The European Security and Defence Union Issue 34

Page 11

+++ Brexit+++

Will the British government accept EU standards?

Auld Lang Syne

by Hartmut Bühl, Publisher and Editor-in-Chief, The European – Security and Defence Union, Brussels/Paris

S

hortly after the memorable vote on Brexit, officialising the withdrawal of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the Union at the European Parliament in Strasbourg on 30th January 2020, the deputies felt deep grief. They felt lost, and when some Scottish deputies started singing “Auld Lang Syne”, the other MEPs joined in the chorus. They sang together, emotional, and hugged each other. Tears trickled down their cheeks. A memorable event indeed.

The challenges to face In the meantime, the Union Jack has been rolled up and life in Brussels and Strasbourg goes on. Detailed discussions on how the United Kingdom will leave will entail hard and fair negotiations. There will be two challenges for the European Union in the next ten months of negotiations on the conditions of future cooperation between the UK and the European institutions. The Union has to devise a new and positive relationship with the United Kingdom and at the same time foster “internal” cohesion within the Union. Will this be possible without a “positive compromise” with London? This is how Boris Johnson, the British Prime Minister, has described the position of his country, hoping to extract from the negotiations maximum benefit for the UK, and putting pressure on Brussels by threatening to implement a “no deal” hard Brexit at the end of 2020. This is precisely what the Union does not want. Negotiations to prepare Brexit were difficult enough, but defining a smooth path to the future relationship in only ten months will be even more difficult. The crucial question is whether the British government will accept current EU standards, which are non-negotiable for the 27.

post-Brexit trade negotiations, which started at the beginning of March. As the BBC reported, Frost confirmed the British position on 18th February in Brussels. He underlined in a speech to students and academics that the UK “must have the ability to set laws that suit us.” That is why London would not agree with the EU’s idea, that an EU court would have a role in future trade disputes, and London would claim the right that every other non-EU country in the world has. Frost also said that “to think that we might accept EU supervision on so-called level playing field issues simply fails to see the point of what we are doing.” He added that London wants to negotiate a Canada-type free trade agreement with the EU. Mr Frost left no doubt that London will not extend the transition period beyond the end of this year (this transition period, during which the UK continues to follow EU rules, including freedom of movement, runs until 31st December 2020). Will a post-Brexit agreement be achievable? It seems to me that, in the game of Brexit poker, both sides will start negotiations without any space for compromise. Will there be one in the end? Personally, I fear that Member States, having a special relationship with London, will undoubtedly call for compromise. Michel Barnier’s primary mission for me is to safeguard the Union, and if there are possibilities to keep the British close to the European Union, he should consider them.

Space for compromise? For the EU, a “level playing field” is the condition for free access to the single market. And the crucial point for the EU is that a non Member State should not enjoy the same or even better conditions than a Member State. This is the condition sine qua non on which Michel Barnier, the proven EU negotiator, will insist. For the moment, it does not appear acceptable to the British Prime Minister. The UK’s Brexit negotiator, David Frost, has set out the British objectives ahead of

British Prime Minister Boris Johnson in Brussels

© European Union, 2020; EC-Audiovisual Service/Xavier Lejeune

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Articles inside

“A strong Europe in a world of challenges” Croatia’s EU chairmanship – a historic moment for the country

6min
pages 8-9

Nannette Cazaubon, Paris JEYRAN 2019 – a successful CBRN counter-terrorism excercise A field report from Uzbekistan

14min
pages 50-53

Christian Cambon, Paris Europe’s strategic autonomy A precondition for European security

7min
pages 48-49

Barry Desker, Singapore Competing strategic visions in the Asia-Pacific Changing relationships in the region

7min
pages 36-37

Dr Hans-Peter Bartels, Berlin On the way to a Europe of Defence Striving for practical international cooperation

6min
pages 46-47

Debalina Ghoshal, Brussels/Kashmir The India-China nuclear equation The nuclear threshold remains high

6min
pages 38-41

Interview with Mohamed Salami, Rabat The African CBRNe Masters – a high level training course Taking account of regional specificities

13min
pages 42-45

Interview with Helmut Sorge, Rabat/Marrakech Power play in the Middle East Europe’s missing influence

9min
pages 28-30

Jean Dominique Giuliani, Paris Learning the language of power Change of dimension

45min
pages 14-27

Editorial, Hartmut Bühl

5min
pages 3-5

Dr Gordan Grlić Radman, Zagreb Croatia’s EU chairmanship - a historic moment for the country Overcoming challenges through unity and strength

6min
pages 8-9

Hideshi Tokuchi, Tokyo EU-Japan Maritime Security Cooperation in East Asia Recovery of the regional balance of power

3min
page 35

The Berlin Conference on Libya Documentation

3min
page 31

Hartmut Bühl, Brussels/Paris Auld Lang Syne Will the UK accept EU standards?

3min
page 11

Sir Graham Watson, London The United Kingdom after Brexit Damage to the integrity of the UK

3min
page 10
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