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EESTI ELU reedel, 14. augustil 2020 — Friday, August 14, 2020
Nr. 32
On August 23, Canadians commemorate Black Ribbon Day, the National Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Communism and Nazism in Europe
English-language supplement to the Estonian weekly “EESTI ELU” Tartu College Publications Founding Chairman: Elmar Tampõld Editor: Laas Leivat 3 Madison Avenue, Toronto, ON M5R 2S2 T: 416-733-4550 • F: 416-733-0944 • E-mail: editor@eestielu.ca Digital: www.eestielu.ca
Russophobia: Myth or reality? Commonly, Russophobia (or anti-Russian sentiment) is understood as a fear and/or dislike for Russia, Russians and/or Russian culture. Un deniably, in the West, wide spread stereotypical clichés are used in reference to Russia and Russians. They are familiar stereotypes generated before the collapse of the Soviet Union and part of the lexicon of anticommunist rhe toric during the antagonisms of the Cold War. Russians today see this as unwarranted preju dice. Russian nationalists and Kremlin apologists (including its acolytes in the West) equate Russophobia, among other negative dimensions, as being akin to anti-Semitism, giving it a universal dimension, just as the fascism label has. The Kremlin refuses to see the irony in this – postulated by the two to three million Jews who scrambled to leave the Soviet Union, for the “fascist” West, mostly because of anti-Semi tism. A typical Russophobe, ac cording to the Kremlin, is the well-familiar enemy of Russia, an ideological adversary for whom it’s possible to engender emotional opinions. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are well suited to fit this category. For a few generations now, the Rus sian leadership has been promo ting the idea that these people have an inherent and irrational proclivity for Russophobia. Thus the myth of Baltic Russophobia serves a distinct purpose in recent years and its use in Moscow’s propaganda arsenal has intensified. This is seen to be the Kremlin’s typical knee-jerk response each time the Balts caution the world about the swing toward auto cracy of Vladimir Putin’s re gime. Putin’s proxies in the West dismiss this as irrational hysteria by dyed-in-the-wool Russophobes. Canadian professor Paul Robinson gives this obsrvation an academic spin: “Canadian attitudes towards Russia must be understood in the context of decades of Russophobic think ing. Stereotypes of Russia as authoritarian and imperialistic exert a powerful influence on how Canadian elites view the country (Russia). Sensible, dis passionate analysis is almost
certainly lacking.” Robinson gives a scholarly reafirmation of the Kremlin’s accusations in the Canadian context. The Russophobia card has not just remained as a verbal accusation. When Canada sanc tioned 30 Russian offcials in 2017 under the Justice for Vic tims of Corrupt Foreign Offi cials Act, the Russian Foreign Ministry immediately retaliated. Their embassy in Ottawa stated that “a large number of of Canadian political actors pursu ing a toxic, Russophobic agen da were blacklisted”. Similarly, among other ac tions, Moscow officially banned from entry individual Estonian citizens in 2018, including three prominent journalists, on the grounds of “Russophobic activi ties or stances”. This was in direct retaliation for Estonia placing a direct ban on 49 Russian citizens involved in human rights abuses in Russia. Like Canada, Estonia thus enforces a law, known popular ly as “Magnitsky” legislation, which has been adopted by nu merous Western countries and supported by the European Parliament, the Council of Europe and the OSCE, the per manent body formed from the Helsinki Accords of 1975. The Kremlin has drawn a ludicrous moral equivalency between the West identifying someone’s actual personal in volvement in violations of hu man rights, sometimes resulting in death, and those who have been perceived as having ex pressed criticism of the Kremlin, labelled by Moscow as “Russophobes”. The Russian Foreign Ministry publicly stated that “entry is forbidden for those on the list, notably ‘Russophobic’ politicians and public figures’, individuals who have opinions and attitudes perceived to be critical of the Russian government. Russia’s ‘persona non grata’ criteria can be based on political viewpoints and doesn’t have to be sus picions of terrorism, possible espionage or other similar serious activities for which entry is usually barred. Some Estonian citizens are also known to accept the Kremlin’s accusations about how widespread Russophobia has become in the country. Vladimir Iljaševits, United Lef
Established through a unanimous resolution of Canada’s Parliament in 2009, Black Ribbon Day coincides with the anniversary of the signing of the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact between Nazi Germany and the Communist Soviet Union. Soon after the Pact was signed, the two regimes jointly invaded and dismembered Poland, starting World War II. Millions of men, women and children were murdered, imprisoned, and subjected to dreadful brutality by the Nazi and Soviet regimes. On Black Ribbon Day, we honour the memory of millions of innocent victims of Nazi Germany and the Communist Soviet Union.
Black Ribbon Day 2020 Online Commemoration Thursday August 20 at 7:00 pm eastern See eestielu.ca to register for online event. Co-hosted by: The Central & Eastern European Council of Canada (CEEC) The Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) Keynote Speaker: Vladimir Kara-Murza Mr. Vladimir Kara-Murza is a Russian democracy activist, politician, author, and film maker. He was a longtime col league of Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov and chairs the Boris Nemtsov Foundation for Freedom. Kara-Murza is a former deputy leader of the People’s Freedom Party and was a candi date for the Russian State Duma. He has testified before Parliaments in Europe and North America and played a key role in the passage of the Magnitsky legislation that imposed targeted sanctions on Russian human rights violators in the U.S., Canada, Great Britain, and several EU coun tries. U.S. Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) called Kara-Murza “one of the most passionate and effective advocates for passage of the Magnitsky Act”; U.S. Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.) de scribed him as “a courageous advocate for the democratic process and fundamental uni versal human rights.” Twice, in 2015 and 2017, Kara-Murza was poisoned with an unknown substance and left in a coma; the attempts on his life were widely viewed as politically motivated. He is a contributing writer at
tist Party candidate for the Esto nian parliament, head of the Russian Human Rights or ganization in Estonia and for mer KGB officer insisted that Estonia suffers from “total Russophobia”. “We aren’t talk ing about isolated incidents of Russophobia. This phenomenon is systemic, present througout the country and society, from top to bottom.” One may then ask, “Does Russophobia, as identified by Moscow, have any legitimate substance? Is it justi fied to be used in the context that the Kremlin has chosen?” (To be continued) LAAS LEIVAT
the Washington Post and hosts a weekly show on Echo of Moscow radio, and has pre viously worked for the BBC, RTVi, Kommersant, and other media outlets. He has directed three documentary films, They Chose Freedom, Nemtsov, and My Duty to Not Stay Silent; and is the author of Reform or Revolution: The Quest for Responsible Government in the First Russian State Duma and a contributor to several volumes, including Russian Liberalism: Ideas and People, Europe Whole and Free: Vision and Reality, and Boris Nemtsov and Russian Politics: Power and Resistance. Kara-Murza has led successful international efforts to commemorate Nemtsov, in cluding with street designations
in Washington and Vilnius. He is a vice president of the Free Russia Foundation and a senior fellow at the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights; and has been a visiting fellow at the University of Chicago, leading a seminar course on contemporary Russia. Kara-Murza has been profiled on CBS 60 Minutes and NBC Nightly News, and has appeared on CNN, Fox News, MSNBC, and BBC Newsnight. He is a recipient of several awards, including the Sakharov Prize for Journalism as an Act of Conscience, the Magnitsky Human Rights Award, and the Geneva Summit Courage Award. He holds an M.A. (Cantab.) in History from Cambridge. He is married, with three children.
The Estonian Society of Artists in Toronto is marking its 65th year as an organization. This is the first of a series introducing younger mem bers of the executive. Maarika Lepik is Vice President of the Society. Nine years ago, as a drawing and painting student at OCAD University, I decided to join EKKT to con nect with the Toronto Estonian community through visual arts. Being in a collective of Estonian artists continues the history of art making within our heritage. In my own artistic practice, observation of time, territory and memory are narra tives which stem from the trauma of my own family’s his tory. Creating art with this community is a way of expressing the voice of our shared experiences. It has given me a plat form as an artist to grow my creative process through yearly exhibitions. EKKT will celebrate its legacy of annual exhibits with the 65th anniversary show this year. It’s moving to see the diversity and cultivation of work among our members. I always look forward to the Timmase Tare summer art retreats at Jõekääru. It’s an inspiring place to work and the designated space for artists is a calming escape. Belonging to this group supports and fosters the individuality of the artist’s hand. As Secretary and now as Vice President of EKKT, I’m humbled to continue supporting artistic representation in our community. I’m inspired by the juhatus of generations before and empowered to know that the organization is evolving to include greater inclusivity of artists and artistic representa tions.
