CONTINUATIONS
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CONTINUACIONES
What Drives Americans Apart
Lo que Separa a los Estadounidenses
alism in America has increasingly taken on the characteristics of sectarian conflicts like those between Sunni and Shia Muslims in the Middle East today and the hundreds of years of strife between Catholics and Protestants in Europe before 1648 and more recently in Northern Ireland. Rather than a matter of policy disputes, partisan differences become more tribal and engender hatred of the other side by all the members of the group. Thus partisans begin to separate themselves, reject the marriage of their children to those of the other side, and recently in the U.S. even begin to depend on different sources of information which support different views of reality. While the rejection of the other side occurs in both groups, the division in the U.S. has been particularly asymmetrical. As the Republican Party increasingly endorsed the Southern Strategy and white majority interests, the party’s approach to governance was also radicalized by the Gingrich-led Republican Revolution in Congress and popular movements such as the Moral Majority, Tea Party and No-Tax Pledge. The result over the last decade was the virtual disappearance of bipartisan cooperation in Congress and thus the potential of either party to enact reform legislation without a supporting majority in both chambers all but disappeared. Given the slim Democratic majority that the Biden administration can call upon in Congress, the potential for a wave of Progressive-like policies to make an upswing would also seem quite limited. However, the Biden emphasis on unity, non-combative approach to governing, and the broad policy appeal of the programs he is proposing seem to have the potential for building policy based bridges to at least a few on the other side and thus start breaking down sectarianism. For instance, the approach taken to the Pandemic emphasizes providing opportunities for access to vaccines and support for reopening the economy, rather than the imposition of rigid enforcement of restrictions that the other side has demonized and tried to make partisan. Respect for front line workers and so many examples of willingness to sacrifice for others builds trust and restores a sense of common purpose. The original COVID-19 stimulus package (American Recovery Act) was endorsed by a margin of 65% in favor to 31% opposed, and since its passage the clear impact on spurring economic growth and job creation has increased its popularity. The $2 trillion American Jobs Plan was at first reported to have only lukewarm support of a 49 to 41 percent plurality, but as details of the program
gresismo fue revivido por el New Deal y la cruzada nacional por la Segunda Guerra Mundial —y que culminó con la expansión de la educación superior, el sistema nacional de carreteras, la revolución de los derechos civiles y amplio progreso social de las décadas de 1950s y 1960s. En realidad la Administración Biden no se presenta como un renacimiento del Progresismo. Figuras clave asociadas con su campaña, y ahora su administración, pueden ocasional-
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emerged favorability rose from 52 to 58% and opposition declined. Then pollsters started to ask about the program in detail by specifying the infrastructure activities, such as repair of roads and bridges and expansion of internet access, and the approval ratings jumped to 68% support and just 29% opposed. In like fashion, a small majority first endorsed the $1.8 trillion American Families Plan until the details were explained in mid-April when the favorable score rose to 64% and unfavorable dropped to 34%. Even the Biden plan for raising the needed funds through tax increases won a more than two to one seal of approval with about two thirds of respondents voicing affirmation. Each of the measures advanced by the Biden administration reflects public interest in the community-spirited programs of the Progressive movements that led the upswing of the first half of the 20th century. These contrast to more individualist policies behind the societal decline and increasing polarization of the last sixty years. While the path for an upswing will certainly be contested by
mente describir sus acciones y políticas como progresistas, sin una referencia explícita o intencional a los movimientos progresistas históricos o la extensión hipotética que se hace aquí. Sin embargo, un detenido examen de las propuestas de Biden destaca muchos de los valores e incluso políticas específicas relacionadas con el Progresismo. Por ejemplo, la pieza central de la nueva administración del presidente Biden es la campaña dirigida por el gobierno federal contra la pandemia COVID-19. En contraste con el enfoque de laissez faire de Trump, ahora el enfoque se asemeja a los típicos programas de salud pública, protección del consumidor y redes de seguridad social de Fair Deal y New Deal para agricultores, tercera edad y otros. Ése es el tipo de planteamiento —centrado en la comunidad— que confirma el valor de la acción colectiva e invoca la memoria de otras épocas de “el Nosotros” en la historia estadounidense. De manera similar, la propuesta de Biden para la renovación de la infraestructura financiada mediante impuestos al rico y a las corporaciones invoca las políticas de Woodrow Wilson y la introducción de un impuesto graduado sobre la renta. El proyecto de ley H.R.1 For the People Act y la Ley de Derecho Electoral John R. Lewis —que ahora se están impulsando en el Congreso— fomentan y protegen los derechos de los electores y reflejan la progresiva expansión del sufragio a principios del siglo XX. El énfasis en la energía limpia de la Administración Biden se remonta a la conservación de recursos naturales de Teddy Roosevelt —quien también fue un pionero de the Republican opposition in Congress, the Biden approach to reviving bipartisan support through popular appeal certainly shows potential and already virtually transformed a majority of independents into Democratic sympathizers. The richness of detail in Putnam accounts of popular involvement in and enjoyment of political, economic, social and cultural achievements during the last upswing suggest that once underway, momentum will build to sustain further reform. The hope he hinted might lead to a new upswing and the appeal of the more just, equitable and engaged society it represents certainly seems more attainable now. As the American people increasingly insist on responsiveness to their interests rather than the pursuit of sectarian squabbles, partisan alignments in Congress will shift even more as they have before. Putnam’s study is thus revealed not only as a remarkable scholarly achievement, it is also a beacon for real hope during troubled times.
