approaches of the topics that have taken place over the years and how the political and social changes affected the development of social anthropology.

social anthropology, postsocialism.

Citation:

socialism,

Sarikoudi G. Social Anthropology during socialism and postsocialism in South and Eastern Europe. Theology & Culture. 2020; 1(2): 43-53. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.30698.54722

Social Anthropology during socialism and postsocialism

Introduction

ocial Anthropology in most Southern and Eastern European countries (with the exception of Poland) had not developed as an academic science until the mid-1990s (Vesna 2002: 3-5). The study of everyday life and the manifestations of popular culture had different names in each country; in the Soviet Union it was called “Ethnography” (“Etnografyja”), in Germany “Ethnology” (“Völkerkunde”) and “Folklore” (“Volkskunde”), in Bulgaria “Folklore” (“фолклор”), in Albania “Ethnography” (“Etnografi”), in Romania “Ethnology” (“Etnologie”), in Croatia “Ethnology” (“Narodoznanstvo”) and in Czechoslovakia “Ethnography” (“Narodopis”). Despite the differences in names, however, with the exception of the German “Ethnology” (“Völkerkunde”), the objects of the studies were quite common; they were the cultural characteristics and rural traditions of the individual peoples and nations (Vesna, 2002, p. 1-2). However, it would be dangerous to deal these countries as a homogenous group without taking into consideration the its sociopolitical and cultural characteristics that influences the development of academic sciences.

1. Socialist approaches and approaches to socialism These branches (Folklore, Ethnology, Ethnography) developed in the 18th and 19th centuries and contributed to the formation of distinct identities of ethnic groups living in multinational empires (Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, Russian). Folklorists, ethnologists and ethnographers, influenced by the Romantic movement, sought elements of the traditional past, which still existed in the countryside, in order to make them the foundations of the national consciousness (Kyriakidou-Nestoros, 1978, p. 30-31). Researchers, therefore, turned to the study of popular - rural - culture and traditions, because they considered them to be representative components of the national culture, history and memory of a nation (Hann, 2005, p. 6-7). These researchers believed that the values and symbols of the nation were hidden in the rural world and popular culture and waited to be discovered to help awaken the consciences of ethnic groups1 and the struggle of peoples for independence. Their goal was 1 The term ethnic group was first used in the 1950s in American Sociology. The reason for the appearance of this term lies in the social changes of post-war societies, which induced changes in the subject of Anthropology. The mobility of immigrant groups and the abolition of colonialism brought about changes and new social realities, the description of which required the use of new terms (Angelopoulos, 1997, p. 18-19). The study of Fredrik Barth (1969), Ethnic Group and Boundaries, on which all subsequent approaches to the term were

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to construct a popular socialist culture that would contribute to the building of socialism. The orientation of these sectors changed after the end of World War II. With the victory of the Red Army, the Soviet socialist model of government gradually prevailed in the countries of Eastern Europe and induced changes in the political, economic and cultural spheres. In this context, the study of popular culture was considered dangerous, because it emphasized the particular characteristics of individual nations and, thus, it was marginalized. The countries that adopted the political principals of existing socialism had as a priority to create the feeling that all citizens, regardless of their nationality, are members of the socialist whole, rather than to cultivate national consciences. Therefore, Folklore, Ethnology and Ethnography had to follow the directions of historical materialism and serve the principles of Marxism-Leninism (Tishkov, 1992, p. 373). Their aim was to awaken the working class and stimulate the proletarian consciousness. As Chris Hann, Mihály Sarkany and Peter Skalník point out, the studies of Soviet ethnographers were little known in the academic circles of Eastern European countries before the war. After the prevalence of existing socialism in them, however, these studies were translated into the language of each country, so that local researchers could get acquainted with the principles of Soviet Ethnography and adapt to them (Hann, Sarkany, Skalník, 2005, p. 1213). The purpose of socialist ethnographers was to study everyday life and the manifestations of civilization within a specific historical context and to prove the evolution represented by the regime of existing socialism (Petrova-Averkieva, 1980, p. 19). In other words, the folklore and ethnographic studies concerned the comparison of the way of life and the customs before and after the predominance of socialism with the aim of promoting socialism as a higher stage of development. Contrary to Western Europe and the USA, in the Soviet Union evolutionary theory remained strong, at least in its Marxist version. The standards of Soviet Ethnography were followed by most of the counbased, contributed to the spread of the concept of ethnic group. According to Barth, an ethnic identity is the result of the relationship between “us” and “them”. What matters, he says, are the boundaries and processes that define ethnic groups and their identities, as their characteristics are not fixed and unchanged, but are shaped each time according to the occasion. Individuals rely on these differences to express their difference. Talal Asad (1972) criticized Barth’s theory, arguing that it does not take into account the dynamics of power and the inequalities it creates. According to Brackette Williams (1989), the use of this term refers to populations that are on the margins (either geographically or socially) of the developed world and contribute to their identification with groups called “minorities”.

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tries of Southern and Eastern Europe. After all, alignment with these directions was a precondition for claiming funding from the Research Academy and the Ethnology Institute of each country. In other words, “politics shaped the fate of Anthropology in socialist Eastern and Central Europe” (Hann, Sárkány, Skalník, 2005, p. 9). In this context, the study of minorities (ethnic or religious) had no place, while the prospects for research in other countries were almost non-existent. A few exceptions were some Soviet group missions to India, Vietnam and Cuba (Tishkov, 1992, p. 375). Most of the ethnological or ethnographic research conducted in Eastern European countries was made by “local” researchers. Their contacts with their colleagues from Western countries were largely limited due to the Cold War climate. The fact that indigenous researchers wrote in their own language exacerbated the problem of lack of contact and communication between scientists. In addition, foreign (mostly British and American) ethnographers were excluded from socialist countries, with the exception of Hungary and Romania. A typical example is Czechoslovakia, to which no foreign researcher has been able to go. However, the local ethnographers-ethnologists themselves also faced problems in conducting research. Censorship, lack of funding and favoritism towards certain thematic categories were the main problems they had to deal with.

2. “Transition” In 1989 the socialist regime in the countries of South and Eastern Europe collapsed and the political, economic and social changes that followed paved the way for shifts within the scientific and academic space. European and American scientists from all scientific branches now had the opportunity to visit former socialist countries. Similarly, researchers from Eastern Europe could travel to the West and establish contacts with their colleagues there. EASA (European Association of Social Anthropologists) was established and organized its first conference in 1991 in Portugal. The proceedings were published in a collected volume Socialism. Ideals, Ideologies and Local Practice, edited by Chris Hann. The difference of this work from the previous ones is that it covers a wide geographical and thematic area (four texts on socialism in Africa, three on Asia, two on non-capitalist societies in the Amazon and on hunters-gatherers in South Africa, one on socialism in the Soviet Union, five on Eastern European countries and one on socialism in England). According to Martha Lampland (1995, p. 623) the element that connects these articles is the emphasis on the empirical analysis of socialism as a social and cultural 46

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practice. Steven Sampson in his article “Is there an Anthropology Today?” (1991, p. 2-3) recognizes the importance of the collective volume, but notes that the book should have been organized into thematic rather than geographical sections and points out the absence of studies about the internal structure of the political parties, the emergence of nationalism in Yugoslavia and the failure of socialism in countries like the United States. The use of terms such as “socialism”, “post-socialism”, “(former) countries of the Eastern bloc”, “iron curtain”, “capitalist West”, by “Westerners” and “non-Western” researchers shows that despite the political changes that took place, the divisive line between the “liberal camp” and its counterweight still existed. Moreover, classifying each individual country under the same category, these terms indirectly mask the differences between them as well as the heterogeneity within each one. Οn the other hand, individual countries are grouped together according to the assessment that all of them are in a stage of “transition” from a centrally designed collectivization to a market economy and privatization. As Peter Skalník states (2002) in the theory of transition is hidden the view that in the socialist countries the growth had stopped and these societies remained stagnant only to return to a course of development after the fall of the socialist regimes. From this point of view, the socialist period is considered something like a temporary “break”, which ended with the return of these societies to a trajectory that had been stopped. Katherine Verdery (1996) describes this theory as “deep freeze theory” (see also Angelopoulos, 2003). Verdery argues that in order to understand the “transition” to a new type of society, one must know how the previous regime worked, that is, to get rid of the prejudice that the socialist period was a big gap. The question, then, of the “transition” from existing socialism to a regime of liberal democracy monopolized the interest of researchers. One book that has contributed a lot to this discussion is Uncertain Transition. Ethnographies of Change in the Postsocialist World, edited by Michael Burawoy and Katherine Verdery (1999). The introduction points out that the peculiarity of the authors’ approach lies in the fact that it highlights the complex relations between the socialist and post-socialist worlds, as well as the influences of the past on the present. As the editors argued, the issue of transition cannot be considered as part of a prescribed and smooth evolutionary process; on the contrary, the process of transition is a synthesis of many different policies and practices. In other words, the transition has no roots in 47

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the past, but also does not foretell a given future. It is an uncertain process, in which new rules and rights are involved with old values (Buravoy and Verdery, 1999, p. 14). Therefore, another question that arises is where ends the supposed transition. According to Humphrey (2002), the term postsocialism is an academic construction, which, however, is useful, at least until the discussion of the legacy of existing socialism is exhausted. Changes in post-socialist societies are neither simple nor one-dimensional. In many cases, citizens express a desire to go “back” or at least not to abandon some of the values of socialism. However, as Humphrey points out, as the generations born and raised in the era of socialism disappear, so the term will decline until it disappears (Humphrey, 2002, p. 12-14). Daphne Berdahl, in the introduction to Altering States (2000), also expresses the view that the term “post-socialism” is a problematic construction, pointing out that there are not only differences but also similarities between the socialist and post-socialist periods.

3. Notes on Social Anthropology of Post-socialism The contact of the “socialist ethnographers” with Western scientists and the open access of foreign scientists to the countries of Eastern Europe brought new orientations to the Academies, Institutes and Universities. The need for change, according to Tishkov, was not only due to external factors, nor to the prestige represented by Western standards, but also to the need for academics and researchers to abandon the historical or rather evolutionary orientation that prevailed in the context. of Marxist-Leninist ideology (Tishkov, 1992, p. 373). The first change was institutional and concerned the renaming of the Departments of Ethnography to Departments of Social Anthropology. The change served the effort of the universities to move away from the purposes that the social sciences served in the era of existing socialism (Vesna, 2002, p. 13). As Abrahamian, a researcher at the National Academy of Armenia, characteristically comments, university officials believed that changing the names would magically drive away the problems of science and its past (Tishkov, 1992, p. 382). Changes in a discipline’s name, however, do not necessarily reflect or engender predictable changes in methodological and theoretical orientations (Doja, 2013; Kodra-Hysa, 2013). Academies, meanwhile, began funding projects that raised new questions 48

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about memory, identity, gender, and sexuality, issues that had not previously been the subject of ethnographic research in Eastern Europe. This change did not take place overnight, of course, but it lasted a decade and was often the cause of conflict. The emergence of a new research agenda, however, was intended to highlight the complexity of these societies, as well as to end the generalizations that presented these countries as a static homogeneous group. As mentioned before, the rural area was the main subject of the ethnographers during socialism. Such monographs constituted research topic even after 1989, but with some differences. One project that deals with the issue of transition and examines the role that the past plays in the relations of the inhabitants of a village (Talpa) with the State is Who Owns the Past? The Politics of Time in a ‘Model’ Bulgarian Village (2004) by Deema Kaneff. The book focuses on the importance that the past acquires in the legitimation of state power and in the establishment of relations not only within the village, but also between the village and the state. The author refers to an eloquent incident that occurred during the proclamation of Talpa as a “model” village, that is, a village that had managed to fulfill the state plan for the construction of a socialist community. At a socialist event like this, the authorities awarded prizes to the villagers for their contribution. Who would receive the awards and why they were awarded was the subject of intense debate among the village administration, as Party members wanted the awards to have a political extension. In addition to the awards, however, the state also intervened in the organization of various traditional ceremonies. According to Kaneff, traditional events highlighted the diversity of places and ethnicities, which the socialist government did not like, trying to homogenize the various traditional ceremonies in folklore. Participation in these events enabled the villagers to declare their faith in socialist ideology and thus seek access to sources of power. With the fall of socialism, the influence of the state on local issues began to decline, which had implications for all aspects of social life (economic, administrative, cultural). In addition, privatization and the lack of state funding have weakened the state’s relationship with the community (as well as members among themselves), which in the past has made great efforts to establish close contacts with state authorities. As a result, the village began to be deserted and a sense of nostalgia was created for the remaining inhabitants for the privileges that their community enjoyed during the recent socialist past. Landscape is a place where the collapse of socialism became particularly evident: the erection of shopping malls, the removal or preservation of socialist statues, the advertisements of Western products in place of party posters 49

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are just a few proofs that the landscape is field for recording changes, but also resistance to changes. Such issues dominate the collective volume Altering States. Ethnographies of Transition in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union edited by Daphne Berdahl, Matti Bunzl and Martha Lampland (2000). The authors present societies in the middle of a transition with an emphasis on daily life, space, landscape (especially urban) and memory. The text of Alaina Lemon on the Moscow metro, Philip Bohlman’s on the restoration of the synagogue in Budapest and Hermine De Soto’s on the reconstruction of the landscape in Saxony deal the space as a symbol of “transition” which corresponds to the memory construction. In Russia, when one wants to talk about transition (both literally and metaphorically) one refers to the metro, which sometimes refers to socialism and sometimes to capitalist development. The hammer and sickle wagons and the stations with the statues of the socialist worker remind the passengers of the socialist era, while right next to these remnants of the old regime one can see large shops but also beggars and refugees, signs of capitalism (Lemon, 2000, p. 16). The narratives about the subway, then, concern the relationship between social order and disorder, continuity and change. Similarly, Bohlman notes that the restoration of synagogues in Eastern European countries refers both to the collective past of the Jews and to the future. From the above one can easily understand that the interests of anthropologists have changed a lot. The space where they turn their focus is no longer just the rural, but also the urban, as the eminent field of recording the often contradictory effects of recent economic, political and social changes. Ιmmigration and ethnic identities have also been research subjects. The socialist regimes projected the image of the state as a family, whose father is the Party. The members of this family are brothers and are not separated by gender, ethnicity and social class (Verdery, 1996, p. 64-66). However, according to Thomas Hylland Eriksen (2007, p. 101-102), national and ethnic identities do not disappear easily; the descendants of immigrants and refugees claim their family’s identity, even if they have never been to the country of origin of their ancestors. Consequently, ethnic differences were not eliminated during the period of socialism. In addition, after 1989 when economic migrants from neighboring former socialist countries, as well as waves of refugees from Asian and African countries began to flock to Eastern and Central European countries. Consequently, the immigration phenomenon became a resrach subject. The immigrant experiences during the movement, the networks and the contacts immigrant and refugees create in the host society with the local 50

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population but also their relationship with the host country and its policies (in the political, economic, legal, employment and education sector), their survival strategies and the effort to preserve their national identity are some of the issues that researchers focus on.

Conclusion To sum up I would say that the thematic range of ethnographic research carried out in the South Eastern Europe both the period of existing socialism is rather limited. Initially, the research interest was focused on the rural area and especially on communities, which resisted collectivization. Then, looking at the literature developed in the post-socialist period, a shift to new issues, concerning the individual aspects of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;transitionâ&#x20AC;? to capitalism and liberal democracy. Nowadays, almost 30 years after the change of the political regime, Socio- Cultural Anthropology is taught in bachelor and master degree levels in many departments (History, Sociology, Archeology and Cultural Heritage) and new researched about immigration, refugee and urban studies are organized.

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References Αγγελόπουλος, Γ. (1997). «Γαμήλιες Ανταλλαγές σε Πολιτισμικά Μεικτές Αγροτικές Κοινότητες της Μακεδονίας: Η σημασία τους για τον Ορισμό και τη Διάκριση των Πληθυσμιακών Κατηγοριών», in Βασίλης Κ. Γούναρης, Ιάκωβος Δ. Μιχαηλίδης και Γιώργος Β. Αγγελόπουλος (επιμ.) Ταυτότητες στη Μακεδονία, Αθήνα: Παπαζήση, 103-122. . (2003) «Το δίκτυο Coca-cola-Κασκαβάλ: Συλλογικές Αναπαραστάσεις, Συγγένεια και ‘Business’ στα Βαλκάνια», in Δήμητρα Γκέφου-Μαδιανού (επιμ.) Εαυτός και «Άλλος», Εννοιολογήσεις, Ταυτότητες και Πρακτικές στην Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο, Αθήνα: Gutenberg, 343-372. Asad, T. (1972). “Class Structure and Consent: a Reconsideration of Swat Political Οrganization”, Man 7, 74-94. Barth, F. (1969). “Introduction”, in Fredrik Barth (επιμ.) Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Difference, Oslo: Universitets Forlaget, 9-38. Berdahl, D., Bunzl M. and Lampland M. (eds). (2000). Altering States: Ethnographies of transition in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union, Ann-Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Burawoy M. and Verdery K. (1999). “Introduction”. Burawoy M. & Verdery K. (eds) Uncertain Transition: Ethnographies of Change in the Postsocialist World, Lanham, Boulder, New York and London: Rowan και Littlefield Publishers, INC, 1-17. Doja, Al. (2013) “Folkloric Archaism and Cultural Manipulation in Albania under Socialism”. Boscovic Al. and H. Chris (eds). The Anthropological Field on the Margins of Europe, Berlin: Lit-Verlag, 153-174. Hann, Ch. (2005). “Postsocialist Societies”, Carrier, J. (ed) A Handbook of Economic Anthropology, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 547-558. Hann Ch, Sárkány, M. and Skalník, P. (2005). “Introduction: Continuities and Contrasts in an Essentially Contested Field”, in Hann Ch, Sárkány, M. and Skalník, P. (eds). Studying People in the People’s Democracies: Socialist Era. Anthropology in East-Central Europe v.1, Münster: Lit Varlag, 1-20. Humphrey, C. (2002). “Does the Category ‘Postsocialist’ still Make Sense?”. Hann Ch. (ed.) Postsocialism: Ιdeals, Ideologies and Practices in Eurasia, London: Routledge, 12-15. 52

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Kaneff, D. (2004). Who Owns the Past? The Politics of Time in a ‘Model’ Bulgarian Village, New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books. Kodra-Hysa, A. (2013) “Albanian Ethnography at the Margins of History, 1947- 1991: Documenting the Nation in Historical Materialist Terms” Boscovic Al. and Hann Ch. (eds). The Anthropological Field on the Margins of Europe, Berlin: Lit-Verlag, 128- 151. Κυριακίδου-Νέστορος, Ά. (1987). Η Θεωρία της Ελληνικής Λαογραφίας. Κριτική Ανάλυση. Αθήνα: Εταιρεία Σπουδών Νεοελληνικού Πολιτισμού και Γενικής Παιδείας, Σχολή Μωραϊτη. Petrova-Averkieva,Y. (1980). “Historicism in Soviet Ethnographic Science”, in Gellner Ernest (ed.) Soviet and Western Anthropology, New York: Columbia University Press, 19-27. Sampson, St. (1991). “Is There an Anthropology of Socialism?”, Anthropology Today 7, 1-5. Skalník P. (2002). “Politics of Social Anthropology in Czech Universities after 1989: A report by an Observing Participant”. Skalník P. (ed.) A Post-communist Millennium: the Struggles from Sociocultural Anthropology in Central and Eastern Europe, Prage: Set Out, 49-68. Tiskhov, V. A. (1992). “The Crisis in Soviet Ethnography”, Current Anthropology 33.4, 371-393. Verdery, K. (1996). What Was Socialism and What Comes Next?, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Vesna, G. (2002). “From Ethnology to Anthropology and Back Again: Negotiating the Boundaries of Ethnology and Anthropology in Post-socialist European Countries”. Skalnik P. (ed.) A Post-communist Millennium: the Struggles from Sociocultural Anthropology in Central and Eastern Europe, Prague: Set Out, 1-22. Williams, B. F. (1989). “A Class Act: Anthropology and the Race to Nation Across Ethnic Terrain”, Annual Review of Anthropology 18, 401-444.

4 Interfaith dialogue as a medium of peace building: official and unofficial mediation platforms Georgios Gaitanos

Head of the Department of Theology & Culture, Lecturer of Religious Studies, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: gaitanosg@yahoo.gr

Abstract

Peace building is a tough process that requires constant negotiation, mutual concessions and respect for each side. After the end of the Cold War, peace building changed systematically as the global context changed dramatically. Various theories on the peace building process have been established and of particular interest are approaches to mediation and reconciliation. The paperâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s goal is to emphasize formal and informal actors working in peace building, and highlight new platforms and perspectives through interfaith dialogue. National or local governments and UN committees are important players in negotiating their peace building actions. Nonetheless, the presence of NGOs and the voluntary work of civil society are instrumental in the success of the peace process. In particular, fresh ideas and their imme-

diate solutions to everyday problems have shown a way to normalize particularly difficult conditions.

Keywords: peace building, NGO, UN, interfaith dialogue, mediation.

Citation:

Gaitanos G. Interfaith dialogue as a medium of peace building: official and unofficial mediation platforms. Theology & Culture. 2020; 1(2): 5563. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.34053.99049

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Introduction The definition of the term â&#x20AC;&#x153;Peace buildingâ&#x20AC;?

eace building is a broad field that encompasses a multitude of activities in a variety of fields, including human rights development, observation and enhancement, citizen advocacy, training, negotiations, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs, and reconciliation, which include post-war reconstruction through the presence of various formal and informal actors (Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, 284). The purpose of peace building is to rebuild specific political institutions with sustainable relationships. The function is to create lasting peace between the former warring parties. The long-term orientation, which is based on expectations for security and peace building efforts, promotes and facilitates change or institutional reform by avoiding marginalization or empowerment between the conflicting parties (Jeong & Ho-Won, 2005, 21).

1. NGOs in the modern field of Peace building It is characteristic that on several occasions governments have refused to deal with regional issues related to religion, culture or nationality in international conflicts. Governmental approaches had a culture of coercion and repression and therefore failed to stop violence. That is why there has been a rapid increase in NGOs worldwide with significant successes in security, peace and business since 1990 (Kang, McDonald & Chinsoo, 2009, 13, 14). The New Orientation of Non-Governmental Organizations is to ensure a long-term sustainable presence and activation in conflict situations by promoting peace through unity, reconciliation and peace alliances (Kang, McDonald & Chinsoo, 2009, 200). Through the peace building process, the capacity of many NGOs was to create a safe environment by achieving growth in war-torn communities working on the causes of conflict and on the basis of societies, producing positive results. For example, NGOs provide food, building materials, medicines, and other services to meet humanitarian and economic needs (Jeong & Ho-Won, 2005, 215).

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2. Official and Non-official actors in the modern peace-building process Of particular interest are the characteristics of the factors involved in the issue of mediation for peace-building. The actors are those at the state level (governments and international or regional organizations) and those at the level of civil society (international or local Non-Governmental Organizations or independent citizens). When states are converted to mediators (Track 1) they use a unique approach to mediation, whereas when civil society is converted to mediators (Track 2) they converge on a variety of approaches (Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, 75). What was right was to combine and integrate the approaches of Track 1 and 2, as using both approaches would obviously lead to better results in mediation and peace building. However, the timing of approaching the appropriate factor during conflict or war is crucial, as complementary approaches try to identify the most effective mediators at any given time (Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, 79). Track 1 diplomacy is influenced by the interest of states and is carried out by governments by the coercive use of their legal and official power through the management of bureaucracy and the use of power in their own interests, while also having the resources needed to promote a peace building process. Track 2 or Citizen Diplomacy has the capacity to promote peace through the involvement of a wider range of activities in civil society. Citizen Diplomacy emphasizes the responsibility of resource holders and faces the challenge of bringing together all the actors to build a lasting peace. Formal and informal diplomacy creates communication and effective cooperation opportunities in the peace building process in the international network mechanism (Kang, McDonald & Chinsoo, 2009, 14, 15). According to this rationale, Track 1.5 processes are basically categorized as designing a method that uses a problem-solving approach or dealing with an interactive conflict under the guidance of an international NGO resolution process with the usual intervention of mediators and agents in the region. The latter view holds that Course 1.5 has a â&#x20AC;&#x153;consultativeâ&#x20AC;? involvement in an effort to cultivate new visions in the hope of motivating all hostile parties from the warring parties to focus on mediation for a solution (Wolleh, 2007, 2). But there is also the Community-based or People-to-People concept of 57

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Track 3 diplomacy, which is implemented by hiring individuals and private groups to facilitate collaboration, as well as tolerance between hostile groups, while promoting the idea of understanding, which signifies building trust within the warring groups. Various approaches are of course used to achieve non-violent results, including public education, citizen advocacy and events such as conferences and workshops, with the aim of seeking to some degree of “reconciliation, relief, and problem solving and mediation level” (Turk, 2006, 5). The interest in peace building efforts by NGOs or informal actors, such as academics, religious institutions, and humanitarian organizations, is usually evident. Of course, intentions, motives and goals can vary substantially, but in practice they help to create a sufficiently neutral environment, facilitating conflict resolution, where conflicting parties will feel less constrained by any governmental influence (Sriram, Ortega & Herman, 2009, 72). Informal organizations have the capacity for immediate and adaptive responses, but they also have the potential to meet, mediating at the leadership level between the conflicting parties, as they have an extensive network of contacts at regional and international level. For example, the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue has worked for years in Nepal developing dialogue with the Maoists and facilitating communication with the government. Also, the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue facilitated public dialogue processes in the Republic of Central Africa (Griffiths & Whitfield, 2010, 19).

3. The effectiveness of informal diplomacy to international conflicts Informal mediation is a voluntary process, also called “private”, “civil” or brief mediation. Informal mediation is voluntary and therefore not paid. As a result, there is no profit, no personal benefit, no established interest, but there is a humanitarian motivation, as informal mediators believe in confidential procedures and are committed to them in the long run (Curle, 1986, 10). This kind of mediation is carried out by various actors, such as religious organizations (Quaker, Mennonites, Vatican, Anglican Church), academics, international or local NGOs, professional associations and concerned citizens. Such cases, to name a few, were the San Egidio Community when it effectively participated in the impact of the Peace Agreement in Mozambique, and the dispute between Argentina and Chile over the Beagle Canal, where the Vatican facilitated an informal role at the framework for the final agreement. 58

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Also, mediators can meet face to face on both sides and set up communication bridges (Mitchell, 2008, 98, 100, 101). In informal mediation, there are a variety of mediation approaches that are related to their effectiveness. The approaches are long-term relationship-oriented because they aim at rebuilding damaged communication and relationships between the parties. According to problem-solving approaches, workshops seek to improve relations between the parties to the conflict and to advance the cause of the conflicts. Effectiveness depends on having a series of problem-solving workshops with the same goals and mediators (Gkrekas, 2014, 90). Complementary approaches bring formal and informal mediation to different phases of conflict escalation, as they seek to identify the most effective and appropriate mediation at the moment. The contiguity development model with a third party intervention is implemented to make mediation more effective and the most important element is to have the appropriate third party intervene at the right time. Also, in the practice of mediation, different types of mediators can participate at the same time. But there are other contiguity approaches that say it is not important if mediators are effective but who is most effective at different stages of conflict escalation. Finally, mediation can be even more effective with the appropriate support and cooperation of the actors. These approaches contribute to, and actually investigate, how mediation is more effective in international conflicts (Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, 78, 79).

4. The role of religion in conflicts and the process of peace building in theory and modern perspectives The international academic community in political and social sciences is promoting the study of peace in the field of religious studies. Many scientific theories interpret the relationship between religion and national formation as the definition of national culture in its socio-political context. The experience of the war zones over the last decades has cultivated a constructive approach as an analytical tool. Scholars point out that religion is related to the national, cultural and geopolitical agenda as it has historically been. Furthermore, the human rights perspective can provide a multilateral approach within a political and religious context (Omer, 2011, 475). In the modern era there is a need to understand the role of religion in the 59

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peace process, by developing a successful understanding of global cultural and religious movements. For example, the Shiite revolution in Iran (1978-1979) and the political awakening of the new Christian Right in the United States in the 1980s are indicative of the dynamics of religious movements. In addition, the influence and relationships of the religious dimension of Hamas (Sunnis), Hezbollah (Shiites), Gush Emunim (Judaism) and al-Qaeda are evident in global conflicts (Appleby, 2009, 1). Given these movements, leaders such as former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and the Presidents of the United States George W. Bush and Barak Obama have recognized the importance of religion and their constructive role in political and socio-cultural expressions. In fact, President Obama set up the White House on the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnershipsâ&#x20AC;?. It seeks to expand the capacity of states and communities to effectively manage diverse needs and to communicate with inter-religious domestic groups (Appleby, 2009, 2). We also need to highlight the position of religion in the globalized world. International travel, communications and migration have resulted in interplay between cultures, religions and peoples. Every religion expresses its content and attitude through online or electronic networks worldwide. This connection even has a negative effect, since extreme religious groups can communicate worldwide, but on the other hand there is a positive outlook through electronic communication as it can influence and support joint peace efforts and dialogue (Gkrekas,2014, 107). In addition, these global religious movements may have more active social and political engagements with deeper and greater effects or reshaping of culture, given that religion represents moral principles, values, religious formalism, and humanitarian sensitivity, expressed in a variety of actions (Appleby, 2009, 3). In the modern world, religious movements can polarize society in extreme expressions and tendencies, as fundamentalist impulse is a tendency that takes a rich and varied cultural and spiritual tradition and confines it to a narrow set of principles that can be used for political purposes as a means of expelling external factors, which are considered threatening and subversive (Funk, 2007, 8). For example, the relationship between Islam and the Western world over the last two decades has influenced this fundamentalist tendency in a state of intolerance or understanding of Western politicians and Muslims. On the other hand, a growing network between the Islamic and Western worlds has been developed in the context of peace building in recent years. 60

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These initiatives are moving towards reconciliation through building alliances and networks (Funk, 2007, 3). Reconciliation and peace building efforts are supported by cultural exchanges, tolerance and peaceful coexistence. In this case, religion cooperates with the political system through confidence in joint efforts in the new multicultural global society. In addition, these peace building initiatives contribute to partnerships between universities, NGOs, religions and political movements through the use of new technologies and modern media.

Conclusion In conclusion, scientific approaches provide an appropriate basis for understanding the relationships between religion, culture, politics and social reality and how these elements act before and during peace-building approaches. In today’s ‘globalized’ world, there is an escalation of religious influence with ambiguous expressions. Dialogue on peace initiatives has had positive effects, such as an extensive reduction in polarization. Politicians and some religious leaders have understood the importance of religious issues and promoted a modest network and alliances between religious leaders, politicians, and other civil society institutions in their efforts to build peace.

Interfaith dialogue as a medium of peace building

References Appleby Scott R. (2009). “Globalization, Religious Change and the Common Good”, Journal of Religion, Conflict and Peace, 3.1 Available at http://www.religionconflictpeace.org/article/religion-policy [Accessed 15 March 2011]. Curle A. (1986). In The Middle: Non-Official Mediation in Violent Situations. Peace Studies Papers No.1, London: Berg. Funk Nathan C. (2009). Religious and Cultural Dimensions of Peacebuilding, Journal of Religion, Conflict and Peace, 1.1. Available at http://www.religionconflictpeace.org/node/15 [Accessed 15 July 2011]. Gkrekas A. (2014). International Actors in Peace Processes, The Role of Organizations and Religion in Global Practice, Thessaloniki: Ostracon Publishing. Griffiths, M. & Whitfield, T. (2010). Mediation: Ten Years On. Challenges and Opportunities for Peacemaking, Geneva: Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. Ho-Won, Jeong (2005). Peacebuilding in postconflict societies: strategy and process, Boulder: L. Rienner. Kang, Sungho, McDonald, John & Chinsoo, Bae (2009). Conflict resolution and peace building: the role of NGOs in historical reconciliation and territorial issues, Seoul: Northeast Asian History Foundation. Reychler, Luc & Paffenholz, Thania (2001). Peacebuilding: A Field Guide, London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Mitchell, C. (2008), “Mediation and the Ending of Conflicts”, in Darby, J & MacGinty, R (Eds.), Contemporary Peacemaking. Conflict, Peace Processes and Post-War Reconstruction, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Omer, Atalia (2011). “Can a Critic Be a Caretaker too? Religion, Conflict, and Conflict Transformation”, Journal of the American Academy of Religion, 79(2): 459-496, DOI 10.1093/jaarel/lfq076. Richmond, Oliver (2008), “The UN Liberal Peace-building: Consensus and Challenges”, in John Dardy & Roger Mac Ginty (eds.), Contemporary Peacemaking, Conflict, Peace Processes and Post-War Reconstruction, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Sriram, C., O. Martin-Ortega & Johanna Herman (2009), War, Conflict and Human Rights: Theory and Practice, London: Routledge. Turk, Marco (2006). “Cyprus Reunification Is Long Overdue: The Times Right 62

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for Track III Diplomacy as the Best Approach for Successful Negotiation of Thisâ&#x20AC;?, International and Comparative Law Review 28.2. Available at Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr/vol28/iss2/1 [Accessed 8 November 2019] Wolleh, Olive (2007). Track 1.5 Approaches to Conflict Management: Assessing Good Practice and Areas for Improvement, Berlin: Berghof Foundation for Peace Support.

5 Autonomy and bioethical challenge Thoma Çomëni

As. Lecturer of Christian Ethics, Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana

Corespondence:

e-mail: thomacomeni@hotmail.com

Abstract

sometimes as incitement to suicide when it seeks to find human dignity, but away from the source of dignity. And this happens because autonomy instead of coming from the depths of human comes from external sources and even against his life. Thus autonomy becomes heteronymous and distant from human and his life. Dealing with it is a challenge for human.

The paper tries to examine the phenomenon of autonomy within the spectrum of contemporary bioethical thought. Undoubtedly the dimension of the theme is great, as it relates to the dimension of human, the dimension of his relationship with God, and the dimension of his relationship with life. The paper places forward human, his dignity, usefulness and justice. Autonomy is part of human life. It appears and seeks to become part of human life, sometimes gently and sometimes being severely imposed by conditions. Human seeks it, as autonomy is not against him in essence, but with its distorted precision becomes several times disturbing and dictating in human life. Human dignity, the desire for rights and justice, makes autonomy not an element of human fulfillment, but of his denaturalization. Thus autonomy sometimes turns into incitement to murder by euthanasia and abortion,

Keywords: autonomy, human, human dignity, utility, justice, human rights.

Citation:

Çomëni T. Autonomy and bioethical challenge. Theology & Culture. 2020; 1(2): 65-80. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.12243.60963

Autonomy and bioethical challenge

Introduction

uman is an important part of society. He lives in this society giving and receiving from it. It makes human an active part of him. Thus human lives in society and life can’t be perceived as something static but dynamic. The dynamics of human society unfold with change, transformation and movement. Thus, human and society are united by life, which has its own dynamism, which has changed at its center. Change as a phenomenon that exists in the relationship of human with society creates challenges, which give human the right to think, to form a critical attitude and to decide. Critical attitude and human decisions are based on the moral law that is found and created within him. Through this law human can judge to be autonomous, which means to have the right, ability and condition to make their own decisions. The opposite happens when the law does not come from within human, but from factors outside his being. In this case he is no longer autonomous, but heteronymous (Mantzaridis, 2002, 123). The origin of these two terms, their variety and content create much discussion within the scientific and academic world. These discussions are created for the fact that the terms refer to human, his relationship with himself and with everything that surrounds him. So the question arises on the relationship that human must create between the law that is within him, as he has the power to create ethical law, but at the same time is exposed to the law that society has and offers. Thus to discuss autonomy at any time, as well as for the present time we must keep in mind that the notion of autonomy is related to human, because human can think and act autonomously. And when we refer to human we must take into account the wholeness and peculiarities of him, which bring us, closer to the attitudes and anthropological studies. The term autonomy is also associated with theories about the cosmos. This connection is based on the role that human has within the world. As the biblical passage puts it, human is the crown of the creature1. Human’s existence, the role he has in the world, the internal moral law that functions within him make autonomy have a broader function than political, ideological and social content. This view is confirmed by the fact that autonomy today is discussed and analyzed from a bioethical point of view (Mantzaridis, 2002, 23). In bioethics it is considered the central value. Care, dignity, benefit, rights, etc. are 1 The book of Genesis tells us that human created by God, man and woman, “according to the image and likeness of God” and have domination over all that are in heaven, in the sea and on earth. These facts are found in the first two chapters of Genesis and not only.

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elements on which today’s bioethics is based and expressed, but which at the same time the elements that shape to autonomy are.

1. Autonomy and human Autonomy means living in accordance with the causes and stimuli that human has received as a product created by him. Since autonomy comes from within human it has to do with human’s thoughts and energies, just as he thinks it is right. So, autonomy is a connection with the logic of human, which is often deified by emphasizing that human can develop mainly by “the mind with its inner powers” (Anastasios 2004, 78). Kant laid some foundations of autonomy by separating human reason from the human will. Human is a rational being. This feature distinguishes it from any other living being (Koios, 2006, 34). This means that human has two characteristics, the function of reason and the freedom of will, emphasizing good will (Stumpf, 2004, 305). Reason has critical ability, while freedom will. Goodwill is for Kant the criterion of appreciation for human actions. Although Kant distinguishes between logic and will, he makes absolutely no distinction between them because “to act freely - because Kant does not mean that he chooses what he wants, but what reason demands.” (Engelhardt, 2007, 126). In this way ethics is within the framework of logic, limiting the will to the limits of reason. Human’s ability for reasoning and good will give him the opportunity to make decisions for himself. Erik Fromm, who is approximately two centuries after Kant makes a distinction between autarkic and humanistic morality by highlighting the possibility of humanistic morality and emphasizing human moral critique, even from childhood (Fromm, 2002, 4). For Fromm, as the initiator of progressive humanism is emphasized the ability of the human being to develop his power and achieve an inner harmony and the cementing of an inner world. Striving for human autonomy by perfecting the skills of ethical critic and finding inner harmony, despite the positive predisposition, does not always bring positive consequences. This is because cosmic ethical thinking accepts and even agrees and applies with inspired human states (Koios, 2006, 151). That is, it does not contain all the ethical problems that human has. Even this ethical attitude often has the consequences of human infertility in achieving unity (Begzos, 1994, 252). The negative consequence of infertility for human unity comes from two factors: the absolutism of human logic and not the par67

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ticular projection of his freedom. The unity of human is defined in two directions: first, in human himself and second, in his relationship with others. Emphasizing the superiority of one organ of the body at the expense of other organs creates an invasion of that organ by other organs. For example, the mind expresses the logical part of the soul (Keselopoulos, 1982, 59), emphasizing its superiority can be at the expense of the passive part of the soul. Otherwise we can say that emphasizing the primacy of logic is at the expense of the other two powers of the soul, anger and desire. This attitude of superiority creates cracks in the unity of the function of the human soul. This means the breakdown of human unity. A person who has no unity within him finds it difficult to form a company of persons with others. This is one of the main reasons we have a society of individualism today. Sometimes logic itself creates divisions. This division is created when there is an antithesis between right and good. This antithesis comes when the interest in the right does not create the intention for the good or when all the goods are not found in harmony with each other (Engelhardt, 2007, 117). Thus through the powers of his logic human will choose between right and good. This dilemma in human occurs when there is no superior being to refer to. This fact is joined by the limitation in the cosmic being of human. So the lack of reference to a superior being and the limitation to the limits of the cosmic world create the division of logic between right and good. The existence of God or the denial of His existence is the essence on which human’s attitude towards himself and other people is founded. Here is the difference between cosmic and Christian anthropology. For Christian anthropology, human is a psychosomatic unity, a being created “in the image and likeness” of God (Gen. 1:27). By definition “according to the image” human is not something, but someone who comes into communication with God (Vantsos, 2010, 69) expressing his essential authority. This authority does not devalue the authority of autonomy, but complements it by giving it ontological content. Kant and Fromm have the opposite opinion and others who say that human should leave every superior being, that is, to be an autonomous being because he is a being that exists by itself in the world (Koios, 2006, 58). Within the framework of humanistic anthropology, human autonomy is based on the emphasis on either the mind or the will, which affect the unity of human himself and consequently the unity of the world. In this way logic is based on the authority of autonomy in today’s cosmic thought. This autonomy 68

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is related to the principle of dignity, that human is conceived as a goal in itself and not as a creature within the world and that depends on the Creator.

2. Human and human dignity One of the basic principles of bioethics is the autonomy of the individual. This principle has been influenced by the liberal current, which has highlighted and deified human rights and individual freedom. Human rights are based on human dignity, equality and freedom. In bioethics human dignity is related to autonomy. In the case of abortion the mother’s dignity is linked to her freedom to make decisions. Within this framework the woman has the right to make decisions about her self-determination, about her body, life and acceptance of motherhood. Thus the woman is considered a complete personality and the elements that define her are more important than the elements of the “non-existent” personality of the embryo (Vantsos, 2010, 157). Thus, considering the unborn baby as a person without personality is the essence that gives priority to the woman’s right to abortion (Rae, 1999, p.213). The fact that a person’s life and personality begins at the moment of conception is not taken into account and ignored (Smedes, 1999, 127). Within this view dignity from a defining element of human personality turns into selfish arrogance. The woman’s selfish attitude towards her life is confronted with the fact that the embryo did not come “uninvited” into her life. The cosmic dignity of the woman is found opposite the right to the dignity of the baby. The power of the woman tramples on the dignity of the baby. In this kind of dignity manifested in contemporary ethical thought, human “finds” his true meaning, being locked within his individualism and thus loses full and real communication with the world. He builds a dignity where he has lost his sense of kindness, respect, responsibility and obligation to others (Anastasios, 2004, 86). The above statement shows us that human finds his dignity in knowing the dignity of other beings around him and this statement becomes stronger when these beings are as a result of his co-creative action. This dignity of the living human calculates the value and holiness that life itself has. The opposite occurs when human autonomous action lacks the interaction and value of life. Then a dignity is created that gives pleasure to life by interrupting the life of another. So, in this way, a woman in front of the life of the child to be born often decides the formation of professional engagement, the influence of the family, economic reasons or the right to self-determination (Vantsos, 69

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2010, 158). She devalues the life of the child to be born before the secondary elements of life itself. In some cases, abortion is even dictated by the customary framework of society. Such cases occur and are present in the Albanian society where the termination of pregnancy is due to the gender of the child to be born. In case the first child to be born is a girl, then the pregnancy is terminated2. The reason is inheritance, because women in the Albanian customary tradition do not have the right to inherit (Luarasi, 2001, p.22), although this right is recognized by the Albanian legal framework. It is a way of human abusing the past by losing communication with either the past or the present and even more so with the future (Faros, 2003, 32). Thus in this case the dignity of the woman is faced with two elements: her powerlessness to bring up an heir, which derives from the powerlessness to give birth to a male heir, and the contempt from the family and social circle. On the one hand by aborting the female child the woman preserves her own dignity, but on the other hand she loses her autonomy because it is society that dictates this action. This is a case where dignity and autonomy do not match; even “dignity” weighs on autonomy. Human dignity in everyday life faces various factors and elements that often in the name of freedom and human rights distort and alienate it. Dignity of this nature often appears in today’s bioethical thought. One of the cases is the departure of human from this life without pain and suffering, which is expressed with euthanasia. In order to preserve dignity, everyone is given the opportunity to decide and think freely, to decide and to act without the existence of any obligation. In this way, every human solution for health and in general for his whole life becomes respectable. In the case when a person suffers from a serious illness, dignity is intertwined with the decision for his life, even for its end. In these conditions human must make a decision about his life or its end in the conditions of unconsciousness (Ιερά Σύνοδος της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος, 2007, 32) or this is decided by others. In cases where the decision is made by the person himself to end his life in the case of an incurable disease he commits suicide. Whereas, when others decide he is an accomplice in the murder. Thus dignity is placed in the face of respect for life, 2 In Albania, the ratio between pregnancy and abortion is high compared to other European Union countries. In Albania the ratio is 1 to 3.6, while in Europe it is 1 to 5. So, in our country abortion is 21.8% and of which 43.68% is voluntary abortion and 56.32% is spontaneous, but that comes as a result of conditions and medical level. In Albania there is an unfair birth ratio between boys and girls, where the coefficient for boys are 112 and for girls are 100. This is an unnatural ratio and is probably influenced by various social factors http:// assembly.coe.int /Main.asp?link=/Documents/AdoptedText/ta11/ERES1829.htm

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pain and its purpose. In this way, in front of the need for dignity, the point of view that human has about life is placed. Under the pressure of biological pain and his desire to be freed from it human makes decisions in which pain is equated with life. This unit of life with pain “expresses” the value of life that human has in contemporary conditions. In some cases the problem becomes greater when end-of-life decisions are influenced by the costs of therapy or various lucrative actors. Within these factors human dignity suffers because it loses the value and sanctity of life, its metaphysical element and consequently its purpose. In this way under the influence of pain pressure, economic, ethical and profitable factors human loses his social dimension as well (Gioultsis, 2005, 152-153). Thus human dignity in the context of bioethics is related to the authority of autonomy, but in today’s conditions is related to the pressure of various social, economic and political factors. The process and participation of many people in the case of euthanasia creates the impression of cooperation and relationship between persons. It is the process where the patient participates and cooperates, when he has his conscious will, the doctor with his advice and the relatives of the patient. The cooperation of the doctor for energetic euthanasia with the administration of medical drugs aimed at the death of a person, or passive euthanasia where the administration of drugs for the relief of pain, but which results in the death of the patient, can’t be called cooperation for life, but for its devaluation and its end. The cooperation of relatives is also important. Even in the data of today’s society, the decision is made by the family members more than the sick one (Keselopoulos, 2003, 170-171). This cooperation for the end of the patient’s life creates a kind of relationship between persons. But cooperation between persons is real when it is not limited to the presence of persons, but how this presence works. In contemporary thought the meaning of the person is summed up in the existence of a being separate from other beings (Kuczewski, 2007, 192). It is this thought that emphasizes the passive acceptance of the other’s rights, rather than an “energetic action in the critical moments of a human being, wholehearted support in his development” (Anastasios, 2004, p.96). The relationship of people in today’s society is becoming more and more individual. From this perception it becomes understandable that human euthanasia as coming from the sick as coming from a relative or medical staff is an action against dignity. It is an action, which puts at the center the individual and personal interest of each factor, but not the spiritual and essential interest 71

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of the person. This dignity is enslaved to individualism as it happens to other principles, which nowadays highlight individualism. The emphasis on human rights, which often results in the creation of a morality of individuality, which is expressed in the relativism of human life or even more tragic forms such as suicide or murder. In the case of Euthanasia or abortion the results of individualistic morality are clearly visible. We not only find it in these two phenomena, but we also find it in the transplant phenomenon. And in the case of transplants it is important to say that the big problem is when the person ruins his or someone else’s life for a better life of someone else (Mantzaridis, 2003, 602). The problem arises when the organ donor is not respected, when there is a lack of freedom and awareness of action, when the life of the organ recipient and not the donor is emphasized (Ιερά Σύνοδος της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος, 2007, 11-12). Thus in this way the dignity of one person (organ recipient) becomes a burden for the dignity of another person (donor). It is this process where one person’s life is taken and given to another, where one’s life is destroyed to give life to another. This is a case that highlights the individualistic content of dignity. The dignity of a person suffering from a serious illness is often related to the dignity of another person suffering from a serious illness. That is, it is permissible, or in the worst case, to expedite the departure of one person from this life in order to give life to another person. The reasons for the legitimacy of this action are the insensitivity or unresponsiveness of human on the one hand and on the other hand is the human sensitivity to death (Christodulides, 1995, 28-29). The perception of autonomy in this case, either by the patient or by relatives is related to the human being’s sensitivity to life. It is an ethic that expresses both sensitivity and insensitivity to life. In order to preserve the dignity of a person who becomes an organ donor or is a beneficiary, it is necessary to know some principles, which are: “a. formulation of the truth, b. respect for the individuality and individuality of each person, c. provision of protection in reliable information, d. obtaining the consent of the patient for each intervention, e. to provide assistance when decision-making is required important and of course adherence to these principles” (Katsimingas & Vasilopoulou, 2010, 163). Within these principles of autonomy, human dignity is to decide for oneself and not to become a tool that one can use. In this way the process of euthanasia and transplants preserves the formulation of truth, freedom of decision, security in every intervention, real help in every intervention and preservation of the personality of the patient. From what we 72

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saw above it becomes apparent how much human autonomy and dignity is violated. And this is because many times interests influence autonomous human decisions. Thus autonomy and dignity become principles that hang in the balance like meteors and unfounded, or in other words autonomy becomes heteronomy and dignity remains without dignity.

3. Autonomy and utility The principle of autonomy is related to the principle of usefulness, which is expressed by good action and not causing harm or pain (Koisos, 2006, 147). The principle of usefulness is based on the ethical view of the benefit of the other, of happiness, of the satisfaction of many people and at the same time of avoiding his pain or harm. Usefulness is associated with pain and pleasure. In the case of Euthanasia, the acceleration of the death of the suffering person is aimed at avoiding pain, and consequently this action has pleasure, as this action frees the person from pain. Simultaneously with the pleasure of avoiding injury and pain there is the possibility of a second pleasure. This opportunity for a second pleasure is based on the work of transplants that gives life opportunities to other people. Within this action pain and its avoidance are associated with a double pleasure. This action occurs when human places pain within the boundaries of ontology and where the value of life is transferred to pain. So human intervenes in the process of death. Human for no reason should interfere in the process of death, even in the case of transplantation. Human has the right to intervene to transform decay into offering (Hatzinikolaou, 2001, 300), as usefulness turns into uselessness. A little while ago we saw that usefulness has to do with pain avoidance and pleasure. That is, the cause is pain, and from it begins the whole process of usefulness, and on which happiness is based. Today’s human finds no meaning in pain. This pain relief also works in the way of coping with it (Mantzaridis, 2003, 500). And above all its coping is done with external, utilitarian and aesthetic criteria. Thus the present age “the age of nihilism, of desire, of satiety with material goods and of superficial immortality takes on a tragic form, leading human to loss and despair. It is impossible for him to understand the other side of the disease, that is, to face it as a mediator for real benefit, as a blessing and a mediator of sanctification, as a meeting between God and human” (Ioannidis, 2009, 87-88). This coping with pain through the prism of a condition and not in the context of personal relationships between persons, gives the opportu73

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nity to cope with the pain individually. It is a confrontation within the spirit of mechanics seeing human simply as a biological being without spiritual dimensions. It is the age when human does not lead the technology he creates himself, but is guided by it. Thus we can understand the work of abortion, in vitro fertilization, euthanasia and transplants, etc., in which the power of mechanics and technology can be the spiritual power of human. Rational and mechanical spirit also creates cases where autonomy and usefulness come into conflict between them. In the process of communication between the patient and the medical staff there are cases where the principle of autonomy, the patient’s right to decide on the continuation of therapy may contradict the therapeutic scheme of the doctor. Or another case when the doctor’s indifference to the patient faces the patient’s desire for recovery and that may result in the loss of the patient’s life (Keselopoulos, 2003, 172). The individualism that has taken root in today’s world and the perception of individual relationships as relationships of persons makes it difficult and even impossible for the patient to understand the doctor. Thus the quality of life of the sick is limited within the cosmic framework in which the autonomy of the individual is found, which is often at odds with the meaning of life. This creates a clash between autonomy and heteronomy, where the doctor’s attitude is contrary to the patient’s wish. If the person for the sake of pleasure or pressure of persons in the family and social circle is obliged to accept or reject the attitudes and advice of the doctor, then he loses autonomy. In this way human becomes heteronymous, as it is others who decide about his life and he is obliged to accept it. This state is created because autonomy within this world is created not as the formation of a society of persons, but as a society where one leaves the other, or where one person is a burden to another. Thus the autonomy of two people, at the same time and their usefulness in today’s reality focuses on the individualism of people. When two people do not become two persons and in their communication they do not have trust, respect and love, but their relationship remains in communication between the patient and the doctor then autonomy and usefulness have points of contact but are not strongly related to each other. There is a contradiction between autonomy and utility “when we have utility of preferences, when the utility of material goods is not identified with happiness and well-being, but with the satisfaction of subjects” (Peonidis, 1994, 212) Thus in this way human loses the principle of autonomy, because human thinks, decides and acts under the pressure of some kind of coercion or imposition. 74

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It is an antithesis where one comes where one makes any choices regarding health and life in general, but to please others. Autonomy and utility is related to the presence of others. For example, in the case where the doctor is an important factor in the case of in vitro fertilization. He must make decisions in accordance with his perceptions and beliefs (Fanaras, 2000, 160). The autonomy of the doctor to decide is related to the tendency to satisfy the couple’s desire to have a child. But at the same time there are people who have objections to this process, because embryos can be destroyed. In this process, the doctor’s autonomy to decide, the satisfaction of the future parents and the right of the embryos to be destroyed are intertwined. The right to autonomy and satisfaction of doctors and parents is at odds with the right of the embryo to develop but to be destroyed. There are even worse cases when parents’ complacency about the birth of a child is related to economic interest, but at the expense of the embryo. In this way the embryo is not considered a human and a developing person, but a being who has no rights to human identity, life and eternity (Ιερά Σύνοδος της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος, 2007, 32). Thus it becomes clear that the recognition of human rights is an important event in human history, but this importance is lost when human while preserving his rights does not show distinction, respect and reverence for others (Anastasios, 2004, 82). The presence of many factors and people in the case of any medical process is a complex process because not only many people participate and relationships are individuals where everyone brings and protects their interest. In the case of in vitro fertilization it is the embryo that is lost, as we have the autonomy of the doctor and the mother, but not the autonomy of the embryo. As we have the usefulness of the doctor and the mother, but not that of the embryo. Another case where there is an antithesis between autonomy and utility is the case of abortions. A woman’s autonomy for termination of pregnancy is related to the autonomy of the embryo. The various reasons that compel a woman to make this decision are generally based on the woman’s right to autonomy, which is also related to the satisfaction of desires and plans for life or to fulfill the desire of others. But this action contradicts the right of the embryo and because we have a contradiction between the autonomy of the woman and the right to life of an embryo. This action even brings to mind today’s reality where success, failure, life, health and progress are counted as quantity and numbers and not quality of life (Mantzaridis, 2001, 164). The paradox in this action is that the benefit and quality of life is related to the 75

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destruction of a life.

4. Autonomy and justice Autonomy is based on the principle of equality. The principle of equality is based on the fact that all people have their right to life and health. Autonomy and justice in the daily implementation of ethics can come into conflict between them. This clash comes to the surface when the equality of the therapeutic process comes into antithesis to the right to autonomy (Koisos, 2006, 118). There are cases for a therapeutic process, where the cost is high and the state care service does not cover the therapy and the only solution is financial credit, or early departure from this life. Here there is an unjust attitude of society, which contradicts the autonomy of the sick. In the same line are the cases when through artificial insemination some embryos are given the opportunity to develop and some others are not given this opportunity. And what makes this injustice is the right of autonomy, of the most powerful persons to the impotence of the embryo. It is a clash, where the desire of the couple and the doctors on the one hand faces the right of the embryos to be destroyed on the other hand, who can’t support and preserve their right (Ιερά Σύνοδος της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος, 2007, 76). As there is a great injustice in the case of abortion, where an embryo doesn’t see the light of life because it is unwanted by his mother, persons of the family circle or of the social environment. The problem of equality and justice should be discussed in the framework of love and not the removal of injustice, of real value to the person and not simply in the context of a rigorous legal process. The foundation of justice and equality is raised only in relation to God; in Him we find a perfect interplay between equality and love. In today’s world the combination of equality, justice and autonomy becomes impossible, especially in hot topics such as bioethics. This is because firstly equality, justice and autonomy are founded on relationships between persons and secondly they should not be founded away from the presence and principles of God (Mantzaridis, 2003, 541). Thus justice in bioethics, although there is no lack of legal framework will remain unenforceable because in the center of justice has taken root and human rights have been deified, and this “deification” creates conditions, which often contradict the concept of justice and equality.

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Conclusion The presence of autonomy in contemporary reality is factual, as are the facts and the consequences that flow from it. Autonomy expresses the human desire to step out of social frameworks. It expresses an ethical and political reaction against the authority of political and social systems, against rationalism and rules. It is a human endeavor to find the law of ethical judgment, which has internal authority. The concept of autonomy from ancient times to the present is based on and developed on human logic and freedom. According to the concept of contemporary Bioethics, human logic and freedom are sufficient for usefulness and good deeds, for not causing pain and harm, for equality and justice. It focuses on the interest of the individual and consequently individuals or other persons pass to a second level. This is because autonomy is based only on human, without referring to the nature, dimension and purpose of his existence on earth. It perceives human within the cosmic limits and metaphysical perceptions of the Enlightenment. So, autonomy develops only in the logic and freedom of human, but without counting his fallen state, his limitations, deformations and impossibilities. Human’s critical thinking and attitude on these topics is guided by several canons, which attach importance to the attitudes and actions of the physician. That is, autonomy is a principle that gives the doctor the opportunity to have a critical attitude to human problems, which often does not happen, because in everyday practice precedes the power and authority of the most powerful, or economic and social interests. Thus one person’s human life is devalued in the face of trying to value another’s life. So the disclosure of the doctor’s critical attitude towards human problems often does not happen, because the possibility does not allow it or and when it can be influenced by various factors it turns into a negative action towards the human race. Actions in cases of euthanasia, in a part of transplants, abortion, artificial insemination, etc. are evidence of the above finding. The critical attitude towards a form of manifestation towards autonomy has to do with the meaning of life. The positive side of autonomy is the ability of human to formulate an ethical attitude that flows from within him, that is, to relate to human life and to express it. While the negative side is when human with his actions loses or transforms the meaning, size and sanctity of life. We live in an age where autonomy is present as is the negative attitude when actions on its behalf are against the essence of the human being. Even 77

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today there is a tendency for an absolutism or deification of autonomy because human dignity lies far from human relations, far from the cause, nature and purpose of human life. Within the spirit of individualism autonomy emerges as heteronomy. This happens because human does not obey any official and essential authority, but obeys the human will, whether it comes from family or kinship circle, or from friendly and social environment. So in the name of the desire for autonomy human found him willingly or unwillingly again under the power of heteronomy. Thus the human of today is living heteronymous autonomy, but above all he is experiencing the search and finding of autonomy, but perhaps the manner, means and points of reference are far from the truth. We pray and hope that the human being will find true autonomy. Then there will be human dignity and justice based on righteousness, sacrifice and divine love.

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References Mantzaridis I. G. (2002), Hristianiki Ithiki Ι’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Mantzaridis I. G (2001), Παγκοσμιοποίηση και παγκοσμιότητα, Thessaloniki, Pournara. Humantzaridis I. G. (2003), Hristianiki Ithiki II’, Thessaloniki, P. Pournara. Anastasios Yannoulatos (Archbishop of Tirana and all Albania). (2004), Globalizmi dhe Orthodhoksia (trans. in Albanian K. Xhumba), Tirana, KOASH. Keselopoulos Anestis (1982), Passions and Virtues: According to Saint Gregory Palamas, Athens. Domos. Keselopoulos Anestis (2003), Ek tou thanato eis tin zoin, Thesaloniki, Pournara. Koios G. N. (2004), ep’eleutheria eklithite, Athens, Ath. Stamulis. Stumpf Enoch Samuel (2004), Philosophy – History and Problems (trans. in Albania), Tirana, Toena. Engelhardt Tristram H. (2007), The Foundations of Bioethics (trans. in Greek), Athens, Armos. Fromm S. Erich (2002), Human for himself, an inquiry into the psychology of ethics (trans. in Albania), Tirana. Begzos M. Marios (1994), Φιλοσοφική ανθρωπολογία της θρησκείας, Athens, Ellinika Grammata. Vantsos, Kr. Miltiadis (2010), Η ιερότητα της ζωής, Thessaloniki, K. Sfakianaki. Rae B. Scott B. (1999) Bioethics – A Christian Approach in a Pluralistic Age, Michigan. Wm. B, Eerdhumans. Smedes B. Lewis (1999), Mere Morality, Michigan, Wm. B, Eerdhumans. Luarasi Aleks (2001), Marrëdhëniet familjare, Tiranë, Luarasi. Philotheos Pharos (2004), Ithos aithes, Athens, Akritas. Ιερά Σύνοδος της Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος, Sinodi i Hirshëm i Kishës se Greqisë (2007). Giultsis Vasileios (2005), Η άλλη θέαση του κοινωνικού, Thessaloniki, Purnara. 79

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Kuczewski Mark G. & Polansky Roland (2007), Bioetics Ancient Themes in Contemporary Issues (Trans. in Greek), Athens, Traulos. Christodoulidis Kiprianos (1995), Μεταμοσχεύσεις. Λύση ή Πρόβλημα;, Athens, Ipakoi. Λύση ή πρόβλημα Katsimingas Georgios & Vasilopoulou Georgia (2010), Λειτουργική αναπηρία ασθενών με εγκεφαλική αιμορραγία, ισχαιμικό εγκεφαλικό επεισόδιο. To Vima tou Asklipiou, Vol. 9, Nr. 2, Aprill-Juny. Hatzinikolaou Nikolaos (2001), Η πνευματική ηθική και η παθολογία των μεταμοσχεύσεων - Η Εκκλησία και οι μεταμοσχεύσεις, Athens, OEE. Ioannidis Nikolaos (2009), Ασθένεια και πόνος στη Θεολογία των Πατέρων Υγεία και Ασθένεια στη Λειτουργική Ζωή της Εκκλησίας, Athens, OEE. Paionidis Filimon (1994), Pseudologia kai Ithiki, Thessaloniki, Vanias. Fanaras Vasilios G. (2000), Υποβοηθούμενη Αναπαραγωγή, Thessaloniki, Palimpsiston.

6 Eliot: cultural effects on barren and desolate land. Cultural ideologies in the poem, The Waste Land

Vasso Tsirevelou

Corespondence:

Dr. Comparative Literature

e-mail: tsir.up@hotmail.com

Abstract

This article presents a cultural reading of extracts from Eliot’s ‘Waste Land’ in Greek from a hermeneutic aspect. The aim of this paper is to highlight a historical dimension of the translations (1933-1936) and to give an interpretation of the social context, the cultural references that lurk in the translations in Greece with an emphasis on their interpretation. What dimensions of Eliot do they project through translations and on the basis of cultural metaphors? In the current article, we are making an effort to take a further step towards presenting a synopsis of Eliot’s cultural metaphors and (cultural) ideologies as they become originally and primarily transparent throughout his actual poetic work, always in composition with his relevant essay. Our aim is to detect which his main cultural references are, as they are depicted through the basically displayed Modernistic themes of the

poem (The Waste Land). Next, an attempt will be made to interpret them, so as to investigate how they are perceived and whether they are directed straight towards the same audience or that of a similar cultural background. Keywords: hermeneutic, cultural metaphors, historicity, social context, Modernism.

Citation:

Tsirevelou V. Eliot: cultural effects on barren and desolate land. Cultural ideologies in the poem, The Waste Land. Theology & Culture. 2020; 1(2): 83-94. Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.25665.38245

Introduction

he wide acceptance of Eliot’s workload, in combination with his having been translated into various foreign languages, has been the firelighter of my being occupied with the poem The Waste Land. This work’s constant intake as a modern artifact can-up to a point- be explained through the emergence of its subject matter as contemporary, but also, through the poem’s creation (in itself) as a structure; the work as a complication based upon the poetic composition of traditional and modern traits, such as fragmentary and unaltered creators’ verses, as configured by the movement of modernism introduced to England by both T. S. Eliot and E. Pound. G. Seferis pointed out that the option of the translation of The Waste Land (Έλιοτ, 2004) took place on the basis of the amount of difficulty of the original text-verse as well as the multi-semiotics and interpretative possibility of the words, marking characteristically that ‘it has multiple references and every word contains multiple appeals and resonances with both the previous and also the following’ (Αιολικά Γράμματα, 1984, p. 25). One of the most important reasons that make Eliot’s actual poem return to timeliness, and also occupy-via its translation- the Greek literary reality, beyond the borders of creation of its poetic technique and through the composition of its extracts, is that it relates to the subject matter of its content, its allegorical and symbolic meaning, which through its creative composition touches some of the most important problems of today’s world-i.e. the moral collapse, the decline of the European cultural accomplishments. Consequently, according to Eliot’s first translator in Greek, T. Papatsonis, the cultural spiritual stagnation unto which Europe has come is indeed a point of (particular) relevance of the specific work of art with the majority of the young. The reasons for the above, as explained by the poet-translator, are that a younger individual can actually identify with the spirit of the era due to the development of historical facts, and the pessimistic mode (of the period) due to unfulfilled dreams dead-end, without yet disregarding the young spirit for visionary change deriving from the religious poetic dimension (Παπατσώνης, 1965, p. 108-114).

1. The Waste Land: Socio-cultural framework The poem’s being printed in five parts, starts early October in 1922, firstly in the issues of two literary magazines: Criterion which was under Eliot’s own direction in London and Dial in America, and in December 1922 it is inde84

pendently printed in a book (Rainey, 2005, p. 72). The historical and social conditions that prevail during the writing (1919) and printing periods are the political turmoil after the end of World War I, the painful consequences of war and the spiritual ‘breakdown’ that led to the need for internalization in literary redeployment, as it appeared within the quests of the movement of Modernism (Bradfury and McFarlane, 1991)

2. The Waste Land: Greek historicity The whole issue is analyzed on two main axes. The first axis briefly refers to the first two printed translations of the poem The Waste Land and Eliot’s first acquaintance with the Greek public in 1933 within a short retrospect. The second features the historicity of their writing, initially Papatsonis’ translation and the actual classical one by G. Seferis (1936). Yet, what was the socio-historic framework when Papatsonis’ translation was published? The (actual) period 1929-1933 is stigmatized with the financial crisis (the notorious American ‘crash’) which cannot but affect the Greek society (Mazower, 2009, p.159-176). Leafing through (various) historical texts, we can see the political alterations that dominate the area with Greece, via its being in debt towards its creditors, to be led into bankruptcy (Χατζηιωσήφ, 2002, p. 97-106), unemployment, appropriation, illiteracy within a large part of the population, but also, the government (Vennizelo’s government) in agony trying to upgrade and modernize, and conduct pedagogical reforms via appending drastic measures1. The historical ‘contexts’ take place in this period during which the translation is being published (1933), whereas the developments in the political arena are of no less interest. Respectively, along the same line of movement lies the issue of language in relation with the social, cultural and ideological framework, as this is the main 1 Let us not forget that the immigrants are incorporated in the country whereas a large number of the population lies still in the lowest levels of the social structure due to illiterate individuals and persons of middle or lower class level over whom these new conditions must be set and incorporated. Concerning the whole cultural condition see Peter Mackridge, Language and Cultural Identity in Greece 1766-1976, Oxford University Press, 2008, and M. Mike in particular. The literary journal Ο Κύκλος, phd thesis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, 1988, pp. 233-4 where it is presented the effort for promotion and domination of ‘ δημοτική’, the disposition towards the modernizing spirit and spelling simplification by Glinos and the Ministry of Education (p. 209) along with the relevant debates (p. 210). According to these facts, the reforms are recommended take place over the following 17 years (1914-1931), without our knowing if they be completed without their controversial debates. Even the publisher, Απ. Μελαχρινός, the whole team of ‘Κύκλος’ are supportive of the effort to establish the colloquial/popular (‘δημοτική’) language style (Mary Mike, 1988, p. 211).

point of dispute, the pole of controversy that is to say, between the established purist Greek ‘καθαρεύουσα’and the ‘abominable’ popular colloquial language style (‘δημοτική’) of common use for the majority of the people. Eliot’s translation first appears in Greece in the literary journal Κύκλος (1931-1939). It is Eliot’s first dedication to the Greek reading public (1933) (Loulakaki, 2009, p. 26) and it has been the original idea of the journal’s contributors-partners N. Rantos and T. Papatsonis (the first one’s in particular), and not necessarily the publisher’s –Α. Μελαχρινός’ –initiative. T. Papatsonis is triggered to participate by the pioneer N. Rantos for the needs of this feature. These are the main ‘margins’ within which The Waste Land is published in the journal Κύκλος. The target of the ‘festive’ («πανηγυρικού») (Παπατσώνης, 1974) issue mainly, as it is noted in Papatsonis’s essay, is the public’s acquaintance with Eliot-the modern poet whose works such as the poem The Waste Land (1922), its importance towards the reform of literary culture within this new expressive poetic form as well as the request for the reform of the literary tradition-are characteristics that shape the context towards Eliot’s being read in the pioneering magazine Κύκλος. Seferis’ translation, on the other hand, commenced being written in London (Beaton, 2002) in 1932 which was round about the same period as Papatsonis’, and there is only a time lapse in between during which he works on the translation until it is published in the journal Νέα Γράμματα in 1936. As soon as it appears in Νέα Γράμματα in July 1936, the political condition of the time is quite unstable in all fields, and thus, reform after reform, we end up with Metaxa’s dictatorship (in August 1936) with all the relevant consequential dimensions, whereas the matter of the popular language barrier («η υπόθεση της δημοτικής γλώσσας») reappears in the framework of Metaxa’s political propaganda and his pursuit to promote the third Greek culture.

3. Cultural Ideology One of the most important characteristics in Eliot’s poem is the use of metonymy and metaphor; with the aid of these tools some of the most important themes are being analyzed-all through metonymies of space, persons and ‘extracts’ like literary quotations from other texts. Nevertheless, there are parallel themes that occupy him into their being attributed with metaphors, and decoded symbols, coherent and cohesive messages that are accredited in accordance with the theoretical prescriptions of poetic modernism (Tsirevelou, 2015). Below we will detect the most important cultural metaphors, the 86

way they appear in both the original text, and the passage from this emblematic poem into the two Greek translations, promoting thus Eliot’s pluralistic and polyphonic speech through the human geography of space, time, literary quotations and multicultural semiotics. Comparative literature (grammatology), the way Susan Bassnett (Bassnett, 2012) mentions, is pointed towards the cultural study of literature by studying the cultural aspects of artworks, their language and as a cultural ‘opening’ the connections amongst civilizations via the study of translation, their attribution and adjustment into the new (foreign) language on the axis of the readers’ understanding. The most basic cultural metaphors and references are traced in the cultural traits, such as the geography of space, the cultural elements appearing throughout the patterns of thought and literary disposition, the social level and religious field.

4. Waste Land: Symbols, cultural reports and perceptions The poem’s reference lies within a wide semiotics framework pattern relating to an eclectic and polyphonic text, a multicultural composition and a cultural amalgam. ‘These fragments I have shored against my ruins/…/’(430). Eliot points out this verse based on the infinite disposing elements and extracts from other passages that combine his modern poetry (Southam, 1994). Eliot’s cultural perception, his convictions, his knowledge and the historic framework (the social conditions) that contributed to the creation of the poem of Waste Land concern a civilization that has reached its end, its cultural decadence and its corruption in all fields. The European culture was founded on the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations (Έλιοτ, 1990), but in part A Eliot refers to and wonders of the duration of human deeds as well as the complete Western Civilizations accomplishments. What are the roots that clutch, What branches grow Out of this stony rubbish? (19-20) (Eliot, 1959) Still, the meaning of civilization and its collapse in Eliot’s poem is analyzed through the facades of social layering (the social classes and employment correlation), religion and its cultural displays, the language (use) (literary quotes and disposition) and the historical circumstances of Eliot’s modern reality. Here, poetry functions as a cultural index that traces literary references and hints, (particularly) as Eliot was aware of the American literary tradition, of the French and the English (Ακρόυντ, 2002, p. 28-51). Civilization in Eliot’s 87

“Waste Land” is parted by a total of different elements consisting of fragments of Eliot’s literary tradition, American literature (W. Whitman, Leaves of Grass), Christian Theology, movements and connotations such as the poetry of Modernism, the Capitalism of the actual socio-political reality. Simultaneously, the cultural composition is promoted through the presentation of the English social classes and the succession of civilizations (the Jewish Exodus, Classical Antiquity, Roman Domination, Western Civilizations and Contemporary Europe). The poem presents through the symbols and metaphors the collapse of (any possible) cultural remnants. In Part C Eliot promotes the slow ending of a whole culture through (the use of) metaphor (‘The river’s tent is broken the last fingers of leaf Clutch and sink into the wet bank’, 172-3).

5. Cultural elements Furthermore, we have the citation of cultural elements of the contemporary way of life-characteristics referring to its inner-social level. The contemporary industrialized world, the modernization of London Metropolis (Baudelaire, 2018) are (both) displayed in multiple parts of the extract, the symbols of the capitalistic and technocratic world, frame the end of moral values and the cultural construction of the era in its downturned course. Additionally, we ought to quote any references concerning incongruous social and cultural features of London society and social circles. According to the critic Μ. Αυγέρη who proceeds with a sociological reading of Eliot’s poetry, the subject-matter chosen by the poet (himself) derives from the commonly shared view, through the senses, of a whole social class within an unballasted world. Emphasis is given to the actual way of the affinity of the modern era with the ‘fragments’ of the civil world of the poet’s time, based on the contextual historical and social conditions of disintegration, the framework of the period and time, and the critique of the social psycho synthesis (Αυγέρης, 1964, p. 172). The characters of Waste Land structure a composite setting: some of them originating from the space of myth (i.e. the Foreseer Teiresias, the inscription of Sibyl), and others from the everyday ‘contemporary’ life of the Metropolitan world, preserving their symbolic nature. Eliot uses characters that represent social classes and originate from the lower social levels. Indicatively, I mention the cultural reports to the social references of the social division of labor, with the description of a conversation between the boss (employer) and the young employee who works in the office, and the characterizations (of the latter’s) as ‘a young carbuncular’, ‘one of the low’ 88

in the fourth part, which displays the class distinction and the hierarchical organization of the English society through the harsh moil of the labor class. The reports reveal the different social layers and in particular through reading between the lines of the insinuating English phrase ‘one of the low’, the middle social class represented by the young fellow at work, from the social middle class arising after the establishment of the industrialized production and the capitalistic mode of life. The urban social categories which Eliot mocks indirectly are distinguished for the special social characteristics and the formulaic mode of life. Additionally, the cultural composition contains Eliot’s reference to specific social categories (of the commercial world), as administered via commercial social sub cultural self-regarding attitudes, as well as elements of actual particularly comprehended deceitfulness. Furthermore, an ironic reference is being used via the cultural metaphor of the proverbial English phrase ‘as a silk hat on a Bradford millionaire’, with which special denotation suggestion is being made by Eliot to the wealthy industrial (actual) location (Bradford), without any trace of interest for the civilization, due to its recession and decay for which the poem is about. This way a synthesis is formed with references in the creations of the Western civilization, the faces of its mass culture and reports of the era’s most popular culture (Chinitz, 2011, p. 67). An example of the popular culture is made up by the reenactment of the dance scene in the parody of the verse of the American song, 1911 (‘That Mysterious Rag’)2 as ‘That Shakespearian Rag’, which was referring to the (actual) singing rhythm (rag) and the ragtime type of music3 (‘Ragtime’, 1986) of the period. Here, of course, Eliot is using it mentioning the actual type of entertainment of the time which attracted him as well (Chinitz, 2011, p. 68), but, indirectly, it is a parody of the palatable period of the time that is agreeable to popular rhythms, though with an indirect reference to the character of the woman of that episode. The actual cultural metaphor remained incomprehensible in Greek though, even for the sophisticated readers and translators of his work. Eliot himself often proceeds with reports to the course of the culture, the desirable-or not-entertainment, stressing out the declining route of the amusing and mass culture, which tends to flatten values and display cheap pleasure in isolation, in contrast with the sophisticated and ‘high’ culture (Williams, 1994, p. 137) -the elite that Eliot defends. 2 That Mysterious Rag (1911), song by G. Buck, H. Ruby, (and) Dave Stamper. 3 Ragtime: popular music and dance of US Negro origin, the accent of the melody falling just before the regular beat of the accompaniment, on Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (edited by Hornsby A. S.), Oxford University Press, Oxford 1986, p. 692.

Nevertheless, there is no omission of the reminder of the true historical facts through the reproduction of moments of history, such as the report of the Great Fire in London in 1666 when Eliot mentions the popular folk children’s song ‘London Bridge is falling down…’ with the collapse of the trademark of the capitalistic world (Dana Arnold, 2003).

6. Eliot and Religious Theology Eliot’s dedication to Religious Theology and his work’s connection with the Christian and multi-cultural dialogue are undoubted features of his rich work. Let us not forget that Eliot’s religiousness derives particularly early, (along) with his poem Anabase by Saint John Perse that he translates (Saint John Perse, 1930). Critique, in Greece, was soon to point out the religious concept of the ampulae of Waste Land and Eliot himself, since the poem’s characteristic is the metaphysical dimension, the dispersed religiousness, and, in form of prophecy, the optimistic ending. The first translator in Greece, the poet T. Papatsonis highlights in the introductory note of his translation, the interpretative possibilities, the co-statements of Eliot’s poetic work and his course along with his religious convictions. And, later on, in his written essays on Eliot (Papatsonis, 1972), there are references of Waste Land as an allusion of death, yet as a kind of cultural emptiness and spiritual stagnation of the European culture (Papatsonis, 1976, p. 1508) without therefore omitting his prophetic and optimistic finish at the end. The purpose of Eliot’s poem, according to Papatsonis is formed by the religious uplifting connected to the ideological faith of Christian unity, throughout the ‘Byzantine world’. In the poem Waste Land we observe the Christian assemblage through the inter-textual and multi-perspective reports unto sayings of holy texts or to references to persons (Christ Tiger, Mary of Woolnoth), in a poetic composition and meaning attribution with the citation, in the form of a collage, of abridged extracts towards the creation of new poetic texts, amerced by the movement of Modernism. A counter-balance to the cultural stagnation is Eliot’s religious belief with impacts of reality-Eliot’s daily life-once his reference to real monuments-locations, such as Martyr Magnus’ Church (Magnus Martyr) in London, is consistent with his frequent visits there, as Eliot used to pray in the specific church every Sunday. Below, we will try to examine more analytically which inter-textual references appear, and what they mean each time (they are used) in fragmentary points of his poem, such as Waste Land. Religious references and impacts flow within many parts of the poem. Start90

ing from Waste Land, we have to point out that 3 out of 5 parts unto which, The Burial of the Dead is divided, The Fire Sermon, and What the Thunder Said ate found incorporated extracts from religious passages, such as the Ecclesiastes, fragments by prophet Isaiah and prophet Ezekiel, the Confessions of Saint Augustine (Southam, 1994) the trademark of the Western World. Besides, attention must be paid to the literary citations emanating from the pluralism of the philosophical, theological and cultural (social) views of his work, in combination with his religious Catholicism. Eliot’s Catholicism, of course, opens up a totally foreign dimension to the Greek World, and accordingly, explanations crossrefer to Eliot’s religious reflections throughout referencing. April is the cruelest month breeding, Lilacs out of the dead land, mixing Memory and desire, stirring, Dull roots with spring rain, (1-4) Ο Απρίλης είναι ο σκληρότερος μήνας, καθώς αναστένει Πασχαλιές μέσα από τη νεκρή γης, καθώς αναγαδεύει Μνήμη και αποθυμιά, καθώς ξεσηκώνει Τεμπελιασμένες ρίζες με εαρινή βροχή. (1-4) (Παπατσώνης, 1933) April reminds (us) of the Christian Easter, but it also signals the coming of spring with the blossoming of flowers and the fertile period of nature. The actual cultural report obviously becomes easily comprehensible by the Greek audience, as well as the particular month is bounded by the two important facts. Verse is created in an overwhelming manner with contrasting pairs, which are alternated through the verses- ie infertility and euphoria, fertility (‘April’, ‘Lilacs’, ‘dead land’), death and life, metaphorically speaking the resurrection/ reanimation (‘breeding’), as literality and metaphor are (inter-changeably) mixed through the symbols of the Christian Spring. Besides, opposing meanings are emphasized via metaphor ‘dull roots’ where inactivity and stagnation lie right across action and energy, but also the notions of permanence and/or temporality. Another point referring to Christian quotations is the extract by the proph91

et Ezekiel (6.4-6.6) from the Bible with its encapsulated symbolisms. A heap of broken images, Where the sun beats, And the dead tree gives no shelter, The Cricket no relief And the dry stone no sound of water. Only, There is shadow under this red rock… (v. 19-23) And in Greek, ‘Ένα σωρό μισές εικόνες, όσες έλαχε να Χτυπάει ο ήλιος, Και το νεκρό το δέντρο σκεπή δεν προσφέρνει, ούτε Ηδονήν ο Γρύλλος, Ούτε η ξερή πέτρα απήχησες των υδάτων, Ψαλμός, επί των ποταμών… Additionally, particular reference must be made to the quote from Saint Augustine ‘Confessions’, with which he refers to his derelict and squandered youth using unaltered archaic English ‘O Lord thou pluckest me out Burning’ (309-10)/ ‘Κύριε εξέσπασάς με, Κύριε εξέσπασάς με καίγοντας’ (trans. Τ. Παπατσώνη).

Conclusion The point of this work was the eclectic presentation of the most important points of the cultural metaphors touched by T. S. Eliot in his most classic poem ‘The Waste Land’. The projection, composition and presentation of cultural fragments-through the geographical specifications (streets, London locations, ie. The City), the social categories that signify the cultural setting and the religious fragments along with the included symbolisms- all form the axis unto which the creator sets the poem. Although this modernistic poem of Eliot’s uses particular cultural references, it surpasses the historic reality of its writing whereas its reading brings up new approaches framed by the historical and social background. The constant reading response on behalf of researchers, critics and readers is one of the reasons that allow us to characterize this text as ‘modern’, as one of the ‘classic’ poems of literature.

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Theology & Culture 1.2 (December 2020)

Articles inside

A case study in a Greek Orthodox Diocese

Cultural ideologies in the poem, The Waste Land

5. Autonomy and bioethical challenge

in South and Eastern Europe

official and unofficial mediation platforms

Acknowledgements

Interfaith dialogue as a medium of peace building